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Social History of the Orient
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Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. XXVI, Part I
BY
J. HOLMGREN
(Australian National University)
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72 J. HOLMGREN
I) See Tao Tien-yi, 'The System of Imperial Succession during China's Former
Han Dynasty (20o6 B.C.-9 A.D.)', PFEH x8 (1978) 171-91; Yang Lien-sheng,
'Female Rulers in Imperial China', Studies of Governmental Institutions in Chinese
History Edit. J. L. Bishop (Harvard Yenching Institute Studies 23, Harvard Uni-
versity Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1968) pp. 55-169.
2) J. Holmgren, 'Women and Political Power in the Traditional T'o-pa elite; a
preliminary study of the Biographies of Empresses in the Wei-shu', in press, MS 3 .
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THE HAREM IN NORTHERN WEI POLITICS 73
Appointments of Heir-apparents
3) WS was written by Wei Shou ~ & (506-72) under the rulers of Northern Ch'i
(550-77). The original text, however, was substantially revised during early T'ang
during compilation of the Pei-sbih (PS). Some of Wei Shou's chapters were later
lost and then recompiled in the tenth century by Sung historians using PS and
other, now non-extant, texts. One of these chapters was WS 13, the biographies of
Northern Wei empresses. See Li Cheng-fen iE IW 'Wei-shu yiian-liu-k'ao M *
R ~1 Kuo-hsiieh chi-k'an 2 no. 2 (1929) 363-87.
4) WS 3, P. 49.
5) TCTC p. 3554; WS 2, p. 41.
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74 J. HOLMGREN
during the early part of the fifth century. It shows that neither T'o
Kuei nor his successor, Ssii, appointed an official heir-apparent.
like his father, gave all his sons top-ranking posts in the governmen
soon as they proved competent. In this alone, early Northern W
government differed radically from the Chinese where the empero
paternal relatives had no effective administrative or political power
The third emperor, Northern Wei Shih-tsu, appointed his elde
son, T'o-pa Huang A, heir-apparent when the latter was only f
years old 7). It is worth noting here that Huang's mother had pa
away in the year of his birth, thus leaving her relatives virtually p
erless in the event of Shih-tsu's sudden death 8). However, Huang d
one year before Shih-tsu, and upon Shih-tsu's death in 453 A.D.9), t
T'o-pa selected Huang's brother, Han M for the throne 10). K
tsung's claim was apparently ignored. In the Chinese system of succ
sion, Kao-tsung as Huang's eldest son and eldest grandson of the
emperor had unquestionable right to the throne.
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Table I
Emperor Heir-appa
* no official appointment.
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76 J. HOLMGREN
Appointments of Consorts
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THE HAREM IN NORTHERN WEI POLITICS 77
Table z
Emperor Empress
Emperor Year Year Ethnic origins
enthroned appointed first
living empress
* no appointment.
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78 J. HOLMGREN
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THE HAREM IN NORTHERN WEI POLITICS 79
It is likely that Lady Yao died before this decision could be put
effect. The statement in her biography that she declined the app
ment is almost certainly fictitious-a device used by the histor
give her some moral credibility and explain why T'ai-tsung h
empress 22). The majority of empress' biographies from this
Northern Wei history are short factual sketches, recording only
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80 J. HOLMGREN
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THE HAREM IN NORTHERN WEI POLITICS 8I
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82 J. HOLMGREN
Concubines
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THE HAREM IN NORTHERN WEI POLITICS 83
33) These women came from the Meng :, Yang 0, and Yiian A families. WS
I9a, p. 441. For the history of these families under T'o-pa rule during the fifth an
sixth centuries, see J. Holmgren, 'Women's Biographies' pp. 56-7 n. 48-50o an
pp. 15 y-6.
34) WS 2o, p. 25.
35) The WS gives no geographical origins for women who produced imperial
princes. Therefore, in cases where the family name was used by both Chinese and
non-Chinese clans, it is impossible to be sure about the ethnic origins of the women.
Moreover, only those women whose sons survived to adult age are listed in WS.
36) See TCTC pp. 3853-63.
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84 J. HOLMGREN
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THE HAREM IN NORTHERN WEI POLITICS 85
43) I.e. the Feng and Ch'ang families. See WS 83a, pp. 18 17-23.
44) Her father was Li Fang-shu *i & a of Meng V Prefecture in Anhui.
Emperor Wen (r. 424-453) of Liu Sung. His daughter had been captu
during a war with Northern Wei. She entered the household of T'o
grandson of T'ai-tsung. Jen was executed in 453 and his household
palace at P'ing-ch'eng. See WS 13, p. 331; WS 17, p. 405; WS 5, p. II
45) Her father, Feng Lang PA, had been executed sometime between 44
His brother, Mo 2, fled to the Juan-juan, and his son, Hsi R, was taken
among the Ch'iang in Shensi. See WS 83a, pp. 1818-9; WS 13, p. 328.
46) WS 5, P. Ix8.
47) WS 5, P. I23.
48) Most of the records about Yi Hun have been expunged from t
history. WS 6, pp. 125-6 states that between 465 and 466, his power cam
that of all the T'o-pa princes.
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86 J. HOLMGREN
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THE HAREM IN NORTHERN WEI POLITICS 87
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88 J. HOLMGREN
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THE HAREM IN NORTHERN WEI POLITICS 89
between them never deteriorated to the extent that she was willing to
go against the advice of her ministers on this matter 60).
Kao-tsu did not appoint an official consort until three years after
Wen-ming's death. By that time, he had been emperor for twenty-
two years and was twenty-six years old. The timing of the appointment
of his first official consort suggests that it was the empress-dowager's
wish that he not appoint a consort until after her death. In a system
where women came to power and kept power through the emotional
blackmail of one man, an empress-dowager could not be sure she
would keep her position of authority in the harem even when a member
of her own family gained the ruler's affections. Thus, it was left to
T'o-pa P'i 2E, one of the empress-dowager's favorites, to suggest in
493 that her niece be established as consort 1).
Apart from her effective psychological control of the emperor, Wen-
ming used several other methods to maintain her position of authority
in the government. By promoting well-respected and capable officials
who were not from her own family, she avoided the mistakes of her
predecessors in Han and Chin who had been tools in the hands of their
relatives. In some ways, circumstances favoured the empress-dowager;
on coming to power, her brother Feng Hsi had been her only close
relative. She was thus able to share the traditional positions for distaff
relatives at court between him and members of the Ch'ang clan of
Liaotung 62). When her brother's behaviour became too overbearing
at court, she would send him out into the provinces for a time 63).
Another method of maintaining her authority was to keep Kao-tsu's
own maternal relatives from power. Here, the empress-dowager's
biographer is very critical of her behaviour. He accuses her of denying
Kao-tsu any knowledge of his maternal ancestry 64). This is nonsense.
The TCTC and the biography of Kao-tsu's mother, Lady Li, both state
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90 J. HOLMGREN
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THE HAREM IN NORTHERN WEI POLITICS 91
of her father by Yi Hun, and her family seems to have had connections
with the Feng and Ch'ang families from Liaotung. Kao-tsu probably
favoured this woman with the empress-dowager's approval. However,
after Hsiin's birth, the empress-dowager insisted that Lady Lin be
forced to commit suicide 71). Once this was done, Wen-ming again had
control of the eldest son's upbringing. Hsiin, however, was not officially
appointed heir-apparent until the age of ten. This was in keeping with
the traditional desire among the T'o-pa to see competence and inde-
pendence in the elected leader 72).
Wen-ming's ruthless behaviour towards other women in the harem
was calculated to give her the essential base from which to build
political power in the outer bureaucracy. In the light of general be-
haviour in the harem in other periods of Chinese history, her actions
seem relatively mild. She was perhaps lucky in having a ready-made law
enabling her to get rid of rivals in an acceptable manner.
Despite Wen-ming's personal standing with many members of the
Chinese aristocracy at court, her period in power saw increasing tension
between the leadership at P'ing-ch'eng and the great families of the
north-eastern plain. Under earlier T'o-pa rulers, Chinese leaders had
been given more or less free reign in provincial civilian administration
in return for political loyalty to the dynasty. Wen-ming's patronage of
sinicized and mixed ethnic groups at court threatened to dismantle the
myth of Chinese superiority in civil and fiscal management and open
the way for greater Hsien-pi and T'o-pa participation in the civil
affairs of the empire. Even more radical was the empress-dowager's
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92 J. HOLMGREN
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THE HAREM IN NORTHERN WEI POLITICS 93
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94 J. HOLMGREN
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THE HAREM IN NORTHERN WEI POLITICS 95
groups saw the harem and distaff power as a threat to their own political
security, the T'o-pa fear was related to their position as an alien and
minority group whose power was based almost solely on military
domination and personal ties with the emperor. Distaff power was seen
as an avenue for the Chinese literati, or other non-T'o-pa groups, to
infiltrate and subvert the traditional powers alloted to the emperor's
paternal relatives. In the normal Chinese system, male members of the
imperial family had no effective power. There, the harem threatened
the authority of the established literati who controlled the civil bureau-
cracy.
In WS 13, concentration on empress Feng's immorality, connivance
of the eunuchs at her misconduct, and her heterodox religious practices
in the inner palace, reflect traditional Chinese values and anxieties
about the harem and women in the dynastic system. Kao-tsu's dying
words about the lessons to be learnt from the Han dynasty 88ss, like those
attributed to T'o-pa Kuei in 409 89, may be those of a Chinese historian
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96 J. HOLMGREN
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