An Alternative View On The Destruction of The Former Yugoslavia in The 1990s

Научно удружење за развој српских студија, Нови Сад
(Association for the Development of Serbian Studies, Novi Sad)
SERBIAN STUDIES RESEARCH

Год. 8 / Vol. 8
Бр. 1 / No. 1
2017
Нови Сад, 2017

Vol. 8, No. 1, 2017
Publisher
Association for the Development of Serbian Studies, Novi Sad
Editorial Address
Stevana Hristića 19, 21000 Novi Sad, Serbia
tel.: +381 65 641 3628; fax: +381 21 6396 488
email: serbian_studies@hotmail.com
Editorial Board
f , University of Novi Sad (Serbia)
Boris Bulatović (editor-in-chief)
Tomislav Longinović, University of Wisconsin, Madison (USA)
Goran Maksimović, University of Niš (Serbia)
Ljiljana Bogoeva Sedlar, University of Arts in Belgrade (Serbia)
Slobodan Vladušić, University of Novi Sad (Serbia)
Persida Lazarević Di Giacomo, Gabriele d’Anunzio University of Chieti-Pescara (Italy)
Slobodanka Vladiv-Glover, Monash University, Melbourne (Australia)
Alla Tatarenko, Ivan Franko National University of L'viv (Ukraine)
Tatjana Tapavički Duronjić, University of Banja Luka (Bosnia and Herzegovina)
Motoki Nomachi, Hokkaido University, Sapporo ( Japan)
Cover Design
Nenad Svilar
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NS MALA KNJIGA PLUS, Novi Sad
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Indexing and Abstracting Information

EBSCO Publishing (full-text database)
Год. 8, бр. 1, 2017
Издавач
Научно удружење за развој српских студија (НУРСС), Нови Сад
Адреса
Стевана Христића 19, 21000 Нови Сад
тел.: +381 65 641 3628; факс: +381 21 6396 488
email: serbian_studies@hotmail.com
Уредништво
Борис Булатовић (главни уредник), Универзитет у Новом Саду (Србија)
Томислав Лонгиновић, Универзитет у Висконсину, Медисон (САД)
Горан Максимовић, Универзитет у Нишу (Србија)
Љиљана Богоева Седлар, Универзитет уметности у Београду (Србија)
Слободан Владушић, Универзитет у Новом Саду (Србија)
Персида Лазаревић Ди Ђакомо, Универзитет „Габријеле д'Анунцио ” у Пескари (Италија)
Слободанка Владив-Гловер, Монаш универзитет, Мелбурн (Аустралија)
Ала Татаренко, Национални универзитет „Иван Франко” у Лавову (Украјина)
Татјана Тапавички Дуроњић, Универзитет у Бањој Луци (Босна и Херцеговина)
Мотоки Номаћи, Хокаидо Универзитет, Сапоро ( Јапан)
Лектура и коректура
Корице
Ненад Свилар
Штампа
НС МАЛА КЊИГА ПЛУС, Нови Сад
УДК
008/009+3+8
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300 примерака
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САДРЖАЈ / CONTENTS
НАУЧНИ ЧЛАНЦИ / ARTICLES
Др Сања Лазаревић Радак

Балканолошки институт САНУ (Србија)
КОНСТРУКТИ ‘ОСМАНСКО’ И ‘СЛОВЕНСКО’
У БРИТАНСКИМ И АМЕРИЧКИМ ПУТОПИСИМА
КОЛОНИЈАЛНОГ ПЕРИОДА . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Dr Vladimir Bosković
National and Kapodistrian University of Athens (Greece)
IT COULD HAPPEN TO A BISHOP: THREE ‘SPECIAL’ SONGS
BY LUKIJAN MUŠICKI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Др Габријела Шуберт
Универзитет „Фридрих Шилер” у Јени (Немачка)
У БИЈЕГУ ПРЕКО ЦРНЕ ГОРЕ: ГЕРХАРД ГЕЗЕМАН
О ЦРНОЈ ГОРИ, СВЕТОМ ПЕТРУ ЦЕТИЊСКОМ,
КРАЉУ НИКОЛИ И ГОРСКОМ ВИЈЕНЦУ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
Др Марина В. Йорданова
Университет „Проф. д-р Асен Златаров” – Бургас (България)
ЕМИЛИЯН СТАНЕВ И ИВО АНДРИЧ – СРЕЩИ В ПРОЧИТА . . 61
Dr Maroš Melichárek
Pavol Jozef Šafárik University – Košice (Slovakia)
GREAT MIGRATION OF THE SERBS (1690) AND ITS
REFLECTIONS IN MODERN HISTORIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . 87
Dr Cathie Carmichael
University of East Anglia – Norwich (Great Britain)
SEALING THE FATE OF ŠABAC: HABSBURG POLICY AND
THE MAČVA REGION OF SERBIA 1903-1914 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
Dr Christian Costamagna
EastJournal.net – Torino (Italy)
YUGOSLAVIA AND THE SPECIAL WAR IN LATE SOCIALISM:
NEW RESEARCH PERSPECTIVES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
Dr Vladislav B. Sotirović
University of Mykolas Romeris University – Vilnius (Lithuania)
AN ALTERNATIVE VIEW ON THE DESTRUCTION OF THE
FORMER YUGOSLAVIA IN THE 1990s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
Dr Dimitris Petalas
Hellenic Folklore Society – Athen (Greece)
ZU ZWEI VOLKSGLAUBEN AUF DER HEUTIGEN
PELOPONNES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
Dr Tanja Zimmermann
University of Leipzig (Germany)
BETWEEN NOMADISM AND SEDENTARINESS: FIGURATION
OF SPACE IN LITERARY AND VISUAL CULTURE OF MIGRANT
WORKERS FROM YUGOSLAVIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
Dr Abdul Azim Akhtar
SGT University - Gurgaon (India)
THE 1857 REVOLT IN INDIA: MAYHEM, MURDERS AND
MURMURINGS OF MARTYRS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
УПУТСТВО АУТОРИМА ЗА ПРИПРЕМУ РУКОПИСА

ЗА ШТАМПУ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227
GUIDELINES FOR CONTRIBUTORS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231
CONTENTS
ARTICLES
Sanja Lazarević Radak, PhD

Institute for Balkan Studies (Serbia)
CONSTRUCTS ‘OTTOMAN’ AND ‘SLOVENE’ IN BRITISH
AND AMERICAN COLONIAL TRAVELOGUES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Vladimir Bosković, PhD
National and Kapodistrian University of Athens (Greece)
IT COULD HAPPEN TO A BISHOP: THREE ‘SPECIAL’ SONGS
BY LUKIJAN MUŠICKI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Gabriella Schubert, PhD
Friedrich Schiller University of Jena (Germany)
IN A RUN THROUGH MONTENEGRO: GERHARD GESEMANN
ON MONTENEGRO, ST. PETER OF CETINJE, KING NIKOLA
AND THE MOUNTAIN WREATH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
Marina V. Yordanova, PhD
University “Prof. Dr. Asen Zlatarov” – Burgas (Bulgaria)
EMILIYAN STANEV AND IVO ANDRICH – MEETING WITHIN
THE READING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
Maroš Melichárek, PhD
Pavol Jozef Šafárik University – Košice (Slovakia)
REFLECTIONS IN MODERN HISTORIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . 87
Cathie Carmichael, PhD
University of East Anglia – Norwich (Great Britain)
SEALING THE FATE OF ŠABAC: HABSBURG POLICY AND
THE MAČVA REGION OF SERBIA 1903-1914 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
Christian Costamagna, PhD
EastJournal.net – Torino (Italy)
YUGOSLAVIA AND THE SPECIAL WAR IN LATE SOCIALISM:
NEW RESEARCH PERSPECTIVES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
Vladislav B. Sotirović, PhD
University of Mykolas Romeris University – Vilnius (Lithuania)
AN ALTERNATIVE VIEW ON THE DESTRUCTION OF THE
FORMER YUGOSLAVIA IN THE 1990s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
Dimitris Petalas, PhD
Hellenic Folklore Society – Athen (Greece)
EXAMINING TWO POPULAR SLAVIC BELIEFS IN THE
PELOPONNESE OF TODAY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
Tanja Zimmermann, PhD
University of Leipzig (Germany)
BETWEEN NOMADISM AND SEDENTARINESS: FIGURATION
OF SPACE IN LITERARY AND VISUAL CULTURE OF MIGRANT
WORKERS FROM YUGOSLAVIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
Abdul Azim Akhtar, PhD
SGT University - Gurgaon (India)
THE 1857 REVOLT IN INDIA: MAYHEM, MURDERS AND
MURMURINGS OF MARTYRS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207

ЗА ШТАМПУ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227
САДРЖАЈ
НАУЧНИ ЧЛАНЦИ
Др Сања Лазаревић Радак

Балканолошки институт САНУ (Србија)
КОНСТРУКТИ ‘ОСМАНСКО’ И ‘СЛОВЕНСКО’
У БРИТАНСКИМ И АМЕРИЧКИМ ПУТОПИСИМА
КОЛОНИЈАЛНОГ ПЕРИОДА . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Др Владимир Бошковић
Универзитет у Атини (Грчка)
IT COULD HAPPEN TO A BISHOP: ТРИ ‘ОСОБИТЕ’ ПЕСМЕ
ЛУКИЈАНА МУШИЦКОГ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Др Габријела Шуберт
Универзитет „Фридрих Шилер” у Јени (Немачка)
О ЦРНОЈ ГОРИ, СВЕТОМ ПЕТРУ ЦЕТИЊСКОМ, КРАЉУ
НИКОЛИ И ГОРСКОМ ВИЈЕНЦУ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
Др Марина Јорданова
Универзитет „Проф. др Асен Златанов” у Бургасу (Бугарска)
ЕМИЛИЈАН СТАНЕВ И ИВО АНДРИЋ – СУСРЕТ У ЧИТАЊУ . . 61
Др Марош Мелихарек
Универзитет „Павел Јозеф Шафарик” – Кошице (Словачка)
ВЕЛИКА СЕОБА СРБА (1690) И ЊЕН ОДРАЗ НА САВРЕМЕНУ
ИСТОРИОГРАФИЈУ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
Др Кати Кармајкл
Универзитет Источне Англије – Норвич (Велика Британија)
ЗАПЕЧАЋИВАЊЕ СУДБИНЕ ШАПЦА: ХАБЗБУРШКА
ПОЛИТИКА И РЕГИОН МАЧВЕ 1903-1914 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
Др Кристијан Костамања
EastJournal.net – Торино (Италија)
ЈУГОСЛАВИЈА И СПЕЦИЈАЛНИ РАТ У ПЕРИОДУ ПОЗНОГ
СОЦИЈАЛИЗМА: НОВЕ ИСТРАЖИВАЧКЕ ПЕРСПЕКТИВЕ . . . 121
Др Владислав Б. Сотировић
Универзитет Миколаса Ромериса – Виљнус (Литванија)
АЛТЕРНАТИВНИ ПОГЛЕД НА РАСТУРАЊЕ БИВШЕ
ЈУГОСЛАВИЈЕ 1990-их . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
Др Димитрис Петалас
Хеленско фолклористичко удружење – Атина (Грчка)
ИСПИТИВАЊЕ ДВА ПОПУЛАРНА ПРЕЖИВЕЛА СЛОВЕНСКА
ВЕРОВАЊА НА ПЕЛОПОНЕЗУ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
Др Тања Цимерман
Универзитет у Лајпцигу (Немачка)
ИЗМЕЂУ НОМАДИЗМА И СЕДЕНТАРНОСТИ: ФИГУРАЦИЈА
ПРОСТОРА У ЛИТЕРАРНОЈ И ВИЗУЕЛНОЈ КУЛТУРИ
РАДНИКА МИГРАНТА ИЗ ЈУГОСЛАВИЈЕ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191
Др Абдул Азим Актар
СГТ Универзитет - Гургаон (Индија)
СТРАДАЊЕ УЧЕСНИКА ПОБУНЕ У БРИТАНСКОЈ ИНДИЈИ
ИЗ 1857. ГОДИНЕ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207

ЗА ШТАМПУ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227
Serbian Studies Research
Vol. 8, No. 1 ((2017):
) 11-27. 11
UDC 821.111(73).09-992(043.3)
UDC 821.111.09-992(043.3)
Оригинални научни рад
Др Сања Лазаревић Радак1

Балканолошки институт САНУ (Београд)
Србија
КОНСТРУКТИ ‘ОСМАНСКО’ И ‘СЛОВЕНСКО’ У

БРИТАНСКИМ И АМЕРИЧКИМ ПУТОПИСИМА
КОЛОНИЈАЛНОГ ПЕРИОДА
Апстракт: Придеви „османско”/ “турско“ и „словенско” имају широку и некритич-
ку примену у свакодневном говору. Анализа дискурса открива да је реч о конструкти-
ма: изнутра, у земљама које означавамо речју „балканске“ или „окциденталне“, они имају
комплексна и динамична значења. Њихова употреба од 19. века до данас открива про-
менљивост контекста. Циљ овог рада је да се укаже на њихово преплитање, укрштање и
паралелну употребу путем анализе колонијалног дискурса.
Кључне речи: османско, турско, словенско, дискурс, Велика игра, колонијализам
Империјални интереси и мапирање света

У деветнаестом веку је настала једна од последњих верзија мапе света. Ма-
пе су биле испуњене цртежима људи, животиња и природних ресурса, а када је
овај тренд сведен на комерцијалну производњу сликовница, панорама и беде-
кера, упоредо су осликаване оку невидљивим симболима моћи.2 У Велику Бри-
танију – центар који је откривао свет, пристизали су извештаји, употпуњени
пратећим материјалом - мапама, фотографијама, материјалним сведочанстви-
ма цивилизацијског „успона“ или пак његовог „пада“. Доносиле су их диплома-
1
sanjalazarevic7@gmail.com (Sanja Lazarević Radak, Institute for Balkan Studies, Serbian Academy of
Arts and Sciences, Belgrade, Serbia)
2
Ово не значи да велики ратови који су уследили у двадесетом веку нису условили, или пак били
повод за исписивање нове карте, мењање граница и прекрајање света, већ да је мапа света са свим
пратећим значењима који укључују стереотипе и дефинишу однос центра и периферије настала у
доба колонијалног успона. Више о овоме у: Jo Sharp, Postcolonial Geographies. London, Sage, 2009,
p. 20.
12 | Сања Лазаревић Радак
те, мисионари, географи, ратни извештачи и ретки путници-авантуристи. Ова-

ко је један део Европе „открио“ такозвану Турску у Европи, насељену бројним
народима, махом хришћанске и исламске вероисповести. Значења која су тада
успостављена и дискурси који су овладали текстом о овом делу света, циклич-
но се смењују од стварања првих самосталних балканских држава до данас. У
деветнаестом веку када су успостављена прва трајнија значења, интереси коло-
нијалног капитала захтевали су интервенцију у том стварном и гео-симболич-
ком простору. Ова интервенција има шири политички контекст и остаје у вези
са природом колонијализма. Смештена на путу који је водио до британских по-
седа у Азији, Турска је од средине до краја деветнаестог века губила некадашњу
политичку и економску моћ. Политичка неконзистентност и амбиваленција у
односу на народе који насељавају Балкан доводи до отворене поделе у британ-
ској јавности из чега настаје такозвано Источно питање. Британија се дели на
оне који ће заступати британске интересе на Балкану залажући се за очување
Османског царства и друге, који ће подстицати ослобођење „словенских наро-
да“. Опозиција „османско“/“словенско“ се, у овим извештајима, најпре удваја,
а потом губи услед слојевитости перцепције аутора. Упркос званично прихва-
ћеним тезама о исламофобији, о туркофобији и истицању важности ослобође-
ња хришћанских народа од османског господара, слика Турака колико и слика
„хришћанских“ народа, које путници најчешће називају Словенима, остаје ам-
бивалентна. Ови конструкти и представе се неретко преплићу, постајући тки-
во истог текста и откривају да су „словенско“ и „османско“ сачињени од слика
које имају сличну семантику. У том смислу се широко распростањено мишље-
ње о епистемолошкој заснованости поларизације на „словенско“ и „османско“
може довести у питање, или тумачити као евентуална интерна тежња за учвр-
шћивањем идентитета.
Када је реч о Словенима, британски и амерички извештаји из деветнаестог
века (1830-1900) сведоче о три струје мишљења: 1. Порекло балканских наро-
да хришћанске вероисповести се губи у маглама „древне“ историје. Стога што
су више векова провели под османском влашћу, њихови обичаји и њихов дру-
штвени карактер су „оријентални“; 2. Словени, како индоевропски корен њи-
ховог имена сведочи су народ ропског менталитета; 3. балкански народи су ау-
тентични/аутохтони у односу на велику групу Словена којој припадају Руси.
Као опозиција овом конструисању идентитета, препознају се Турци опи-
сани у једнако стереотипним терминима: 1. славни, некада моћни, дисциплино-
вани народ вредан дивљења; 2. припадници некада моћне империје која у кул-
турном смислу заостаје за Окцидентом и своју заосталост шири на подручја
којима господари.
Конструкти ‘османско’ и ‘словенско’ у британским
и америчким путописима колонијалног периода | 13
Оријентализовани Словени
Према Едварду Саиду (Edvard Said) „оријентализам је стил мишљења, за-
снован на онтолошкој и епистемолошкој дистинкцији која се повлачи између
’Оријента и (најчешће) Окцидента (Said: 2008, 11). Песници, романсијери, фи-
лозофи, империјални администратори и политички теоретичари су прихватив-
ши основну разлику између Истока и Запада, конструисали скуп значења који
кроз јавни дискурс у облику академских формулација, стереотипа, менталних
пречица; кроз естетске форме или у колоквијалном говору, препознајемо као
Оријент (Said: 2008, 12). Као скуп идеја и корпус знања, Оријент је ослоњен на
генерализације и општа места – оријентални деспотизам, менталитет, оријентал-
ни сјај, суровост, нехигијена, заосталост или пад са одређене „цивилизацијске
лествице“. Оријентализација такозване Источне Европе подразумева гео-сим-
боличко уситњавање и функционише по принципу сличном оријентализаци-
ји. Наиме, Лери Вулф (Larry Wolf) сматра да је Исток Европе замишљен, кон-
струисан услед несвесне потребе за господарењем, доминацијом, представом о
властитој цивилизацијској супериорности, колико услед манифестне тежње за
експлоатацијом. Творци овог стила мишљења су просветитељи - Волтер, Русо,
Дидро. Њихови први контакти са „Истоком Европе“ доносе извештаје о људи-
ма ропског менталитета, уочљиво заосталима за Западном Европом (Todorov:
2010, 270). По Вулфу је просветитељство одговорно за бинарну поделу Европе
јер следећи ову мисаону нит, европско питање остаје смештено у оквире Запад-
не Европе, док се државе које је чине, везују за интелектуално наслеђе „очева
просветитељства“ (Wolf:f 2013:XIII). Оријентализација Источне Европе дели не-
ке поступке стереотипизације карактеристичне за „класични Оријент.“ У скла-
ду са њом, народи који насељавају овај део Европе „не познају благодети циви-
лизације“, а уз ова општа места неретко се манипулише њиховим непознавањем
основа хигијене и неписменошћу. Бројна запажања о „инфериорности“ Слове-
на, нису тек производ деветнаестог века који на врхунцу колонијалног успона
потичу од просветитеља – „изумитеља“ Источне Европе јер се и у вековима ко-
ји претходе овом интелектуалном контексту, непознати делови континента пре-
познају као унутрашњи Оријент или унутрашња опозиција Окциденту. Стога
се смештају изван граница европског континента будећи асоцијације на „дивље
народе“ који не познају „цивилизовани“ начин живота.
Како примећује Милица Бакић-Хејден (Bakić-Heiden), реторика балкани-
зма није издвојена од оријенталистичке реторике и феноменологије, већ се са
њом прожима и преклапа (Bakić-Hejden:2006, 20). Оријентализација народа
Балкана, које путници из овог периода називају – „малим хришћанским наро-
дима“, или „хришћанима на Истоку Европе“, најпре пролази кроз трочлани фил-
тер стеротипизације. На врху ове пирамиде налази се Оријент – некада моћни,
богати, славни гео-симболички и физички део света који је у историјској декли-
нацији изгубио некадашњих сјај и богатство. Декаденција је кључна реч којом
се у британским путописима описује Оријент. У средини ове пирамиде налазе
се Словени – народ који насељава Исток Запада, или део Европе у који је Ори-
јент ушао, проширивши њиме своје вредности. На дну пирамиде препознају
се народи Балкана – Словени, или својеврсни амалгам народа који се нашао на
„раскршћу цивилизација“. Оријентализацију Словена је у овом периоду тешко
одвојити од негативног опажања Балкана. Ове слике се међусобно преплићу,
подржавају и обликују представу о становништву које је стицајем историјских
околности и својеврсног географског усуда постало „жртва“ културе владара.
Стога је оријентализација балканских народа неодвојива од оријентализаци-
је Турака и представља се као последица њихове вишевековне владавине. Ми-
шљење о урођеној инфериорности народа ипак није у основи представе о ори-
јентализованим Словенима. Две путнице из деветнаестог века, госпође Ирби
и Мекензи (Irby, Mackenzie) које су седамдесетих година, путовале Турском у
Европи истичу да географска позиција балканских народа игра пресудну улогу
у њиховом политичком животу:
Изолација ових несрећника доста дугује географској позицији која доприноси

лошој срећи Словена у Турској. Нарочита несрећа ових освојених народа ле-
жи у карактеру њихових освајача – грубом варварству мухамеданског Турчи-
на који своје потчињене претвара у варваре ((Muir, Mackenzie: 1869:XVIII).
„Грубо варварство“ је у деветнаестом веку једна од најчешћих представа о

Другоме. С обзиром да се концепт дивљаштва употребљава у говору о народи-
ма Африке, Азија или Азија у Европи мора бити обележена варварством. Дру-
ги је „варварин“ да би „ја“/“ми“ могло да буде „цивилизовано“, а онај ко посе-
дује квалитет „цивилизованости“ налази се у позицији са које може препознати
људскост других. Но, само онај ко је већ „цивилизован“ може избећи моћ „вар-
варизације.“ С обзиром да народи који насељавају овај део Европе, по претпо-
ставци путника, никада нису били цивилизовани, лако су могли потпасти под
утицај културе нецивилизованог господара. У основи, ово је балканистичка
представа Балкана која полуострво смешта на раскршће цивилизација и мани-
пулише његовим значењима како би га представило као жртву туђе нецивилизо-
ваности (Todorova: 1999, 34). У унутрашњем дискурсу, појединачни балкански
народи полазе од претпоставке да је њиховом „цивилизацијском паду“ претхо-
дио „цивилизацијски врхунац“ прекинут „свирепим варварским“ освајањем. У
књизи Мекензи и Ирби, уочљиво је успостављање везе између „мухамеданства“

и „варварства“. Ислам је у Европи увек сматран нечим што припада Истоку, а
његова судбина унутар структуре оријентализма чинила га је јединственом ства-
ри која се посматра с нарочитим непријатељством и зазором (Said: 2003:16) У
овом духу пише и Арчибалд Пејтон (Archibal Paton) – декларисани пријатељ Ју-
жних Словена. Но његова ексклузија балканских градова је оријенталистичка:
У две важне ствари Београд је оријенталан као да је смештен на Тигру или Ба-
ради– осветљењу и непоплочаности улица. Немогуће је да по кишовитом вре-
мену, после неколико посета, дођете кући, а при томе пропустите да до коле-
на упаднете у блато; ноћу је кретање немогуће уколико немате фењер (Paton:
1845, 54)
Освојени народи су „попримили особине освајача“ о чему седамдесетих го-

дина извештавају госпође Ирби и Мекензи. Пејтон, четрдесетих година, увиђа
да је утицај оријенталног „Другога“ узео маха и постао део начина мишљења,
учитавајући се у материјалну културу. „Оријентални призор“, Пејтон не затиче
само на београдским улицама, већ и унутар хотела у којима одседа.
Кревет је био намештен на поду а ла турquе што је било тврдо; ипак посте-
љина је била снежно бела, па сам се сматрао правим срећником. Морам при-
знати да ме је чистоћа изненатила јер сам претходно закључио да је чишће-
ње навика која је страна словенској популацији (Paton:1845,85).
Као што сведочи овај цитат, запуштеност и одсуство чистоће, за Пејтона,

није део начина живота који се учи од османског господара. Самим Словенима
су страни поступци одржавања хигијене. Овом особином се даље тумачи тур-
ско освајање једног дела Европе. Наиме, између Словена и њихових освајача по-
стоји нека врста примарне културне везе препознате у варварству. Она допушта
да Оријент насели географско тело Окцидента.
Робови и поданички менталитет

Деветнаести век је доба када се трага за пореклом народа и везама међу њи-
ма. Ослањајући се на лингвистику и порекло имена, енглески и амерички писци и
извештачи, наглашавају везу између именице „Словен“ и именице „slav“/“slave“,
те је преводе као „слуга“. Иако не без дубљег значења, овај корен речи омогућује
даљу инфериоризацију Других са којима путници долазе у контакт. Чарлс Ели-
тот Боиле, четрдесетих година деветнаестог века, пише:
Треба напоменути да су Sclavonia и Servia називи две суседне земље. Немогуће

је не уочити сличност са речју славе и servant које се препознају у већини европ-
ских језика. Реч esclave се јавља у француском језику у осмом веку када су велика-
ши заробили велики број становника Склавоније – Славонаца. Даље примећу-
јемо речи sclave, slave, schiavo, schiave и њихове деривате у немачком, енглеском
и италијанском. Слична веза, мада је тешко успоставити чврсту, препозна-
је се између речи Servia и речи servus, serf,f servant и слично (Boileau: 1839, 49).
Изнутра, међу народима који себе сматрају Словенима, ова представа се

избегава, најчешће позивањем на панславистичке идеје. Неизбежне асоцијаци-
је на негативне просветитељске коменаре упућене на рачун словенских култу-
ра, али и непријатељско одношење неких од највећих интелектуалаца деветнае-
стог века, подстичу револт из чега настаје и Панславенски конгрес 1867. Године
(Kiznije: 1996, 74). Дакле, премда су путници склони „варваризацији“ Турака,
чини се да Словени уливају најмање поверења:
Мора се приметити, не баш на част великих мислилаца, да је грчко хришћан-

ство у бројним аспектима инфериорно мухамеданству; и да би се они који знају
оба народа, радије ослонили на реч коју даје Турчин, но на ону коју даје Србин.
Серви и Слави су људи чија се имена идентификују са служењем и ропством у
сваком европском језику (Boileau: 1839, 53).
Либерално залагање за ослобођење балканских народа, препознаје се као

пуки политички потез којим треба уклонити Османско царство. Наводне сим-
патије либералних Британаца према Јужним Словенима, заправо откривају још
једно огледање „цивилизације“ у „нецивилизацији“.
На читавом простору некадашњег Византијског царства, Бугари су најмање

борбени, без енергије, субмисивни у односу на Турке попут овце у односу на пса.
Њихов живот се своди на пољопривреду јер немају ни војничког духа ни сми-
сла за трговину попут Грка. Они су само кметови. Формални су посвећеници
грчке цркве и њене проповеди, и зато су инфериорни у односу на просечног му-
слимана који познаје тек једноставне концепте ове виталне религије. Бугари
немају тиху снагу интелигенције и воље која се манифесује у широкоји политич-
кој доминацији или високој материјалној цивлизацији (Thomas:1857, 103).
Означени као инфериорни не само у односу на Окцидент, већ и у односу на

османске владаре, балкански народи се налазе пред избором између две идеоло-
гије. Једна се доводи у везу са великим византијским царством, а друга са пансла-
вистичким концептом. Спајањем хеленистичке културе и хришћанске религи-

је са римском државном формом настаје Византијско царство (Knežević: 2005,
52). Ова територија је имала историјски несталне границе, а њена перцепција
споља, остала је сведена на мрачно, неразумљиво и декадентно. Покушаји бал-
канских народа да свој периферни положај компензују наративом о славном
царству и „цивилилизацији пре цивлилизације“, на Окциденту се, окончавају се
потцењивањем византијског наслеђа. Византија је нешто што је „отпало“ од Ри-
ма; она је то мрачно место на којем су се могла дотаћи два супротстављена све-
та и тако укинути бинарне поделе. Панславизам, на другој страни, позивањем
на стваралачку и револуционарну енергију, носи елементе месијанизма, есен-
цијализујући и нудећи верзију јединствене културне баштине потекле из једна-
ко имагинарне заједничке традиције словенских народа.
Аутентични балкански народи или Словени?

У деветнаестом веку и доцније, Османско царство није било једини запад-
ноевропски други. Русија је за Окцидент неретко била синоним „словенства“, а
веровало се да она не припада Азији, али да географски није сасвим Европа. Она
је „прелазна земља“, средина између два света (Kantor:2001:17).
„Руси су оријенталци Европе,“ (Paton:1845, 51) написао је Ендрју Арчибалд
Пејтон 1845. године. Управо ова претпоставка постаје повод за полемику која ће
отпочети питањем „којој групи народа припадају становници Балкана“. Аноним-
ни политички аналитичар из Лондона, сматра да борба за превласт над „словен-
ским народима на Балкану“ траје вековима и да би се њихова култура би се морала
прихватити као европска. „Русија је одувек настојала да ослаби и апсорбује сло-
венске народе на Балканском полуострву,“ (Anonymous:1884, 3) написаће осам-
десетих година деветнаестог века. Упркос колебањима аутора приликом утврђи-
вања њиховог идентитета, извештач и аналитичар Адолф Слејд (Adolphus Slade)
препознаје „источњачке елементе“ њиховог карактера и могућност да се због сво-
је „источности“ окрену Русији. Различитост у односу на руски елемент, чини их
посебнима и нарочито прилагођенима за живот на граници међу цивилизацијама.
Срби исповедају руско-грчку религију; њихова литургија је писана на древном

склавонском дијалекту као и она у руским црквама. Србија се лако може окре-
нути Русији. Српски великодостојници су углавном образовани у Русији, а ви-
ша класа има навику да шаље децу у Русију на школовање (Adolphus:1840, 37).
Конзервативна представљања Русије, наглашавала су да би се управо она

могла користити као огледало Европе. Огледало у којем Европа види своје ра-
дикално друго, приказује варварина, или морално посрнулог феудалца. Број-

ни енглески, дански и француски путници и писци извештавају да се у Руском
царству може наћи човек који живи „сировим“ и „неукроћеним животом“, док
на другим местима живе људи у полу-култури. Но, срећу се и они који се могу
убројати у „културне“ и „високо-образоване“ што Русију чини чудном мешави-
ном варварства и цивилизованости (Iver: 2011, 173).
Када је реч о Балкану, иза наратива о варварству, непостојању средње класе,
недовољној цивилизованости, поданичком менталитету и непознавању благодети
западног начина живота, препознају се одјеци „Велике игре“ – борбе за превласт
на Истоку, која се водила између Русије и Велике Британије. Управо је проходност
Балкана обезбеђивала приступ поседима на Истоку. Политичка пропаганда била
је једно од средстава које су обе стране употребљавале у дискредитацији оне друге:
Можда смо сведоци краја – апсорпције мале Србије у велику Русију. Ова фарса
одиста може бити окончана када вук, уморан од своје улоге чувара убиje своје
јагње (Anonymous: 1884, 4-5).
Несумњиво изражавајући либерални став према балканским народима, овај

аналитичар користи снажне метарофе, како би испред велике политичке игре
поставио емпатију према малим народима Балкана. Овоме је највише допринео
Гледстонов памфлет из 1876. године у којем извештава о турским злочинима у
Бугарској. Радикалнији либерали иза ужаса које спроводи „немоћна Турска“,
препознају руску политику чији извршилац постаје некадашња империја, а по-
том царство на умору - Болесник са Босфора. Заштита јужнословенских народа
популарна међу интелектуалцима и неконформистима, остаје залагање за очува-
ње британских колонијалних поседа које се смешта у позадину патерналистич-
ког тона. Наиме, балкански народи су млади и неспособни да сами воде рачуна
о себи. Стога лако могу постати жртва неподесних владара какво је некада било
Османско царство. Сада то може постати Русија. Она се с лакоћом приближава
балканским народима због већ постојећих културних утицаја. Културни утицаји
се своде на исповедање „мистичне“, „мрачне“ религије прелазног или пак „изви-
топереног“ хришћанства. Вилијам Дентон (William Denton) том стању присту-
па у научном маниру, називајући га религијским еклектицизмом. Дентон сматра
да је „религија која се предаје у школи заснована на књигама и обреду Источне
цркве, пуне препознатљивог симболизма. Он је главно средство за обликовање
источњачког ума (Denton: 1862: 91). Дакле, по Дентону религија креира умове,
а они културе. Уколико је религија источњачка, њени верници постају источња-
ци (Lazarević Radak: 2011, 242). С променом у представљању сингуларизованог
Османског царства - Турчина од „азијског варварина“ до „европског болесни-
ка“ ишло је и смањење значаја овог другог за европско сопство. Позивање на

Источно питање указује да је Турска била Исток, али да су, како то формулише
Ивер Нојман (Iver Neumann), „постојали и други истоци“ (Nojman: 2011, 80).
Османски Турци се хомогенизују као Други, а тај тренд јача током повлачења
Османског царства и настанка Републике Турске.
Турци и некадашњи сјај

Османско освајање Константинопоља је означило крај једног и почетак дру-
гог царства. Вести о паду Цариграда пронеле су се кроз хришћанске земље Евро-
пе, производећи хибридну представу о „величанственом“, „одважном“ и „славо-
љубивом“ Турчину, амбициознијем од Александра и Цезара, али и о „свирепом“,
„претећем“, „опасном“ царству које може да угрози хришћански свет. Одиста,
под притиском османске навале хришћанство се поцепало, али је ово допринело
настанку политичког значаја изразу Европа ( Jezernik: 2010, 25). Иако је Пари-
ским мировним уговором из 1856. године, Османском царству признат статус
саставног дела европске равнотеже снага, гарантоване су му независност и ин-
тегритет, „Турчин“ је доживљаван као културна претња. Из „неверника“, транс-
формисан је у „варварина“. Његова појава се од средњег века, интерпретирала
као божја казна за европске грехе и верски раскол, а у деветнаестом и почетком
двадесетог века, представа о „Турчину“ као разузданом непријатељу произвели
су митолошку фигуру непријатеља хришћанства. Делови Европе који су се на-
шли под владавином Турске, сматрали су се запрљанима, зараженима „невернич-
ком“ културом. Тако је било са Хабзбуршким царством које се налазило у ци-
кличној борби за поседе са Османским царством. Но, представа Турчина, остаје
амбивалентна. Најпре, дивљење дисциплини, снази, моћи, организованости, а
потом етикетирање Османског царства као „неверничког“, „отпадничког“, до-
принели су удвајању слике чији су се делови смењивали у складу са политиком
европских земаља. Када је требало очувати поседе на Истоку, Турска је могла
бити савезник у борби против Русије, а када је требало преговарати, она је упр-
кос „неверништву“ и „отпадништву“, могла бити „углађени дипломата“. Алек-
сандер Кинглејк, енглески правник, писац и авантуриста, се поиграва стерео-
типима о свирепости, поносу, храбрости и лепоти у конструисању Османског
царства и њеног представника „Турчина“: „Турци поносне старе школе нису за-
боравили, ватрене, нехајне и некада победоносне Османлије.“ (Kinglake:1849,
4). Костим сведочи да нису заборавили некадашњу славу:
Они носе стару турску ношњу; прслуке и широке панталоне, тешке, бројне ма-
раме везују око појаса обликујући достојанствену појаву. Марама прекрива чи-
тав арсенал оружја; ту су дуги пиштољи, јатагани различитих облика и вели-

чина, а ово оружје је махом посребрено и уметнички израђено... Дуги бркови и
бели турбани спуштени до продорних очију сијају поносом и охолошћу. Видео
сам то међу живим Османлијама; онима који се сећају старих времена и веру-
ју да је било часније сећи нам главе него бити наш слуга (Kinglake: 1849, 4-5).
Религија се задржала као најзначајнији фактор у представљању европског Дру-

гог. Упркос статусу другости, „Турчин“, средином деветнаестог века остаје супери-
оран у односу на „мале балканске народе“. Уосталом, ови народи су део Европе, али
нису имали довољно снаге да се супротставе снази османске поплаве. Тако слаби
примили су елементе културе Другога и постали својеврсна оријентална мешавина:
Турска је пуна политичке и војне виталности. Сваки Турчин одраста са чвр-

стим уверењем да је његова судбина савладавање уметности рата и политич-
ке супериорности. У моралним квалитетима попут искрености, снаге воље
и великодушности, нема народа који би се са њим могао поредити. Сматрам
да турски песимиста колико и турски оптимиста једнако греше. Турци мон-
голске крви која углавном тече њиховим венама неће никад постати уважени
геометри, физичари, геолози, природни филозофи и уметници, неће се пробија-
ти кроз флуид и материју дубоких истина универзума нити кроз форме боје и
хармоничних елемента од којих је саздана лепота. Но, нема ничега што Тур-
ке може спречити да буду цивилизовани и независни (Paton: 1945,40).
За разлику од Европе која се сматра синонимом цивилизације – свега уз-

вишеног и напредног, Турци нису способни за велика духовна постугнућа. Но,
конзервативни поглед на њихову политику на Балкану не препознаје политич-
ку и административну препреку њиховом господарењу.
Упркос свом нераспоожењу према европској науци, образовању и цивилизаци-

ји, верујем да би било неразумно ометати османску доминацију јер нема наро-
да који у овој земљи може заузети њихово место. Свакако не Бугари, иако су
бројни и простиру се кроз Македонију до Солуна. Они су дефицитарни у снази
и капацитету да воде империју. Грци су једнако неподобни да заузму место Ту-
рака јер су врло слаби, нарочито када је реч о бројном стању, изузев у Тесалији
и Епиру. Било би их лако покорити а њихова власт била би неприхватљива за
словенску популацију која чини већину у Турској у Европи (Kinglake:1945, 135)
Једино, разумно решење остаје продужетак османске владавине на Балкану

која ће бити нека врста границе између два света. Око ове границе би се препли-
тала и супротстављала два начина мишљења: рационалистичко и позитивистич-

ко, мистичко као комплементарна лица традиције Европе. У тој двозначној це-
ловитости, Европа би добила смисаону тежину (Rose, Fransoa: 2010, 182-193).
Међутим подржавање турске владавине остаје само једна страна амбивалент-
ног тела европске мисли у односу на Турску и Балкан. Како пропадање Турске
постаје све извесније, уочљивија је представа о културној инфериорности нека-
дашње империјалне конкуренције.
Културна инфериорност империјалне конкуренције

Друга страна овог односа према Турцима подсећа на XVI век када су грани-
це хришћанских земаља биле угрожене и када је обновљена представа о средње-
вековним Сараценима. Но, оно је имало како политичку тако психолошку функ-
цију. Прва функција омогућавала је британским либералима да добију подршку
и убрзају окончање османске власти на Балкану. Представе које су доминирале
претходним периодом изнова се јављају у европском дискурсу у форми антитур-
ских тирада. На дипломатским скуповима и папским устоличењима, говорници
су отворено изражавали забринутост за верска питања или украшавали своје го-
воре застрашујућим представама о непријатељу културе. Упркос повременој по-
треби да се са другим оствари дипломатска сарадња, па и „конзервативном“ ди-
вљењу османској „узвишености“, „дисциплини“, „војничкој вештини“, „Турчин“
наставља да игра улогу доминантног спољашњег непријатеља. У спољашњег не-
пријатеља се смештају све социјално неосвешћене, потиснуте, те нежељене осо-
бине. Санкционисане особине су оне од чијег се активирања стрепи и које се
морају чувати под контролом, онако како се манифестно чувају границе од упа-
да спољашњег непријатеља. Немир који изазива други крије индивидуални и ко-
лективни удео. У његовој слици се мешају друштвена и индивидуална историја
као повлачења границе, фрустрације и забране. Конструкција „Турчина“ се као
конструкција сваког другога не развија из реалног, већ се на њега поставља, те
представе о њему нуде фантастичан објект који спада и не спада у Европу. Ме-
шавина реалног и замишљеног даје слику која омогућује процесе повлачења гра-
ница. Његово конструисање се заснива на логици по којој, зарад очувања, соци-
јалне и индивидуалне равнотеже није увек потребно имати „реалног“ странца.
Стога, како сматра Билефелд, „није увек потребно имати странце да би се ’на-
правили странци’, нити да би постојао страх од њих. ’Опасних странаца’ је мно-
го и они су моћни, макар били малобројни и слаби. Ова стрепња, или потреба
за стрепњом од странца је изградила читав механизам одбране од турског дру-
гог. Све до данас, извештавање о исламу и не-западним друштвима канонизује
одређене појмове, текстове и ауторитете. Идеја да је ислам средњовековна ре-
лигија, да је опасан, непријатељски настројен, нашло је место у култури и поли-

тици. О томе се могу цитирати ауторитети и извлачити закључици. Уосталом,
на тај начин ова идеја, у јавном дискурсу, постаје а приори тврдња коју мора узе-
ти у обзир свако ко жели да говори о исламу (Said:2003, 118).
Но, шта када границе попусте, или шта када се спољашњи непријатељ на-
ђе на замишљеној граници цивилизација? Крајем деветнаестог века, османска
владавина на Балкану се окончава и на тај начин ово, некада велико царство, гу-
би последње делове своје територије. Ближи се радикална промена њеног дру-
штвеног уређења и педесетак година касније секуларизација, праћена модерни-
зацијом, те прихватање европских вредности. Изнутра и споља, успоставља се
прећутни консензус о предности модерности. Но, све док се овај процес није
окончао, страхови од њене моћи циклично су се јављали са сваким новим изве-
штајем о слому устанака или некој од претњи турских владара. У деветнаестом ве-
ку, прикупљање материјала о другоме постаје ментални чин који друштво спро-
води да би смањило притисак изазван стрепњом од губитка моћи. Још увек живи
хибрид - претња Европи, страшно Османско царство: „Њене руке су у Мађар-
ској, срце у Аустрији, бродови плове Јадраном и заливом у Тунису, Левантом и
Средоземљем“ (Menzies:1880,185).
У Турској су настајале хибридне мешавине – народи који су на европском
тлу могли проширити источњачке вредности и који су исповедали искривљење,
једнако хибридне облике хришћанства. У једнакој мери, географије измешано-
сти, каква је била турска, производиле су културна преплитања и сусретања, до-
звољавале до тада незамислива мешања и преплитања супротстављених светова.
Турци су део друге расе која је у цивилизацијском смислу, очигледно инфериор-

на јер губи битку. Историјски осврт показује да Турци не само да су били не-
способни у прошлости, већ су инфериорна раса која не уме да влада земљама
на начин на који то чине аријевски народи Европе и Америке. (Shem:1887, 6)
Енглески историчар деветнаестог века и извештач из Европске Турске, Шем,

указује на физичке и моралне услове у којој живи овај, иако инфериорни и даље
опасни Други. Премда је јасно да ће га заменити владавина Окцидента, Мензес,
тврди да ће се Европа увек сећати овог „мрачног варварина из Централне Ази-
је“ (Menzies:1880, 1). Писац и путник Парнавел Черсон „Турчина“ препознаје
у „варварској кући и сировости некултивисане слободе (Tcherson:1855, VII).“
Расправа о непријатељу хришћанства, која отпочиње средњовековним осваја-
њима, постаје расправа о варварину у периоду опадања Османског царства. Због
уласка Оријента у тело Окцидента, због недозвољеног и опасног мешања, пре-
познаје се амбивалентан однос према балканским народима. Они постају тешко
разумљиви сусрет „научених“ – „оријенталних“ особина, задржавајући фрагмен-

те легендарног хришћанства кроз асоцијације на „мучеништво“.
Први утисци путника са Балкана своде се на цивилизацијско кашњење, кул-
турну инфериорност, неискоришћеност земље и низак образовни ниво. Они се
приписују дугој владавини неподесног, „оријенталног“ господара. По Хенри-
ју Посту, балканским народима влада „прљави муслиман“ (Post: 1830, 7). Сто-
га и они сами, ма колико инфериорни и сажаљења вредни били, попримају осо-
бине свог владара. Тамо где Пост очекује минимум културе, или пак сусрет са
остацима цивилизације, у Грчкој, на пример, уочиће „гадан и прљав ентеријер“
(Ibid). Не само материјална, већ и духовна и социјална култура показују једна-
ку „запрљаност“ (Živković:2012, 57).
Уколико је „Турчин“ за Европу био час радикални, час конститутивни дру-
ги, Балкан није тек унутрашња Другост Европе, већ својеврсни узнемирујући
облик прелазности. Балкан је запрљан час радикалном, час конститутивном дру-
гошћу. Он задобија посебност и издвојеност у односу на тело Европе. Као спе-
цифично егзистенцијално искорачење, производи колебања у јавности европ-
ских земаља и иронијско одношење путника према становништву које тамо
затиче. Представе о заосталости или сродности са источним културама, допри-
неће интернализацији ове представе међу самим балканским народима. Споља
и изнутра, ове представе створиће геополитички расцеп између источне и за-
падне Европе и Европе и Оријента.
Закључак
Сматрати Балкан конструктом, не значи порицати његову „реалну“ димен-
зију. На сличан начин, указивати на „словенско“ и „османско“ као конструкте,
не значи доводити у питање идентитете људи који живе на Балкану или у Тур-
ској. Конструкт је у овом раду схваћен као скуп репрезентација које се сажимају
крећући се двовековним током и формирајући јединствену и стабилну предста-
ву о људима који насељавају један део света или придавати непроменљиво значе-
ње скупу физичких географија. Дискурси о „османској владавини“, „османском
наслеђу“, „словенском карактеру“, „оријенталном духу“ насељавају менталне ма-
пе и реализују се кроз говор, постајући сажета, поједностављена стварност. Пој-
мови „османски“, „словенски“, полазе од претпоставке да је постојао један по-
литички, административни и социјални систем. Но, увид у друштвена уређења
на Балкану у протеклих неколико векова сведочи о одсуству некаквог централи-
зованог царства или хомогеног система културе. „Османско“ и „балканско“ за-
право су хибридне и умногоме имагинарне творевине које данас служе да означе
читав варијетет различитих конфесионалних, етничких група, разноликост ма-
теријалне и социјалне културе (Rot: 200, 191). Од настанка, Османско царство

је било мешавина различитих утицаја која окупља турски, грчки, арапски и ви-
зантијски елемент, а они су, сваки за себе, у једнакој мери хибридне творевине.
Османско царство је било сачињено од бројних социјалних сегмената, с обзиром
на регионалне народне културе које су се опирале османској власти и једновре-
мено остајале под њеним сложеним културним утицајима. Када је реч о „Слове-
нима“, треба узети у обзир последице деветнаестовековне опсесивне потребе за
категоризацијом, класификацијом и систематизацијом људи. Ово је време када
настају „групе народа“, када се утврђују лингвистичке везе, корени речи и свет
дели на сродне и удаљене народе. То је истовремено и време замишљања „расе“
која се јавља као потреба да се колонизација оправда, а потом и као импулс који
је, за последицу имао, огромне људске жртве. Свака класификација овог типа,
подразумева оног Другога у односу на кога се једна група одређује и који, у том
процесу, нужно постаје пријатељ/непријатељ, сусед/странац. Други проблем
препознајемо у дугој историји настојања балканских народа да се само-одреде.
Овај проблем настаје по окончању османске власти, а постаје изразитији после
Балканских ратова, када се међу некадашњим суседима који су насељавали Тур-
ску у Европи јавља тежња за успостављањем државе, праћена борбом за терито-
ријално увећање. Немајући писану историју и ослањајући се махом на политичке
митове преношене у облику усмених наратива, ови народи су интернализова-
ли класификације народа, препознајући се као Словени, Илири, Романи а дру-
гима приписујући својства и физичке особине некадашњег османског владара.
Двадесетак година после Балканских ратова, ове поделе на групе народа поста-
ју све сложеније, те се у складу, са преовлађујућим научним трендовима, трага
за „правим пореклом“ које би ујединило лингвистички, физички и социјални
елемент. Премда су, трагајући за „својим коренима“ ови народи препознавали
различите „расне“ карактеристике, политички митови и усмене историје су им
се махом поклапале и сажимале у наратив о древном царству које је на врхунцу
свог сјаја, услед интервенције варварских војски, изгубило моћ. Тада је дошло
до културног пада, те је под османским завојевачем завладао густи кутурни мрак
кроз који су се само назирале приче о пореклу и славној историји. Немогуће је,
дакле, објединити некакав балкански простор или словенски елемент, с обзи-
ром на културну разноликост друштава која насељавају овај део света. О дина-
мици значења „османско“ и „словенско“ сведоче извештаји путника и открива-
ју слојевитост семантике која им се циклично приписује. Оно што „словенско“
чини конструктом, није тек наратив о дугој историји под културно неподесним
владарима, већ потреба да хришћански народи који живе на Балкану буду озна-
чени. Њиховим означавањем и производњом дискурса о жртви постиже се сло-
жени политички циљ који је у непосредној вези са Великом игром и очувањем
колонијалних поседа. Слично је и са конструктом „османско“ који је крајем де-

ветнаестог века замењен конструктом „турско“, како би асоцирао на фантомску
фигуру „Турчина“, са једне стране, и како би се све што чини „османско“ могло
есенцијализовати. У том смислу, путни извештаји британских и америчких ди-
пломата, новинара и ратних извештача сведоче о три репрезентације народа ко-
ји живе на Балкану и најмање две представе Турака. Ове две слике се међусобно
подржавају и преплићу како би једна одржала и потом учврстила другу. Но, оне
током два века не остају јединствене и конзистентне, већ показују прилагодљи-
вост политичким околностима. Порекло балканских хришћана губи се у магла-
ма историје све док се не успостави конструкт Словена индоевропског корена,
но слабих способности које би им омогућиле пружање отпора исламском осва-
јачу. Њихова специфичност се час препознаје у „оријенталним“ утицајима који
им дају егзотичност, али и чине не-Европљанима. На другој страни су, за кон-
зервативну струју мишљења, свирепи, али поносни Турци који су некада прети-
ли да завладају читавим светом. Они се лако преображавају у варваре, нарочи-
то када се нагласи „инфериорност“ њихове религије у односу на хришћанство.
Као што је то случај са сваким конструктом, елементи који га чине морају бити
складно повезани и хармонично се уклапати један у други. Док владају свирепи
Турци, њихови поданици су намучени Словени; када је потребно мобилисати
османске војне снаге за одбрану западних колонијалних поседа, Словени доби-
јају израз сепаратиста који прете да угрозе велико и славно царство на Истоку.
Без дубљег увида у историју формирања значења ових речи, оне се некритички
користе и данас, чиме се, свесно или несвесно једна група дискредитује или фа-
воризује на рачун друге. Као и други конструкти они оживљавају кроз дискурсе
и мобилишу се у периодима наговештаја политичких промена, приликом пробле-
матизације успостављања политичких, економских и административни целина,
упоредо јачајући у стереотипу, приватном говору, жаргону или у досеткама.
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Sanja Lazarević Radak
CONSTRUCTS ‘OTTOMAN’ AND ‘SLOVENE’ IN BRITISH

AND AMERICAN COLONIAL TRAVELOGUES
Summary: Adjectives “Ottoman” / “Turkish and” Slovene” have broad and uncritic ap-
plication in language. A discourse analysis reveal that they are mere constructs: inside - in the
countries we refer to as the “Balkan” and in the Occident, they have a complex and dynamic
meaning. Their use of the nineteenth century to the present days, reveals variability and strat-
ification of the content. At first, Turkish and Slovenian were nearly equal to their attributed as
„oriental“. As the growing involvement of the so-called liberal fraction, first embodied in the
political activities of William Gladstone, the Slavs were refered to, as “small Christian nations
on the edge of the European continent“. When this perception dominated the liberal stream,
one could notice the number of articles that were critical on the expanse of the culture and the
political practice of the Slavs. At the same time, the Liberals introduced significantly more be-
nevolent attitude towards the remains of the Ottoman Empire. Some of them point out specif-
ic character of Slovenian nation linked with separatism and destructivness and regret the col-
lapse of the great empire. South Slavs were associated with the Russians - the representation
under which survives rivalry since the 17th century. Finally, an insight into the history of this
representations demonstrates the variability of attitude towards the South Slavs and Turks in
favor of the current policy of Great Britain. A political interest defined “Ottoman” and “Slo-
venian” while their representations were settle the historical discourse.
Keywords: Ottoman, Turkish, Slavic, discourse, The Great Game, colonialism
Received 26.05.2017 / Accepted 04.08.2017.

Vol. 8, No. 1 (2017):
( ) 29-43. 29
UDC 821.163.41.09-1 Mušicki L.

Dr Vladimir Bosković1
Department of Modern Greek Studies
National and Kapodistrian University of Athens
Greece
IT COULD HAPPEN TO A BISHOP:

THREE ‘SPECIAL’ SONGS BY LUKIJAN MUŠICKI
Abstract: In the collection of obscene Serbian popular songs published under the name
of Vuk Stefanović Karadžić in 1974 with the title Special Songs (Osobite pjesme i poskočice), the
contributions of Lukijan Mušicki, a renown poet of lofty learned odes and a Bishop of the Ser-
bian Orthodox Church, feature prominently. Mušicki provided at least 45 oral-popular ob-
scene poems for Vuk. In this paper I focus on the three poems recorded under Mušicki’s name
– and possibly also composed by him – and explore their literary historical content, using the
theoretical framework of the theory of orality, Michel Foucault’s discourse on sexuality, and
Mikhail Bakhtin’s discussion of the carnivalesque. I argue that these songs, apart from prob-
ing into the notion of authorship, also challenge some of the established notions regarding
the emerging discourse on sexuality in modernity.
Keywords: Lukijan Mušicki, Vuk Stefanović Karadžić, folklore, sexuality, carnivalesque,
obscene poetry, homosexuality, Orientalism, Serbian literature2
The Songs and Their Author

The notable nineteenth-century Serbian linguist, folklorist, and reformer of
the Serbian literary language, Vuk Stefanović Karadžić (1787-1864), bequeathed
to posterity an admirable collection of ethnographic material. Most of this materi-
al was published during his lifetime – those are the famous epic and lyric songs that
Goethe admired and that, later, served as a starting point for the revolutionary com-
parative study of Homer by the Harvard scholar Milman Parry (see e.g. Bovan, 1991).
1
vladimir.d.boskovic@gmail.com
2
My warmest thanks for this article go to Professor Matthew Kaiser of Harvard University, for his en-
thusiastic reading and his helpful comments. I also owe thanks to esteemed colleagues Saskia Dirkse
and Roderick Saxey for correcting my English translations of the songs; all mistakes and omissions are,
of course, exclusively mine.
30 | Vladimir Bosković
In 1974, the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts published a five-volume

modern edition of the popular songs from Vuk’s collection. The last volume is en-
titled Special Songs (Osobite pjesme i poskočice)3 and carries a self-effacing note on
the upper left corner of the front page: ‘For scholarly use only.’ The volume con-
tains 367 previously unpublished songs that did not fit the standards of decency of
the Vuk’s age.4
Most of these songs are short and contain grotesque imagery that surpasses any
classification and seem to have been created just for the sake of being outrageous;
others are longer (over 50 verses) and composed with an elaborate metaphorical
structure, containing a dose of fine social and political humor as skillful parodies of
the genre of folk poetry. They often portray the literary types of a priest, a monk, a
foreigner or a fantastic Aristophanic character like Dick Bey or the noble Ass-Pas-
turer. All of the songs cover an impressive range of sexual activities and bodily func-
tions: cunnilingus, anilingus, fellatio, male-to-female and male-to-male anal inter-
course, urination, defecation, flatulence, masturbation, intercourse with animals,
menstrual blood.
Obscene poetry, just like other popular songs of the time, circulated in two ways.
The first was oral, and its carriers usually belonged to the lower, mostly illiterate so-
cial strata: the songs were composed, learned by heart, modified, and recited or per-
formed in particular social contexts. The second way of transmission was written:
the songs circulated in manuscripts ((pesnarica or pjesnarica; indicatively this is how
the first Vuk’s edition of folk poetry is entitled5), served as a source for performance,
and were subsequently copied, modified, shortened or added to. We may assume
that the second type involved the participation of learned writers, but the limit is po-
rous: a learned author could borrow a motif or structure from a folk song and then
‘return’ it into circulation in another form. Many of the variants from Vuk’s collec-
tions show various stages of exactly this kind of interchange. Even when known, the
author of a song is never mentioned; the author is ‘the people’ (see Zumthor, 1990).
This is the procedure followed by Vuk and his contemporaries.
Some of the songs, however, seem to have perplexed the modern editors. Ac-
cording to one of them, ‘the songs that by their very character are not entirely gen-
3
The second term ((poskočice) means ‘jig’ but also a ‘short cheerful song.’ The term is obviously used to
denote the carnivalesque character of the content, as there are no genre divisions in the book.
4
Still, Vuk never stopped collecting them. He included the ‘obscene words’ (together with some rather
scandalous, for the time, phrasal usages) in his 1842 Dictionary of the Serbian language, and that caused
heated debate among the intellectuals of the age.
5
Mala prostonarodnja slaveno-serbska pjesnarica [A little Slavo-Serbian book of songs of the common
people], Vienna 1814.
It Could Happen to a Bishop: Three ‘Special’ Songs by Lukijan Mušicki | 31
uinely popular [izvorno narodne] are published in the supplements of the volumes’
(Mladenović, 1973, p. CCLXXII, reference in Damjanov, 1988, p. 142). This defi-
nition, as obscure as it may be, is additionally contradicted by the fact that some of
the songs that show clear traces of an expert hand are included in the first part of the
volume and not in this ‘Supplement.’
Vuk’s informants consisted of local literati and enthusiasts who would send him
songs they had heard and written down. Forty five of the ‘special’ songs were sent to
Vuk by Lukijan Mušicki (1777-1837), abbot of the monastery of Šišatovac in Vojvo-
dina and, from 1828, the Orthodox bishop of the Eparchy of Karlstadt (Gornji Kar-
lovac, in what is today Croatia). Damjanov (1997) noted that these forty five songs
themselves ‘comprise an integral short collection of erotic poetry’ (p. 142; all trans-
lations are mine). Three of those songs – ‘Rada the Turkish Slave,’ ‘Golden Fleece,’
and ‘Nice Company’ – are found in the ‘Supplement’ under Mušicki’s name.6
Lukijan Mušicki is an odd figure in the history of Serbian literature. In his youth,
he used to compose love poems, and some of them became quite popular (Karanović,
1990, passim). At some point around 1800, he turned to Classicism and became its
most prominent representative among Serbs. He was interchangeably praised and
reproached, disparaged and rehabilitated, given the title of archipoeta or ‘that odifi-
er’ (odadžija). Lukijan’s high-style odes dedicated to high ideals and persons were
written in a high-register language and were so sublime that few people ever really
understood them. His letters portray him as an intelligent, lively, contradictory per-
sonality, a polymath and polyglot who was always in debt and not rarely suffered
from paranoia (many of his odes in seipsum address his innumerable invented ene-
mies). It is clear, nevertheless, that he was a prominent intellectual of his time, his ac-
tivities ranging from founding seminaries to writing a grammar to proposing a draft
of the letter ђ that is still part of the Serbian alphabet. He is also internally known as
‘the gay bishop’ of the Serbian Orthodox Church.7
Živomir Mladenović (1973), one of the editors of these songs, remarked: ‘It
is surprising how many special songs Mušicki wrote down, and some of them al-
so composed, for Vuk’ (p. XIII). He also suggested: ‘For some of Vuk’s collectors,
such as Lukijan Mušicki [...], it is not always easy to discern what they have written
down from the others, and what they have composed themselves’ (p. CCLXXV).
Following these scholarly testimonies, Damjanov (1987) concluded that the ‘Gold-
6
Other forty two songs sent by Mušicki were included in the collection thematically (No. 40, 41, 97,
99-101, 160-162, 164, 166, 169, 176, 211, 303-310, 313, 315-323, 326-328, 330, 332-337).
7
There is an oral tradition in the Serbian Orthodox Church that Mušicki was a ‘big, big homosexual’.
See an intriguing presentation at the internet portal of the Serbian gay community (in Serbian): [Anon-
ymous]. Lukijan Mušicki. http://www.gay-serbia.com/queer/musicki-lukijan/index.jsp.
en Fleece,’ and most probably ‘Rada the Turkish Slave,’ were composed, or at least
finalized, after some unknown model, by Mušicki himself,f probably in his youth (p.
149-50). There is neither need nor space to enter here the theoretical speculations
on authorship in the spirit of Foucault or Barthes or to discuss Damjanov’s argu-
ments in detail; it is enough to note the striking features of diction and language of
these two songs that correspond not only to the love songs of Mušicki’s youth, but
also to the solemn odes of his maturity.
The motives that led Mušicki to collect – or compose – these songs remain
open to speculation. Several possible answers can be proposed, but the one that in-
terests me the most is the idea that the songs consciously resist emerging discours-
es of sexuality, even as they gesture inescapably toward them. Is Mušicki a dissident
of sexuality? Is he nostalgic for premodern experiences of sex, for proto-sexuality?
Is he trying to forge some sort of discursive alliance against sexuality between a ple-
beian customary consciousness and church intellectuals? In a way, his obscenity is
aligned with traditionalism and conservatism, and its target is the metropolitan and
middle-class confessing impulse that Foucault (1988) associates with modern sub-
jectivity. Perhaps Mušicki’s raucous “singing” genitals are a political antidote to Fou-
cault’s more earnest “talking” genitals.
In this case, the ‘popular’ or ‘folk’ tradition may have been conveniently used as
a shield that protects the social position of the reputable abbot. The social morals in
early nineteenth century Austrian Empire were indeed very strict and it would not
be surprising that Mušicki legitimized his writings by ascribing them to the people
– a strategy apt for a Romantic, analogous to the ‘nature’ or ‘natural reason’ of the
Enlightenment authors.
The first two poems are composed in eight-syllable trochaic quatrains rhymed
abab, while the ‘Nice Company’ is comprised of fourteen-syllable (8+6) trochaic vers-
es with an occasional rhyme. Traditionally, folk poetry either employs no rhyme or
rhymed couplets (aabb) but never four-line stanzas rhymed abab. The fourteen-syl-
lable verse is also not present in folk poetry, but it is well represented in the learned
poetry of the age.
These songs received only limited attention of the critics and scholars. It is our
intention primarily to presentt them and to try to show that, if approached from an ad-
equately critical perspective, these songs can offer exciting material for literary study.
Slaves of National Freedom: The Case of Rada

Much before the discursive explosion of Oriental narratives, the Ottoman Empire
emerged as the space of projection of European homosexual desire. Already during
the conquests of Byzantium the Turks were notorious among Christian writers for
male sexual slavery.8 The military organization of the Empire, its power and discipline
were turned into a gay fetish still as early as the sixteenth century, in the memoirs of
Bartolomej Georgijević (1553), who was himself a slave in Turkish hands. Fulfilling
both propagandistic and voyeuristic desires of the ‘Christian Europe,’ he described in
great detail the sexual abuse of young European boys. By the early nineteenth centu-
ry the ‘Turkish vice’ became well established in the European public, and travel lit-
erature – that monologue of sexual desire and frustration par excellence – abound-
ed with all kinds of made up, and ‘spiced up,’ stories of sexual slaves.
If we are to believe some of the travelers, the training of young male sexual slaves
was exceptionally cruel, as they were taught to become effeminate and passive in ev-
ery sense of the word. An 1836 account of a boy sold to a Constantinople noble (who
‘employed him […] in his exercises of pleasure’) describes that ‘when the boy re-
sisted or complained, he was beaten with 20 to 50 blows to the feet, hanging head
downwards from a rope. This was done so many days in succession that he could
hardly walk. […] He was also often left in a room without food or water for several
days, to make him compliant’ (Drake, 1992, p. 30).9
Rada is portrayed as pre-sexual; he knows not of sexual pathology, emotional
trauma or psychological torture. His restraint is physical: if he tries to escape, he will
be punished. His experience is articulated through physical sensations only, and the
pain is balanced through his own little quest for genital pleasure. There is no confes-
sion and no moral introspection; Rada simply replies when asked about his life. He
is the perfect subject. His master loves him: the tone of the commands denotes for-
mal authority in the presence of the council, but also familiarity when the two are
alone. The phrase var gött (‘Is there some ass?’) in Turkish indicates the willingness
to participate in something. The root rad that Rada’s name is derived from can in-
deed refer either to work or (with a short a) to willingness. Rada is willing, but he is
also a worker and is paid for his work; sometimes he sings when he works, and this
is his joyful song.
To draw a parallel at this point, we should note that the main difference between
the ‘Greek love’ and the ‘Turkish vice’ was the manipulation of domestic power.
8
It is interesting, if we are to follow the hard line of the Orientalist tradition, that the ancient Persians were
notorious among the ancient Greeks only for being ‘slaves.’ In both cases (ancient ‘slavery’ and modern
‘[homo]sexual slavery’) the fact that practically the same set of social relations existed, or might have
been equally imagined, in the dominant culture of the writer, remained conveniently unmentioned.
9
The Sultan’s dancing boys dressed in girls’ clothes, another institution used often in the West as a flagrant
example of Oriental perverseness (as late as 2003, in Khaled Hosseini’s Kite Runner), survived to this
day as a custom in Asia Minor where young lads called köçekk entertain the guests at wedding banquets
dancing in women’s clothes. See Murray, 1997, p. 24ff;f the medieval illustration on p. 25 shows the type
of skirt that is still used.
The Greeks, apart from talking their boys into a relationship, had no real power over
them. The desire of the Greek pederasts was by definition laden with frustration: a
boy or his family could at every instant say no, the pressure of sophrosyne (temper-
ance) was incessantly holding in check the lover’s ‘two horses of the soul,’ and even
if everything went as hoped for, a comme-il-faut pederast would never penetrate his
boy’s body. An Ottoman pederast was, on the contrary, a full master and literal pos-
sessorr of his pleasure: he could become one with the object of his desire at any given
point. His will was the only governing force of the harem that simultaneously guar-
anteed the safety and the well-being of his human possessions (see Murray, 1997, p.
14ff). Male sexual slavery was, in other words, the social personification of the di-
lemma of totalitarianism.
If in the figure of Rada’s master we are to see the Foucauldian ‘web of power’
(1988, pp. 92ff), then we can observe the complex nature of the main character’s
loyalties. In the last strophe, the second voice of the song is heard, coming from what
appears to be an ‘objective’ source. It is a persona outside the realm of the Ottomans,
someone speaking from the enlightened (today we would probably say democratic)
world. It plainly identifies Rada with the Nation through an important assonance –
he is addressed as Rade, rode or ‘O Rada, [my] kin,’ like the Greek genos or the Ital-
ian gente. This refers to the kinship of an ‘imagined community,’ but also to its gro-
tesque potential for [re]birth, bearing fruit, and becoming (roditi, Greek gignomai).
Rada is the personification of an enslaved Nation that accepts its humiliating place,
but he is also a representation of a nonexistent, emerging, still-to-be-born Nation
and this state of ‘not-being’ is the remedy for Rada’s humiliation.
Rada belongs to Mehemet, but he belongs to his nation too; and if he does not
act upon the demand for national liberation (and also of European imperialism), he
will be laughed at, finger-pointed, and humiliated in a jest poem for all eternity. In
fact, he cannot belong to two masters, and his position is therefore liminal, he is found
outside his body, his logic is random and useless, and good only to be laughed at.
That is the tragic dimension of Rada’s fate and perhaps the deeper cause of his timor
mortis. The humorous key of the poem is the relief to this anxiety.
The Enlightenment, advertized as the maturity of the human kind and its break
with childhood, poses a threat to the vital interests of a sexual slave: if he becomes
an adult, his master will lose interest in him; he will no longer be protected and
cherished but, instead, will be plunged into uncertainty and danger. By humorous-
ly transforming the Turks from ‘blood-thirsty’ to ‘enlightened,’ this second voice re-
establishes the old order of things (kosmos): Rada can now leave his liminal chaos
the song threw him into and relax in the embrace of his kâhya and his haremlık, en-
joy some nice deserts and fine Turkish dishes; he does not need to grow up, to fight
his non-enlightened oppressors because they are, you see, already enlightened. He
is allowed to continue his passive acceptance of his slavery; as a member of the ‘en-
lightened’ or ‘civilized’ (the song says ‘Turks are enlightened too’), his masochistic
pleasure of being overly civilized may remain intact.
The last stanza can be seen as a Derridean pharmakon for erasing the past and
rebuilding the present, for bringing in abortion and fertility, both a cure for Rada’s
fear and the magic potion of the fighters for national liberation, a serum that will
make the Turks ‘lenient’ i.e. weak (see Derrida, 1981, p. 95ff). The song is the elixir
of Rada’s eternal youth that will keep the status quo and prevent the Enlightenment
from ruining his happy little world, but also the deadly sting of humor that will re-
main in Rada’s body forever, as well as the sweet drink of Letha that will help the
Nation forget its past in servitude by laughing at it.
‘Golden Fleece’: The Classical Ideals

The very fact that the second poem has a paratext, as has already been noted by
Damjanov (1988) points to its learned origin (p. 147). The initial title that Luki-
jan sent to Vuk was simply ‘Pussy’ (Pica) but the 1974 editors chose the more fam-
ily-friendly ‘Golden Fleece’ instead (Mladenović & Nedić, 1974, p. 132). The sub-
title ‘after Polish’ (po
( poljskom) deserves some attention too. It does not refer either
to translation (that would be sa poljskog) or to imitation, but to a creative rewriting
of the text in another language. This Polish model is not identified so far, and we do
not know whether it ever existed, or was just a convenient excuse for the author’s
dirty imagination. The subtitle and the song’s metrical scheme, as well as its learned
vocabulary and subtle parodying the classicistic poetry, all clearly show that this po-
em is a finished work of an educated individual.
The ‘Golden Fleece’ is written in the learned idiom of the age (Serbian had a
diglossia) used for the ‘sublime style’ of the Classicist odes. It celebrates and glori-
fies the vagina in the most elevated way. The pussy connects times and spaces, ag-
es10 and social classes, it is a symbol of juridical and social justice. Furthermore, it is
mythical – the references to Colchis and Labyrinth, somehow felt as an interpola-
tion, can be understood simply as common Classicistic imagery, but if one takes in-
to account the gradual structure of the poem, then the ancient references serve as a
catalyst for transferring the pussy’s preeminence from the earthly to the transcen-
dental domain. The word translated as ‘mother’ (rodica) in the original makes a dar-
ing reference to the Virgin Mary. It is the second part of the compound Bogorodica,
calque from the Greek Theotokos, or ‘God-bearer.’
10
Doba is used both in the sense of individual age and historical epoch.
The pussy is the mother and the queen of all mankind. Her power and absolute
domination are a substitution, supplément for the phallocentric order of the world.
She is an energetic, authoritative motor of action; she refuses her role of the object of
male desire. The term translated as ‘humbles’ (upokori, literally ‘subjugates’), how-
ever, leads us back to Foucault’s concept of pouvoirr and reveals the circular nature of
the strategies employed in subverting the dominant discourse: the ‘proud’ [male] is
subjugated, but that still makes him the subjectt of the ode, and the poem is turned in-
to a joyful game of a bishop for his male friends, a discursive titillation for men who,
as always, leave the vagina out of the real business (Foucault, ibid.).
Is this poem really a parody? Damjanov (1988) noticed this ambivalence and
made no effort to further explore it (p. 149). There is really nothing in the poem
that subverts the genre of an ode as such. The language, the tone, the repertoire of
images and rhetorical devices, everything fits into the pattern of an ode. The ode on
‘the valley where the people were born in’ appears as a written, Classicistic Origine
du monde, only some thirty years earlier. The key to this question is, again, the pa-
ratext: the original title – ‘Pussy’ – is marked, it is a diminutive (pica
( , derived from
pička). This hypocoristic is the screw that causes the entire Classicistic construc-
tion to collapse. The Mother of Mankind can be a vagina, but never a pussy. On
the Courbet’s canvas, the realistic treatment of the object aspired to the represen-
tation of the raw Truth; a sublime/-ing Classicistic poem could not withstand even
its smallest amount.
The Genital Salon

The song ‘Nice Company’ appears as an excellent illustration of the ‘discursive
explosion’ of sexuality in the early nineteenth century. It is a croquis, but what a cro-
quis: a round table of talking genitalia of all shapes and sizes, a literal sexual discourse.
The very fact that genitalia can talk is the news of the day; they are freed from their
sexual function and introduced to each other as full persons, as ‘lads and girls,’ with
all due compliments. The poem lists the members of this company in two catego-
ries, in the original etymologically connected with the basic words for male and fe-
male genitalia, thus introducing the only division between the two; otherwise, the
table is as liberal and democratic as it may be. There is no visible seating order, there
are no hierarchies; the bigger and (presumably) older members of the company are
by no means shown as privileged in comparison to the smaller ones. The indica-
tions of kinship are also not entirely clear. For the moment it may sound that first
two groups involve families with their elders and children (the first family having
only one son, but the second having two little daughters) that gathered to arrange
a marriage, as was the case in the early nineteenth century Serbia. But who is get-
ting married? The clear statement in the second verse – that the company consists
of young lads and girls – excludes this explanation. The overlapping of the names al-
so confuses the reader. Is the Great Cunt, the wife of the best man Crooked Dick,
the same as the one sitting with the twat and the two little pussies? And what about
the gender confusion in the penultimate verse – how can a pussy (is it one of those
two above?) be a brides-man?
The inconsistencies and contradictions in the song reflect the transitional phase
of the discourse on sexuality in a wider European context. It partially conforms to
the genre characteristics of the carnivalesque jest song performed at weddings, but
at the same time it brings on a discourse of clear and distinct genitalia that will have
a bright future in the literature of Europe. The genitals are not yet employed in the
game of numbers; they are not a means for procreation and enlarging of the pro-
ductive population. Instead, they seize the opportunity to take a break and engage
in a relaxed genital chitchat whose topic is not even related to us, and rightly so, be-
cause it is really irrelevant. The gender confusion, on the other hand, by subverting
the traditional role distribution, contributes to the egalitarian gender representa-
tion: the female is not a negation or lack of the male (a tradition that begins in an-
tiquity and finds its modern expression in Freud), it is not standing at the door and
serving the gentlemen; as an equal companion at the table, it is rather proudly sit-
ting among its comrades.
Damjanov (1987) suggested that the ‘fundamental vision of the [Serbian] erot-
ic compositions of the eighteenth and the early nineteenth century might be iden-
tified as a grotesque vision of the body’ (p. 12, author’s italic). The bodies indeed are
incomplete, their proportions changed, they stress the lower bodily stratum. There
is, however, no constant death and rebirth, and, most importantly, there is no obses-
sion with primary bodily needs. Unlike the bodies in most of the poems from Vuk’s
collection, these ones do not fornicate, urinate, defecate, swallow and get swallowed;
they just sit and talk. There is also no political agenda at the table: the company gath-
ers to have some fun (see Bakhtin, 1984, esp. pp. 303-367). The only subtly paro-
dying element of the poem is the expression for ‘having fun’ itself (pak( provode šalu)
that bears a strong reminiscence to the formulas of epic poetry – but we already re-
alize that the fixed epic and patriarchal order is subverted. The carnivalesque spirit
the poem depicts does not abolish but expresses and reconfirms the order of power.
As I mentioned above, sex-as-songg appears to stand on the opposite of sex-as-
discourse. In this sense, Mušicki’s songs can be used to advance a counterintuitive
theory of obscenity: one that complicates Bakhtin’s notion of the carnivalesque as
well as Foucault’s notion of sex-as-discourse. Despite all his external conservativ-
ism, Mušicki occupies a place far ahead of his more secular and politically progres-
sive contemporaries, as a forerunner of subversive metanarratives on sexuality that
would reemerge on the intellectual stage of Europe only in the mid-twentieth century.
His genius was that he, indeed, realized how important it is to be in a nice company.
APPENDIX: THE SONGS

RADA THE TURKISH SLAVE RADA TURSKI ROB
‘Hey Rada, how are you?’ „More, Rade, kako ti je?“

Someone asks a Turkish slave. Pita neko turskog roba.
He replies: ‘I’m faring well Odgovara: „Dobro mi je
Up to this present day. Do današnjeg jošte doba.
Already at the first light of dawn Još pri zore prvom svjetu
I light the fire and make it blaze, Staknem oganj i razžarim,
So that I can make mocha coffee Da ćeaji Mehemetu
For Mehemet the kâhya.11 Baš iz Moke kavu varim.
After coffee is served, on my knees, Posle kave na koljeni

I offer him a pipe made of amber Dam mu čibuk s ćilibarom,
If he gives me a sign with his eye or hand, Okom, rukom mane l’ meni,
To all the aghas and tefterdars12 too. Agam svim i tefterdarom.
Then with my hands folded Potom rukam prekrštenim

I gaze at the kâhya, Na ćeaju gledajući,
With my neck and my spine recoiling Vratom, kičmom savijenom,
I stand waiting for his order. Stojim ukaz čekajući.
“Ver göt,13 Rada!” when he says, ’Var đot, Rade!’ kad mi rekne,
Instantly I bend over for him, Odma mu se ja navernem,
I genuflect, and he kneels down behind me, Kleknem, za mnom i on klekne,
He holds on to me so I don’t stumble. Ščepa me da ne posrnem.
When he scrapes the smeared [lubricated] göt Đot umašten kad izdere,

I give him a towel, a jug and a laver Peškir, ibrik, legen pružim
11
Ottoman officer, local administrator.
12
Ottoman titles, members of kâhya’s cabinet.
13
‘Give ass!’ (Turkish in the original, var đot).
So that he can wipe himself – Da s’ obriše kad s’ opere –

And I earn four paras.14 Četir pare ja zaslužim.
And in order to sweeten my servitude, A da ropstvo men’ zasladim,

The misery of a slave does not scathe me, Jad me roba ne satare,
I fix the first kadın,15 Kadunu ja pervu gradim,
And get myself four paras. I po četir dob’jem pare.
If some other of the women calls for me, Zazove l’ me druga bula,
An odalisque16 or a kadın, Odaliska ili kade,
I’d be a bastard and a scoundrel Bio b’ kurvin sin i hula
Not to accept what is being offered. Da ne primim čto mi s’ dade.
Each of them serves me a sherbet, Šerbetom me svaka poji,

Feeds me greasy meat and pilaf,f Rani masnim i pilavom,
And counts out four paras. A po četir pare broji.
Perhaps I am going to pay for this with my life?’ Da tek neću platit’ glavom?“ –
‘Oh, don’t worry, Rada, my kin, „O, ne boj se, Rade, rode,
Turks are enlightened too, I Turci su prosvješteni,
For they fornicate with slaves, S robljem jer se oni svode,
And they are lenient to their wives.’ A kroz prste glede ženi!
14
Ottoman coins, mints.
15
Wife.
16
Concubine.
GOLDEN FLEECE (PUSSY) ZLATNO RUNO (PICA)

(after Polish) ((po poljskom)
Everybody is hungry for pussy Svi za picom alču ljudi

Like little flies for soil, K’o za zemljom mušičice,
All men of all the ages Svak se doba svakog trudi
Make an effort to ‘get some.’ Za komadić mile pice.
She sweetens all our worries and sorrows, Sve nam brige, tuge sladi,
She is a whirlpool and a vessel of joy; Radosti je vertlog, čaša;
Old and young like her, Miluju nju stari, mladi,
And all our brothers. Sva i proča braća naša.
Pussy changes our character, Pica našu ćud izmeni,

She humbles the proud; Upokori ponosnoga;
She is acknowledged and respected Počituje nju i ceni
By everyone from an emperor to a commoner. Svak od cara do prostoga.
She has influence in a company, Upliv ima u družbinu,

In love, kinship and friendship; Ljubvu, srodstvo, prijateljstvo;
She knows how to govern destiny Upravljati zna sudbinu
And to avoid persecution. I ukročit goniteljstvo.
Pussy dwells wherever she pleases, Pica, gdi god hoće, bavi,
And wherever she wants, she brings fortune; A gdi hoće, oskrobljava;
She is the reason for the greatest glory, Najvećoj je povod slavi,
She governs the potentates. Velmožami upravljava
If she sides with someone in a court Kog u sudu derži stranu

He will walk a free man – Cjelo će se izvinuti —
Her petitions are accepted, Hodatajstva njena branu,
Her client will be clean. Zaštitnik njen prav će biti.
She pays no heed to dignity or office, Na dostojnstvo, čin ne vzire,

She turns the savant into a fool, Mudrog ona ludim pravi,
For she takes takes and steals from the rich S bogatog jer svlači, zdire
In order to cover and clothe the naked. Da na golog metne, spravi.
Pussy was the golden fleece, Pica zlatno runo bjaše,

That the cautious emperor of Colchis Čto kolhidski car ostrožni
Cloistered in a Labyrinth U Lavirint zabravljaše
So that no one could steal her. Ne da b’ ukrast bilo možno.
Jason suffered many things for her – Jason tušta zbog nje podneo —
Having sailed over the briny sea More sinje prebrodivši,
Because of her he achieved his victory Pobjedu je rad nje odneo
Having cheated both the daughter and the Kćer i cara prevarivši.
emperor.
Blagorodni, svi gledajte
Gentlemen, take a look, all of you Brucavu i rujnu picu,
At a shaggy and rosy pussy, Pak ju sebi predstavljajte
And present her to yourself Ljudskog roda k’o rodicu.
As the great mother of all mankind.
Car, vojnici, poglavari,
Emperor, soldiers and rulers, Pa po zemlji svi čto hodu,
All those who walk the earth, Veličaju toj u stvari
Rejoice in this very thing Dol iz kog se ljudi rodu.
The valley where humans were born from.
NICE COMPANY LEPO DRUŠTVO
A nice company gathered and engages in Sastalo se lepo društvo pa se razgovara,

pleasant banter,
Ladies and fellows that have no match: Mladi momci i devojke kojim’ nema para:
The dick, the cock, the hard-on dong and a Kurac, kura, kurčekanja i malo kurčence,
little pecker,
The cunt, the twat, the giant cooter and two Pička, pizda, pizdurina i dve male pice,
little pussies,
A fat best man, Crooked Dick, his wife the Debeli kum krivi kurac, pizdurina kuma,
Giant Cooter,
Two bridesmen, two dandies, a pussy and a Dva devera dva kicoša, pica i kitica;
dickette;
They sit and the table, and have a great fun Oni sede za astalom, pak provode šalu.
together.
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Karanović, Z. (1988). Pesme Lukijana Mušickog u rukopisnim pesmaricama XIX
veka [The Songs of L. M. in the Manuscript Songbooks of the 19th Century]. In
T. Bjekić et al. (Eds.). Srpsko građansko pesništvo: ogledi i studije (pp. 124-140).
Novi Sad: Matica srpska.
Mladenović, Ž., & Nedić, V. (Eds.). (1974). Srpske narodne pesme iz neobjavljenih
rukopisa Vuka Stefanovića Karadžića [Folk Songs from the Unpublished
Manuscripts of V. S. K.], (Vol. 1). Osobite pjesme i poskočice. Beograd: SANU.
Mladenović, Ž. (1973). Rukopisi narodnih pesama Vukove zbirkе i njihovo izdavanje
[The Manuscripts of the Folk Songs from Vuk’s Collection and Their Publishing].
Beograd: SANU.
Murray, S. O. (1997). The Will Not to Know. In S. O. Murray & W. Roscoe (Eds.).
Islamic Homosexualities: Culture, History, and Literature (pp. 14-54). New York:
New York University Press.
Zumthor, P. (1990). Oral Poetry: An Introduction. (K. Murphy-Judy, Trans.).
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. (Original work published in 1983).
Владимир Бошковић
IT COULD HAPPEN TO A BISHOP: ТРИ ‘ОСОБИТЕ’

ПЕСМЕ ЛУКИЈАНА МУШИЦКОГ
Сажетак: У збирци опсцених српских народних песама објављених под именом Ву-
ка Стефановића Караџића 1974. године и насловљеној Особите пјесме и поскочице, упа-
дљив је допринос Лукијана Мушицког, уваженог песника учених ода и владике Српске
православне цркве. Мушицки је Вуку послао најмање 45 ласцивних усмених народних
песама. У овом раду бавим се трима песмама забележеним под именом Мушицког – ко-
је је он сам можда и саставио – и истражујем њихов историјски садржај користећи се те-
оретским оквирима теорије усмености, Фукоовим дискурсом сексуалности, и Бахтино-
вом дискусијом о карневалескном. Моја је теза да ове песме, осим што испитују сам појам
ауторства, такође доводе у питање неке од утврђених појмова у вези са појавом дискур-
са сексуалности у модерно доба.
Кључне речи: Лукијан Мушицки, Вук Стефановић Караџић, народна књижевност,
сексуалност, карневалескно, ласцивне песме, хомосексуалност, оријентализам, српска
књижевност

Vol. 8, No. 1 (2017):
( ) 45-60. 45
UDC 930.85(497.1:430)
Др Габријела Шуберт1
Универзитет „Фридрих Шилер” у Јени
Институт за славистику
Немачка

О ЦРНОЈ ГОРИ, СВЕТОМ ПЕТРУ ЦЕТИЊСКОМ,
КРАЉУ НИКОЛИ И ГОРСКОМ ВИЈЕНЦУ
Апстракт: Мој допринос је посвећен запажањима чувеног њемачког слависте и по-
знаваоца Јужних Словена, Герхарда Геземана, о Црној Гори за време Првог свјетског рата.
Он је у тренуцима избијања Првог свјетског рата био наставник њемачког језика у Бео-
граду. Наредне, 1915. године је био принуђен да због њемачког напада крене у повлачење
са српском војском преко Црне Горе и Албаније. На обали Албаније је успио да се укрца
на један брод и врати у Њемачку. Своје ратне доживљаје описује у књизи Die Flucht. Aus
einem serbischen Tagebuch 1915 und 1916, објављеној у Минхену 1935. године (српско из-
дање: Са српском војском кроз Албанију 1915-1916, Београд, 1984). У његов ратни днев-
ник је укључен дужи одломак који посвјећује Црногорцима, њиховим обичајима, Светом
Петру, Краљу Николи као и Горском вијенцу.
Кључне ријечи: Герхард Геземан, ратни дневник, Први свјетски рат, Црна Гора, Ср-
бија, Горски вијенац
Герхард Геземан је један од најистакнутијих њемачких слависта двадесетог

вијека који је сав свој живот посвјетио народном стваралаштву и културама Ју-
жних Словена. Његова жеља је била да наставља улогу коју су некада, у првим
деценијама 19. века играли Гете, Талфи, Јакоб Грим и други као посредници Ју-
жних Словена. Захваљујући њима су Њемци у то вријеме више него икада били
обавештени о Балканским Словенима.
1
g schubert@uni-jena.de (Gabriella Schubert, Friedrich Schiller University of Jena, Institute of Slavic
g.
Studies, Germany)
46 | Габријела Шуберт
Лични и научни развој Герхарда Геземана

Герхард Геземан се родио 1888. године у Лихтенбергу у Њемачкој, у једној
учитељској породици. Послије завршетка гимназије студирао je класичну фило-
логију, германистику, индологију и славистику. Докторирао је германистику да
би се послије искључиво посветио славистици. Путујући кроз јужнословенске
земље упознавао је културу и књижевност народа. Вријеменом је израстао у ис-
траживача свијетског ранга. Већ у студентско вријеме почео је интезивно да се
бави јужнословенским епским пјесмама. Као што сам пише у свом раду „Бјек-
ство“ из 1935. године, знао је на хиљаде стихова напамет. Народној поезији је
приписао биолошки значај; уп.:
„‚Епска пjесма је за динарски народ била управо биолошки важна: његовој

несрећној историји дала је смисао, утjеху и наду у боља времена пропагира-
јући херојско стрпљење и борбеност, дала му је потребно самооправдање,
самопоштовање а тиме и самоодржање. А поврх свега тога још и ово: хра-
брост и основе за модеран књижевни језик.‘ Имајући то на уму може се с
правом рећи да је народни епос библија југословенског народног духа […]“.2
Рано је уочио опасност од изумирања те поезије. Да би то предуприједио,

позвао је, између осталог, једног црногорског гуслара у Берлин и снимио два-
десет грамофонских плоча са пјесмама у његовом извођењу.
Геземан је по угледу на Вука Караџића често путовао по земљи и вршио те-
ренско истраживање. Често је због тога боравио у Црној Гори. Сматрао је да је
живо излагање народног пјевача на лицу мјеста свакако важније него филоло-
шко-историјска анализа писаних извора. Скупљао је у Црној Гори народне при-
че, превео их на њемачки језик и објавио у зборнику 1935. године под називом
„
„Јунаци , пастири и хајдуци. Црногорске народне приче / Helden, Hirten und
Hajduken. Montenegrinische Volksgeschichten“. Његов циљ је био да
„још једном пренесе једно истински народно стваралаштво, које не посjе-

дује само високу умjетничку вриједност преображену Хомеровим сунцем,
2
Gesemann, Gerhard: Gesammelte Abhandlungen 1. 1. Die russische Literatur, 2. Südslavische
Volksdichtung. Neuried 1981: 397. Њемачки цитати су у овом прилогу преведени од стране ауторке.
У бијегу преко Црне Горе: Герхард Геземан о Црној Гори,
Светом Петру Цетињском, краљу Николи и Горском вијенцу | 47
него – по овоме чак и превазилази еп – води директно у срце и биће једног

непознатог народа.“3
Геземаново главно и најважније научно дијело, међутим, представља књи-

га „Црногорски човјек. Прилог историји и карактерологији патријархално-
сти / Heroische Lebensform. Zur Literatur und Wesenskunde der balkanischen
Patriarchalität “, које је у њемачком оригиналу објављено 1943. а у пријеводу 2003.
године. Књига је проширена верзија дијела које је настало 1933/1934 године на
Њемачком универзитету у Прагу а о коме рецезент Џон Браун Мејсон пише:
„Књига представља прави рудник злата за студенте племенске и национал-

не психологије, историчара културне историје и књижевности као и за со-
циолога. […].“4
О овом раду, у коме се опширно описују живот, социјална организација и

дух црногорског сеоског становништва, у науци се много писало, тако да сада
о томе не мора бити ријечи; у сваком случају, та књига један доказ више о томе
колико је Геземан познавао и цијенио Црну Гору и Црногорце. Кад се она поја-
вила, Геземан је имао 47 година. У Црној Гори је као што је горе поменуто већ
и раније боравио вршећи теренски рад; али први пут је упознао ту земљу након
свог доктората – под најтежим и мучним условима, у Првом свјетском рату. У то
вријеме је имао 27 година и налазио се на почетку своје научне каријере. При-
ча о томе почиње у Београду, 1914. године.
Геземан у Београду
Геземанова одлука да након доктората студира славистику у Србији, није на-
ишла на одобрење његових професора; савјетовали су му да то не ради пошто ће
имати велике проблеме са Србима. Али Геземан се није поколебао у својој одлу-
ци и 1914. долази у Србију да би студирајући радио и као наставник њемачког
језика у Првој мушкој београдској гимназији.
„Духовни трагови Хердера, Грима, Гетеа и Ранкеа“, тако почиње Геземанов
син Волфганг свој коментар о боравку свог оца у Србији, „одвели су мог оца на
3
Gesemann, Gerhard: Helden, Hirten und Hajduken: montenegrinische Volksgeschichten. München
1935: 135.
4
Brown Mason, John (1936): „[Рецензија] Der montenegrinische Mensch“. American Sociological
Review vol. 1, No. 4/1936: 690–691, овдје 691.
готово сумњиво авантуристички начин 1914. у Србију гђе је на изенадан начин

стјекао истраживачко искуство.5
Почетак његове наставничке каријере био је отежан чињеницом да је њего-
во знање језика почивало на познавању јуначких пјесама. О томе пише:
„Нисам умео још ниједно реченицу да саставим правилно српски. Знао сам
промене именица и глагола и осим тога неколико стотина српских десете-
раца напамет, али са ‚Мили боже, чуда великога! Вино пије Краљивићу Мар-
ко, рано пије у свету недјељу...‘ нисам се могао појавити пред ученицима.“6
Захваљујући његовој психолошкој умјешности и сналажљивости ипак је по-

стигао свој циљ, тако да су његових 70 ученика на крају године успјешно поло-
жили испит у њемачком језику.
У Београду га је затјекло избијање Првог сјветског рата. Као цивилни заро-
бљеник српске државе био је принуђен да 1915. крене у повлачење пред Њем-
цима са српском војском и да је прати као болничар пријеко данашњег Косова,
Црне Горе и Албаније до албанске обале. Тамо је 1916. године успјео да се укр-
ца на један брод и врати у Њемачку пријеко Швајцарске.
Бјежанија
Своје мучне ратне доживљаје описује у својој књизи „Die Flucht. Aus einem
serbischen Tagebuch 1915 und 1916“ која је изашла 1935. године у Минхену и
1984. године у Бегораду у пријеводу Радослава Меденице под насловом „Са срп-
ском војском кроз Албанију 1915-1916.“.7 Књига је посвијећена Јовану Цвијићу,
човеку, коме – као Геземан пише
„највише захвалан за оно што је највише и најбоље у мени: просветљено ср-

це и саосећање и разумевање за један туђи народ.“8
5
Gesemann, Gerhard: Germanoslavica: Geschichten aus dem Hinterhalt: 5 balkanische und eine Prager
Novelle aus dem Nachlaß; Kommentar, Lebensabriß und Schriftenverzeichnis erstellt von Wolfgang
Gesemann. Frankfurt a.M. [u.a.] 1979: 111.
6
Геземан, Герхард: Са српском војском кроз Албанију 1915-1916. Београд 1984: 39. Напомена: Ци-
тати из ове књиге преузети у оригиналу, у екавици.
7
Геземан, Герхард: Са српском војском кроз Албанију 1915-1916. Београд 1984: 39. Напомена: Ци-
тати из ове књиге преузети у оригиналу, у екавици.
8
Исто: 108.
Записи у дневнику почињу 1. новембра 1915. у Ибарској клисури код Кра-

љева. Повлачење пред надолазећом њемачком војском Геземана води у Косов-
ску Митровицу, пријеко Косовског поља, Призрена, кроз Црну Гору, пријеко
Подгорице, Скадра до Драча.
Бјекство ја значило вишенедељни ход на непознатом, брдовитом и опасном
терену пјешке, путовање кочијом или као слијепи путник на камиону и то у хлад-
ноћи, у гладном и болесном стању. Геземан очајно пита себе:
„Цича је зима. Где да преноћим? Где могу да се завучем и склоним од хлад-

ноће, од ових црних сенки што све гутају, од ових високих зидова, од там-
них улица?“.9
Већ на почетку је оболео од тифуса. Пише о томе колико је паћенички збјег

промијенио људе, да сваки се бори за себе а ипак је дио прљаве, збуњене гоми-
ле. И српска војска више није имала илузију и одавно је изгубила вољу за бор-
бом. Пут није водио директно према зацртаном циљу већ је било неопходно за-
обилазити градове које су освојили Њемци и места гђе су разбојници нападали
путнике. Геземан о томе између осталог пише:
„Према Подгорици воде од Пећи два пута. Један иде долином северно од
Проклетија преко варошица Плава и Гусиња. Али Арбанаси из Пећи упо-
зоравају нас на опасност од њихове тамошње сабраће. Кажу да су опаки ра-
збојници и велико непријатељи Срба. Остаје нам, дакле, само пут преко
планине и кроз Руговску клисуру према варошици Андријевици. Пут је ве-
ома тежак али води преко чисто црногорске територије, тако да смо сигур-
ни од препада.“10
Једино епска поезија и јуначке пјесме су могли Геземану пружити утјеху и

снагу у његовим мукама вишемјесечног марша пјешке усред зиме – штавише,
пролазећи поред мјеста поменутим у јуначким пјесмама, још интензивније осје-
ћао дух те народне поезије. Његов пут су такорећи пратиле пјесме као што су
„Почетак буне против дахија“ или „Пјесма о младом Мустај-бегу“. Све ове пје-
сме је унијео у његове ратне биљешке. У једној војној болници је чак имао при-
лику да чује добре гусларе. Међу тридесетак рањеника било је добрих извођача
који не само да су знали старе пјесме већ су умјели да импровизују на сваку по-
9
Исто: 78.
10
Исто: 101-102.
стављену тему као што је политичка ситуација у Србији или у Њемачкој. Неке
потресне пјесме су Геземана дирнуле до суза. Пише:
„Наравно, ако се пореде са некадашњим врхунцем јуначког пјевања, ово су

све само остаци, мрвице, умјетнички не увијек значајне, али дух је још увек
жив и зато и ове пјесме још живе.“11
Упркос зимским температурама и несрећном сплету околности Геземан је

налазио вријемена да обиђе манастире, манастирска гробља и цркве, а неки пут
je и имаo срећу да ужива гостопримство мјештана и да прати њихове породич-
не обичаје, између осталог, култ приједака и свјетитеља. Геземана ословљавају
са „Ђеро“ или „Ђерасим“, именом које је изведено од Серафим. Он се, како сам
каже, одавно одријекао да сриче своје име „у његовој германској тврдоћи“ јер
много људи нису могли правилно изговарати име „Герхард“, а име Серафим - та-
ко је некад објаснио пјесник Сима Милутиновић Сарајлија Вилхелму Герхарду,
преводиоцу јужнословенских народних пјесама – у ствари „швапско“ је изврта-
ње Герасима.12 Василије Ђерић, београдски професор старогрчког језика и књи-
жевности, кога је случајно срео приликом пјешачења кроз Метохију, постаје Ге-
земанов пратилац на његовом даљем путу.
Код Црногораца
Када су у повлачењу стигли иза моста код Ћаковице их су примили црно-
горски полицајци који су избјеглицама набављали смјештај и распоређали их на
различите породице и јавне зграде. Њихова организација, „ред и дисциплина“, с
обзиром на непрекинуту ријеку избеглица, задивљује Геземана; пише:
„Сада се осећам збринут, сада сам код куће, сад сам ја у Пруској.“13
Геземана упућују у једну црногорску породицу гђе га дочекају као часног

пријатеља. Домаћин му излази у сусрет и љуби га у образ, а женски чланови по-
родице му љубе руку. Геземану је то непријатно али знајући породичне обичаје
Црногораца ипак то дозвољава. Затим сликовито описује како се прије јела на-
11
Gesemann, Gerhard: Gesammelte Abhandlungen 1. 1. Die russische Literatur, 2. Südslavische
Volksdichtung. Neuried 1981: 230.
12
Геземан, Герхард: Са српском војском ...: 93.
13
Исто: 89.
здравља, прво сваком посебно, а потом и цијелокупном народу, а највише у част

Светог Николе, заштитника породице. Домаћин истиче да ће гост донијети сре-
ћу у кућу. Потом се моли за читав народ и моли Бога и светитеље да Србима по-
врати Косово које им је три године раније након пет стотина година проливе-
них суза и крви враћено па опет узето. Обећавају
„да ће нас поучити наша судбина и да ћемо бити стрпљиви у нашим патња-
ма и сачувати нашу наду, и да нас непријатељи, ако стигну овамо, неће пре-
дати Арнаутима за освету, него да нас оставе на нашим огњиштима, …“14
Након здравице домаћина ред је на Геземана да изговори здравицу. Он у

вези са тим даје на знање читаоцу да није патријархалац и не припада неком
црногорском племену као његов домаћин који може на прсте да изређа своје
пријетке унатраг све до вријемена Косовске битке. Он може да наброји сво-
је пријетке најдаље до прадједе чијег имена се још сјећа. Геземан се ипак по-
казао умјешним и достојним и рекао неколико реченица у част Светог Нико-
ле, иако Свети Никола није његов породични патрон, раније је слушао многе
здравице у другим породицама посвјећене свјетитељима-заштитницима и њи-
ховим делима.15
У Андријевици
Успињање Геземана и његовог сапутника пријеко планине, затим кроз Ру-
говску клисуру према варошици Андријевици почело је 26. новембра 1915.
године. Пут је био веома тежак али у исто вријеме и интересантан јер се овђе
налазе гробови старосрпских угодника: Арсенија I, Саве II, Никодима, Јоани-
кија II, Јефрема, Спиридона, Саве IV, а поред њих у другој цркви Саве III, ха-
гиографа Данила па и Јевстатија и патријарха Макарија, брата везира Мехме-
да Соколовића.
Тада су Геземан и Ђерић преноћили у једној кућици црногорског резерв-
ног офизира. Сједећи у једном ћошку, Геземан пише:
„Ни пун сат ме хладноћа није пустила да спавам. Напољу је снег падао це-
лу ноћ.“
14
Исто: 92-93.
15
Исто.
Следећи дан су наставили пут пријеко сњега узбрдо, уз неописиве муке, до

врха брда Чакор и потом опет низбрдо, клизајући и падајући у рупе или гротло.
Геземан је био на граници својих снага. Пише:
„умор ме свлада; тако је необично слатко лежати уморан у снегу, кад свест
почиње да се губи као каква далека музика. Бели покривач се приљуби уз
читаво тело, на прагу између јаве и сна јављају се пријатне слике: јелове шу-
ме и зелене ливаде, неколико мрких крава на потоку ...“.16
На крају стижу у село Велику. Одатле иду даље у Андрејевицу. Тамо су Ге-
земана упутили у једну гостионицу гђе
„влада једна висока строга жена тамне пути, око четрдесет јој је година. Но-
си прикладну црногорску женски ношњу; корача достојанствено као каква
краљица, главу држи као да носи свети путир на црним тешким витицама
сплетеним у венац и умотаним око црвене капице. “17
Сједећи у гостионици и гледајући Црногорку, Геземан размишља о црно-

горским женама у ђевојкама, код којих је Јован Цвијић открио „динарску тугу“,
урезано „на тврдом, мудром и мирном челу и у таласима истурених веђа“. Сје-
ћа се Црногорки које стојећи на гробу својих палих мужева, браће или синова
наричу тужбалице:
„једнолике, неумољиво продорне исковане осмерце са потресним жалоб-

ним рефреном после једног или два стиха, док људи немо стоје.“18
Геземан је задивљен упечатљивом способношћу ових жена и даље објашњава:
„Није довољно да је некој жени срце пуно јада да би свој доживљени бол мо-
гла непосредно и да уобличи у ову потресну ритмику, не, и јадиковање се
мора учити, учити као и певање јуначких песама. ... и то је заиста страшна,
спартанска помисао: да се и у јадиковању мора имати искуства.“19
16
Исто: 106.
17
Исто: 107.
18
Исто: 108.
19
Исто: 108-109.
Геземан даље, између осталог, помиње да је у разговорима са људима у Цр-

ној Гори добио утисак као да они немају изразито државног и црногорског на-
ционалног осјећања.
Све ово Геземан пише у хану Царевића уз огњиште и свијетлост луча – који
је први пут у животу видео. Комодитета у хану нема. Геземан пише:
„Спавамо са још шездесетак особа у хану на поду од утабане земље, по сто-

ловима и клупама поред зида. Ваши миле по мени као наоружана војска.“20
О Светом Петру Цетињском

У конаку Лијева Ријека гђе се Геземан налазио 29. новембра, случајно је слу-
шао расправу између једног православног Црногорца и сељака богомољаца ко-
ји се подсмјеjaвали православним свецима пошто за светитеље само признали
апостоле. Богомољци у овој расправи извлаче дебљи крај јер нису могли да се
супротставе општем поштовању Светог Петра – владике Петра I. Петровића и
претходника црногорског владике и пјесника Петра II. Петровића. Један Цр-
ногорац се умјешао са рјечима:
„Ђаба вам тај ваш свети Петар из Рима! Наш свети Петар је и моћнији не-
го онај римски. Римски се три пута одрекао Господа а наш свети Петар ни-
једном. Зато је три пута светији од њега. А моћнији? Сигурно је и моћнији.
Јесте ли читали или у цркви слушали да је римски Петар могао да проклиње!
Не. Ето вам! Наш свети Петар је могао да прокуне и његове клетве се још и
данас испуњавају на унуцима и потомцима.“21
Геземан који је само знао за Римског Светог Петра био је зачуђен и замо-
лио је присутне да му све објашњавају у вези са Светим Петром односно вла-
диком Петром I. Опширно пише о заслугама тог светог црногорског владара
за измирење црногорских племена и о вјеровању људи у његове чаробне, магиј-
ске способности које су имали више дјејства него судско кажњавање. Примећу-
је међутим и скептицизам младих према овом вјеровању. Цитира једног младог
Црногорца који каже:
20
Исто.
21
Исто: 112.
„„Ја мислим да су Марко Краљевић и Милош Обилић више свеци него ка-
кви Захарији и Макарији, нарочито Милош, који је умро као мученик, као и
кнез Лазар. У сваком случају они су ми милији него Свети Петар у Риму.“22
У Подгорици
Фијакерима Геземана и његовог друга су возили из Лијеве Реке у Подгори-
цу. Тамо су се најпрво смјестили у хотелу „Европа“. Да преодоле своју доколи-
цу, посjетили стари римски град Дукљу, град који је назван према цару Дукли-
јану односно Диоклецијану. Овђе се налазе рушевине палате цара Дуклијана
који се ту родио и према ријечима једне старе жене која је међу рушевинама чу-
вала своје овце,
„после смрти открио шта је заправо био: демон који је за свога људског жи-
вота наступао у обличју цара.“23
Ђерић додаје на то да Дуклијан није био било какав демон него сâм сатана,
господар мрака, непријатељ бога свијетлости. И пита Геземана: „Па ваљда се се-
ћате шта о њему стоји у Вуковом Рјечнику?“24 Геземан каже шта је прочитао код
Вука а Ђерић му на то узвраћа:
„Да, свога Вука носите у глави, али још не погађате краткоузлазни акценат
на имену Дуклијан. Мораћемо још да увежбавамо српске акценте.“25
Након тога Ђерић сједећи на једном камену почео је да рецитује – у при-

сутству пастирке и њених оваца – стару гусларску пјесму о цару Дуклијану и Јо-
вану Крститељу коме Бог допушта да се криво закуне да би надмудрио сатану и
одузео му круну коју је овај украо са небеса да би на тај начин спасио цијело чо-
вјечанство. И као да се нису усред хладног децембра и збјега налазили међу ру-
шевинама него негђе у кабинету научника, Геземан и Ђерић започињу расправу
о правом броју акцената преузетих из индогерманског.
Старатељство за избjеглице је Геземану и Ђерићу нашло једну собу у Под-
горици гђе је пре њих становаио руски посланик. Геземан стално излази напо-
22
Исто.
23
Исто: 119.
24
Исто.
25
Исто: 120.
ље, сједи на камену испред једне црквице у византијском стилу, држи свјеску
на кољену и пише. Ситуација избјеглица је постала све драматичнија: Битољ и
Призрен су пали, њемачки генерал-фелдмаршал Макензен је телеграфисао да
је поход против Србије завршен. Бугари се налазе у Дечанима, а Аустријанци
северно од Андријевице. Њихови напади на Ловћен су још узалудни али цр-
ногорска влада је већ спремна за одлазак. Избјеглице морају да још даље оста-
ну у Подгорици пошто су стигле ужасне вести о мукама и невољама оних ко-
ји су са војском ишли кроз Албанију: причају о препадима Албанаца из засједе
на војнике и избјеглице, ноћно пљачкање мртвих тјелеса, отимање жена, дево-
јака и дјеце.
О Краљу Николи
У слиједећем одломку Геземан извештава о његовом сусрету са Краљем Ни-
колом који га је дубоко импресионирао и у исто вријеме разочарао; пише:
„Он ме потресао, тај препредењак, тај овејани лисац. Не верујем му више ни

речи, али док је говорио веровали смо му сви и плакали као деца.“26
Описује га као
„висок, достојанствен старац у живописној народној ношњи, са скупоце-

ним револверима на широким и с црногорском капицом на глави. Испод
густих белих веђа блеште два оштра ока соколова. Краљ, сељак, ратник, др-
жавник, послован човек, администратор, глумац, песник – то је ипак много
за једног човека. Говори српски тако лепо, чисто, сликовито, како сам рет-
ко чуо од кога. Његове речи продиру дубоко у срце. Звук његова мужевног
топлог гласа и његови мирни покрети одају краљевску достојанственост.“27
Краљ Никола се обраћа скупу и држи страствен говор о јунаштву и трпље-

њу у једној борби која је већ постала бесмислена. Геземан цитира његове рије-
чи патриотске реторике; уп.:
„А ви, моји Црногорци, народе мојих црних брда, знајте: ако можда и бу-
дем приморан а своју столицу премештам из старог завичаја, са једног брда
26
Исто: 124.
27
Исто.
на друго, остаћу међу вама и моје очи ће бдити над вама и вашим јуначким
борбама, моји сиви соколови...“28
Геземан његовом цитату додаје: „Не знам шта је још све причао. Сузе су
нам навирале у очи.“29
О Горском вијенцу
Да не би потпуно пропао под мучним условима збијега или, као што се де-
шавало другим избјеглицама, сишао с ума, Геземан у Подгорици купује Горски
вијенац Петра II. Петровића Његоша и забавља се са текстом на сунцу, испод
једног чемпреса. Ђерић му је на најљепшим мјестима чак исписао акценте. Чи-
тање Његошевих стихова му је било нека врста хране у једној граничној ситуа-
цији кад је већ осећао почетак логорске болести, надокнадило му је губитак сна-
га које су се сваким новим даном све више умањивали а биле су му потребне за
даљи пут. Пажљиво чита Горски вијенац; жели да у тим мудростима пронаеђе
снагу за пут, прије свега у оним стиховима који га у његовом тешком избјеглич-
ком стању посебно дотичу.
У његовом извештају цитира у њемачком пријеводу „неколико изрека из би-
блије хероизма, мало животворног пића из овог вијенца гора“ као на пример
„Борби нашој краја бити неће

До истраге турске, али наше.
Нада нема право ни у кога,
До у бога и у своје руке;
Надање се наше закопало
На Косово у једну гробницу.
У добру је лако добар бити –
На муци се познају јунаци.“30
У исто вријеме признаје да су ови стихови у ствари непреводљиви на стра-

ни језик и једино их може превести скромном прозом али да и онда су они још
сувише лапидарни и потребују обашњења.
28
Исто: 125
29
Исто.
30
Исто: 127.
У тим тренуцима размишља о Његошу који на њега дјелује необично са ка-

пом на глави и у народној ношњи, с револвером за појасом, умјесто да буде у ман-
тији и с камилавком. Он је по Геземановим ријечима
„као први готово већ световни владалац, ископао гроб самовољи и партику-
ларизму племена, али им и испевао погребну песму. И какву песму! У стиху
и стилу народне епске песме – али није еп; разговори и дијалози јунака, ту-
робна кола народа као трагични хорови – али није драма. Једноставно ре-
чено: класични, национални спев Срба као што је Вилхелм Тел Швајцараца;
као ни Тел, ни Горски вијенац није историја него предање, дакле, осмишља-
вање историје, и зато истинитији од сваке историје: Бартоломејска ноћ пре
две стотине година која је ова брда очистила од потурчењака. ...“31
Из Горског вијенца Геземан, затим, посебно истиче стихове:
„Без муке се пјесна не испоја,

Без муке се сабља не сакова;
Јунаштво је цар свакојега
А и пиће најслађе душевно,
Којијем се пјане поколења.
Благо томе ко довијек живи!“ (стихови 603-608)32
Колико је Геземан разумио финоће Његошевог језика, показује његово об-

јашњење ових стихова; пише:
„без муке се пјесна не испоја“ значи да без јуначке невоље не би било ни ју-
начке пјесме и нема потребе да се кује ваљана сабља ако човјека не прити-
скује јуначка нужда. Правилно објашњава исто тако стих „„Јунаштво је цар
зла свакојега“ који је у прошлости од многих погријешно тумачено у смислу
да је „јунаштво велико зло“33. Геземан правилно указује на то да јунаштво
31
Исто.
32
Исто.
33
Тако између осталих Стјепан Митров Љубиша, 1868. године и Јохан Кирсте, 1886. године као
и Милан Решетар 1890. године. Послије појаве Кирстеовог пријевода је Светислав Вуловић први
кориговао ову интерпретацију. Указао је на то да је значење тог стиха заправо супротно односно
да је јунаштво је та висока врлина која упркос свим незгодама побијеђује. Уп. Његош, Петар Пе-
тровић: Горски вијенац/Луча Микрокозман. Белешке и објашњења, написао Видо Латковић. Бео-
град 1975: 223. (Целокупна дела Петра II. Петровића Његоша IV. изд., књ. трећа).
савлађује свако зло и да хероизам је најбоље душевно пиће којијем се гене-

рације наслађују и да је зато благо оном чије име из јуначких пјесама прела-
зи у сјечање потомства односно у вјечност, јер
„Имао се рашта и родити:

Вјечна субља вјечне помчине
Нит’ догори нити свјетлост губи.“ (стихови 609-611)34
За говорника њемачког језика ти стихови су тешко разумљиви али Геземан

и њих са великим сензибилитетом објашњава у том смислу да слава јунака оста-
је и послије његове смрти и према томе је имао ради чега да се роди. Читајући
ове Његошеве стихове, Геземан види паралелу са пјесништвом великог њемач-
ког пјесника Фридриха Шилера и цитира његове стихове.
У следећем одломку Геземан обраћа пажњу разговору Црногораца са гла-
варима потурчених земљака које је Владика Данило позвао на скуп. Цитира у
њемачком пријеводу химну Мустај-Кадије на Стамбол и потом одговор Серда-
ра Вукоте у коме се жали на невољу и несрећу које су проузроковали Османли-
је Црногорцима:
„О Косово, грдно судилиште,

Насред тебе Содом запушио!“ (стихови 987-988)35,
а после тога утјешне речи Вука Мићуновича о „момцима прсих ватренијех“,

који су „жертве благородне да прелазе с бојнијех пољанах у весело царство по-
езије“ (стихови 989-1005).36
Геземан осећа туробно расположење и трагични хероизам јунаштва који je
посебно дође до изражаја у дугом монологу Игумана Стефана који се заврша-
ва са речима:
„Нико срећан а нико довољан,

Нико миран а нико спокојан;
34
Слично је велики римски пјесник Хорације мислио о свом пјесништву кад је у његовој оди III
30,1 писао: на своје пјесничко дијело кад је писао „Подигао сам споменик трајнији од бронзе (лат.
Exegi monumentum aere perennius) и тиме ће послије његове смрти ипак нешто преживјети, неће
сав умријети (лат. Non omnis moriar)”.
35
Геземан, Герхард: Са српском војском ...: 130.
36
Исто.
Све се човјек брука са човјеком –

Гледа мајмун себе у зрцало.“ (стихови 2517-2520)37
Геземан закључује: „сав овај живот, сва ова природа остају несхватљиви. Сун-
це час гаји живот на земљи, час спржи оно што је јуче гајило:..“38
Филозофско промишљање и навођење стихова провлачи се кроз цео Гезе-
манов опис збега. Дубоко осећа њихов срж и спаја их са сопственом патњом и
патњом српске војске. Објашњавајући речи Игумана Стефана, описује и своју
ситуацију; пише:
„Како год било, човек има само две дужности: да брани своју физичку и сво-
ју моралну егзистенцију. ... Једино што човек има у овом туробном животу
јесте: часно име. Ако то стекне, имао се рашта родити.“39
Заврши своју анализу стихова
„Славно мрите, кад мријет морате! / Ваш ће примјер учити пјевача / Како
треба с бесмртношћу зборит“
са задивљујућим исказом:
„Права херкуловска мисао. То је могао рећи и Шилер.“40
Из Геземанове књиге се сазнаје да су он и Ђерић напустили Подгорицу 10.

децембра стигавши до дереглије на Скадарском језеру која их је одвезла даље.
Али тиме није била завршена њихова очајничка патња.
ЛИТЕРАТУРА:
Gesemann, Gerhard: Helden, Hirten und Hajduken: montenegrinische Volksgeschichten.

München 1935.
37
Исто: 131.
38
Исто: 132.
39
Исто.
40
Исто.
Gesemann, Gerhard: Germanoslavica: Geschichten aus dem Hinterhalt: Fünf balkanische

und eine Prager Novelle aus dem Nachlaß; Kommentar, Lebensabriß und
Schriftenverzeichnis erstellt von Wolfgang Gesemann. Frankfurt a.M. [u.a.]
1979.
Gesemann, Gerhard: Gesammelte Abhandlungen 1. 1. Die russische Literatur, 2.
Südslavische Volksdichtung. Neuried 1981.
Mason, John Brown: Review of Der montenegrinische Mensch. by Gerhard Gesemann,
American Sociological Review, vol. 1, no. 4 (1936): 690-691.
Gabriella Schubert
IN A RUN THROUGH MONTENEGRO: GERHARD

GESEMANN ON MONTENEGRO, ST. PETER OF CETINJE,
KING NIKOLA AND THE MOUNTAIN WREATH
Abstract: My contribution is dedicated to the observations about Montenegro during

the First World by the well-known German slavist and connoisseur of South Slavs, Gerhard
Gesemann. In the moments of the outbreak of the First World War, Gesemann was a German
language teacher in Belgrade. Due to the German attack in 1915, he was forced to retreat with
the Serbian army through Montenegro and Albania. On the coast of Albania he managed to
board a ship and return to Germany. He describes his war experiences in a book Die Flucht.
Aus einem serbischen Tagebuch 1915 und 1916, published in Munich in 1935. A longer passage
in his war diary is dedicated to the Montenegrins, their customs, St. Peter of Cetinje, King
Nikola I of Montenegro, and The Mountain Wreath.
Keywords: Gerhard Gesemann, war diary, First World War, war diary, Montenegro,
Serbia, The Mountain Wreath

Vol. 8, No. 1 (2017):
( ) 61-85. 61
UDC 821.163.41-31.09 Andrić I.

UDC 886.7.09(082) Stanev E.
Др Марина В. Йорданова1
Университет „Проф. д-р Асен Златаров” – Бургас
Катедра „Български език и литература”
България
ЕМИЛИЯН СТАНЕВ И ИВО АНДРИЧ:

СРЕЩИ В ПРОЧИТА
Резюме: В настоящия текст е направен опит за „срещане” на романовите опуси на
Емилиян Станев и Иво Андрич, осъществен с методите на компаративистиката. Целта
на статията е да открои близостта на образите, проблематиката, интерпретацията на ис-
торията при двамата южнославянски класици. Чрез сдвоения прочит на техните романи
Антихрист и Мостът на„Дрина, Травнишка хроника и Иван Кондарев, Прокълнатият
двор и Легенда за Сибин, преславския княз и накрая Омер паша Латас и Тихик и Назарий
се очертават местата на близост, типологичните сходства в текстовете на посочените ав-
тори. Изправени на кръстопътя на историята, техните герои търсят изход от нея – на от-
самния или на отвъдния бряг.
Ключови думи: компаративистика, романи, Иво Андрич, Емилиян Станев, исто-
рия, среща
ЕМИЛИЈАН СТАНЕВ И ИВО АНДРИЋ:

СУСРЕТ У ЧИТАЊУ
Апстракт: Овај текст настоји да компаратистичким методама испита ‘сусрет’ ро-
манескних опуса Емилиjана Станева и Иве Андрића. Циљ чланка је да истакне блискост
слика, проблематике, као и интерпретације историје у делима двојице класика јужносло-
венске књижевности. Кроз упоредна читања њихових романа Антихрист и На Дрини чу-
прија, Травничка хроника и Иван Кондарев, Проклета авлија и Легенда о Сибину, преславском
принцу и најзад Омерпаша Латас и Тихик и Назариј откривају се места блискости, типо-
1
m_vladeva@mail.bgg (Marina V. Yordanova, University “Prof.f Dr. Asen Zlatarov” – Burgas, Department
of Bulgarian language and literature, Bulgaria)
62 | Марина В. Йорданова
лошке сродности у текстовима поменутих аутора. Суочавајући се са раскрсницом исто-

рије, њихови књижевни јунаци траже излаз из ње - на обали са једне или са друге стране.
Кључне речи: компаративистика, романи, Иво Андрић, Емилиjан Станев, истори-
ја, састанак
Не ми е известно някога да се е състояла реалната срещата на Иво Андрич

с Емилиян Станев като контакт на личности. Въпреки това, сравнително-типо-
логичният прочит на техните книги е възможен, благодарение както на персо-
нажната система в текстовете им, така и на анализираните от двамата съвремен-
ни, актуални проблеми, чиито корени са в националното минало. Изследвайки
типологичните сходства между техните произведения, ние приемаме за изход-
на постановка тезата на Б. Ничев за този вид прилики, които са „такива форми
на литературна общност и взаимност, такъв род литературни аналогии, които
възникват независимо една от друга” (Ничев 1988: 125), т.е. без да е необходи-
ма контактологичната близост.
И двамата южнославянски писатели създават романите си в периода на твор-
ческа и житейска зрялост, която съвпада с критични, национално значими мо-
менти – в разгара на битка с врага отвън (окупатора) или с този отвътре (цензу-
рата). Всеки от тях допуска компромис с конюнктурата, какъвто е членството в
комунистическата партия (без обаче да преживее пълно идеологическо отъжде-
ствяване с нея). Въпреки различията в темперамента – по-интровертния харак-
тер на Андрич и емоционалната природа на Станев – двамата извървяват сходен
път на художествено развитие, движещ се от кратки към крупни белетристични
структури; имат сходни възгледи за функцията на твореца и за ролята на изку-
ството и разработват кореспондиращи помежду си теми и проблеми.
Дори на равнището на първия прочит, романите на двамата писатели зада-
ват предпоставките за възможни междутекстови съотнасяния.
От едната страна застават търсещите и неудовлетворени герои от „Мостът
на Дрина”, чието битие минава в постоянен конфликт с бога (както и да се нари-
ча той) и в неизменна битка за себеосъществяването си. От другата страна, из-
правен пред безброй препятствия, Станевият антихрист Еньо-Теофил се лута
между личния и националния път, ситуиран на кръстопътя на историята. Чрез
своите герои двамата писатели търсят отговор на въпроса: какво сближава хо-
рата и какъв е начина те да останат свързани. Жената, оказва се, не е панацея-
та, защото женските образи на Андрич и Станев са почти винаги фатални, про-
вокиращи възхода или гибелта на мъжа. Жената е „враг на мъжката святост” и
пречка за самоосъществяването (Ана-Мария фон Митерер, Елена, Лотика, Ар-
ма, Каломела и др.).
Емилиян Станев и Иво Андрич: срещи в прочита | 63
„Травнишка хроника”” е роман за рефлексията на световната политика в съд-

бите на обикновените хора, за връзката между обществените катаклизми и ин-
дивидуалната съдба – тема, актуална и в „Иван Кондарев”, а общото между два-
та романа е и във финалната теза: „революцията ражда чудовища”.
„Омер-паша Латас” и „Тихик и Назарий” са произведения, които изслед-
ват репресивните модели на властта и отношението морал-политика, противо-
поставяйки властника на човека на изкуството – и в двата случая художник (Ка-
рас, Назарий). Андрич и Станев в еднаква степен залагат на автобиографичното
преосмисляне на художествения материал – първият в „Прокълнатият двор” и
в „Травнишка хроника”, а вторият в „Антихрист” и в „Иван Кондарев”.
И при двамата легендата е символно и семантично натоварена, независи-
мо дали става дума за историята на Джем султан или за тази на Сибин, защото
и двата текста са посветени на неординерната личност, която се бори с пред-
разсъдъците и побеждава или умира, но се превръща във вечно жив спомен. И
Кямил, и Сибин живеят в/около тясното институционализирано пространство
на затвора или на еретическата общинария, без способността да се приспосо-
бят и да намерят покой. Не е за пренебрегване и факта, че Станев пише за оне-
зи богомилски учения, превърнали се за векове в официална религия на Босна.
Емилиян Станев и Иво Андрич претворяват фактите на документа в худо-
жествени истини, като за целта легендаризират (митологизират) историята. В
националното минало изследват изконните специфики на човешкия характер,
създавайки многоперсонажни панорамни романи-хроники, които не бягат от со-
циалното („Мостът на Дрина”, „Иван Кондарев”), и/или анализирайки психо-
логията на конкретната личност („Травнишка хроника”, „Госпожицата”, „Омер
паша Латас”, „Антихрист”). Техните герои често са хора със смесена кръв, в коя-
то живеят древни вярвания и настоящи страхове (бошняците, Джем, Черния
монах, Сибин). В персонажите се конфронтират не само кръста срещу полуме-
сеца (Алиходжа, Еньо), но и собствените дух, душа и разум, които не могат да
намерят равновесието помежду си.
Но безспорно най-голямото основание за (за)срещането на двамата тво-
рци, намираме в сходната историко-философска концепция на Нобеловия ла-
уреат и на международно познатия български писател. Посредством анализа на
конкретни произведения, ние ще се опитаме да изведем основополагащата идея
на тяхната художественат визия, а именно: на Балканите (Босна, България), в
един и същ исторически момент, съжителстват хора от различни епохи. Доказа-
телства в подкрепа на тази теза ще намерим в сравнителния прочит на двойките
романи „Мостът на Дрина” – „Антихрист”, „Прокълнатият двор” – „Легенда за
Сибин, преславския княз”, „Омер паша Латас” – „Тихик и Назарий”, „Травниш-
ка хроника” – „Иван Кондарев”. Междутекстовите съотнасяния ще вървят как-
то по линия на сюжета и темата, така и посредством съпоставяне на персонажи,

хронотоп и на начин, по който се осмисля историята. Срещнати в прочита, те-
зи романови сизигии се оказват благодатно поле за анализи и обобщения за чо-
вешката съдба на Балканите.
От сдвоения прочит на книгите става ясно, че „Мостът на Дрина” и „Ан-
тихрист”” интерпретират основанията на божествения телеологичен порядък;
разчитат историята като съдбовност свише, търсейки трансцендентните и ме-
тафизичните й измерения.
Историята като място за среща на хора от различни епохи, които словото
свързва, е тема в „Прокълнатият двор” и в „Легенда за Сибин, преславския княз”.
Кръгово повторяеми или диалектически изменчиви, събития и личности съ-
ществуват само чрез вербализирането им.
От измеренията на етоса в хода на историята, от опозициите между мора-
ла, изкуството и властта, разбирана като насилие над индивидуалната свобода,
се интересуват „Омер паша Латас” и „Тихик и Назарий”.
„Травнишка хроника” и „Иван Кондарев”” виждат историята като набор от
човешки действия, обглеждат рефлексията на световните събития в „малките
истории” на отделния човек или на определена общност.
Във всички романи на писателите съществуват хора от различни епохи, кои-
то търсят мястото си във времепространството на текста. От основните харак-
теристики на отделните герои (Алиходжа, Еньо, Назарий, Карас, Сибин, Давил,
Костадин, Джем) може да бъде изведен един обобщен образ: този на човека, кой-
то избързва или изостава от исторически лимитираното си време и който търси
своето място в онтологичния хаос – на този или на отвъдния бряг.
Около неподвижния в пространствен смисъл (но не и като художествен
обект, непрестанно дообогатяващ се с идеи) символ на Моста, Андрич ситуира
десетките образи-съдби на вишеградските жители. Във всеки от тях живее за-
ключена история. Станев избира друг подход – през личната призма на Еньо-Те-
офил той чете националната история. Въпреки специфичните жанрови модифи-
кации (романи, наподобяващи хроника или средновековно житие), и двамата
изследват екзистенциалните търсения на човека, обговарят равното право на
човешко щастие. И двамата южнославянски белетристи възприемат Балканите
като място за среща и на темпорални пластове, и на разнородни култури, кое-
то дава право на Св. Игов да говори за „синхронната многосъставност” на бал-
канското битие.2
2
Изследвайки етнографските особености на Балканите, макар и воден от, до голяма степен, поли-
тически цели, Йован Цвиич също очертава различни балкански типове (динарски, централен, па-
нонски и източнобалкански със съответните подвидове), принудени да съжителстват на една сил-
Еньо-Теофил ще бъде жигосан и обезобразен, защото е изпреварил своето

време („...как да се защитя, щом в моите съждения и представи бях отишъл да-
леч пред съдниците си...”), а Алиходжа първо ще бъде прикован на моста, а по-
сле ще умре заедно с него, защото е изостанал от времето си (героят е буквал-
но „цапардосан” от динамичните исторически случвания. След взривяването
на моста, когато покривът на дюкяна пада върху му, той възкликва: „Е, никаква
промяна не може да стане в това градче и да не ме удари по главата”). И двамата
не могат да останат неутрални пред хода на историята, а трябва да намерят ве-
рния път през нейните лабиринти. Изследвайки „обърканите времена”, Андрич
и Станев предлагат няколко възможности за подобен преход. Оказва се, че през
историята можеш да минеш с танцова стъпка (Чоркан) или понесъл кръста си
(Радисав); можеш да я прекосиш с мисъл за отвъдното спасение (Евтимий Тър-
новски) или с вяра в собствените сили (Еньо).
Текстовете на двамата писатели задават основанията на специфичен хи-
дротопографски анализ, защото организират повествованието около центра-
лен топос град, построен край река(и) – Дрина или Янтра, Рзав и Белица. Това
не е случаен ход. В неизменното движение на водата е заключена тяхната фило-
софия – колкото и големи да са нещастията, колкото и объркан и несигурен да е
живота – „и това ще премине”, защото „всичко тече, всичко се променя”. На ка-
пията на моста на Дрина или във водите на реката редица герои ще преживеят
своите житейски поанти (Фата, Милован Гласичанин, Чоркан, Миле, Йелисей),
а жителите на Вишеград ще изградят хедонистичната си жизнена философия,
включваща „склонността към размишления и мечтания”, а също и „меланхолич-
ното безгрижие”.
От своя страна, Еньо-Теофил също се среща със съдбата си не къде да е, а
край клокочещите и пенливи речни води. През моста на Янтра той бива отведен
за собствения страшен съд. През същия този мост агарянските пълчища нахлу-
ват в Царевград, което го успоредява по важност с вишеградския мост, превър-
нал се в кръстопът на историята. Скъсвайки със своето битие на вярващ, Еньо
хвърля иконата на свети Никола в Янтра, „за да няма надежда”. Край реката се
срещат с Арма; там се осъществява размонашването на героя, който ритуално
окача на кол своето вече излишно монашеско расо, заедно със старото си „аз”.
Битието му на лодкар е символ на стремежа да свърже двете разноречиви свои
природи – скептично-рационалната и априорно-доверчивата и така да намери
цялост. Край реката Еньо обръща погледа си извън самия себе си и се слива със
но ограничена територия, и то в условията на едновременност. Вж. Цвијић, Ј. Психичке особине

јужних словена. В: Антологиja српске књижевности (http://www.antologijasrpskeknjizevnosti.rs/
ASK_SR_AzbucnikPisaca.aspx)
страданията на българското. На речните води той предава тялото на убития от

него Доросий, който ще му отмъсти посмъртно посредством болярския съд.
И в двата романа тялото търпи наказания заради греховете на душата. Чо-
вешкото тяло в „Мостът на Дрина” и в „Антихрист” е оголено-незащитимо. На-
бивано на кол, горено, жигосвано, пробождано, разкъсвано и мъчено, то носи
товара на свои и чужди грехове, но и на порива към свобода. Всички мъчения
са с назидателен характер. Набиването на Радисав на кол трябва да гарантира,
че никой повече няма да се осмели да наруши везировата воля. Обезобразяване-
то на Еньо също е свързано с престъпването на каноничните институционални
догми. И в двата романа след „надзора” идва „наказанието”, реализирано като
вид театър. Да сравним двата текста. В „Мостът на Дрина”, в колибата, където
е затворен Радисав „цари някаква тържествена възбуда и особена тишина /.../.
Абид ага, Плевляк и вързания се движеха и говореха като актьори...”. Вървейки
към своята жестока смърт, Радисав „играе” и „забожда крак след крак”, докато
достига скелята, където „като на издигната сцена” се смества със своите мъчи-
тели. Набитият на кол човек, Андрич картинно представя като „агне на ръжен”,
а Станев сравнява своя страдащ Еньо-Теофил с „жертвен агнец”. Тази религиоз-
но-християнска природа на сравнението подсказва както невинността на жерт-
вата, така и безсмислието на нейното приношение. В „Антихрист” мястото за
екзекуции се нарича „позорище”, което в плана на славянската омонимия може
да се преведе със сръбската дума за „театър”. „Позорището стърчи три метра с
прясно одялани дъски и греди, опасано с въжета като кораб. Върху крепостните
стени и кули почерняло от народ...”. Институционално-възпитателният характер
на наказанието изисква публичност, жестокост, театралност и зрелищност. Ка-
зано с езика на Фуко, тялото е във функцията на основна мишена на наказател-
ното насилие. То още е в сферата на „нетърпимите усещания”, а не на отнетите
права. Именно по линия на наказанието, властта – религиозна и/или светска –
бива дискредитирана в романа-Андрич и в романа-Станев. Незащитимият човек
не може да намери подкрепа от представителите на властта, защото по думите на
Фрай „постоянно гради страхови структури, геодезични сводове, около своите
социални и религиозни институции”(Фрай 1993: 276). Страхът изключва сво-
бодата, а човек се опълчва срещу всеки, който може да му я отнеме. И битийни-
ят кръг се затваря. Независимо, че „Мостът на Дрина” започва оттам, откъдето
свършва „Антихрист” – с живота под робство, и двата текста анализират изме-
ренията на човешката свобода, властовите модели, сходни в същността си, и ам-
бивалентния характер на всичко съществуващо. За целта единият създава град
на границата между Източния и Западния светоглед, а другият – личност на гра-
ницата между отделни епохи – Средновековие и Ренесанс. И макар че Андрич
изследва етапите на развитие на етноса, а Станев – етапите на личното разви-
тие, пътят на общността е изграден от индивидуални съдби, а индивидуална-

та съдба е част от националната. Станев проучва двойствеността на нивото на
конкретно-човешкото, извеждайки като централен проблем у героя този за не-
равноделните доминанти на душата и разума. Защото в манастира Еньо слуша
„лукатина” ум, вместо душата, способна да се довери на Бога, а после при ере-
тиците търси покой за „сионската бродница”, вместо да се остави на разсъдъч-
ната си природа и да се осъзнае свободен от опеката на Абсолюта. Андрич из-
следва двойствеността във всички явления, иска да достигне под повърхността
на видимото, но и до душата, в която „невидимо се борят много противополож-
ни и непримирими чувства”.
В романите историята е почувствана като игра, лавина, порой, вълна, като
стихия, направлявана от бога, дявола или съдбовната случайност, която е дру-
гото лице на силата свише. В „Антихрист” си дават среща няколко историософ-
ски концепции. Едната е за божествената телеология, т. е. животът е видян като
следствие от божествената активност и човешката пасивност („от нашата леност
запада българската скиния”); бог се разпорежда със събитията, за да привърже
човека към себе си („Или като осъди на гибел, плен и позор християните, насо-
чи ума им към себе си, да имат утеха в страданията?”). Историята е съвкупност
от отделни цикли, а краят на историята е Божието царство след Апокалипси-
са и шествието на Антихриста. След исихията, в която земната история отстъп-
ва на мета-историята, Еньо осъзнава, че „смисълът на всичко, що ставаше в све-
та беше вън от мене”. Това е етапа на житейските му превъплъщения, в който
все още бог е организатора на материята, бог е реда, който защитава от пред-
битийния хаос. След ренесансовото връщане към себе си („ти си бога, когото
търсиш”), героят реализира на практика друг вид историософия – историята и
живота са плод на човешките дела („всичко ставаше по вина на тези или онези
човеци”), а в ролята на осъдени от дистанцията на времето са косвените Еньо-
ви мъчители – Иван Александър и Евтимий. Търсейки своето място в „много-
болезнения, пуст и безнадежден свят”, героят открива в себераздаването своя
начин „да твори история като твори сам себе си” (Елиаде). Не случайно обръ-
щането от живота за себе си към живота за другите започва с доброто дело сто-
рено на една отчаяна българска майка. Еньо я спасява от робство, за да помог-
не на децата й с библейски имена – Петър и Лазар. Изхождайки от библейската
семантика и символика на техните имена – камък и възкресение, можем да за-
ключим, че „героят на намерения смисъл” (П. Стефанов) е открил своята но-
ва и окончателна мисия: да бъде историчен, посредством съпричастност. Зато-
ва именно по линия на този герой ще се осъществи и историческото възмездие
над българския Юда с име Аса. А Еньо ще поеме по пътя към личната Голгота в
търсене на сакралното късче свободна родна земя.
И в „Мостът на Дрина” историята е почувствана като съдбовност, на коя-

то човекът е подвластен. Въпреки характера на хрониката, тук присъстват ня-
колко исторически цикъла. Главният е реализиран в парадигмата: преди моста
– строежа – след това – края на моста. Той е рамката, обемаща втория (преди
въстанието – по време – след въстанието) и третия (преди австрийците – по вре-
ме – и след). Тези цикли са в тясна връзка с историософията на Андрич, който
вижда повторяемостта на събитията и явленията във времето като исторически
кръговрат, от който изхода е възможен на метафизично равнище, като „тран-
сцендентален блян” (Св. Игов). Идеята за повторяемостта е осъществена и по-
средством сходствата на властовите модели (османски и австрийски), а също и
в символиката на танцуващия върху моста човек. В началото на романа своя лу-
дешки танц играе Мурат, после Чоркан и накрая Пецикоза – трихипостасният
Андричев образ на човека, който не желае да се примири с условностите, а тър-
си път в неординерното, в различното тук-и-сега битие. Подобно на Станев, и
Андрич анализира смисъла на нещата в пряка връзка с тяхната историческа це-
лесъобразност – затова в края на романа моста бива разрушен. Заменен от же-
лезницата, той е останал извън историята, изгубил е способността си да свърз-
ва събития и личности. В търсене на историческата хармония, Андрич очертава
средния път между рационално-европейското и съдбовно-ориенталското, меж-
ду културата като цивилизационен връх и примитива като изконна същност.
В романа на Андрич и в романа на Станев са посочени сходни реалии, га-
рантиращи запазването на миналото в историческото време на повествование-
то. Такива са вещният израз, текстът и легендарно-приказният устен разказ.
Вещният субститут на миналото в „Антихрист” са стенописите („И тук сте-
ните бяха изписани с образи на воеводи и светци”) и артефактите (разрушено-
то древно селище, статуята на момъка). В текста-Андрич историята е кодирана
в тоягата на Йелисей от Чайниче („образите и буквите по тоягата му означават
отделни времена на сръбска свобода и величие, минали и бъдещи”). Освен по
този начин, запазването на спомена (колективен и индивидуален) е гарантира-
но от текста на саморефлексивния и пишещ герой Еньо, а също и от хрониката
на Вишеград, която създава мюдериса Хюсеин ефенди. Макар че персонажите
подхождат към историята, водени от различни цели, текстът гарантира оцелява-
нето на събитията от конкретно-историческия хронотоп в последващите епохи.
Един от водещите (само)съхранителни механизми, които пазят спомена за об-
щия път на нацията през отминалите времена, е устното фолклорно наследство,
заредено с редица национално-философски представи. То е използвано като из-
ходен материал от Андрич, с помощта на който оформя своя разказ за Вишеград
от турското време. Но легендите продължават да живеят в текста и да инспири-
рат нови и нови смисли в различните етапи на националното битие, за които по-
вествува хрониката. Те, заедно с песните, продуцират памет, тъй като идват от
правремето на колектива, от пред-писмения период на неговото съществуване.
Именно песента на гусларя за славни битки в отминали времена тласка Радисав
към личен подвиг; в името на правото си на песен, момъкът Миле губи главата
си. И тъй като в текста-Андрич винаги присъстват различните гледни точки към
едно и също явление (на християни, мюсюлмани, а понякога на католици, пра-
вославни и евреи), легендите често съществуват в няколко различни варианта.
Фолклорното у Андрич присъства на различни равнища на текста – в начина на
организиране на художествения материал, като белег на времето и особености-
те на мисленето и т.н. От разказа за Стари Новак и Груица детенце, през песни-
те на гуслари, които провокират съпротивата и подстрекават към бунт или на-
помнят за проклятието на красотата (песента за Фата), през митологемите за
кръстната смърт и за мостовете като крила на ангели, фолклорно-митологич-
ният пласт е високо фреквентен в повествователната стратегия на Андрич. То-
зи пласт е по-малко релевантен в текста-Станев, но съществува. Разчитаме го в
личното време на Еньо-Теофил, ритуално организирано от религиозните праз-
ници; в начина, по който конструира своите любовни стихове, в митологеми-
те за Йов и Еремиевия плач, в приказката за ламята, в народопсихологията на
балканобългарския човек „що живееше със земята и добитъка, с юди, самови-
ли, орисници и змейове, а пазеше и Исус в сърцето си”.
Междутекстовите съотнасяния, касаещи „Антихрист” и „Мостът на Дри-
на”, могат да бъдат продължени и по линия на символите с изоморфен характер
– мрак и тишина, а също и чрез анализиране на общия мотив „заиграване с дя-
вола”. Босненската тишина, която оплита духа и сковава всеки човешки порив, в
„Антихрист” е семантично равна на смълчаното равнодушно небе, което не може
да бъде отговор. Балканите като топос на отрицанието, мрака и копнежно-стра-
дащата човешка природа предопределят амбивалентния характер на всичко съ-
ществуващо тук. Личността се стреми към свобода, а се бои от отговорността
към себе си, която идва с нея. Устремен напред, човек усеща онези непреодоле-
ни връзки с миналото, от които не може да се освободи („Дяволът понудва ду-
шата, пречи й да вдигне тъмното було на непребродни векове” – „Антихрист”;
„Всичко останало бе потискано в онова мрачно подсъзнание, гдето живеят и
прекипяват основните чувства и неунищожимите вярвания на различните ра-
си, религии и касти, и тук, привидно мъртви и погребани, се готвят за по-късни,
далечни времена на неочаквани промени и катастрофи” – „Мостът на Дрина”).
На Балканите едновременно съжителстват хора от различни епохи, които
говорят различни езици и превръщат всеки опит за построяването на новото об-
що битие в онтологичния хаос на следваща Вавилонска кула. „Търсещ разумен
бог и подигран от дявола”, Еньо осъзнава, че „няма мъдрост по-силна от съд-
бата” – нещо, в което са убедени и героите на Андрич. Изправени пред пороя

на историята (метафорично представен чрез преливането на Дрина), те трябва
да преодолеят езика на кризата и да преплуват бреговете на своята религиозна
различност. Така, скрити на сушина от историческия (и/или природен) ката-
клизъм, персонажите могат да помислят за целеустроението на света и за него-
вия край в „съдния ден, за който говорят книгите и учените хора”. Еньо-Теофил
– човекът, който изпреварва своето екзистенциално време, се превръща в под-
ранил хайдутин, а Алиходжа и Шемси бей умират заради своята невъзможност
за интеграция и пълноценна реализация в настъпилите нови времена. Истори-
ята обаче продължава и в текста, и извън него, защото личната есхатология не е
достатъчно условие да бъде прекратен поредния темпорален цикъл. Еньо-Тео-
фил – питащият, търсещият, мислещият, експериментиращият човек, който се
бунтува срещу всяка власт и окончателна истина, е толкова неуместен за Сред-
новековието, колкото преданият на стария морал и правила Алиходжа в ново-
то време на ХХ-ия век. Двете фатално разкъсани половини на вишеградския
мост копнеят за сливане, както двете половини – рационалната и метафизична-
та – в човека копнеят за цялост, която ще прекъсне тежкото бреме на разполо-
веността. Довършващ житието си-изповед в опожарен манастир, Еньо се пита
как да продължи живота си в очакване на новия ден и поредното пътуване към
неизвестността. Андрич отговаря: „така минава нощта и с нея и живота, цели-
ят в опасности и страдания, но ясен и непоколебим, верен на себе си. Водени
от старите си нагони, хората го късат и делят на мигновени впечатления и непо-
средствени нужди и потъват напълно в тях. Защото само така, като се изживява
всеки миг сам за себе си и не се гледа нито напред, нито назад, може да се поне-
се такъв живот и живият човек да се запази за по-добри дни”.
„Мостът на Дрина” и „Антихрист” са романи за пространството и за вре-
мето, заредени с история. Мостът разделя пространството по хоризонтала и из-
правя човека пред перспективите на едно трескаво лутане между ориенталската
му фаталистична представа за света, западния рационализъм и копнежа по хар-
монична отвъдност. Пътят в „Антихрист” разграфява света по вертикала и ос-
тавя човека в средата – в агоналната точка между бога и дявола да разпознава се-
бе си и да дири изход от бездната на своето (без)крайно време. В метафизичния
вихър на историческата игра и сляпата случайност на човек не му остава дру-
го освен мълчание, „защото с думи не ще изприкажеш нито човека, нито света”.
В малките по-обем романи „Прокълнатият двор” и „Легенда за Сибин, пре-
славския княз” Андрич и Станев отново се доближават един до друг както на
нивото на темата, така и на нивото на идеята, реализирана в централните пер-
сонажи. Връщайки се назад във времето, в мащабните простори на история-
та те разполагат своите герои-емблеми на вечната човешка жажда по намиране
на окончателната истина и пълноценната реализация. Въпреки че в романа на

Андрич властва специфичното символно надвремие, а в „Легендата” присъстват
и конкретно-историческите маркери на епохата, указания от Станев жанр сви-
детелства за една надвремева и общочовешка в същността си трактовка на про-
блемите. Джем, Кямил и Сибин са герои със смесена кръв – славянска и турска,
турска и гръцка, прабългарска и славянска. В тях се борят гласовете на минало-
то с условностите на настоящето. Обременени от товара на спомена и от невъз-
можната си аскрипция в заобикалящата ги действителност, и мюсюлманският
принц, и прабългарският княз са обречени на самота, защото са „междинни хо-
ра” (С. Игов). Джем е човекът от бъдещето, безкрайно неподходящ за средно-
вековен владетел в една кръвожадна, безпросветна империя. Със своя изтънчен
хедонизъм, поетични умонагласи и епикурейски светоглед, няма и не може да
бъде разбран от приближените на Баязид. От друга страна, преследван от спо-
мена за силата на Котра и отминалото величие на древния си род, Сибин изоста-
ва от настоящето, в което властват неприемливите нови правила на узурпатора
Борил. В битката между духа и материята, между разума и копненията на плъ-
тта, Джем, Сибин, Кямил и Каломела ще получат право на живот, но не в полу-
делия и хаотичен заобикалящ ги свят, а в универсума на легендарното. Казано
с думите на С. Игов по повод на „Прокълнатият двор”, „разпилените във време-
то човешки съдби и съзнания, заживяват като че в един извънвременен събор на
духовете, който има и естетически и исторически смисъл, колкото и привидно
да изглежда надисторичен” (Игов 1992:174). Това са герои с различни свето-
гледни и религиозни напластявания в съзнанието, посредством които може да
се изгради една особена хронология на културата, тръгваща от прабългарско-
то време към съвремието на фра Петър. В разказа на младежа, който в един миг
си спомня за разказаното на самия него от отеца, проговарят личности от раз-
лични времена. В кръговата композиция на романа, „легендата за двамата бра-
тя съперници” започва от правремето на мита, минава през трагичната история
за нереализирания султан и свършва в раздвоеното и загубило опорни точки с
действителността съзнание на Кямил – доказателство за повторяемостта на яв-
ленията във времето. В родовата история на Сибин, подобно на тази на Кямил,
има много смърт и драматични обрати. Последни брънки на рода, те тръгват по
различни пътища към себеосъществяването: Кямил избира да се отъждестви с
Джем и така да подмени съдбата си с тази на друг, а Сибин опитва да потърси
пътя към себе си посредством път към бога. Залутан между „мъжествения, все-
виждащ и справедлив Тангра” и „византийския бог”, който обещава спасение,
Сибин намира опора между кориците на семейния летопис. Така не усеща как
миналото го дърпа назад и отнема съпротивителните му сили за борба с робско-
то в Тихик и в послушанието на еретиците. Кямил също изгражда представата
за себе си чрез изучаването на миналото – това на Джем. Но „нещастното сте-

чение на обстоятелствата” провокира постоянната мнителност на османските
управници и те го подозират в опит за бунт срещу султана. Така, по вина на ис-
торическия случай и на собственото си желание да бъде друг, Кямил попада в
репресивната мелница на османския властови модел. Същото преживява и Си-
бин – веднъж в двореца на Борил, и втори път – когато властта попада у Тихик.
Еднакво неприспособими към своето историческо време, тези герои, родени в
различни епохи, нямат изградени защитни механизми, с които да противосто-
ят на злото. Нито мъжествената сила на Сибин, нито рафинираната чувствител-
ност на Кямил могат да ги предпазят от неизбежното – да живеят в друго битие,
изградено от разказа за тях. Те са обречени винаги и навсякъде да бъдат други-
те, чуждите. Кямил се осъзнава самотен в Смирна, защото „от гърците го раз-
деляше всичко, а с турците го свързваха малко неща. Връстниците /.../ му бяха
чужди и далечни като хора от друго поколение.” Отивайки в еретическата об-
щинария, Сибин бива посрещнат от своя бивш роб с думите: „Дедецът не поз-
волява да останеш при нас, твоя светлост. Ти не си за нашата общинария”. Тази
различност се подклажда както от социалното положение, така и от начина, по
който героите възприемат света. И двата романа повествуват за сменения ста-
тут на човека, за превръщането му в „случай” или в „легенда”. Героите са част
от „съюза на битите в историята” (М. Карабелова), които търпят върху себе си
непрестанния й натиск. Те са човешките брънки в бездушната историческа ве-
рига, превръщаща хората от цел в средство. „Измамен и лишен от свобода, са-
мотен и отделен от семейството и приятелите си, доведен до трагична безизход-
ност” – това е Андричевият Джем, но и Станевият Сибин – герои, които пътуват
не само от място на място, но и от време във време, защото носят неспокойния
дух на правдотърсачеството. Преди да попаднат в инобитието на собствената
си отвъдност, героите минават през институционализираното пространство на
затвора/еклезията. Там търсят и откриват своето alter ego във фра Петър или
Каломела, но илюзията им не трае дълго, защото с другия можеш да споделиш,
дори да му се отдадеш, но не и да намериш своята удовлетворяваща цялост, и за-
щото „от себе си никой не може да оздравее”. От обърканото, болно и несигур-
но човешко битие, оставено на съдбовния случай, от „злото, потиснало стария
род и цялата страна”, Сибин ще избяга като скочи в подземните води на своето
минало. И така, кръстен от вода и дух, ще потърси покоя на Тангра в обятията
на умиращата Каломела-Котра, а нероденото му дете ще стои като присъда над
света на дявола, въртящ чекръците на земните дела. Кямил ще влезе във физи-
чески двубой със злото и ще потегли към дома на наложеното със сила спокой-
ствие т. е. към смъртта. А после ще възкръсне в някой нов Джем, решил да по-
търси спогодба между онези „два свята, между които не може да има истински
допир”. Защото Джем не може да живее иначе, освен като султан. Сибин не мо-
же да бъде нищо по-малко от княз. А истината е непостижима и многоизмерна
като човешкия порив към справедливост.
Разсъждавайки за измеренията на свободата и за пътищата към нея, Станев
и Андрич създават сходни модели на репресивната власт (която е нейно отри-
цание) и я въплъщават в герои-концепти. Срещу света на идеите (Сибин, Джем,
Кямил) се изправя материално-зримият и физически свят на насилието, което
иска да подчини човека, да го обезличи и унифицира (Карагьоз, Тихик). Първото
оръжие от арсенала на властта е забраната за свободно говорене. Затова Сибин
няма да бъде изслушан от еретиците нито веднъж, а в прокълнатия двор ще се
възцарява мълчанието всеки път, когато ненадейно се появи надзирателят. Един-
ствено Хаим се осмелява да наруши тишината със свои хипотези за индивидуал-
ните съдби, но той е обречен на постоянно страдание именно от думите, които
не може да не изрече. Думите са неговото наказание. И османската власт, и та-
зи над еретиците тръгва от идеята, че всеки е по презумпция виновен/грешен
и заслужава строго наказание (Карагьоз: „Никой само да не ми казва за някого:
невинен е. Само това не.”; „Брат Тихик обявил, че всички земни човешки посе-
ления, в които има господари и слуги, и всички невярващи в учението са врагове
на бога и на истинските християни е позволено да ги изтребват”). Така битката
срещу престъплението/порока се превръща в битка срещу самия човек. В стре-
межа на властника (Карагьоз, Тихик) да познае, да открие на всяка цена поро-
ка и да го притисне в ъгъла на изкуплението, този порок всъщност се превръща
в собствен, защото никой не може да се спаси чрез взиране в греха. В демонич-
ната игра на Карагьоз и в ритуалното преобличане на Тихик се крие желанието
за бягство от собствената човешкост. Те се срещат в точката на недоверието в
човека, което издава и усъмняването в себе си, защото също са хора. Разпитът/
изповедта трябва да осигурят самоизобличението чрез признание и да успоко-
ят все още тлеещата съвест на човека, който се храни с чужди вини. Но у Кара-
гьоз не е умрял напълно споменът за собственото вчера, когато сам е извървял
пътя на падението, а у Тихик е твърде буден робът, приучен да изпълнява чужди-
те повели и така да се спасява от отговорностите на личния избор. Между света
на господаря (човека, облечен с власт) и този на роба (затворения, подчинения
на чуждата воля) не може да има споразумение и така у Андрич и Станев дейст-
вителността отново се раздвоява. Насилието се превръща в средство за спасе-
ние, а това компрометира самия смисъл на спасението.
И в двата текста словото задава перспективите на нови светове, оформяй-
ки надредна действителност, но често остава неразбрано и само. Това се случва
с новата догма на Силвестър, който също идва не навреме да прогласи освобож-
даването на човека от всички богове. Случва се и с опитът на Кямил да възкре-
си в своето време драматично-тъжната и изпълнена с превратности история на

невъзможния султан. Такава е и съдбата на Заим, който в отчаяния си порив към
жената-оцялостяване само разширява кръга на човешкия присмех и съжаление.
Изправени пред загадката на „световния ужас”, героите в разказа за прокълна-
тия двор и персонажите от легендата за Сибин се виждат оплетени в истори-
ческата верига на нескончаемите нещастия. Те не могат да пробият кръговото
време на вечната повторяемост, в която „Сатанаил продължава играта”. Разпо-
ловил разума си между семейния летопис и гностическото евангелие, князът не
може да достигне покой. Избрал да прочете чуждите книги, вместо да напише
свои собствени, Кямил ще пропадне в света на рационалните закони. А словото
ще продуцира нови сюжети, защото отвъд него идва краят. И „няма вече нищо”.
В „Прокълнатият двор” и в „Легенда за Сибин” Андрич и Станев реализират
до голяма степен своята сходна художествена философия. Ситуирайки персона-
жи от други времена в контекста на определено историческо време, те показват
сложния и лъкатушещ път на човешкото оцеляване, което не винаги е възмож-
но или сполучливо. Излизайки вън-от-себе-си (по терминологията на Рикьор),
всеки от героите разрушава устойчивостта на времевия континиум, осъществя-
вайки връзката между епохите. Чрез легендаризиране на отвъдното им битие,
писателите дават „втори шанс” на своите персонажи да намерят/конструират
собствена действителност. Затова нито Кямил, нито Сибин умират окончателно.
Мъртво е само тялото на султана, което продължава да генерира история. Двата
романа представляват образец на модерната историко-философска и психологи-
ческа проза, която надхвърля национални и темпорални граници, подхващайки
вечния разказ за лутащия се човек, надарен с безсмъртие. От думи.
В „Омер паша Латас” и в „Тихик и Назарий” също си дават среща сходни
проблеми и персонажи, съпоставими на плоскостта на духовното и на тази на
изкуството. В двете произведения Емилиян Станев и Иво Андрич начеват дис-
кусия за ролята и мястото на красотата, за обвързването й не само с естетика-
та, но и с етиката, за правото на управника да се разпорежда с човека на изку-
ството, за двойствения свят на всеки творец, разединен в себе си и преследван
от виденията на чужди грехове. Художникът като собствена вселена, отделен и
отчужден от света на другите, посредством таланта-проклятие, е обект на из-
ображение и в двата романа. Векослав Карас и Назарий идват от едно бъдеще
време – на разкрепостената човешка духовност, на възможното любовно сли-
ване, на илиризма като светоглед и Ренесанса като философия, а попадат в кон-
сервативно-затворения за промени босненски свят или в обладаната от страх
по дяволските въплъщения еретическа еклезия. Аскетично занемарените те-
ла, блуждаещият поглед на художниците, заедно с опита да се улови и щрихи-
ра заобикалящия свят, предизвикват един почти религиозен ужас както у мю-
сюлманите при вида на Карас, така и у Тихик, новия съвършен в общинарията.

Общата биография на тези персонажи започва още от детството им, защото от
тогава датира преградата между тях и другите. Постоянният им път в търсене
на вдъхновението ги превръща в изгнаници-скитници по безкрайния друм на
живота. И Андрич, и Станев въвеждат героите посредством отстранения по-
глед на другите хора, без да бързат да надникнат в страшната бездна – душата
на твореца. Тихик вижда в художника човек „незначителен, малко завеян, ко-
муто не е отредено да получи ангелски престол. /.../ Мина му през ума, че тая
лъчезарност е като стъклен щит, зад който се крие или слабоумие или особена
лудост.” По аналогичен начин реагират жителите на Сараево при първите си
срещи с пришълеца Карас. За тях той е ново явление, човек не само от друго,
не-свое пространство, но и от различно време. Дори слуха за неговото идва-
не „предизвиква сред раята удивление, примесено със страх, а сред мюсюлма-
ните – ново и още по-голямо недоверие”. Верен на повествователния маниер
да показва различните гледни точки към едно и също явление, Андрич в слу-
чая не може да открои различията в начина, по който отделните етноси реаги-
рат на странния нов човек. И Тихик, и босненци виждат в художеството сянка-
та на Сатаната, който удвоява силата си като удвои видимия свят в картината.
За Бикоглавия от еклезията и за Омер паша портретът е начин да преодолеят
тленността и забравата като се увековечат. Но въплъщавайки злото, нарисува-
ният им образ всъщност го мултиплицира. И противоречията се задълбочават.
Как подареният от бога талант, започва да служи на каузата на дявола? Какво
да прави с призванието си художникът – тази разпиляна душа, която се лута в
дебрите на отвъдвидимостта, загубвайки вярата в себе си, поради греховната
природа на другите? „Необикновеният чужденец със съмнително занимание”
е лишен от правото на интеграция. А самотата често тласка към прегръдките
на дявола. Съзирайки греха (изконната човешка същност) у еретиците, Наза-
рий осъзнава, че го носи в себе си. Принуден да нарисува двата свята, той за-
винаги остава заключен между тях. Не може да избяга нито от ада, защото той
е обиталище на Каломелината красота, нито да се издигне до ангелските селе-
ния, носейки бремето на всеки уловен и нарисуван грях. А ако бог е насилник и
тиранин като дявола, кой е възможният спасителен път? Неспособен да разре-
ши противоречията в себе си, Назарий се отдалечава все повече от своите съб-
ратя по живот, но не и по дух. Конфликтът между етично и естетично достига
предела си и художникът осъзнава, че „чрез художеството се разкриват тайни,
но те са суетни, понеже не знам каква е същността на това, което изобразявам.
То опиянява човешката душа и я кара да полита и към небето, и към пъкъла”.
Той не може да нарисува човека без да го разбере, а тогава „излиза наяве скри-
тата страна на явленията”, от където стърчат рогата на дявола. Четейки чужди-
те души, Назарий се заразява от тяхната поквара. През огледалото на другия

той трупа познание, а после и печал. Когато поставя своя талант в служба на
угнетяващата религиозна идея, постепенно губи правото си да го притежава.
И Станев, и Андрич изобразяват човека като затворник и мъчилище на самия
себе си, защото и Карас, и Назарий са изправени пред моралните дилеми – по-
следици от собствените им дела („Всеки се погубва от делата си и всички стра-
дат от тях”). Ивсула и Саида не могат да донесат покой – и в тях дебне спотаен
греха, а „ако сатаната изгони сатана /.../ как ще устои царството му?” В края на
книгата Назарий отказва да различи божиите от дяволските дела и закономер-
но умира от ръката на роба-владетел. Защо още е твърде рано за този отказ. По
„тежкия път на злата неизвестност” крачи и духовният брат на Станевия герой
– Карас. Нарочен за оръдие на дявола (шейтана), чрез което злото влиза в све-
та, художникът е обречен на неразбиране. Рожба на бедността и на всемирната
тъга, той не може да се впише в окръжаващата го действителност. Познание-
то за италианското и холандско изкуство, за катедралите на Рим е неприложи-
мо в „тревожната атмосфера” на застиналия босненски свят и Карас е неспосо-
бен да отключи душите на другите. Подобно на Назарий, той поставя таланта
си в служба на авторитарната власт (Омер паша Латас) и постепенно губи поч-
ва под краката си. Хаотичните му лутания засилват чувството на изгубеност,
още повече, че протегнатите към красотата (Саида) ръце за пореден път оста-
ват празни. Океанът на изкуството е по-непреодолим и безпощаден от индиви-
дуалния човешки порив на слабия плувец, вкопчен в своята илюзия. Вместо до-
край да изпита света Карас бяга от него и в тази непрестанна игра на гоненица
с живота не може да се превърне в победител. Както Назарий той се усъмнява
в себе си и така разполовен става лесна плячка на злия случай. Единият рисува
двата свята, а другия (Карас) – човекът на два свята (Омер) и също остава за-
ключен между източния фатализъм и рационалния западен светоглед. Без шанс
да ги сдобри в себе си. Опознал хората до дъно, той трябва да изпие горчивата
чаша на намерените истини. Неизразима е мъката на художника залутан в ла-
биринтите на Психея. И той като Назарий ще открие колко е „трудно да оби-
чаш човека такъв, какъвто е, ако носиш в себе си представата за друг и съвър-
шен човек”. Загубената вяра в себе си го превръща в човек-сянка, който носи
своя кръст-триножник през пустинята на личното битие. Посредством духов-
ната съположеност на героите-творци от различни исторически епохи, може
да бъде откроено поредното място на засрещане между художествените кон-
цепции на Андрич и Станев. Защото и двамата показват колко уязвим е чове-
ка, раздаващ се безостатъчно на своя талант, колко неизбродими са душевните
бездни и колко напразно е всяко усилие, заченато в съмнение и износено без
вяра. В мига, в който призванието се подчини на догмата и/или на властта, то
преминава в своето отрицание, а разперените за прегръдка и милост ръце на

художника остават празни и не могат да се превърнат в мост между епохите. А
това вече е проблем във всяка съвременност.
Иво Андрич и Емилиян Станев в еднаква степен се интересуват от изтерз-
аната човешка душа, която се лута по безкрайните житейски коридори, сред ла-
биринта на нечакани и втурнали се като зло исторически катаклизми. И при два-
мата, въпреки национално-обагреното като атмосфера и колорит пространство
на текста, шестват човеци със съдби и проблеми, надскачащи балкано-българ-
ско-босненското съществуване. Такива персонажи са Тихик и Омер паша Латас.
Маскарадно преоблечени с дрехата на съвършенството или с мундира на осман-
ското величие, те не могат да избягат от своето минало, защото в тях е твърде
жив роба (Тихик) или някогашното селско момче от християнската вяра Ми-
хаил (Омер). Характеризирайки лаконично и точно балканския човек, Андрич
стига до извода, „че всеки има три образа и че всеки изглежда: първо, такъв, ка-
къвто иска да е, тоест такъв, какъвто сам се представя и показва; след това такъв,
какъвто си го представят другите и най-сетне, такъв, какъвто е наистина.” Този
триизмерен човек има различни имена, но, независимо дали е Тихик или Омер,
той е принуден да враждува със себе си и да бъде лъжа. Самоизмамата – подсъз-
нателна или добре обмислена, го отделя от околния свят с невидимата стена на
недоверието, презрението и мнителността. И дори когато побеждава на равни-
щето на земното, подобно на пашата, той въплъщава злото, защото и най-добра-
та идея, окъпана в кръв и насилие, не води до положителна промяна. Тихик за-
блуждава първо себе си, после и Ивсула, но търпи поражение именно по линия
на плътско-земното, тъй като не може да избяга от своя прагматичен и елемен-
тарен ум. Звярът, който живее у мъжа, събужда първичните нагони и омърся-
ва женския порив към чистота (Ида, Ивсула), без да укаже спасението. А после
похитената красота си отмъщава, като се превръща в презрение. Завършеният
циник Омер и вкопченият в неразгадаемата тайна на битието Тихик въплъщават
на практика историко-философските концепции на своите създатели: не може
чрез лъжа и самоизмама да се постигне хармонията, защото както дом постро-
ен върху пясъка поддава при първия силен порой, така и власт, изградена с илю-
зии и отстоявана чрез себенадценяване, власт, която уязвява човека, не може да
послужи за изправянето му. Омер ще си тръгне от Сараево по-безславно, от-
колкото е дошъл, а Тихик ще потърси убежище в демоничната пещера на княза
и скоро човешкото презрение ще ги забули с пелената на мълчанието. Колкото
и различни да са героите, те си приличат по усъмняването в човека. Доближава
ги и стремежа да го подчинят, като го манипулират, да властват не само над тя-
лото, но и над ума му. Макар и да не е указано в текста, бъдещето на еретика и
на пашата не предполага колебания, защото е страшна съдбата на онзи, чрез ко-
гото злото влиза в света. Личната митология, която със заплаха и сила Тихик и
Омер изграждат около себе си, ще се пропуква от камшичните удари на пробу-
дените за мъст човешки съзнания. Ръката, издигната за удар или проклятие вър-
ху чуждото его и мисъл, ще се стовари със страшна сила върху самите тях, за да
ги заличи от светлите страници на националната и/или лична история. Омер –
„онзи, който немари нито за душата, нито за бога, нито за вярата” – рано или
късно ще изчезне, подобно на Тихик, в огъня на подклаждания от самия него
ненужен бунт. И Омер, и Тихик са своего рода предатели (към вярата, към кня-
за, към ортодокса), които правят първата крачка към отстъплението, предавай-
ки себе си. Ренегатът, който се прекръства, и еретикът, който с поглед към бога
убива себеподобни, се превръщат в обемни символи на изгнаници, абдикирали
от самите себе си. Бягайки от онова, което са, в опит да се приближат до онова,
което трябва да бъдат, те изгарят зад себе си всички мостове. И бившият роб,
и бившият християнин ще осъзнаят, че всяка власт носи в себе си кълновете на
моралния и духовен разврат, и че на всяко място и във всяко време „невидимата
болест” на миналите грехове ще ги отделя от перспективите на новото им днес.
В двете произведения писателите не разгръщат крупни епически картини,
а акцентират върху индивидуалната съдба, достигайки до обобщения, надхвър-
лящи конкретното историческо време – Средновековието или средата на ХІХ
век. Посредством своите герои-творци, принадлежащи на други духовни епохи,
те дебатират за мястото на изкуството в една свръх-материална действителност.
Търсейки корена на злото, Андрич и Станев достигат до дълбините на двойстве-
ната човешка същност, за да покажат, че страхът отдалечава покаянието. „Омер
паша Латас” и „Тихик и Назарий” са художествени трактати върху проблемите
за ренегатството, подменената, но непобедена самоличност, и гибелните после-
дици от издигането на всяка догма над човека, комуто трябва да служи. И в два-
та текста догмата е персонифицирана и, макар че е насочена към множеството,
тя е прицелена и в личността на твореца. Така в средата на 70-те, в условията на
тоталитарна култура, чрез фигурата на твореца Ем. Станев и И. Андрич отпра-
вят своето предупреждение, че узурпирането на изкуството взривява догмата
отвътре, дори когато се преструва, че й служи...
Притиснатият от историческите катаклизми човек, живеещ тук, на Балкани-
те, който трябва да премине през личната революция, за да осъществи общест-
вената и социалната такава, е герой в романите „Травнишка хроника” и „Иван
Кондарев”. Високият полемичен заряд, познат от Емилян-Станевия роман, е на-
личен, макар и в по-редуцирана форма, и в хрониката на Андрич. Диалогът, де-
батът, различните – понякога противоположни – гледни точки се изразяват от
Давил и Дефосе. Тезата за полифоничността на хрониката е развита от Биляна
Чирич, според която консулът и неговият помощник въплъщават два времеви
отрязъка и така „романът на Андрич може да бъде четен през призмата на но-
вия историзъм най-вече заради различните перспективи и противопоставящите
се едни на други гласове (субверсивни и репресивни), на които е предоставено
място и е създадена възможност да се изприкажат, без да се слеят в една моно-
литна тенденция”(Ћирић 2013: 265). С първоначалното си заглавие „Хроника
на един град” романът на Станев се доближава до жанровия класификатор, за-
ложен в произведението на Андрич. И въпреки, че наименованието „Иван Кон-
дарев” натежава по посока на моноромана, това е творба за много съдби, при-
надлежащи на вулканичното и нестабилно обществено-политическо време от
първите десетилетия на българския ХХ век. „Травнишка хроника” отпраща към
консулските времена в началото на ХІХ, но въпреки различните темпорални рам-
ки, и двата текста разказват за рикошета на големите исторически драми върху
личната трагедия на обикновения човек. В романите той е представен до голя-
ма степен като продукт на историческите обстоятелства, като жертва на соци-
алната и духовна среда, в която се оформя не само индивидуалната личност, но
и етноса. Свидетелство за това са думите на следователя към Кондарев: „Може
би главната беда е, че сте българин и живеете в такова градче като нашето. В Ев-
ропа – аз преди войната съм бил там – бихте намерили спокойствие на духа си”.
В „Травнишка хроника”, чрез думите на Дефосе, Андрич изразява сходна фило-
софия: „/.../ и злобата, и добрината на един народ са продукт на условията, при
които той живее и се развива”. Създавайки романи за „нещастието на един на-
род”, писателите всъщност разказват и за личното страдание на своите персона-
жи. Именно перманентната ситуация на война и на застрашеност, на неизбеж-
ни политически и социални сътресения, отделят с рязка граница две поколения,
така щото бащите и синовете взаимно не могат да се разберат (Давил – Дефосе,
Кольо Рачика и баща му, Кондарев – Георгиев).
Независимо дали живее в Травник или в град К., нито един персонаж не мо-
же да се скрие от пороя на историята, от конвулсивното кълбо на променливите
събития, които разрушават всяка относителна устойчивост. Разделената на че-
тири вери и етноси Босна и нажеженото от политически страсти българско об-
щество, в което властва разноезичието, са мишена на динамичния исторически
вихър. Двамата южнославянски белетристи разсъждават над причините за чо-
вешката разединеност и ги откриват в религиозните, социални, политически и
културни различия между хората. И в тези романи присъстват герои изостана-
ли от своето време (Давил, Костадин Джупунов) и такива, комуто то принад-
лежи (Кондарев, Дефосе, фон Паулич). Макар че в очите на травнишките бе-
йове Давил е носител на новото, на неизменния ход на историческия процес,
който ще промени статуквото, консулът всъщност е уморен човек, преситен от
катаклизмите, сполетели цяло едно поколение. Кралството, Революцията и Им-
перията са триединния образ на неговия вечен стремеж към спокойствие, про-

менливите величини, отдалечаващи го от хармоничния „среден път”. Бездна от
преживявания, от възторзи и политическо охлаждане отделят поколението на
Давил от това на младия му помощник Дефосе. Преждевременната умора, из-
хабяването от непрестанните промени пречат на консула да вникне в Босна, да
я опознае. Той е „типичната жертва на големите исторически събития” – съби-
тия, които разрушават умерения темпоритъм на Костадиновия живот, погуб-
ват Анастаси Сиров, обричат на гибел Иван Кондарев... Невъзможността да се
интегрира както в своето конкретно-историческо време, така и в изостаналия
босненски начин на живот, превръщат пътя на Давил в път без изход. За него
Дефосе е част от „анимализираното поколение”, което познава само революци-
ите и войната и е неспособно на морални противоречия и колебания. Подобно
е светоусещането на следователя Христакиев в романа на Станев, който също
е продукт на епохата и желае да заличи моралните граници, да превърне про-
блемите на настоящето в дивиденти за бъдещата кариера. Макар и носител на
новото време в Травник, Давил е малко анахроничен на фона на непрестанни-
те световни промени със своето консервативно мислене. Превръщайки всеки
исторически катаклизъм в „своя лична съдба”, той всъщност пропуска живота
си. В „Травнишка хроника”, както и в „Иван Кондарев”, активно присъства ис-
торическият контекст. Именно във връзка с различните исторически събития
са ситуирани и персонажите в текста. От ситуациите на краткотраен мир или
на милитаристични случвания се определя и относително спокойното или дра-
матично пренапрегнатото битие на всеки отделен герой. Оказва се, че и Трав-
ник, и град К. са места на пътя на историята. И тези събития, които се разпрос-
траняват „по Европа с чудна бързина, като кръг вълни от своя център, и като
пожар или зараза“, достигат „както оногова, който бяга, така и оногова, който
седи неподвижен”. Войните на Наполеон, революцията в Русия, комунистиче-
ските интернационали, правителството на Ал. Стамболийски, управлението на
Борис ІІІ, смъртта на султан Селим ІІІ променят живота на отделните, „малки-
те хора”, които не могат да останат индиферентни и да се скрият от историче-
ското зло. Между всичко и всеки съществуват невидими връзки (Църнянски бе-
ше възкликнал „Како је све у вези на свету!”), които неведомата съдба оплита в
сложен възел от неочаквани обрати. Именно злият случай запраща Кондарев в
ареста, превръща Рачика в свидетел на убийство, разорява Баки и отнема детето
на Давил. Така битието се превръща в непосилно бреме, а човешкият живот – в
мъчително усилие за оцеляване и себенадмогване. Динамиката на обществени-
те случвания изисква тяхното проанализиране. За целта героите намират изход
в писаното слово. Кондарев избира да осъществи равносметката посредством
субективно-личната изповедност на дневника, а Давил – чрез епоса за Алексан-
дър Македонски („замаскираният му духовен дневник”). В крайна сметка и две-

те повествования ще останат незавършени, тъй като житейските превратности
са по-динамични и по-непредвидими от човешкия поглед над тях. Героите, во-
дени от своята логика, достигат до един и същ извод: Давил осъзнава, че „воде-
ничният камък на революцията мачка и унищожава” всяка добродетел, подобно
на Кондарев, който разбира, че „революцията не може да се прави от проповед-
ници на морал”. И Давил, и Кондарев имат своите скрити колебания, раздвоя-
ват се между „природния и духовния човек” в себе си. За разлика от тях Коста-
дин Джупунов е изцяло „природен”, еднопланов и не може да се впише в света
на скритите същности и идеологически кипежи в първите десетилетия на ХХ
век. И той е преживял войната, без обаче тя да наруши нито праволинейния ход
на неговата мисъл, нито моралните му устои. Копнежът по чифлика, по старото
живеене го обръща „против всякакви реформи”. Но неутралността е имагинер-
на, тя е толкова невъзможна, колкото всяко връщане към природното живеене
в трескавия свят на революционния кипеж. Революцията е чудовище, което се
храни с кръв и което изисква човешки жертви. Като хора от друго време нито
Давил, нито Костадин могат да разберат и да приемат заобикалящата ги дейст-
вителност. Те се чуждеят от всички останали, служейки на „старите” ценности,
неприложими в настоящето. Така екзистенциално-личното и конкретно-истори-
ческото време, в което са разположени персонажите, се разминават. И в Босна, и
в България властва езика на омразата, неразбирателството и нетолерантността.
Идеологиите, манталитета, начина на живот, социалната среда и верската нетър-
пимост засилват чувството за индивидуална обреченост. В текстовете постоянно
се мяркат думи от семантичния ред на тъгата, отчаянието, неудовлетвореността,
изгубеността и безсмислието, характерни за всички „необикновени времена”.
Изследвайки конкретната психология на личността, Андрич и Станев достигат
до дълбинните пластове на индивидуалното и социално зло, разкриват човека
като „дихание и неспокойна топлина”. „Историческата върхушка” помита ин-
дивидуалните копнежи, обричайки на страдание и/или гибел поезията в Рачи-
ка, средния път на Давил, мирния живот на Костадин, бъдещето на Кондарев.
Човекът, който „непрекъснато се разкъсва и разделя в себе си”, който „пада и се
издига в собствените си очи” и не може да намери мястото си в хаотично-полу-
делия свят на неизбежни и непредвидими реформи, е общият герой на Станев
и Андрич. В тези романи светът е разделен на светове, между които се издигат
барикадите на нежелания (невъзможен) диалог: между Изтока и Запада, Крал-
ството и Революцията или между интелигенцията, комунистите, дружбашите,
офицерите и анархистите. Личността, която иска да твори живота си, се е ока-
зала пионка в голямата историческа игра, превърнала се е в жертва на всеобща-
та война с безбройни фронтове, която сякаш никога няма да свърши. След вся-
ка историческа драма остават куп лични трагедии и усещане за отделеност от

самия себе си; усъмняване в логичния и разумен ход на историята за сметка на
„сляпата случайност, самоволието и низките нагони”.
Независимо дали избързва или изостава от своето конкретно-историческо
време, човек не може да избяга от историята. Тя го застига – уплашен и сам – и
помита всяка окончателна истина. В романа-Андрич и в романа-Станев хората
са до голяма степен жертва на собствения копнеж по положителна и категорич-
на промяна. Захвърлени в битието, сред ужаса на собствената си несигурност,
героите трябва да извървят своя път до другите, преодолявайки фаталната раз-
деленост на човечеството. Всички войни и всички трагедии си приличат. Раз-
лични са само кратките мигове на откраднато, отвоювано и споделено щастие.
Художествените съотнасяния между текстовете на Иво Андрич и Емилиян
Станев, които набелязахме до момента, могат да бъдат продължени, защото про-
изведенията на двамата белетристи и художествените им концепции генерират
нови и нови причини за среща, очертавайки перспективите на бъдещи изследова-
телски задачи. Сдвояването на романите може да се развие в нови и различни кон-
фигурации. Защото „Антихрист” и „Травнишка хроника” са посветени на индиви-
дуалното лутане в търсене на щастливия среден път; „Омер паша Латас” и „Иван
Кондарев” разказват за гибелта на човешкото под напора на различни фактори
от настоящето; „Легенда за Сибин, преславския княз” и „Мостът на Дрина” из-
следват дихотомичното противоречие във всичко съществуващо, а „Прокълнати-
ят двор” и „Тихик и Назарий” могат да бъдат четени като художествени трактати
за личността, притисната и от злия случай, и от собствената неудовлетвореност.
Романите на Ем. Станев са опит, посредством вглеждане в миналото, бъл-
гарският народ да извърви успешно предстоящия път, а българският човек да
намери мястото си в трескавата подвижност на своето битие. Този някогашен
(а и днешен) човек, болезнено разделен на антиномични половини, ще намери
отдавна загубената си цялост, когато спре да руши мостовете към себе си. От
своя страна Иво Андрич представя Босна като метонимия на балканското жи-
веене и също търси скритото лице на видимите явления. Неговата проза заема
средищно място между повествователните тенденции от междувоенния пери-
од и тези от 60-те и 70-те години на ХХ век в сръбската литература. Мозаичният
повествователен принцип, устойчивостта и вариативността на мотивите, стре-
межът да се осъществи връзката между времената посредством личности-ме-
диатори между някога-и-сега, между утре-и-днес намират своята художествена
реализация и в последващите романа-Андрич текстове. Емилиян Станев и Иво
Андрич остават извън литературни направления и кръгове. Създаденото от тях
обаче се превръща в литература в литературата, а отделните им романи – в еди-
нен опус, обединен от цялостната концепция за живота и сходните възгледи за
ролята на изкуството. Според Андрич писателят е длъжен „от крехките думи и

слаби изречения да построи мост, който безпогрешно и незабелязано да пре-
несе читателя през бездната на безсмисленото и несъзнателното в страната на
живота и действителността, която той е успял да пресъздаде за него и за всич-
ки хора. /../. Защото писателят и неговото творчество не служат никому, ако по
един или друг начин, не служат на човека и на човечеството, /.../, а изкуството и
волята за съпротива, побеждават всяко зло, дори самата смърт” (Андрич 1983:
208, 222, 226). За българския писател стойностното произведение е начин „чо-
век да надникне в собствената си душа, да разбере какви конфликти живеят в
него. Помага в намирането на опорни точки, в самопознанието. /.../ Доброто
художествено произведение е онова, което стисва сърцето на човека и поразя-
ва неговия ум. Защото изкуството трябва да бъде като хубав летен ден, да ни да-
ва радост и надежда”(Сарандев 2007: 139).
В текстовете на Андрич и Станев философско-историческите питания ре-
зултират в сходни изводи. Защото нобеловият лауреат и българският писател са
творци, сближени от стремежа да надникнат в дълбинните пластове на човешка-
та душевност, от желанието да нарисуват душа, да разкажат историята на балкан-
ския човек с неговите личностни и исторически кризи. И тръгвайки по своя път
към дебрите на индивидуалната същност, те започват от онова, което познават –
своята страна и/или регион. Пътеводител в националното минало са изворите
на фолклора (легенди, песни, предания) и фактологическата конкретика на ис-
торическите материали (хроники, летописи, съчинения). Чрез образите на хора
от миналото, чрез десетки, дори стотици съдби, постепенно се очертават коре-
ните на някои от психологическите явления в действителността – нихилизмът
и съпротивата, недоверието и скептицизмът, стремежът към промяна и страха
от нея. Балканобългарският човек, осъден на непрестанни битки за оцеляване,
е всъщност обобщен образ на човека изобщо, който, залутан из тъмните улички
и покрайнини на живота, търси изход от десетките дебнещи го робства. Копне-
жът към истината и по-щастливото битие не е регионален или национален коп-
неж, а цел и стремеж на всеки, независимо от географските координати и тем-
поралния отрязък от време. И в търсене на лек за наранените от историята и
своеволния случай герои, Андрич и Станев всъщност размишляват над над-на-
ционални и конкретно-хронологични проблеми. В полемичните им текстове,
където си дават среща различни човешки гласове, религиозни предпочитания и
политически страсти винаги присъства образът на човека от друга епоха. Той е
носител на идеята за връзката между времената и явленията, за тяхната повторя-
емост и неизменност. А изходът от заключения кръг на битието е в метафизич-
ния копнеж към „неоспоримото добро”, което ще построи нови мостове между
хората. И в словото – единственият възможен дом на хармонията.
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Станев, Емилиян. Събрани съчинения в шест тома. Т. VІ. Легенда за Сибин,
преславския княз. Тихик и Назарий. Антихрист. С., 1986 (Stanev, Emiliyan.
Sabrani sychineniya v shest toma. T. VI. Tihik i Nazary. Antihrist, 1986).
ЋириЋ,Билјана. Травничка хроника Иве Андрића као место сустрета садашњо-
сти и прошлости. – В: Време и пространство в културата на българи и сър-
би/Време и простор у култури бугара и срба. Варна, 2013 (Biljana Chirich.
Travnichka hronika Ive Andricha kao mesto susreta sadashnjosti i proshlosti. U:
Vreme i prostranstvo v kulturata na bylgari i syrbi. Vreme i prostor u kulturi bugara
i srba. 2013).
Фрай, Нортръп. Великият код. Библията и литературата. С., 1993 (Fray, Nortryp.
Velikiyat kod. Bibliyata I literaturata, 1993).
Marina V. Yordanova
EMILIYAN STANEV AND IVO ANDRICH:

MEETING WITHIN THE READING
Abstract: The current text attempts to meet the novel opuses of Emilian Stanev and Ivo
Andrich accomplished through the methods of comparatism. The aim of the article is to high-
light the proximity of the characters, the problems, and the interpretation of the history of
the two South Slavic classic authors. Through the paired reading of their novels Antichristt /
The Bridge on Drina, Bosnian Chronicle / Ivan Kondarev, The Damned Yard / Legend of Sibin –
The Prince of Preslav and finally Omar Pasha Latas / Tihik and Nazaryi are defined the points
of closeness, the typological similarities in the texts of the pointed authors. Facing the cross-
road of history their characters are looking for a way out of it – either on this or the other side.
Key words: comparatism, novels, Ivo Andrich, Emilian Stanev, history, meeting

Vol. 8, No. 1 (2017):
( ) 87-102. 87
Dr Maroš Melichárek1
Pavol Jozef Šafárik University (Košice)
Faculty of Arts
Department of History
Slovakia

REFLECTIONS IN MODERN HISTORIOGRAPHY
Abstract: Europe has been challenged with the waves of migrations recently, but such
a phenomenon is not a newborn aspect of “our” European identity. However, it was the Bal-
kans - the region which due to Ottoman expansion and its revision suffered numerous mi-
grations (voluntary and involuntary) and relocations (frequently forced) of its inhabitants.
The results of such a policy was a constant need to revenge, we mean Balkan nations wanted
to revenge on Turks and vice versa. Such phenomenon is clearly visible in the course of 19th
century (Russo-Turkish wars, Berlin congress, shaping of modern Balkan states), but it has
roots in older periods. In June 1690, as a result of Great Turkish War, from 30 to 40,000 Serbs
gathered in Belgrade led by the patriarch Arsenije III. Čarnojević to seek refuge in Hungary.
This is called the Great Migration or in Serbian Velike seobе Srba (Велике сеобе Срба), the
main area to settle for Serbs was current territory of Vojvodina, but they were moving also to
present day Hungary and Romania. The main aim of this paper is to provide the scholars and
public with a new unbiased view of Serb migration 1690 and its place in national identity and
myths. One of quests to solve is the “war of numbers” such typical for Balkan region (concern-
ing Great Serb migration from 40.000 to 500.000) and how is the Serb migration perceived
in modern European historiography – primarily Czechoslovak, Albanian and Anglo-Ameri-
can compared to traditional and modern Serbian.
Keywords: Serbian history, Serbs, The Great Migration, memory, identity, historiog-
raphy, Serbian orthodox church
Europe has been challenged with the waves of migrations recently, but such a
phenomenon is not a newborn aspect of European identity and history.2 However,
1
melicharekmaros@gmail.com
2
As a historian and expert on migration processes writes Klaus Bade: „Since exists Homo sapiens exists Ho-
mo migrant too, migration is such a natural part of human existence as birth, reproduction, illness or deathť.“
ť
BADE, Klaus: Migration in European History. Oxford 2008, s. IX.
88 | Maroš Melichárek
it was the Balkans - the region which due to Ottoman expansion and its revision suf-
fered numerous migrations (voluntary and involuntary) and relocations (frequently
forced) of its inhabitants. The results of such a policy was a constant need to revenge,
we mean Balkan nations wanted to revenge on Turks and vice versa. Such phenome-
non is clearly visible in the course of 19th century (Russo-Turkish wars, Berlin con-
gress, shaping of modern Balkan states), but it has roots in older periods. In June
1690, as a result of Great Turkish War, 30 to 40,000 Serbs gathered near Belgrade led
by the patriarch Arsenije III. Čarnojević to seek refuge in Hungary. This is called the
Great Migration or in Serbian Velika seoba Srba (Великa сеобa Срба), the main area
to settle for Serbs was current territory of Vojvodina, but they were moving also to
present day Hungary and Romania.3 The most important centres were Szentendre,
Buda, Mohács, Pécs, Szeged, Baja, Tokaj, Oradea, Debrecen, Kecskemet, Satmár.
During several stages of research was the topic presented at three conferences
- Turkologentag 2016. Second European Convention on Turkic, c Ottoman and Turkish
Studies, Universität Hamburg (September 14. – 17. 2016), 7th International Sympo-
sium on Balkan Studies, Masaryk university, Brno (November 28. - 29. 2016), BA-
SEES (British Association for Slavonic and East European Studies) Annual Conference,
Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge (March/April 31. - 2. 2017). The main aim of the
paper is to provide the scholars and public with a new unbiased view of The great
Serb migration from 1690. One of the quests to solve is the “war of numbers” such
typical for Balkans region (concerning Great Serb migration from 40 to 500 000...)
and how is the Serb migration perceived in modern European historiography - pri-
marily Czechoslovak, Serbian, Albanian and Anglo-American. The topic itself has
brought several limitations, questions and issues since the beginning of the research.
The problem of studying selected topic lies also in the fact that except for one ex-
ception mediated by English translation stated at work of Noel Malcolm (The Great
Migration of the Serbs from Kosovo [1690]: history, myth and ideology),4 we did not
analyse Albanian sources, but it is a challenge of the future - to expand the work and
on the basis of joint research with colleagues dealing with Albanian history,5 to pub-
3
BATAKOVIĆ, T. Dušan: Kosovo and Metohija: Identity, Religions&Ideologies. In: Kosovo and Meto-
hija – Living in the Enclave. Ed. Dušan Bataković. Belehrad : SANU, 2007, p. 125.
4
MALCOLM, Noel: The Great Migration of the Serbs from Kosovo (1690): history, myth and ideology. In:
Oliver Jens Schmitt – Eva Anne Frantz (eds.): Albanische Geschichte Stand und Perspektiven der For-
schung. München 2009, p. 225–251.
5
For example: Přemysl Vinš from Charles University in Prague. Author of several essays on Albanian
history in Czechoslovak area -VINŠ, Přemysl: Albánský lid se na cestu dějinami vydal se šavlí v ruce.
Analýza historického příběhu socialistické Albánie, In „Dějiny – Teorie – Kritika“ 1-2013, p. 56-90; Na
křižovatce mezi Moskvou a Pekingem aneb počátek albánsko-sovětské roztržky; In „Porta Balkanica“
Great Migration of the Serbs (1690) and Its Reflections in Modern Historiography | 89
lish a wider output that would also capture Albanian historiography. On the other
hand it is important to state that conclusions of Albanian historians are rather dis-
tracting, but they offer interesting points in terms of comparison. From the point of
view of the chosen methodology - comparison and analysis, not all the works are of
a unified character (lacking romantic, older and inter-war works, we have focused on
modern historiography), but was an intention, and it is important to note that their
diversity best prove problematic and controversial perceptions of the chosen topic.
The depiction and symbolism of Great Serbian migration is still very strong and
up-to-date. In 1994, the American publicist John Kifner described the picture of Pav-
le „Paja“ Jovanović, (1859 – 1957) from 1896 Seoba Srba6 along with other mythi-
cal scenes of Serbian history as a Balkan version of the picture by Emanuel Gottlieb
Leutze (1816 – 1868) from 1851 Washington Crossing the Delaware. This alignment
clearly declares the strong rooting in the national consciousness of the Serbs, which
the author compared with one of the most famous American paintings. Migration has
also found other comparisons, such as various views of the retreating Serbian army in
1915 (Albanska golgota) heading towards Corfu island 7, or a photo from 1995 that cap-
tured the Serbs fleeing from the Republika Srpska krajina during Operation Storm.8
It is not possible to create a precise and comprehensive definition of Serbian
identity (the concept of so-called “serbdom”), our aim is to point at the indispens-
able place of Great Migration in this diagram and the individual connections. Key
pillar of the Serbian national identity is according our knowledge Serbian orthodox
church (SPC, autocephalous in 1219 – 1463, 1557–1766, 1920–) and its founder
Saint Sava (1174 – 1236). Religious connotations are also reflected in the interpre-
tation of Great Migration - Arsenije III. was perceived in the eyes of one of the con-
temporaries as follows: “Be our Moshe who led the people of Israel from Egypt...“9 The
1-2/2012, p. 6-19. available on the Internet: https://kjbs.ff.f cuni.cz/cs/ustavkatedra/vyucujici/alban-

istika/mgr-premysl-vins/.[cit. 2017-09-01].
6
Painting should serve the revival of Serbian collective identity and points out the legitimacy of the Ser-
bian entity and the claims in Austria-Hungary during Budapest Millennium Exhibition held in 1896;
the 1,000th anniversary of the Hungarian conquest of the Carpathian Basin; KIFNER, John: The World; d
Through the Serbian Mind’’ s Eye. The New York Times, 1994, 10. 4. available on the Internet: http://
www.nytimes.com/1994/04/10/weekinreview/the-world-through-the-serbian-mind-s-eye.html?pag-
ewanted=all.[cit. 2017-09-01]. FACOS, Michelle: An Introduction to Nineteenth-Century Art. New York.
2011, p. 393–394.
7
NIKOLIĆ, Snežana: Albanska Golgota srpske vojske. In: Odbrana 247, Specijalni prilog 136, p. 1-16.
available on the Internet: http://www.odbrana.mod.gov.rs/ [cit. 2017-09-01].
8
See: MELICHÁREK, Maroš: Operace Bouře. Genocida nebo velká chorvatská válka za nezávislost? In
Military Revue vol.7, 2012, n. 2, p. 12–15.
9
ZIROJEVIĆ, Olga: Srbija pod turskom vlašću 1459–1804, Belehrad 2009, p. 159.
unification of the Orthodox Church and the Serbian nation was crucial for its surviv-
al (the Byzantine heritage). In the given context the “Velika seoba” is directly linked
to the pillar of the Serbian national identity the Kosovo myth.10 Migration has tak-
en place from Kosovo, leaving the cradle of Serbian history, which is another step in
losing Kosovo. The phenomenon of the loss of Kosovo and Great Migration is also
closely related to the transfer of the remains of St. Lazar to the Ravanica Monastery
in Vrdnik (1697) „...i tu položimo mošti svetog Lazara srpskog.“11 In the era of occu-
pation of Yugoslavia was the relics threatened by the creation of The Independent
State of Croatia NDH (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska) through Bešenovo was trans-
ferred to church of Saint Archangel Michael in Belgrade. Remains of St. Lazar were
symbolically returned to Ravanica in 1989, in the 600th anniversary of the Battle of
Kosovo.12 Within the cult of Kosovo, we are recognizing St. Lazar as one of the oth-
er points of the Serbian national identity. Serbian national songs (Српске народне
пјесме), collected and popularized in Europe by Vuk Karadžić, represent another es-
sential component, as they reflect important Serbian historical moments and mile-
stones (including the battle on the Kosovo field).13 In the context of the perception
of the Great Migration plays Ottoman invasion a key role, as the military encounter
between Habsburg and Ottoman troops resulted in migration. Although the Otto-
man invasion is traditionally referred to as “national tragedy,” the Orthodox Church
had full religious freedom and cultural autonomy in the period of the existence of
the Patriarchate in Peć, for example proved by service to Saint Lazar.14 Gradually,
10
See: ŠTĚPÁNEK, Václav: Jugoslávie – Srbsko – Kosovo. Kosovská otázka ve 20. století.í Brno 2011, p.
265-266.; ČOLOVIĆ, Ivan: Smrt na Kosovu Polju : Istorija kosovskog mita. Belehrad 2016, p. 9. – 31.
11
For some time deposited in today’s Hungarian city Szentendre (Szentandreja). ZIROJEVIĆ, Olga: Sr-
bija pod turskomvlašću 1459–1804. Belehrad 2009, p. 171.; ŠESTÁK, Miroslav: Kosovská bitva roku 1389
a kosovský mýtus. In: Dějiny a současnost. Kulturně historická revue. 21, n. 3, (1999) p. 43-46.
12
WHITE, George W.: Nationalism and Territory: Constructing Group Identity in Southeastern Europe.
New York, 2000, p. 214-215.; VUJAČIĆ, Veljko: Nationalism, Myth, and the State in Russia and Serbia:
Antecedents of theDissolution of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. Cambridge 2015, p. 132.
13
During his lifetime, he met and worked with a number of personalities of his time, such as Dositej
Obradović, Jernejj Kopitar, Ľudovít Štúr (whom he was so impressed to called him “literary patriarch
of Serbia”), Pavel Jozef Šafárik, Josef Dobrovsky, Leopold von Ranke, Jakob Grimm, Franz Joseph I.,
Miloš Obrenović, Petar II. Njegoš or Ljudevit Gaj. MELICHÁREK, Maroš: Osobnosť Vuka Stefanovića
Karadžića (1787 – 1864) v kontexte jeho jazykovednej činnosti vytvorenie moderného srbského jazyka. In:
Dejiny : internetový časopis Inštitútu histórie FF PU v Prešove 5, 2010, n. 2, p. 84–100. available on the
Internet: http://dejiny.unipo.sk/ [cit. 2017-09-01].
14
After the restoration of the Serbian Patriarchate in Peć, 1557, in churches were sung the songs about
Serbian medieval kings, the liturgies were devoted them. St. Lazarus was celebrated in churches on June
28 each year
y - the Turks presented as godless people who serve Lazarus as fuel for his eternal fire. AN-
ZULOVIĆ, Branimir: Heavenly Serbia: From Myth to Genocide. New York 1999, p. 33–35.; Služba svetom
however, the relationship between the Ottoman Empire and the SPC – Patriarch Pa-
jsije (1614–1647) discussed a possible union with the Roman Catholic Church al-
ready started by Patriarch Jovan, Patriarcha Gavrilo (1648 – 1659) travelled to Russia
in 1653 and was hanged by the Turks. Officially was the SPC for a long time loyal to
sultan – it identified itself as a protector of Serbian unity, history and nation. Signif-
icant deterioration in relations occurred after unsuccessful rebellion in Banat, when
Koca Sinan Paša ordered the transfer of the remains of St. Sava from the monastery
of Mileševo to Belgrade and then burned on the hill Vračar 27. 4. 1594.15 The Bal-
kan Wars (1912-1913) are an imaginative fulfilment of the Kosovo cult and they al-
so represent a connection to the past in the context of Great Migration.16
The first historian whose work we have focused on is Dušan Bataković (1957 -
2017). Until his unexpected death he was director of INSTITUTE FOR BALKAN
STUDIES, SASU (srb. Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti, SANU) and a diplo-
mat, a former ambassador to Greece, Canada and France. The main priorities of his
research were the issue of Serbian nationalism, Serbian-French relations and ethnic
problems in Kosovo. His most important works include, for example Kosovo i Meto-
hija u srpsko-arbanaškimodnosima, La Yougoslavie: nations, religions, idéologies, Koso-
vo i Metohija u srpskoj istoriji, Savremenici o Kosovu i Metohiji 1850-1912, Nova istori-
ja srpskog naroda, The Serbs and Their National Interest, t Kosovo. Un Conflit sans
fin? and others.17 For this analysis we have selected three papers, namely: Koso-
vo and Metohija: Identity, Religions and Ideologies (2007), Nova istorija srbskog naroda
(2002) a Kosovo i Metohija u srpsko-arbanaškim odnosima (2006, reprint from 1991).
In an excerpt from the first mentioned work the author writes: „The Christian Ortho-
dox Serbs joined the Habsburg troops in their military campaign in Serbia as a separate
Christian militia (Militia Rasciana, Razische Feld-Miliz, Irregulëre Trupen). With the
exception of the brave Kelmendi tribe of Christian, Roman Catholic faith, the majority of
velikomučeniku knez Lazaru, caru i samodršcusrpskezemlje. Novi Sad 1889, 40 p.; GRKOVIĆ, Milica:
Nepoznati Ravaničanin /SREDNJEVEKOVNI SRPSKI SPISI O KOSOVU. available on the Internet:
https://www.rastko.rs/istorija/spisi_o_kosovu.html#_Toc693.[cit. 2017-09-01].
15
LEUSTEAN, Lucian N: Orthodox Christianityy and Nationalism in Nineteenth-Century Southeastern Eu-
rope. Oxford University Press 2014, p. 87., ZIROJEVIĆ, O. Srbija pod turskom vlašću 1459–1804, Beleh-
rad 2009, p. 140–143.
16
For further information see: RISTANOVIĆ, Petar: Administrativne promene na prostoru Stare Sr-
bije 1912-1941. In: Baština, 2012, n. 32, p. 171-194, PELIKÁN, Jan et al.: Dějiny Srbska. Praha 2013,
p.255-256.
17
Bibliography & List of Publication (1983 – 2008). In: Dušan Bataković official website, Copyright ©
1997 – 2009 Dusan T. Batakovic. Dostupné na internete: http://www.batakovic.com/bibliography.ht-
ml. [cit.2010-08-21].
Albanians — as newly-converted Muslims — took the side of the Sultan’s’ army against
the military coalition of Orthodox and Roman Catholic Christians.““18 It puts a clear em-
phasis on the religious aspect - the Christian, then the Orthodox Serbs, the Christian
militia, what does not match the German or Latin equivalents, and at the conclu-
sion Kelmendi Christian clan of the Roman Catholic faith. From this point of view,
it is clear that, in general, the Christian components of the anti-Ottoman resistance
are highlighted, on the other hand the Albanians as newly converted Muslims auto-
matically joined the sultan (apart from Kelmendi clan). At this point, his interpreta-
tion does not match the work of another historian Olga Zirojević,19 who writes that
a large part of Albanians left the Austrian ranks in battle at Kačanik in January 1690,
the Kelmendi clan gained territory around Peć and benefiting from the war chaos -
assisted the Turks (influence of Mahmud Pasha Hasanbegović of Albanian origin).20
In work Nova istorija srbskog naroda Bataković refers to the words of a local church
chronicler when explaining events around Great Migration:„… in the spring of 1690
the patriarch — Arsenije Crnojević of Peć — summoned a vast number of Serbs, 37000
families [10-30 members on average, 555000. … highlighted by M. M.] and they all
set off to join the Imperial [Habsburg] army. In the same war there was large-scale looting
and dislocation of Christians and plundering of all the Serbian lands. Monasteries, towns,
and villages were abandoned, d and some were burned down.“ Author adds:„ Some Serbs
in Kosovo fled to the mountains, survived the persecution, and after the sultan’s’ amnesty
they re-settled the undisturbed dwellings, especially in Kosovo itself.f “21 Author referred
to work by Ljubomir Stojanović Stari srpski zapisi i natpisi, without further explana-
tion. Such a text is misleading as it gives a figure of 37,000 families, which has been
proven from several points of view,22 that it is irrelevant and also points only to the
sufferings of the Serbian population. O. Zirojević refers to primary sources: Letter
of Arsenije III. from November 30, 1690 to the court office in Vienna mentioned
30 thousand people, later in the letter of Joseph I (1706), 40,000 confirmed Car-
18
BATAKOVIĆ, T. Dušan: Kosovo and Metohija: Identity, Religions and Ideologies. In: Kosovo and Me-
tohija – Living in the Enclave. Belehrad 2007, p. 26.
19
Olga Zirojević (born in 1934) is a Serbian historian of the Orientalist and History of the Ottoman
Empire. Her most important works are – Crkve i manastiri na području Pećke patrijaršije do 1683. godine.
Belehrad, 1984, 307 p.; Turskovojnou ređenje u Srbiji 1459—1683. Belehrad 1974, 319 p.; Islamizacija
na južnoslovenskom prostoru. Belehrad 2003, 94 p.
20
ZIROJEVIĆ, Olga: Srbija pod turskom vlašću 1459–1804, Belehrad 2009, p. 59.
21
BATAKOVIĆ, Dušan T. at al.: Nova Istorija Srbskog Naroda. Belehrad 2002, p. 126.
22
Authors (from University in Novi Sad) of the latest publications on the history of Serbs in the terri-
tory of Vojvodina admit a maximum of 80,000 people. MIKAVICA, Dejan - VASIN, Goran. Srbi u Ha-
bzburškoj monarhiji 1-2. Novi Sad 2016, p. 124-126.
dinal Kolonić, Stefan Daskal Ravaničanin wrote about 37,000 families - the author
himself avoids the exact number.23 In his work Kosovo i Metohija u srpsko-arbanaškim
odnosima Bataković writes: „...Catholic Albanians, despite the promise of help, left the
Austrian army on the eve of the Battle of Kačanik at the beginning of the year 1690. The
Serbian militia fighting the sultan hordes retreated to the west and north of the country.
The Turkish raids including killing and stealing lasted for three months. Fearing Ottoman
retaliation, the population of Kosovo and adjacent areas began to move north alongside
Arsenije III. Patrairch led a considerable part of the Church hierarchy, several hundred
thousand refugees into the Holy Roman Empire in the southern Hungarian territory. His
people were given special religious and privilege rights. The Great Migration of 1690 was
a significant turning point in the history of the Serbian nation. There were many cities and
villages in Kosovo left without a single inhabitant ... The worst effect of large-scale migra-
tion was the demographic collapse. Subsequently, the areas were inhabited by Albanian
tribes from mountain areas....”24 This text presents the traditional perception of the
phenomenon of Great Migration, reflected in the point of reference of migration as
a turning point of Serbian history, the Albanian treachery, and the subsequent set-
tlement of Kosovo and Metohija by the Albanians. Here, paradoxically, we do not
find explicit numbers of migrant citizens - only a few tens of thousands. There is no
doubt that demographic change has taken place, but it is difficult today (even with
regard to sources) to determine its full extent. At this point, obviously, to empha-
size the differentiation of views, we should mention work from the Albanian envi-
ronment. In a book by Kristaq Prifti et al. (eds.), Historia e popullitshqiptar, vol. 1.
Tirana 2000, the reader learns a diametrically different view of the sketched events:
„…The Albanians, Austrian Allies, participated in the struggles against the Hordes of the
Crimean Khan. Kosovo was re-acquired by the Ottomans and the Tatars, and the Austri-
an army moved north. Together with the Austrian army, many rebels Austrian allies, left
the territory of Kosovo and Serbia. Serbian historiography created on this basis the the-
ory of the so-called large expulsion of Serbs from Kosovo and the subsequent settlement
of Kosovo by Albanians. It is true that among those who left Kosovo was patriarch of Peć
(Peja) Arsenije III. Crnojević,ć but the number of Serbs who left with him was not so large
to claim it as the great expulsion from Kosovo in 1690. Among the forces that supported
the Austrians 2 were decisive - Albanians and Serbs. From an approximate calculation,
the Albanians formed the majority and were twice as numerous as the Serbs. Of the to-
tal number of those who left Kosovo, 10,000 no more, were Albanians. The term Serb,
which appears in the documents, means the Orthodox Albanian, who was subject to the
23
ZIROJEVIĆ, O: Srbija pod turskomvlašću 1459–1804, Belehrad 2009. p. 159.
24
BATAKOVIĆ, Dušan: Kosovo i Metohija u srpsko-arbanaškim odnosima. Belehrad 2006, p. 29-30.
jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Peć (Peja). On this basis, it is necessary to accept that
the rebels from Kosovo who left their land together with the Austrians were in most Alba-
nians.““25 This section offers a number of stimuli for reflection and controversy. First
of all, in the introductory part, there is no definition of ethnicity or the religion of in-
surgents - “many insurgents”. Role of Arsenije III. is unclear and undefined, it is only
mentioning that he was there, but we do not learn anything specific. When calculat-
ing the forces which supported Austrians, the Albanians are because of logical rea-
sons (addressing the reader by their primary role) in the first place, then the Serbs.
The author estimates the maximum number of migrant people from Kosovo up to
10,000, which is an unambiguous attempt to reduce the Serbian estimates as much
as possible. The term “approximate calculation,” which states that the number of Al-
banians was twice as high, does not show extraordinary scientific knowledge ... The
most controversial is conclusion where we find the explanation that the Serbs were
essentially Orthodox Albanians, and therefore no Serbs from Kosovo could migrate
as none existed..26
Work, which to a certain extent avoids nationalistic narratives, is a book called
Between Serb and Albanian: A History of Kosovo, by Miranda Vickers. The author also
wrote another work with a similar theme – The Albanians: A Modern History (2013),
but there is almost no mention of the 1690 migration issue. Vickers points to the
fact that the religious status is for the Albanians an unclear concept („Ku eshte shpa-
ta eshte feja –Where the sword is, there lies religion“).27 The circumstances surround-
ing the Great Migration are described by Vickers as follows: „During the Austro-Ot-
toman wars in the latter half of the seventeenth and the early eighteenth century, events
occurred which drove a great part of the Slav population from Kosovo. In 1690 Austrian
troops advanced through Serbia and Kosovo and onwards as far east as Skopje where the
Ottomans eventually defeated them. Fearing harsh reprisals from the Porte, a massive so-
cial upheaval took place. Unable to fight the Ottomans, the greater part of the inland Ser-
bian population accepted from the Austrian Emperor Leopold I an offer of asylum in the
25
MALCOLM, Noel: The Great Migration of the Serbs from Kosovo (1690): history, myth and ideology, p.
225–251.
26
M. Ekmečić wrote in a book Dugo kretanje između klanja i oranja. Istorija Srba u Novom Veku 1492–
1992 „Albanian historians are trying to prove that,t 1690 Kosovo has lost its Serbian character...,“ concern-
ing numbers he estimates 37 to 40 000 families. EKMEČIĆ, Milorad: Dugo kretanje između klanja i oran-
ja. Istorija Srba u Novom Veku 1492–1992. Belehrad 2010, p. 50.
27
Claimed in Sami Frasheri work Shqipëria ç’ka qenë, ç’është dhe ç’do të bëhet? Albania - What it was,
what it is, and what will become of it” ELSIE, Robert: Albanian Literature: A Short History. I.B.Tauris,
2005, p. 78-79.
Habsburg territories.28 In 1690, therefore, 37,

7 000 Serbian families from the Kosovo region,
under the leadership of the Patriarch Arsenius Crnojevic I I I , left for exile in Hungary,
having received assurances that the Serbs would be granted special political and reli-
gious status there. Others settled in the regions of Syrmia, Slavonia, the Banat and Bač-
ka. This was the beginning of the transfer of Serbia’s’ religious, cultural and political cen-
tre of gravity northwards and finally to Belgrade.““29 In the first part, the author refers
quite correctly about the Slavic population within the migration, as the migrant
population was not exclusively Serbian. Later, she accepts the thesis of 37,000 fam-
ilies, what is a relatively common phenomenon in Anglo-American historiography.
The conclusion is controversial, although the author has rightly suggested moving
the cultural, political, religious centre to the north, but Belgrade and its role remain
questionable. Religious and intellectual centres were in Hungary. Belgrade grabbed
its role at the end of the 19th century. Leopold gave Serbs further privileges in 1691
and 1695, on the basis of which a new church unit was established in the Habsburg
territory - the Sremski Karlovci Metropolitanate (Карловачка митрополија). The
Patriarchate was founded de iure after 1848 in Sremski Karlovci (between 1691 and
1706 existed Szentandreja metropolitanate, from 1708 to 1713 metropolitanate had
its seat in the monastery Krušedol),30 while the metropolitan had the same rights as
the Patriarch in Peć, which was abolished in the year 1766.31
The author whose work has sprinkled the water level of Serbian historiography
is Noel Robert Malcolm (nar. 1956)32 – English political journalist, historian and ac-
ademician. He gained the doctorate in the field of history at Trinity College v Cam-
bridge. His monograph Kosovo: A Short History (1999) was described by Serbian his-
torian Milorad Ekmečić (criticised also by Aleksandar Djilas, Stevan K. Pavlowitch,
Dušan T. Bataković) as „historiography by the garb only“.33 In his work, we find the
28
A proclamation from April 6, 1690 for the Serb under the rule of the Sultan, a personal letter to the
patriarch - to every nation that becomes a subjectj of the Holy Roman Empire - casts doubt on the char-
acter of the “Invitation letter”. TODOROVIĆ, Jelena: An Orthodox Festival Book in the Habsburg Em-
pire: Zaharija Orfelin’s’ Festive Greeting to Mojsej Putnik (1757), Aldershot 2006, p. 4–6.
29
VICKERS, M.: Between Serb and Albanian: A History of Kosovo, Londýn 1998, p. 27.
30
KATSIARDI,Olga – STASSINOPOLOU, Maria A.: Across the Danube: Southeastern Europeans and
Their Travelling Identities (17th–19th C.) Leiden, 2016, p. 55-56.
31
RYCHLÍK, Jan et al.: Mezi Vídní a Cařihradem – 1. Utváření balkánských národů. Praha 2009., p. 79;
KIA, Mehrdad: Daily Life in the Ottoman Empire, Oxford 2011, p. 117.
32
Pozri bližšie: Sir Noel Malcolm, Senior Research Fellow since 2002, All Souls College Oxford.
available on the Internet: https://www.asc.ox.ac.uk/person/37 [cit.2010-08-21].
33
Milorad Ekmečić, a Serbian historian, academician of the Serbian Academy of Science and Art, de-
scribed it as “Historiography by the garb” or “Classical Military Propaganda Literature, as it used to
comparison of Great Migration to the crucifixion of Christ. This three-phase theo-

logical parallel marks the year 1389 as crucifixion, the second phase is Christ’s death
and funeral what corresponds to “Velika Seoba Srba” and the last phase is year 1912
and the re-occupation of Kosovo by the Serbian army as Christ’s Resurrection.34
Malcolm touches on the “traditional” perception of Serbian mythology associated
with the migration and privileges of Leopold given to Serb. He assumes that the key
document (Inviatorium) was knowingly fabricated by Serbs (available in Latin and
Serbian, parts translated into English, so it is up to each researcher to make his own
image as there are sources). The role of the Albanians is perceived as key in the text,
it points to the economic reasons of the uprising (taxes), not political or national.
The use of phrases such as “One modern historian estimates” cannot be considered to
be entirely scientific. The number of 37 thousand families according to the author
is evidenced only by the one monastery chronicle, as another source he uses letters
of Patriarch in which we find from 30 to 40 thousand..35 Similar formulations can be
observed in a book by Robert Elsie Historical Dictionary of Kosovo.36 In the Czech
monograph Dějiny Albánie (Praha, 2008) we find questioning the conclusions of
Serbian historiography: „British researcher Noel Malocm after studying the available
source materials in the second half of the 1990s proved that the above-mentioned interpre-
tation (mass exodus, devaluation of the Albanian participation - author’s’ note) can only
be considered a Serbian historical myth. [...] The real leadership role in the pro-habsburg
movement was played by two Albanian dignitaries during this period - the Archbishop of
Skopje Pjetër Bogdani and Toma Raspasani, not Arsenije III., who was hiding in Mon-
tenegro and did not meet with General Piccolomini. [...] Noel Malcolm also questioned
the credibility of the numbers…““37 In principle, it is the unconditional acceptance of
Malcolm’s conclusions, without introducing any other opinion or argumentation.
Noel Malcolm correctly points out that the Serbian conclusions were taken in-
to account in Anglo-American historical works, the Albanian eventually to a mini-
called in the past. It is written with a clear aim for the countries and political organizations that are pay-
ing for it. “According to M. Ekmečić, this title is typical of Croatian political emigration and the ideolo-
gy of the new Muslim nation in Bosnia (as evidenced by the personality that Malcolm thanks for his con-
tribution to work - Ahmed Zilić). Ekmečić is convinced that Malcolm’s views are to destroy the fact of
Kosovo as a cradle of Serbian history. EKMEČIĆ, Milorad: Historiography by the garb only. Response to
the book of Noel Malcolm Kosovo – A Short History. Beograd 2000. s. 1. available on the Internet: http://
www.rastko.rs/kosovo/istorija/malkolm/mekmecic-garb.html [cit.2010-09-18].
34
MALCOLM, Noel: Kosovo. A Short History. Londýn 1998, p. 139–162.
35
MALCOLM, Noel: Kosovo. A Short History. Londýn 1998, p. 139–162.
36
ELSIE, Robert. Historical Dictionary of Kosovo. Lanham 2010, p. 118–119.
37
HRADEČNÝ, Pavel – HLADKÝ, Ladislav: Dějiny Albánie. Praha 2008, p.147.
mum. For example, in work A Short History of Yugoslavia (1968) author writes: „Ar-
senije organized a large Serbian emigration to the north ... 30 to 40,000 families passed
the Danube to settled in southern Hungary.““38 In book Southeastern Europe under Otto-
man rule, 1354–1804, writes Peter F. Sugar: „under the leadership of Arsenije [...] about
200,000 Serbs moved north along with the retreating Austrian army. Southern Hungary
gained a prominent Serb element,t while the empty areas of Kosovo were inhabited by Al-
banians.““39 Barbara Jelavich counts with 30 000 migrating Serbs, while according her:
„...with the departure of Serbs the massive immigration of the Albanians took place, the
region won the Albanian majority.““40 John Cox also mentioned 30 000 families (His-
tory of Serbia. Westport 2002, s. 36).41 Malcolm argues: „If we accept that 20-40,000
individuals arrived along with Arsenije to Hungary, the crucial question is what the pro-
portion of those who came from Kosovo was. As we have already indicated, d the only col-
lective path starting in Kosovo and ending in Buda never existed.““42
In our environment, the question of numbers has not been a research priori-
ty, we also find a number of conclusions 43: „Arsenije III. and his people came into a
very difficult situation. In fear of the Ottoman revenge, the patriarch decided to go north
together with the retreating Habsburg army. Together with the rebels also spiritual hier-
archy and ordinary peasants from Macedonia, Kosovo and southern Pomoravie left the
area. Historical sources report that during this exodus, which is commonly referred to as
38
CLISSOLD, Stephen (ed.): A Short History of Yugoslavia. Cambridge 1968, p. 109.
39
SUGAR, Peter F.: Southeastern Europe under Ottoman rule, 1354–1804. Seattle 1977, p. 222.
40
JELAVICH, Barbara: History of the Balkans, vol. l. Cambridge, p. 92–93, cited according MALCOLM,
N.: The Great Migration of the Serbs from Kosovo (1690), p. 225–251.
41
New books counts with a maximum of 40-50 thousand migrants, but it is not possible to state the fact
completely universal. PEARSE, Meic: The Gods of War: Is Religion the Primary Cause of Violent Conflict?.
Downers Grove 2007, p. 89, or LAMPE, John R.: Yugoslavia as History. Twice there was a country. Cam-
bridge, 1996, p. 26.
42
MALCOLM, Noel: The Great Migration of the Serbs from Kosovo (1690), s. 225–251.
43
According to essay Srbsko v područí Osmanskej ríše do začiatku 19. storočia /Serbia under ottoman su-
premacy until the beginning of 19th century/.: „Kosovo’s return into the Turkish hands has prompted Serbs
to fear rebellion and terror against the Orthodox population. In June 1690, approximately 30 to 40 thou-
sand Serbs were gathered near Belgrade, who went to Hungary with the Patriarch (in Peć was elected new
Patriarch Kalinik I). This great migration is also called the Velika seoba Srba (Великa сеобa Срба), and
at the head of the Serbs was the patriarch of Arsenius III. However, it is important to emphasize that the
Serb migrants were not only in the territory of Vojvodina, but also in the territory of today’s Hungary
and Romania. The most important centers were Szentendre (in 1693 about 6 000 - 14 000 Serbs), Buda
Mohács, Pécs, Szeged, Baja, Tokaj, Debrecen, Kecskemét, Szatmar.““ MELICHÁREK, Maroš: Srbsko v
područí Osmanskej ríše do začiatku 19. storočia. In: Dejiny – internetový časopis Inštitútu histórie FF PU
v Prešove 9, 2014, n. 1, p. 126–142 [elektronický zdroj].
“ great migration of the Serbs,” 40,000 families left their homes, or hundreds of thou-
“the
sands of people. In June 1690, a great assembly of Serbian church and secular represen-
tatives took place in Belgrade. Bishop Isaiah Đaković was given a mandate to a meet-
ing with the Habsburgs about protection.““44 Formulation in the text “ contemporary
sources refer” is somehow misleading as the author does not indicate where the in-
formation come from. There we may also observe „traditional“ number about 40
thousand families... In a book Dejiny Srbska, which is a key monograph in our envi-
ronment concerning the history of Serbia, the rhetoric is very mild, what symboliz-
es into the effort to provide the reader with the fact objectively: „ The event that af-
fected Serbian history no less fatefully than a Kosovo battle is the Serbian migration from
1690, referred to as “seoba
“ ”. We do not know exactly how many Serbs have moved from
the territory of the Ottoman Empire to the Habsburg monarchy, nor their exact composi-
tion according to their place of origin. Historians estimated that their number was about
60-70,000, what was a large number at that time. [...] In June 1690, 30-40,000 people
gathered under the forts of Belgrade. The deteriorating military situation forced the Patri-
arch to go to Hungary with these people. It is hard to imagine that the migration look sim-
ilar to that of Paja Jovanović’s’ famous paintingg. The Serbs more likely migrated gradual-
ly into more spontaneous and chaotic waves.““45 Important is that the author hishlights
that the migration wasnt somehow unified and fully organized process, but vice ver-
sa, not organized and chaotic escape.
The meaning of the great migration can be perceived on several levels. Primar-
ily in the spirit of the traditional national / nationalist narrative, whether Albanian
(presented by Kristaq Prifti and the collective), respectively Serbian. According to
Dušan Bataković’s, Nova istorija srbskog naroda, “the great migration of Christian
Orthodox Serbs in 1690 was a decisive milestone in Serbian history.““46 In both cases,
opinions may be extremely unambiguous – as the most prominent exponent is the
number, respectively denial of participation and roles of one or other interested par-
ty. The attitude towards the objective perception of events is held by the historian
of the older Serbian generation prof.f Dušan J. Popović (1894-1985): Great Serbi-
an migration caused the transfer of the center from the so-called Old Serbia to Vo-
jvodina, which was particularly evident during the period of enlightenment, when
Novi Sad together with the Sremski Karlovci became cultural centers of the national
movement. The new Turkish name of the territory of South Serbia - Sandžak is per-
ceived as negative according to author. The threat of Hungarianization, particular-
44
ŠESTÁK, Miroslav et al.: Dějiny jihoslovanských zemí.í Praha 2009, p.127-128.
45
PELIKÁN, Jan et al.: Dějiny Srbska. Praha 2013, p. 141–142.
46
BATAKOVIĆ, Dušan T. et al.: Nova istorija srbskog naroda, Belehrad 2002, s. 126.
ly in the cities, was a major problem for the newly settled Serbian population. The
Serbs were forced to adapt to a different way of life and geographic conditions.47 D.
Popović counted with a maximum of 70,000 people.48 Part of Western European his-
toriography preserves a neutral attitude - Stanford J. Shaw in his work History of the
Ottoman Empire writes: „ Many Serbs helped the Austrian advance, but many of them
were very disappointed with Austrian supremacy and then helped Osman. Fazal Musta-
fa showed an effort to get their loyalty instead of punishing them for their previous betray-
al. A large number of Serbs crossed the Danube with a retreating imperial army in fear of
retaliation and settled in southern Hungary, the remaining part returned home after the
fear of retribution was eliminated by the Ottoman administration (decree declared that no
local Muslims would threaten life nor the property of returning Serbs).““49 From the text,
the author unequivocally point to the Ottoman sources, as well as the Ottoman role
highlighted in events associated with great migration. However, we also encounter
links with events of the 20th century and attempts to use historical events with po-
litical goals.:„… from a religious point of view it is more important because of the paral-
lel with the biblical exodus, as Arsenije acts as Moses. Connecting Kosovo with the Soul
of the Martyrs’’ Nation. [...] When Slobodan Milosevic spoke about migration during his
speech in 1987,7 he touched the deepest flows of the Serbian national soul.““50 In this con-
text, it is necessary to divide the efforts to use the topic in politics within the Ser-
bian political elite and the commemoration of the given narrative in the present, as
the case of the cited text. Quite similar attitude can be observed in Only the Nails Re-
main: Scenes from the Balkan Wars, where the author within Serbian National Narra-
tive connected the Great Migration with the traditional Serbian nationalist formula
Samo sloga Srbi spašava: “... the Ottoman oppression was stronger in Serbia than in oth-
er provinces (the nobility was slain, the serfs worked until death), the unity between Or-
thodox Christianity meant escape (exodus in 1690 from Kosovo, when 30,000 Serbs set-
tled in Krajina),51 or belief in the resurrection of the Serbian state, which was supported
47
On the other hand, we may oppose Popović that this was an incorrect step of Arsenije III, as it lead to
a definitive loss of “Old Serbia”.
48
POPOVIĆ, Dušan J.: Srbi u Vojvodini 1. Od najstariji hvremena do Velike seobe. Novi Sad 2008; POPO-
VIĆ, Dušan J.: Velika seoba Srba 1690: Srbi seljaci i plemići.Belehrad 1954, 378 p.
49
MALCOLM, Noel: The Great Migration of the Serbs from Kosovo (1690), p. 225–251.
50
PEARSE, Meic. The Gods of War: Is Religion the Primary Cause of Violent Conflict? Downers Grove
2007, p. 89.; JUDAH, Tim: The Serbs: History, Myth & the Destruction of Yugoslavia. New Heaven 2000,
p. 45-47.
51
Here the author made a major mistake, since the region of Krajina was not the primary one during the
mentioned migration.
by the Kosovo cult.““52 In conclusion, even today, several centuries after the researched
event happened, it represents a great weapon in the hands of historians (and politi-
cians) that can be used to promote ideological, national, or other goals.
LITERATURE:
BADE, Klaus. Migration in European History. Oxford : John Wiley & Sons, 2008
BATAKOVIĆ, T. Dušan: Kosovo and Metohija: Identity, Religions & Ideologies.
In: Kosovo and Metohija – Living in the Enclave. Belehrad : SANU, 2007
BATAKOVIĆ, T. Dušan a kol.: Nova Istorija Srbskog Naroda. Belehrad: Naš dom,
2002
BATAKOVIĆ, Dušan. Kosovo i Metohija u srpsko-arbanaškim odnosima.Belehrad :
Čigoja, 2006
ČOLOVIĆ, Ivan: Smrt na Kosovu Polju : Istorija kosovskog mita. Belehrad : XX
vek, 2016
EKMEČIĆ, Milorad. Dugo kretanje između klanja i oranja istorija Srba u Novom Veku
1492-1992. Belehrad : Evro-Giunti, 2010
ELSIE, Robert. Historical Dictionary of Kosovo. Lanham : Scarecrow Press, 2010,
HRADEČNÝ, Pavel – HLADKÝ, Ladislav: Dějiny Albánie. Praha : NLN, 2008
KIFNER, John. The World; Through the Serbian Mind’s Eye. In The New York
Times, April 10, 1994. [online]. [cit. 2017-09-01]. Dostupné na internete:
<http://www.nytimes.com/1994/ 04/10/weekinreview/the-world- through-
-the-serbian-mind-s- eye.html?pagewanted=all>.
LAMPE, R. John: Yugoslavia as History. Twice there was a country. Cambridge :
Cambridge University Press, 1996
MALCOLM, Noel: Kosovo. A Short History. Londýn : MacMillan Publishing ,1998
MALCOLM, Noel. The Great Migration of the Serbs from Kosovo (1690): history,
myth and ideology. In Albanische Geschichte Stand und Perspektiven der Forschung.
Oliver Jens Schmitt und Eva Anne Frantz (eds.), Mníchov : Verlag, 2009
MELICHÁREK, Maroš. Srbsko v područí Osmanskej ríše do začiatku 19. storočia.
In Dejiny - internetový časopis Inštitútu histórie FF PU v Prešove [elektronický
zdroj]. Roč. 9, č. 1 (2014)
MERILL, Christopher. Only the Nails Remain: Scenes from the Balkan Wars. Rowman
& Littlefield, 2001
52
MERILL, Christopher: Only the Nails Remain: Scenes from the Balkan Wars. New York 2001, p. 161.
PEARSE, Meic. The Gods of War: Is Religion the Primary Cause of Violent Conflict?.
InterVarsity Press, 2007
PELIKÁN, Jan – HAVLÍKOVÁ, Lubomíra a kol. Dějiny Srbska. Praha : NLN, 2013
POPOVIĆ, J. Dušan: Srbi u Vojvodini 1. Od najstarijih vremena do Velike seobe. Novi
Sad : Prometej, 2008.
ŠESTÁK, Miroslav a kol.: Dějiny Jihoslovanských Zemí.í Praha : NLN, 2009
ŠTĚPÁNEK, Václav: Jugoslávie – Srbsko – Kosovo. Kosovská otázka ve 20. století.í Brno:
Masarykova univerzita, 2011
VICKERS, M. Between Serb and Albanian: A History of Kosovo. New York: Columbia
University Press, 1998,
VUJAČIĆ, Veljko. Nationalism, Myth, and the State in Russia and Serbia: Antecedents
of the Dissolution of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. Cambridge University Press,
2015
ZIROJEVIĆ, Olga. Srbija pod turskom vlašću 1459-1804. Belehrad: Čigojaštampa,
2009
Марош Мелихарек
ВЕЛИКА СЕОБА СРБА (1690) И ЊЕН ОДРАЗ

НА САВРЕМЕНУ ИСТОРИОГРАФИЈУ
Апстракт: Иако се Европа однедавно суочава са таласима миграције, оваква поја-

ва не представља новонастали аспект ‘нашег’ европског идентитета. Напротив, Балкан је
тај који је услед отоманске експанзије претрпео бројне миграције (добровољне и невољ-
не) и релоцирања (најчешће присилна) свог становништва. Исходи такве политике би-
ли су стална потреба за осветом, тј. балканске нације су настојале да се освете Турцима
и обрнуто. Такав феномен је јасно видљив током 19. веку (руско-турски ратови, Берлин-
ски конгрес, обликовање модерних балканских држава), али има своје корене у ранијим
периодима. У јуну 1690. године, као последица Великог турског рата, у Београду се оку-
пило 30 до 40 хиљада Срба, које је предводио патријарх Арсеније III Чарнојевић да тра-
же уточиште у Мађарској. Главне територије на које су се Срби током Велике сеобе на-
сељавали су пре свега данашња Војводина, али и поједини делови Мађарске и Румуније.
Главни циљ овог рада је да стручњацима и јавности омогући нови непристрасни поглед
на Велику сеобу Срба из 1690. године и њено место у националним митовима и иденти-
тету. Нека од питања која чекају разрешење се тичу ‘рата бројева’, типичног за балкански
регион (тиче се претпостављеног броја миграната у распону од 40 до 500 хиљада), као
и начина на који се миграција Срба перципира у савременој европској историографији,

првенствено на чехословачкој, албанској и англо-америчкој у поређењу са традиционал-
ним и модерним српском историографијом.
Кључне речи: српска историја, Срби, Велика сеоба Срба, памћење, идентитет, исто-
риографија, Српска православна црква

Vol. 8, No. 1 (2017):
( ) 103-119. 103
UDC 94(497.11 Мачва)”1903/1914”(093.2)

Dr Cathie Carmichael1
University of East Anglia (Norwich)
School of History
Great Britain
SEALING THE FATE OF ŠABAC: HABSBURG POLICY

AND THE MAČVA REGION OF SERBIA 1903-19141
Abstract: After the occupation and the annexation of Bosnia and Hercegovina (1878 and
1908 respectively), the Habsburg authorities implemented a full-scale modernisation process.
Roads and railways were built, crops improved, endemic diseases tackled and a huge network
of garrisons was built along the frontier with Serbia and Montenegro. In many respects both
Serbia and Montenegro were similar to Bosnia and Hercegovina. Infrastructural development
and agricultural prosperity in the Mačva region, with its river borders to the Habsburg state
was unmistakable and widely admired in the press. At the same time, the rise of a pervasive
and aggressive anti-Serbian sentiment in the Dual Monarchy meant that Orthodox people on
both sides of the border were viewed with suspicion and mistrust. The Balkan Wars were re-
ported so vividly that the Habsburg reading public developed a strong idea about a Serb pro-
pensity for violence as well the notion of endemic political instability. The assassination of
Franz Ferdinand in 1914 created an opportunity and excuse for the Habsburg Army to invade
Serbia. Troops were primed through propaganda, such as the slogan ‘hang the Serbs from the
willows’, a sentiment found in a Slovenian newspaper on the eve of the war. The first theatre
of war was the fertile Mačva region and civilian casualties in its towns, particularly Šabac were
extremely high. Furthermore, there were reports of atrocities against peasants in the near-
by villages. In this article, I consider the war aims of the Dual Monarchy and the place of the
Mačva, suggesting that the position of civilian Serbs in 1914 was highly vulnerable.
Keywords: Habsburg Monarchy, propaganda, Serbia, Mačva region, atrocities
The failure of the Serbian Kingdom to agree to all the points of Emperor Franz
Joseph’s Ultimatum was the final step in what had been a lamentable breakdown in re-
lations between itself and the Habsburg Monarchyy2. The progress of this breakdown
can be seen during the response to the assassination of King Aleksandar Obrenović
1
cathie.carmichael@uea.ac.uk
104 | Cathie Carmichael
in 1903, the Bosnian Annexation Crisis of 1908, the Balkan Wars from 1912-13 as
well as the reaction to assassination of Habsburg heir apparent Archduke Franz Fer-
dinand in Sarajevo in June 1914. At the end of July 1914, the Habsburg Monarchy
declared war on Serbia ending what has been termed the ‘‘July Crisis’. In the follow-
ing five months until the end of the year, Habsburg forces attempted two invasions
of Serbia. From the declaration of war on 28th July and the bombardment of Bel-
grade to the Battle at Cer Mountain between 16th and 19th August 1914 and the Bat-
tle of Kolubara from 16th November to 16th December, there were high casualty
rates on both sides. The region between the Drina basin and Belgrade was devas-
tated by atrocities resulting in the deaths several thousands of combatants and civil-
ians. Serbia won the first two decisive battles of the war but was subsequently en-
gulfed and occupied by Habsburg forces in 1915. In this article, I will look at the
war crimes with a particular focus on the Mačva region in the high summer of 1914,
including the town of in Lešnica, Loznica and Šabac. I have attempted to interpret
these crimes in a wider political, geographical and emotional context, relying heav-
ily on newspapers and diaries to try to capture the tensions in the months prior to
and during the summer of 1914.
Whatever doubts may have been in the mind of individuals, there is no doubt
that Habsburg policy from at least 1878 aimed at controlling more of the Balkans
than they had done hitherto. This meant a shaping of all aspects of life in the inter-
ests of the state and society, which echoed colonial projects elsewhere in the world.
This policy included civilising Bosnia and Hercegovina3 and included extensive
church building and the introduction of Catholic authority in areas previously under
the sway of the Franciscan Order. Other improvements included the reforestation
of the Karst, the construction of a modern tram system in Sarajevo4 and the intro-
duction of mechanisation into farming. The rapid modernisation of Bosnia was not-
ed by one traveller in Zenica in the 1880s: ’(t)he Austrian post comes from Travnik
by a good road, recently put in repair. One might almost think oneself in the West,
were it not for some Beys, who smoke their long pipes, immovable and grave at the
sight of novelties and foreigners. The transformation will be effected quickly, wher-
ever the railway comes’5. Habsburg territorial domination involved building the in-
frastructure, often in the most challenging circumstances. Schools, gymnasiums, hos-
pitals, agricultural colleges, roads6 as well as factories sprung up. Pilgrims returning
from Mecca to Sarajevo could not just return home but first had their luggage disin-
fected in Sarajevo (putatively) to protect against typhus, cholera and plague7. Rail-
ways lines constructed despite the challenges of high temperatures, the bura winds,
lack of fresh water for the workers as well as malaria 8. Products from newly acquired
lands were valuable and produced fine quality food for export and for the Central
European tables. Bosnia and Hercegovina proved an excellent place to grow apples,
Sealing the Fate of Šabac: Habsburg Policy and Mačva Region of Serbia 1903-1914 | 105
chestnuts and grapes9 and modern kilns were introduced to dry plums and plum
brandy was exported10. In Livno, a new cheese was produced, modelled on the Al-
pine gruyère11. In the remote Lastva valley close to the Habsburg border with Mon-
tenegro, fine wines were cultivated by the establishment of an agricultural station
that were imported across Europe12. While there is no doubt that Habsburg power
lifted the general level of development, it also meant that the authorities exercised
what many regarded excessive control, which they deeply resented. In 1906 Rado-
van Perović-Tunguz defined Bosnia and Hercegovina as a ‘land of wailing’ where the
‘foreigner’ ruled everything … ‘the forests in the hills and the birds in the forests…
and the fish in the stream and the ox and the plough and the seed in the furrow and
the wheat in its ear and the shepherd with his flock and the flute in his mouth and
the wind in the caves…’13.
Austria-Hungary pursued an active interest in the regions of the Balkans that
they did not exert direct control over. The murder of the Aleksandar Obrenović in
June 1903 had cast the Serbian people in a violent light and encouraged very nega-
tive stereotypes of Serbs to develop in the press14. The Habsburg reading public fol-
lowed Balkan Wars correspondents who sent vivid first hand reports of the fighting
back home15. In particular, reports created a clear image of Balkan ‘cruelties’, often
specifically Serbian cruelties (Serbengreuel)16. Authors such as Carl Pauli, who wrote
a 1913 book entitled Military Atrocities (Kriegsgreuel) thought that the Balkan Wars
were indicatively violent. The book contained illustrations of hapless refugees, dev-
asted villages and komitadjis who followed a ‘Serbisches Räuberleben’ (robber’s life)17.
The so-called ‘Prochaska Affair’ of 1912 involved the disappearance of the Habsburg
Consul in Prizren. Wild rumours about his terrible fate circulated in the press, but he
re-emerged unscathed18. Vivid reports of atrocities against Albanians in Djakovica in-
cluding mass hangings were widely reported19. The disappearance and ‘martyrdom’
of the Franciscan priest Luigi Palić drew a lot of press attention20. Although Palić had
had his vestments ripped off and was thrown to the ground, he said to his Orthodox
persecutors: ‘No, I will not renounce my faith and will not break my vows’. He was
then beaten numerous times and bayoneted by a Montenegrin soldier, eventually
dying from a punctured lung21. Before the Balkan Wars, a series of lithographs pub-
lished by Gottfried Sieben under the name Balkangreuel (Balkan Cruelty) in Vienna
in 1909 (followed by pirate editions followed in English and Czech and reprinted
as a series of postcards) created an image of the natural affinity between the region
and extreme violence22.
A commission set up by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace pub-
lished its findings on the Balkan Wars in May 1914 in French and in English in June
1914. The commission of seven men, one from Austria-Hungary, Germany and Great
Britain, Russia and the United States and two from France, who travelled in the re-
gion in August and September 1913, returned to write an official report later that
year in Paris23, although the Austrian Joseph Redlich was not authorized by his gov-
ernment to travel beyond Belgrade. The Carnegie Endowment Enquiry published its
findings, which catalogued the atrocities of the conflict including the second phase
of fighting in which the Balkan powers, having routed the Ottomans then turned
upon each other24. Of particular concern was the role of paramilitaries or komitadjis
who were viewed as inclined to violent excess. One of the report’s authors, the noted
Russian historian and Constitutional Democrat Pavel Milyukov felt that ‘(if) a mil-
itary clash should occur between the more civilized countries of Europe, we would
not witness extremes like the ones we have studied’25. Therefore the Commission’s
research may have stimulated a view that the peoples of the region were different by
inclination and violent by nature.
When the Habsburg Monarchy took control of Bosnia and Hercegovina in 1878,
it greatly increased its Orthodox and Muslim populations. Furthermore, it increased
the number of its population who looked for inspiration towards the Serbian and
Montenegrin Kingdoms, also recognised internationally in 1878. The Habsburg
Monarchy took on the administration of Sandžakk26, which was returned to the Ot-
tomans in 1908 and then wrested from their control by Serbia and Montenegro
during the war of 1912. Bastian Matteo Scianna has argued that Serbian victories in
the Balkan Wars weakened Habsburg power: ‘the idea of a greater Serbia and an in-
dependent Serbian state blocked the way of the Habsburgs to Salonika and under-
mined its stand and influence in the Balkans. Furthermore, the Serbian appeal at-
tracted Slavs within the Habsburg Empire and thus a propaganda of hatred became
necessary to establish a basis for future harsh measures’27. Discontent was discernible
in the writing of radicals as well as in the establishment of activist cells such as Mla-
da Bosna (who eventually turned to direct action and violence). After the ascension
to throne by Petar Karadjordjević, the policy of good relations with the Habsburg
Monarchy which had been favoured by the Obrenović dynasty, was generally aban-
doned in favour of a more rhetorically aggressive anti-Habsburg stance and more
overt pro-Russian sentiments in Serbia itself.f Discussing the plans for a new railway
in the Sandžak in March 1908 the Belgrade newspaper Večernje Novosti stated ‘(if)
Austria-Hungary should begin construction of the railroad, Serbia would have no
other alternative but to declare war on this conglomeration of nations. If construc-
tion of the fateful Sandžak railroad is begun, then Montenegro must immediately in-
vade the Sandžak and Serbia must immediately invade Bosnia’28. The already tense
relations between the Viennese and Belgrade monarchies changed irrevocably on Vi-
dovdan ( June 28th) 1914 when the Habsburg heir Franz Ferdinand was shot on a
Sarajevo street by a Bosnian Serb Gavrilo Princip. The young assassin had spent the
early months of the year in training in Serbia and had passed over the border to Bos-
nia with a group of co-conspirators. These young men who were committed to kill-
ing the Habsburg heir had not been apprehended or handed over to the authorities.
The weeks following the fatal shooting resulted in a loss of control and fearful lev-
els of anger, both real and incited within Austria-Hungary. In retrospect, this rise of
hatred was probably the irrational moment that fatally weakened the Monarchy and
jeopardised its trajectory towards modernisation and optimisation of its resources.
Patriotic feeling led to public demonstrations across the Habsburg Monarchy,
with crowds singing the Prince Eugen (and in the Tyrol the Andreas Hofer) song,
waving the black and yellow flag of the Monarchyy29. Leon Trotsky recalled the an-
ti-Serb sentiment in Vienna at the outbreak of the war. ‘(T)he inscription “Alle Ser-
ben müssen sterben” (‘all Serbs must die’) appeared on the hoardings and the words
became the cry of the street boys’30 which also appeared as ‘Serbien muss sterb(i)en’
(‘Serbia must die’). In propaganda posters and cards, Serbs were compared to para-
sites, reflecting the contemporary preoccupation with infection, delousing and med-
ical controls31. One read ‘I have put a nice louse in a fur coat (worn by Tsar Nicho-
las)’ (‘Da habe ich mir ja eine nette Laus in den Pelz gesetzt!’)32. Another read: ‘Serbian
Cuisine. Better a louse in the cooking pot than no meat at all’ (‘Serbische Kueche. Bess-
’ Laus im Topf als gar kein Fleisch’)33. On 16th July 1914, Viennese journal Die
er’ne
Muskete carried a vivid colour cartoon on its front page of Serbian King Petar Kar-
adjordjević, Montenegrin King Nikola Petrović and Russian Tsar Nicholas washing
their hands in blood34. An article published on the front page of the Wienerwald-Bo-
te newspaper described Serbs collectively as ‘beast in human form found on the edge
of European civilisation’35. In the newspaper Slovenec 27th July 1914 Serbia was de-
scribed as a ‘scab on the body of Europe’36. A poem entitled ‘thunder of battle’ also
published in Slovenec in July threatened to ‘make a cold home for the Serbs on the
willows’ (‘Dom hladen vam postavimo ob vrbi)37. The liberal politician Ivan Hribar,
who was imprisoned between 1914 and 1917 for his opposition to the war, remem-
bered the ‘shameful’ slogan ‘Srbe na vrbe’ (‘Hang Serbs on the willows’)38. Vladimir
Ravniharfelt that this sentiment came from the poem’s author Marko Natlačen and
not from ‘popular’ feeling per se39. The British Ambassador Maurice de Bunsen de-
scribed the ‘extreme …anti-Servian feeling prevalent in Vienna’ in a telegram to Sir
Edward Grey on 30th Julyy40. During the July Crisis there were widespread atrocities
against Serbs within the Monarchy (especially Hercegovina). The Hotel Europa in
Sarajevo, which was owned by prominent local Serb Gligorije Jeftanović was gutted by an-
gry rioters41. One contemporary source compared the vandalism to a pogrom42. A postcard
was issued in which a grinning Habsburg soldier clutched a ‘Todesanzeige’ (Death
Notice) which announced the death of Serbia, its ‘komitadjis’ and ‘bands of murder-
ers’. According to the Belgrade-based newspaper Politika, a dead Croat soldier was
found in August 1914 with a satirical poem that called for Serbia to be ‘levelled to
the ground’43. Capturing the mood of the summer of 1914, Manfried Rauchenstein-
er had written that ‘it was precisely the intellectual impulse for war that allowed the
tremendous enthusiasm for the conflict to emerge that would become a phenome-
non of the 20th century’44.
In 1914, the frontier between the Habsburg Monarchy and Serbia was hundreds
of miles long and very easily traversed in places via the river Drina, which was quite
shallow. Elsewhere the proximity between the countries, both cultural, geographi-
cal and linguistic was evident. In 1840 scholar Ami Boué flagged the problems of de-
fending the region : ´le point le plus vulnérable de la frontière occidentale serbe est
formé par la plaine de la Matschva, depuis Losnitza… au confluent de la Drina et de
la Save’45. Paradoxically, the years before 1914 saw a growth in South Slav mutual ap-
preciation. Ivan Meštrović, trained as a stonemason in Split, was heavily influenced
by Viennese Secessionist styles and art nouveau. He felt strong affinities for the pre-
dicament of the Serbs after 1389 and produced a number of sculptures on the theme
of the Kosovo struggle, which he considered symbolic of the medieval defeats in bat-
tle of all the South Slavs46. Nature was celebrated by artists across Europe in the de-
cades before the war in an attempt to express an organic unity in the world. Among
art nouveau artists, the weeping willow, streams, flowers and the seasons were favou-
rite motifs. Prague-based artist Emil Orlik took his inspiration from Japanese paint-
ings and frequently presented willows as did the German impressionist Max Lieber-
mann. In 1905, Slovene impressionist Ivan Grohar captured an image of the tree in
his painting Vrbe ob vodi. Zagreb-based artist Ferdo (Ferdinand) Kovačević painted
a series of brilliant canvases capturing the trees in different seasons on the banks of
the river Sava, which were also issued as inexpensive postcards. The willow tree (vr-
ba) and the Sava region would have been inextricably linked in the mind of any who
had seen Kovačević´s beautiful paintings. As such, the image of Serbs hanging from
the cold willow trees on their own land (as demanded in Slovenec on July 27th 1914)
was an assault on the beauty, fertility of the Mačva region and its people as well as an
implicit attack on those wanted to live together with or alongside the Serbs. During
the assault on the Mačva region in 1914, trees and orchards which had taken gener-
ations to establish, were wilfully destroyed47.
The parts of Serbia close to the Habsburg border, particularly the fertile Mač-
va region, had undergone rapid modernisation in the nineteenth century. In some
respects, the modernisation of this region was similar to the nearby Habsburg lands
and therefore of constant interest to its Central European neighbour. Most pre-1914
sources stress its productive potential. In the press in Austria-Hungary, the region
was frequently presented as ripe for investment and infrastructural development48.
In his 1866 Allgemeine und militär-Geographie, Georg Schaller recorded that the
Mačva region was Serbia’s most fruitful and filled with orchards and pigs49. Some
years earlier Cyprian Robert had remarked on the fertility of the land composed of
the ‘Sava’s mud’50. Fearing the growth of the Serbian economy and its own lack of
control over the matter the Habsburg Monarchy imposed a ban on imports of live
animals from landlocked Serbia for two years between the spring of 1906 and 1908
(hitherto it had been the largest importer of Serbian meat and especially pork). By
1914, Šabac was a prosperous town which benefitted from proximity to the Sava
and good transport connections51. By 1909, the Kingdom of Serbia had about 600
kilometres of railwayy52. The construction of a narrow gauge railway in the Mačva
and its implications for Serbian defence were noted by the Habsburg press53. Fre-
quently used as a place to cross into the neighbouring monarchy, its border guards
were judged to be assiduous54. A decade before the Great War, Herbert Vivian re-
called that ‘(t)he journey along the Save was pleasing, but uneventful. Very white
cattle lounged along the edge of the marshy Hungarian plain, which was studded
from time to time with patches of black pigs. The banks are a mere yard of perpen-
dicular mud, relieved on the Servian side by long low islets, pale willows and warm
hills reflected in the placid stream. Shabats quays seemed entirely given over to the
plum trade, great baskets of fresh fruit and heavy sacks of prunes stretched away as
far as the eye could reach...’55.
While not wanting to overstate an argument that the Habsburgs aimed to annex
Šabac and the Mačva even before the crisis of 1914, its status certainly cropped up
in policy discussions. Leopold Berchtold, the Empire’s Foreign Minister considered
war against Serbia to contain its policy against Albania. On 29th September 1913,
Berchtold had suggested an occupation (presumably temporary) of Šabac to force
the matter56. Prime Minister István Tisza also favoured annexation of Serbian ter-
ritory or as he put it ‘minor strategic modifications to the Austro-Serb frontier’. Al-
exander von Krobatin, the War Minister, pressed for ‘the permanent occupation of
a bridgehead on the Serbian side of the Sava, possibly around Šabac’57. Conrad von
Hötzendorf,f Chief of Staff of the Habsburg Military also pressed for annexing Ser-
bian territory: ‘Belgrade and Šabac and their environs for the erection of extensive
fortifications, the costs of which Serbia also would have to bear’58. By December In-
terior Minister Konrad zu Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst saw the need for ‘border cor-
rections including Šabac’59. Many Habsburg subjects believed that they were bear-
ers of civilization and that incorporation of lands in need of development was their
right. The years before 1914 were also one of great uncertainty and change. In the
space of just two years, the Balkan states had grown at the expense of the Ottoman
Empire, which had lost most of its European territory. In mid-June 1914, some two
weeks before the Sarajevo assassination, the Serbian government had let its Greek
allies know that it was in no state to fight another war, thus signally its vulnerabili-
tyy60. In a telegram sent on 29th July by the British Chargé d’Affaires in Constantino-
ple Sir Henry Beaumont to Sir Edward Grey wrote that ‘the designs of Austria may
extend considerably beyond the sanjakk and a punitive occupation of Servian ter-
ritory. I gathered this from a remark let fall by the Austrian Ambassador here…’61.
The Ultimatum issued by the Habsburg Government to the Serbian demanded
that frontier officials from the towns of Šabac and Loznica, who had putatively aid-
ed and abetted the Sarajevo assassins, were dismissed and severely punished62. Two
individuals Rade Popovitsch from Šabac and Budivoj Grbitsch from Loznica were
singled out. Every Habsburg subject therefore knew where these towns were and
what they signified. A proclamation entitled ‘To the People of Serbia and Montene-
gro’ was issued ensuring that, ‘the invasion was framed as a massive punishment for
a criminal act’63. As a result, the civilian populations bore the brunt of soldiers’ frus-
trations and the expectations whipped up by slogans in newspaper. Although the
Serbian Government had blown up bridges at the declaration of war, this did not
prevent the shelling of Belgrade in the first days of the war. Fearing the worst, much
of the population of Šabac actually left the town before the arrival of the Habsburg
troops. Habsburg Commander and Governor of Bosnia and Hercegovina who led
the assault on Serbia, Oscar Potiorek, had survived the Sarajevo assassin (although
he was himself a prime target for assassin Gavrilo Princip)64. Potiorek was the mas-
termind behind the first and second offensives against Serbia in 1914 and eventu-
ally had to retire in ignominy because of the crushing Serbian victories. During the
Drina Campaign, he issued stern advise to his troops: ‘the best method against the
komitadjis is to kill them all…., kill the whole band down to the last man, then wipe
out the village that harbored them and publicize the event widely’65. Other senior
Habsburg officials also encouraged violence. Before entering Serbia on 14th August,
the General of IX Army Corps Lothar Edler von Hortstein opined that ‘(w)ar brings
us into one hostile country inhabited by people fanatically hostile towards us; a coun-
try where perfidious murder, as the catastrophe in Sarajevo demonstrates, ... has
been celebrated as heroism. Any human and merciful approach towards such peo-
ple is not welcomed; on the contrary, it could be harmful... for security of our own
troops’66. One soldier also involved in the campaign at Šabac recalled ‘(w)e received
the order, which was read out aloud, to kill everyone and to burn down everything
that crossed our path … and to destroy all that was Serb’67. On August 17th, civilians
were shot en masse beside the church68. The order to shoot these civilians was given
by Kasimir von Lütgendorf and the troops subsequently buried the locals in a mass
grave. In 1920, Lütgendorf was tried for the extra-judicial murder of three drunk sol-
diers in Šabac, but not for the massacre of Serbs69. August 1914 was exceptionally
hot and the fighting on Cer Mountain was punctuated by summer storms70. Fierce
fighting took place in the dark and many Habsburg troops retreated in panic. Šabac
was retaken by the Serbian army on 24th August.
Anton Holzer has observed that the propaganda battle against the Serbs pre-
dated 191471 and as such, may have had deeper roots in popular culture. Many con-
temporaries were shocked by the violence of the summer of 1914 outside direct the-
aters of war. There is evidence for Catholic complicity in Anti-Serb propaganda. In
Sarajevo, posters were put up, possible scripted by Catholic Bishop Josip Štadler
and his assistant Ivan Šarić which informed the people that there were ‘subversive
elements’ ((prevratih elemenata) amongst them who should be ‘exterminated from
their midst’ (iz svoje sredine istrijebe)72. Mass hangings took place in the Mačva re-
gion often in settings such as orchards. Several hangings from trees in the town of
Lešnica were recorded by the Swiss humanitarian Rudolphe Archibald Reiss. He al-
so included photographs of the victims in his report73. At the time of the outbreak of
war, hanging was the standard form of execution in Austria-Hungary, but the death
penalty was only permissible if the culprit was over 20 years old. As was the case
elsewhere in Europe, this form of capital punishment could be inflicted upon both
women and men. It also had a strong association with suicide and only a close ex-
amination of a corpse could determine whether the act was self-inflicted or not. By
1914, public executions had become less frequent in the Habsburg Monarchy and
had disappeared entirely in some parts of Europe. It is therefore unlikely that most
of the perpetrators of war crimes in Lešnica had seen an actual hanging before. Giv-
en the contrast between the previously peaceful lives of the Habsburg troops and
the atrocities committed in August 1914, it does appear as if the propaganda against
the Serbs had begun to have some purchase. Furthermore, there were a number of
traditions and religious rituals that could have served as a kind of rehearsal for gro-
tesque violence and scapegoating. Fires were lit on the Eastern Saturday across Eu-
rope in the pre-1914 period, often involving immolating a suspended papier-mâché
Judas Iscariot74. Amongst the Czechs, the burning of a model of Judas took place on
bíla sobota, the Saturday before Easter Day75. Similar rehearsals for punishing be-
trayal through mock hangings took place in the Tyrol and the Mediterranean within
Catholic and Orthodox communities76. The relationship between religious practice
and popular violence was frequently recorded elsewhere. In Kishinev in 1903, Jews
were attacked by drunk mobs who had been incited by church services and newspa-
per propaganda just after Easter77. These violent acts were also constructed in terms
of ‘revenge’ (in that case for the crucifixion of Jesus Christ).
Contemporaries were shocked by the treatment of the remaining civilians in
Šabac and news about the extent of the atrocities quickly spread. Writing in her di-
ary in Belgrade on August 7th, Natalija Matić Zrnić recorded that ‘(p)eople are say-
ing the Germans have done terrible things in Šabac. It is very hot and a lot of blood
is being shed’78. Slovene writer Fran Milčinski quoted a ‘letter from a soldier’ that re-
ported that his regiment had arrived in Šabac after fierce fighting and that the town
was ‘totally destroyed’79. In Niš, Swiss writer Catharina Sturzenegger noted in her
diary on 20th August 1914 that Šabac had been ‘cleansed’ (‘gesäubert’) of its Serbi-
an inhabitants80. An American traveller also in Serbia heard ‘rumours ... great... at-
tacks’ on Šabac81. In the Mačva region as a whole, there were numerous atrocities
against non-combatants. Soldier Antonije Djurić wept when recalling the slaughter
of an unborn child and the young mother whose stomach had been ripped open82.
In his diary, Slovak soldier Michal Baláž described an unburied dead soldier be-
ing eaten by a dog and general desolation of this region of Serbia in the Autumn of
191483. Czech soldier Josef Šrámek also depicted a devastated Serbian landscape of
mud, burnt out farmsteads and untended crops in October 191484. Atrocities con-
tinued throughout the war years and during the subsequent Habsburg occupation
of Serbia and Montenegro. Elsewhere witnesses described how Serb prisoners were
starved to death in prison camps.85 Visiting Serbia in 1915, the American journalist
John Reed described his horror at atrocities by Habsburg troops. In Šabac, he de-
scribed how he had found ‘endless row of smashed and gutted and empty houses’86.
Summarising these terrible events, the ‘Serbian Relief Fund’ recorded in the Spec-
tatorr magazine that ‘the fertile district of Shabatz (sic) has been brutally ravaged by
the invaders in the opening weeks of the war, and the suffering among non-combat-
ants in the North of Serbia is therefore infinitely more acute even than in Belgium
and Northern France’87.
The conflation between ‘self-defence’ and ‘aggression’ seems to have sealed the
fate of the Mačva region. Jonathan Gumz has argued in his book on ‘Habsburg Ser-
bia’ that the collective effort of the Serbs to fight against the invasion was a novel
phenomenon88. Many contemporary accounts emphasized the fact that Serb com-
batants were not just men of fighting age, but adolescents, women and the elder-
ly who all rose up to defend themselves after the invasion89. Egon Erwin Kisch wit-
nessed the execution of five Serb civilians, the youngest of whom he thought was
only fifteen years old90. Alluding to chaos and civilian casualties in the Drina region,
one Viennese newspaper complained that women and children had used guns and
thrown bombs at Habsburg troops91. The confidence of the Habsburg troops seems
to have evaporated rapidly during the summer. Although the Serbian army was very
short of provisions and many men just had a hat rather than a uniform, as combat-
ants they were more experienced and probably had a higher morale92. Nevertheless,
soldiers were encouraged to accept the idea that the Serbs were not only better armed
than them93, but also that they were bandits (or komitadjis) even in their own coun-
try. This term that stems from the reports of the Balkan Wars but was used through
the war years by Habsburg combatants94.
In 1914, Serbian civilians attempted to defend themselves against an invad-
er and were depicted as komitadjis, drawing on stereotypes that had developed in
‘Notice of Death – Serbia’ (a postcard from July 1914)
the years before. This would lead me to conclude that notions of violence and vio-
lent behaviour are intrinsically linked to territory and the crucial question of who
controls that territory. Prior to the early summer of 1914, the Serb Orthodox pop-
ulation in the Balkans had been contained by the Habsburg authorities. They were
constructed as an antithesis to Habsburg civilisation and by 1914 they were even
constructed as unworthy to live in their own country. In the summer of 1914, the
idea that all Serbs were combatants justified a campaign of annihilation. Contempt
for Serbs also descended into a fatal belief in one´s own propaganda. Lack of due
respect for the adversary or what was termed ´fâcheuses
´ habitudes de l’’armée autrichi-
’
enne’ was a crucial element in their defeat at Cer Mountain, according to Lieutenant
Colonel Desmazes and Commandant Naoumovitch95. Use of violence is frequently
presented by the perpetrator as just, redemptive, for a higher social good and above
all, necessary. There is little doubt that the Habsburg authorities thought they were
well within their rights to control, take, annex, shape and destroy if necessary. The
lethal combination of anger, crude propaganda and confused tactics left the Serb
population across Serbia (as well as those Orthodox people living in Hercegovina
and Montenegro) highly vulnerable to wild acts of violence in the hot, stormy sum-
mer of 1914. Alexander Watson has remarked that ‘(t) the Austro-Hungarian pop-
ulation...underwent a remarkable, but rarely recounted emotional journey during
the summer (of 1914)..., culminating in acceptance and even belief in the necessi-
ty of conflict’96. In the course of the war, it is estimated that one quarter of the Serb
population, or about 800,000 people97 perished from starvation, disease and war in-
juries. Habsburg military casualties were probably just under a million men killed,
while a similar number of people died from disease during the conflict and influen-
za at the end of the war.
1
Thanks to Boris Bulatović, Charlea Metcalf,f Mark Hobbs, Richard Mills, Mark Thompson, Gilad Halp-
ern and Chris Jones as well as the participants at the colloquium ‘Nationalism in the History of the Ho-
locaust, Genocide, and Mass Violence. Imploding Societies across the Twentieth Century’ hosted by the
Hebrew University in Jerusalem and Van Leer Institute in July 2017 for their comments and thoughts.
2
So much so that Habsburg subjects were warned about travelling in Serbia. See for example ‘Die Kriegs-
gefahr mit Serbien’ Illustrierte Kronen Zeitung, 19. March 1909, pp. 2-3
3
Robin Okey, Taming Balkan Nationalism. The Habsburg ‘Civilizing Mission’’ in Bosnia 1878-1914 (Ox-
ford: Oxford University Press, 2007).
4
´Die Elektrische Strassenbahn in Sarajevo´, Zeitschrift des Österreichischen Ingenieur- und Architek-
ten-Vereines, vol. 47 1895, p. 344
5
Emile de Laveleye, The Balkan Peninsula (New York: G. P. Putnam, 1887), p. 88.
6
János Asbóth, Bosnien und die Herzegowina: Reisebilder und Studien, (Wien: A. Hölder, 1888) pp. 346-51
7
Mary Sparks, The Development of Austro-Hungarian Sarajevo, 1878-1918: An Urban History (London:
Bloomsbury, 2015), p. 106
8
Helga Berdan, ‘Die Machtpolitik Österreich-Ungarns und der Eisenbahnbau in Bosnien Herzegowi-
na‘, Mag. Phil, Universität Wien, 2008, p. 68
9
Moritz Hoernes, Dinarsiche Wanderungen: Cultur- und Landschaftsbilder aus Bosnien und der Hercegov-
ina, (Wien: C. Graeser, 1894), p. 71
10
Peter F. Sugar, Industrialization of Bosnia-Hercegovina, 1878-1918 (Seattle: University of Washington
Press, 1963), p. 164
11
Ludwig Dimitz, Die forstlichen Verhältnisse und Einrichtungen Bosniens und Hercegovina (Wien;
W. Frick) 1905, p. 70
12
Percy Herderson, A British Officer in the Balkans: The Account of a Journey Through Dalmatia, Monte-
negro, Turkey in Austria, Magyarland, d Bosnia and Hercegovina (London: Seeley, 1909), p. 40
13
Edin Hajdarpašić, Whose Bosnia? Nationalism and Political Imagination in the Balkans, 1840–1914
(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2015), pp. 85-6
14
‘Die Staatsumwälzung in Serbien. Die Thronfolgefrage’, Prager Abendblatt, 15th June 1903, pp. 1-2.
15
Veteran Balkan expert Albin Kutschbach originally from Germany published his account as, Die Ser-
ben im Balkankrieg 1912–1913 und im Kriege gegen die Bulgaren (Stuttgart: Franck 1913).
16
See for example, ‘Serbengreuel’, Vorarlberger Volksfreund, 19. März 1913, p. 5; ‘Der Balkan under der
Krieg. Die Serbengreuel in Makedonien’ Pester Lloyd, 5. April 1915 p. 2
17
Carl Pauli, Kriegsgreuel: Erlebnisseimtürkisch-bulgarischen Kriege 1912; nach den Berichten von Mitkämp-
fern und Augenzeugen (Minden in Westfalen: Wilhelm Köhler Verlag, 1913), p. 49
18
‘Weltkrieg für Prochaska und das cuvajsierte Sebenico-Spalato’, Arbeiter Zeitung, 18th November 1912,
p. 2. This article expresses scepticism about Serbian cruelties.
19
‘Die Lage in Albanien’, Fremden-Blatt, 23rd September 1913 (evening edition), p. 1
20
‘Der Konflikt in Montenegro’, Grazer Volksblatt, 26. März 1913, pp. 1-2; ‘Die Affäre Palic’, Frem-
den-Blatt, 16th December 1913, p. 5
21
‘Die Ermordungeines Franziskaners bei Djakovo’, Volksblatt für Stadt und Land, 30th March 1913, p.
3. This version of events was reported verbatim in numerous Habsburg Monarchy newspapers.
22
Irvin Çemıl Schick, ‘Christian Maidens, Turkish Ravishers: the Sexualization of National Conflict in
the late Ottoman period’ in Amila Buturović and Irvin Çemıl Schick (eds.), Women in the Ottoman Bal-
kans: Gender,r Culture, and History (London: I. B. Tauris 2007), pp. 273-306
23
Richard C. Hall, The Balkan Wars 1912-13. Prelude to the First World War, (London: Routledge, 2000)
p. 138
24
George Kennan, The Other Balkan Wars: a 1913 Carnegie Endowment Inquiry in Retrospectt (Washing-
ton D.C: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1993), pp. 310-311
25
Pavel Milyukov, quoted in Frances Trix, ‘Peace-mongering in 1913: the Carnegie international com-
mission of inquiry and its report on the Balkan Wars’, First World War Studies, Vol. 5, No. 2. 2014, p. 147
26
Tamara Scheer, ““Minimale Kosten, absolut kein Blut!”: Österreich-Ungarns Präsenz im Sandžak von
Novipazar (1879-1908) (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2013).
27
Bastian Matteo Scianna, ‘Reporting Atrocities: Archibald Reiss in Serbia, 1914—1918’, The Journal
of Slavic Military Studies 25:4, 2012, pp. 605-6
28
Jan G. Beaver, Collision Course: Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf,f Serbia and the Politics of Preventive War
(Morrisville, NC: Lulu Press, 2009), p. 120
29
‘Die patriotischen Kundgebungen in der Monarchie und im Deutschen Reiche’, in Neue Freie Presse,
29th July 1914, p. 7.
30
Leon Trotsky, My Life. An Attempt at an Autobiography, ((Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1975), p. 240
31
Hugh Raffles, ‘Jews
‘ , Lice, and History’, Public Culture vol. 19, no. 3, 2007, pp. 521–66
32
Reproduced at http://www.dw.com/de/propagandakrieg-gegen-serbien/a-17747070
33
Reproduced at http://www.ww1-propaganda-cards.com/s006slide.html
34
‘Sarajewo’ Die Muskete, 16th July 1914, p. 1
35
‘Der Thronfolgermord in Sarajewo ‘, Wienerwald-Bote, 11th July 1914, p. 1
36
Pavlina Bobič, War and Faith: The Catholic Church in Slovenia, 1914-1918 (Leiden: Brill 2012), p. 35
37
‘Bojni grom’, Slovenec, 27th July 1914, p. 1
38
Ivan Hribar, Moji Spomini, vol. 2 (Ljubljana: Merkur, 1928), p. 69
39
Vladimir Ravnihar, Mojega življenja pot: spomini dr. Vladimirja Ravniharja (Ljubljana: Oddelek za
Zgodovino, 1997), p. 99
40
Telegram from Sir Maurice de Bunsen to Sir Edward Grey, 30th July 1914, in T.G. Otte, July Crisis:
The World’s’ Descent into Warr, Summer 1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), p. 373
41
‘Grosse serbenfeindliche Demonstration in Sarajevo’, Sarajewoer Tagblatt, June 29th 1914, p. 1. Note
the two spellings of the Bosnian capital.
42
Rory Yeomans, ‘Of “Yugoslav Barbarians” and Croatian Gentlemen Scholars: Nationalist Ideology
and Racial Anthropology in Interwar Yugoslavia, in Marius Turda and Paul Weindling (eds.), ‘Blood and
Homeland’: Eugenics And Racial Nationalism in Central And Southeast Europe, 1900-1940 (Budapest: Cen-
tral European University Press, 2006), p. 105
43
James Lyon, Serbia and the Balkan Front,t 1914. The Outbreak of the Great War (London: Bloomsbury,
2015), p. 147
44
Manfried Rauchensteiner, The First World War and the End of the Habsburg Monarchy 1914-1918 (Vi-
enna: Böhlau 2014), p. 138
45
Ami Boué La Turquie d’Europe ’ : Observations sur la géographie, la géologie, l’histoire naturelle, la statis-
’
tique, les mœurs, les coutumes, l’archéologie , l’agriculture
’ , l’industrie, le commerce, les gouvernements divers,
le clergé,
é l’histoire et l’état de cet empire (Paris: Arthus Bertrand 1840), vol. 4, p. 12
46
Ljubinka Trgovčević , ´South Slav Intellectuals and the Creation of Yugoslavia´in Dejan Djokić (ed.)
Yugoslavism: Histories of a Failed Idea, 1918-1992 (London: Hurst 2003), p. 232
47
Rudolphe A. Reiss, Report upon the Atrocities committed by the Austro-Hungarian Army during the First
Invasion of Serbia (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent & Co 1916)
48
‘Deutsches Kapitel in Serbien’, Montagsblatt aus Böhmen, 29th June, 1903, p. 2
49
George Schaller, Allgemeine und militär-Geographie ((Wein: Seidel 1866), p. 307.On the fertility of the
region, see also P.A F.K Possart, Das Fürstenthum Serbien, seine Bewohner, r deren Sitten und Gebraüche,
(Darmstadt,t C.W. Leske: 1837-8), Part 1, p. 219
50
Cyprian Robert, Die Slawen oder Tuerkei, oder die Montenegriner, r Serbier,
r Bosniaken, vol.20 (Dresden
& Leipzig, 1844), p. 26
51
‘Sabac, besides its importance as a busy river-port, is a great road-junction’, Lionel W. Lyde, A Mili-
tary Geography of the Balkan Peninsula (London: A. and C. Black, 1905), p. 95
52
Viktor Jonics, ‘Serbien und die Serben’, Grazer Volksblatt, 28. März 1909, p. 1
53
‘Bilder aus Serbien’ Prager Abendblatt, 24. March 1909, p. 7
54
Mary Edith Durham, Through the lands of the Serb (London: Arnold, 1904), pp. 159-160.
55
Herbert Vivian, The Servian Tragedy, with some impressions of Macedonia
(London: G. Richards, 1904) p. 202. On the plum trade see, ‘Pflaumen und Pflaumenmus’, Pester Lloyd,
5th February 1914, p. 18
56
David Stevenson, Armaments and the Coming of War 1904-1914 (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1996), p. 277
57
Otte, July Crisis, pp. 190-191
58
Otte, op. cit, p. 434
59
Marvin Benjamin Fried, Austro-Hungarian War Aims in the Balkans during World War I (Basingstoke:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), p. 121
60
Mustafa Aksakal, The Ottoman Road to War in 1914: The Ottoman Empire and the First World War
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2008), p. 50. On Serbia’s lack of readiness, see Mile Bjele-
jac, ‘Serbien im Ersten Weltkrieg’ in Gordana Ilić Marković (ed.), Veliki Rat – Der Große Krieg. g Der Er-
ste Weltkrieg im Spiegel der serbischen Literatur und Presse (Vienna: Promedia Verlag, 2015), p. 56.
61
James Wycliffe Headlam, The History of Twelve Days: July 24th to August 4th 1914
(London: Fisher Unwin, 1915 ), p. 171
62
The original text is: ‘jene Organe des Grenzdienstes von Schabatz und Losnitza, die den Urhebern
des Verbrechens von Sarajevo bei dem Übertritt über die Grenzebehilflichwaren, aus dem Dienstezu-
entlassen und strenge zubestrafen’, in Winfried Baumgart(ed.), Die Julikrise und der Ausbruch des Er-
sten Weltkrieges 1914 (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1983), p. 115. It was printed
verbatim in most of the Habsburg Monarchy daily newspapers.
63
Jonathan E. Gumz, The Resurrection and Collapse of Empire in Habsburg Serbia, 1914-1918 (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. 46.
64
For an excellent account of his career, see Rudolf Jeřábek, Potiorek: General im Schatten von Sarajevo
(Graz: Verlag Styria, 1991).
65
Wawro, Mad Catastrophe, p. 142. Other accounts of the first battles of the war include John R. Schin-
dler, ‘Disaster on the Drina: The Austro-Hungarian Army in Serbia, 1914’, War in History, Vol 9, No.
2, 2002 pp. 159–195; Günther Rothenberg, ‘The Austro-Hungarian Campaign Against Serbia in 1914’
The Journal of Military History vol. 53. No. 2, 1989, pp. 127–146
66
Arhiv Srbije, MID-PO, F-XVI/1914, 16, Dos. IV quoted in Mile Bjelajac ‘The Impact of the WWI
on the Officers’ Mind-set in the Balkan Affairs: Interwar, WW II and After (Humanitarian Aspect)’,
ТОКОВИ ИСТОРИЈЕ Часопис Института за новију историју Србије no. 1 2016 p. 17
67
Anton Holzer, Das Lächeln der Henker. Der unbekannte Krieg gegen die Zivilbevölkerung 1914–1918
(Darmstadt: Primus 2. Aufl, 2014), p. 118
68
Gumz, Resurrection and Collapse, pp. 57-58
69
‘Der Prozess gegen General Lütgendorf’f , Reichspost,t 5th June 1920, pp. 5-6.
70
Joseph Schön, Šabac!: der Kampf der Deutschböhmischen 29. Inf.f -Div., des Prager VIII.und des Budapes-
ter IV Korps im August 1914 in Nordwest-Serbien (Reichenberg: Heimatsöhne im Weltkrieg), 1928.
71
Anton Holzer, ‘Schüsse in Sabac, Die Massaker an der Zivilbevölkerung 1914’ in Gordana Ilić Mar-
ković (ed.), Veliki Rat – Der Große Krieg. g Der Erste Weltkrieg im Spiegel der serbischen Literatur und Pres-
se ((Vienna: Promedia Verlag, 2015), p. 83
72
Andrej Mitrović, Srbija u prvom svetskom ratu (Belgrade: Srpska književna zadruga, 1984), p. 31
73
Rudophe A. Reiss, Report upon the Atrocities committed by the Austro-Hungarian Army during the First
Invasion of Serbia (London: Simpkin, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent & Co 1916)
74
According to the Gospel of Matthew, the historic Judas is supposed to have hanged himself.f
75
‘Velkonočni’ in Slovan - časopis věnovaný politickým a vůbec veřejným záležitostem slovanským, zvláště
českým, 30th March, 1872, p. 191.
76
James Fraser, The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1998),
pp. 715-6
77
Edward H. Judge, Easter in Kishinev: Anatomy of a Pogrom (New York: New York University Press,
1992) pp. 54-55
78
Carol Lilly and Jill Irvine (eds.), Natalija: Life in the Balkan Powder Keg,
g 1880-1956
(Budapest: New York: Central European University Press, 2008), p.194
79
Fran Milčinski, Dnevnik 1914-1920 (Ljubljana: Slovenska Matica, 2000), p. 26
‘Sedaj smo že po vseh vročih bojih v Šabcu. Mesto je popolnoma razrušeno’.
80
Catharina Sturzenegger, Serbien im europäischen Kriege 1914 / 1915: nach Briefen, Dokumenten und ei-
genen Erlebnissen (Zürich: Orell Füssli, 1915), p. 35.
81
Jan Gordon, The luck of thirteen; wanderings and flight through Montenegro and Serbia (New York: E.P.
Dutton: 1916), p. 228
82
‘Soldatentagebuch: Sommer in Mačva’ in Marković (ed.), Veliki Rat – Der Große Kriegg pp. 131-2.
83
Michal Baláž, Z bojov v Bosne, online at Europeana.com.
84
Josef Šrámek, Denik zajatce v I. světovéválce (Prague: Palmknihy, 2012) pp. 8-12
85
Alan Kramer, Dynamic of Destruction: Culture and Mass Killing in the First World War, (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2007), p. 67
86
John Reed, War in Eastern Europe. Travels through the Balkans in 1915, (London: Orion 1999)
87
‘Serbian Relief Fund’, The Spectator, 26th September 1914, p. 17
88
Gumz, Resurrection and Collapse, pp. 55-56.
89
The young age of the combatants struck a young Slavonian soldier Ivan Fürst in his Ratni dnevnik,
Državni arhiv, Osijek, online at Europeana.com.
90
Gumz, Resurrection and Collapse, pp. 53-4
91
’Der Vormarsch der Unseren in Serbien’, Neuigkeits Welt Blatt, 19th August 1914, pp. 6-7. This storyy
was repeated verbatim in other press accounts e.g. ‘Die Einnahme von Sabac’, Deutsches Volksblatt, 19th
August 1914, p. 2
92
On the Serbian army, see James M.B Lyon, ‘”A peasant mob”: The Serbian Army on the eve of the
Great War’, The Journal of Military History vol. 61. No. 3, 1997, pp. 481-502
93
Milčinski, Dnevnik, p. 26
94
Ludwig Schwenk, Als Kriegsgefangener durch Serbien 1918-1919: Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, (Klagen-
furt: Hermagoras, 2017)
95
Lieutenant-Colonel Desmazes & Commandant Naoumovitch, ‘Les victoires Serbes en 1914’, Revue
militarise française, no. 10, 1927, p. 150
96
Alexander Watson, Ring of Steel: Germany and Austria-Hungary in World War I: The People’s’ Warr (Lon-
don: Penguin, 2014) p. 59
97
Mark Levene, Genocide in the Age of the Nation State (London: I.B. Tauris, 2005), vol II, p. 323. See
also Slobodan Markovich, ‘Serbia’s War Losses during the Great War Reconsidered’ in Dragoljub Živo-
jinović (ed.), The Serbs and the First World War 1914-1918 (Belgrade: SANU, 2015), pp. 369-81
Кати Кармајкл
ЗАПЕЧАЋИВАЊЕ СУДБИНЕ ШАПЦА: ХАБЗБУРШКА

ПОЛИТИКА И РЕГИОН МАЧВЕ 1903-1914
Апстракт: Након окупације и анексије Босне и Херцеговине (1878. и 1908. године),

Хабсбуршке власти су спровеле процес модернизације у пуном обиму. Изграђени су пу-
теви и железница, побољшани усеви, сузбијене ендемичне болести, а огромна гранична
мрежа гарнизона изграђена на граници са Србијом и Црном Гором. У многим аспекти-
ма и Србија и Црна Гора су наличиле Босни и Херцеговини. Инфраструктурни развој и
пољопривредни просперитет у региону Мачве, са њеним речним границама према Хабс-
буршкој држави, био је очит и често хваљен у штампи. Истовремено, пораст свеприсут-
них и агресивних антисрпских осећања у Двојној монархији значио је да се на православ-
но становништво са обе стране границе гледало са сумњом и неповерењем. О балканским
ратовима се извештавало толико живописно да је хабзбуршка читалачка публика разви-
ла снажну идеју о српској склоности насиљу, као и представу о њиховој ендемској поли-
тичкој нестабилности. Атентат на Франца Фердинанда 1914. године је створио прилику
и изговор за хабсбуршку армију да нападне Србију. Трупе су биле припремљене путем

пропаганде, као што је слоган ‘Србе на врбе’, какав се појављивао у словеначкој штампи
уочи рата. Плодна мачванска област је представљала прво поприште рата, где је број ци-
вилних жртава, нарочито у Шапцу, био изузетно висок. Осим тога, било је извештаја о
зверствима над сељацима и у околним селима. У овом чланку разматрају се ратни циље-
ви Двојне монархије и њихово спровођење у Мачви, уз указивање на веома рањив поло-
жај Срба 1914. године.
Кључне речи: Хабзбуршка монархија, пропаганда , Србија, Мачва, злочини

Vol. 8, No. 1 (2017):
( ) 121-152. 121
UDC 355.45(497.1)
Dr Christian Costamagna1
EastJournal.net (Torino)
Scientific Committee
Italy
YUGOSLAVIA AND THE SPECIAL WAR IN LATE

SOCIALISM: NEW RESEARCH PERSPECTIVES
Abstract: This essay advances new research directions in the field of political history of
late-socialist Yugoslavia, in the context of the Cold War. The critical analysis of the Special war
doctrine, as part of the ideology of the Yugoslav socialism, coupled with the release of previous-
ly unavailable archival documents of the League of communists of Yugoslavia may lead to sub-
stantial historiographical reconsiderations. According to the Special war doctrine, Yugoslavia
and its political system were under constant indirect attack by both Superpowers and their al-
lies. The final goal was overthrow the self-managed political system in Yugoslavia. In the essay
are taken in consideration some inedited archival sources from the late 1987, and the begin-
ning of 1988. They are split in two main fields: Yugoslavia’s security issues, and the relations
between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. In the first case, analyzing some reports of the Yu-
goslav military leadership, we learn that an escalation of the crisis would have led to an inter-
nationalization of the conflict. According to those reports, for the US, if needed, Yugoslavia’s
integrity was expendable, in favor of Greater Albania. Secondly, will be taken into consider-
ation two meetings between the Soviet general secretary Gorbachev and the Yugoslav politi-
cal leadership. They were concerned about their weaknesses, constantly exploited by the West.
Yugoslavia and other socialist countries were dependent in the field of the technological devel-
opment. The preliminary results mentioned above would deserve a further investigation, be-
cause they would throw light on some essential parts of European and World’s recent history.
Keywords: Yugoslavia, special war, socialism, Yugoslav People Army, Cold War
Introduction
In the last decade the scholarship and research about Yugoslavia as a state have
been partially abandoned in favor of different topics and perspectives. Sociological
or other issues gained more popularity among the academic community, exploring
1
christian.costamagna@gmail.com
122 | Christian Costamagna
new fields and enriching our knowledge about life in a socialist system.2 Indeed, in
the period between the 1990s and the last decade the books and the scientific arti-
cles about the dissolution of the Yugoslav state, the crisis, not to mention the war,
for quite obvious reasons, filled the bookshelves. Notwithstanding the absence of ar-
chive funds, thanks to a comprehensive use of newspapers articles, interviews, mem-
oirs, internal documents of various institutions, there were enough sources in order
to establish an initial body of knowledge.
It should be noted, however, that the studies about the so called Titoist regime,
dropped almost suddenly.3 The self-management, the non-alignment, and virtual-
ly all the pillars of the Yugoslav socialist regime eclipsed from the research interests
of most of the scholars. Instead, nationalism, nations, war and peace studies, crisis
management, peacekeeping, migrations and many others, replaced all the previous
standard topics.4 Possibly, the only regime left and worth to study, along the 1990s
and in the following years, was that of Milošević in Serbia.5
This turn, if we can use this term, in the research perspectives, left a certain
amount of free hand for a new wave of historical investigations about the socialist re-
gime. To be sure, a few studies are flourishing recently about the past regime.6 Some
of these efforts were facilitated by the access to previously unavailable archival sourc-
es scattered among the various former Yugoslav states.7
2
For a recent overview, see the Part I of the following book: Florian Bieber, Armina Galijaš, and Rory
Archer, eds., Debating the End of Yugoslavia (Farnham – Burlington: Ashgate, 2014). For some themat-
ic example, see: Hannes Grandits and Karin Taylor, eds., Yugoslavia’s’ Sunny Side: A History of Tourism in
Socialism 1950s-1980s (Budapest – New York: Central European University Press, 2010); Patrick Hy-
der Patterson, Bought and Sold: Living and Losing the Good Life in Socialist Yugoslavia (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cor-
nell University Press, 2011); Breda Luthar and Marusa Pusnik, eds., Remembering Utopia: The Culture
of Everyday Life in Socialist Yugoslavia (Washington, D.C.: New Academia Publishing, 2010).
3
Of course, there were remarkable exceptions, such as: Viktor Meier, Yugoslavia: a History of its Demise
(London: Routledge, 1999 [1995]), and also Dejan Jović, Jugoslavija: Država koja je Odumrla (Zagreb:
Prometej, and Beograd: Samizdat B92, 2003).
4
For a wide overview, see: Sabrina P. Ramet, Thinking about Yugoslavia: Scholarly Debate about the Yu-
goslav Breakup and the Wars in Bosnia and Kosovo (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).
5
One of the most interesting analysis is: Slobodan Antonić, Zarobljena zemlja: Srbija za Vlade Slobodana
Miloševića (Beograd: Otkrovenje, 2002).
6
See: Nebojša Vladisavljević, Serbia’s’ antibureaucratic revolution: Milošević,
ć the fall of Communism and na-
tionalist mobilization (Basingstoke - New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008); Hilde Katrine Haug, Creat-
ing a Socialist Yugoslavia: Tito, Communist Leadership and the National Question (London and New York:
’
I. B. Tauris, 2012); Zoran Petrović Piroćanac, La Serbie et l’Ascension de Slobodan Milošević : 1982-1992.
’ Auto-degradation (Paris: L’Harmattan, 2011).
Anatomie d’une
7
See the Part II – New Directions in Research, in the following book: Bieber, Galijaš and Archer, eds., De-
bating the End; Stefano Lusa, La Dissoluzione del Potere: il Partito Comunista Sloveno ed il Processo di De-
Yugoslavia and the Special War in Late Socialism: New Research Perspectives | 123
Accessing the Archives

My own research activities are part of this new trend. During my doctoral stud-
ies, I had the opportunity to access the Archives of Serbia, consulting the documents
of the League of Communist of Serbia (1986-1990), and the League of Commu-
nists of Slovenia (also for the second half of the 1980s). Then, my main concern
was to find evidence about the technology of power in socialist Serbia, and the evo-
lution of Slobodan Milošević, as a communist leader, into a hybrid political leader,
appealing to the people, in a typical demagogic way. While I would have crossed the
sources of the League of Communists of Serbia – transcripts of the sessions of the
Presidency – with those of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, located in the
Archives of Yugoslavia in Belgrade, at that time it was not possible. While the doc-
uments of the League of Communists of Serbia were based in the Archives of Ser-
bia, they are property of the Socialist party of Serbia, which gave me a permission to
consult them. Meanwhile, the Archives of Yugoslavia, are a property of the Repub-
lic of Serbia, and those documents are accessible only after 30 years. So, in 2011, I
could not read the transcripts of the second half of the 1980s archived in Belgrade.
The best option at the time, was to enrich my research with the wealth of mate-
rial based in Ljubljana, at the Archives of Slovenia. There I had access to the archive
fund of the League of Communists of Slovenia. In this respect, the documents of
the Slovenian communists, compared to those of the Serbian communists, differed
in an important way. In Ljubljana it was much easier to find some of the transcripts
of the Presidency of the League of communists of Yugoslavia. Of course, the Slove-
nian communists kept the Yugoslav-level documents strictly related with the Slove-
nian issues, such as the Ljubljana Trial in 1988. Usually, before the sessions of the
Presidency, the members received various attachments and documents coming from
different institutions, including the Ministry of Defence or the Ministry of Internal
affairs. Some of those documents contained highly confidential information about
the state apparatus, its weaknesses, and the threats against it.
It was precisely in those documents of the League of Communists of Yugosla-
via, and in their attachments, that I found the hints for new research activities. More-
over, we should consider that in the next three years, it will be possible to access the
archival fund in the Archives of Yugoslavia, related to the League of Communists of
Yugoslavia, and its Presidency, supposedly, in its entirety. This is, of course, a re-
markable difference with my previous attempts.
mocratizzazione della Repubblica (Udine: Kappa Vu, 2007).

The security issue in the SFRY

What attracted my attention were the transcripts quoting Admiral Branko Mam-
ula and General Veljko Kadijević, to say, the last two Yugoslav Ministries of defense.
At the time, in 2011/2012, I was primarily looking for the sources and trajectories
of the origins of the unfolding Yugoslav crisis, and the subsequent federal dissolu-
tion, with a focus over Serbia and Milošević. Nevertheless, I thought that the po-
litical analysis about the (then) present and the future of the Yugoslav regime, and
the Yugoslav state, realized by the military apparatus, contained relevant insight. Ac-
cording to the statements of the two senior officers, in the second half of the 1980s,
there was a broad range of real or potential internal and external enemies. Those en-
emies were always ready to exploit the weaknesses of Yugoslavia, to destroy its so-
cialist regime, and possibly to tear apart the federation. The thought behind those
evaluations about the Yugoslav state, it looks like at a crossroad with paranoia and
conspiracy theories.8
From internal fifth column, or the “irredentistic” groups of Albanians in Koso-
vo, to the Croats émigré in the Federal republic of Germany, from the West and its fi-
nancial help to the country, to the Soviet Union and its unchanged dream of putting
back Yugoslavia in its political orbit, from the exchange of students abroad to foreign
cultural products, everything and everyone could have been considered, potential-
ly, enemies or threats. To be sure, a Special war was believed to be waged against so-
cialist Yugoslavia. Socialism was constantly in peril, and the regime was in danger,
because of subversive activities. In other words, the Yugoslav regime was already at
war well before the war of dissolution in 1991.
The concept of Special War

The regime
The so called titoist regime was an authoritarian and illiberal regime. While it
appeared as open and soft handed compared to the Eastern bloc, it was, nonethe-
8
Anyway, any aprioristic dismission of the Special war theory should be avoided. Also in the present
time, even in the largest democracy, there are several investigations ongoing about the Russian interfer-
ence in the 2016 US Presidential elections. See, for example, “Assessing Russian Activities and Inten-
tions in Recent US Election,” National Intelligence, January 6, 2017, https://www.dni.gov/files/docu-
ments/ICA_2017_01.pdf.f Moreover, also in today’s Western Balkans, there are other forms of influence.
See, for example: Dimitar Bechev, Rival Power: Russia in Southeast Europe (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 2017).
less, a form of dictatorship that limited the individual freedoms. Of course, certain
social rights were granted, but not always, and not for all the society. Differences in
social strata and social stratification were part of the structure of the Yugoslav pop-
ulation. There was only one party, while divided in eight federal entities (the six re-
publics and two provinces). All the other alternative ideas and their supporters were
considered as enemies, or, at least, with suspicion. Many non-conformist thinkers
and activists were under police surveillance, others were arrested and imprisoned,
and a minority were killed by operatives of the Yugoslav security services (especial-
ly among the Croatian émigré nationalist groups).9
Considering the destabilizing effects of the so called Croatian Spring in 1971,
and the Maspok movement, it should not be surprising that the regime endorsed the
Special war doctrine. The introduction of market elements, consumerism, freedom
to work abroad, political devolution from the center to the republics, created high
expectations of further freedoms in certain segments of the society. Because of the
unexpected effects of partial openness towards the rest of the World and the West,
the Tito’s authoritarian regime needed to control the internal dissent, and the po-
tential and real adversaries in the country, and abroad.
In a wider context, the Yugoslavs, because of the non-alignment, followed close-
ly how the superpowers, and in particular the USA, interfered with certain govern-
ments considered too close to the socialist ideology in the Third world. Those strate-
gies alarmed the Yugoslav communists, who tried to learn lessons and develop some
self-defense strategy.
The Army
By the mid-1980s, the stability of the Yugoslav regime became more uncertain,
because of several factors, among which a social crisis due to low productivity, not
competitive products, high foreign debt, unemployment, high inflation, fall of the liv-
ing standards in the recently urbanized peasants, rising tensions in Kosovo, distrusts
in the politicians, and lack of leadership at Yugoslav level.10 That is why the analysis
9
For a short overview of the recent Croatian (and not only) literature about the Yugoslav security services
and the Croatian émigré circles, see: Kristian Benić, “UDBA i Bivše Tajne Službe: kako do Zaokružene
Sinteze ili barem Domaćeg Roberta Ludluma?”, Gradska Knjižnica Rijeka, last modified January 1st, 2017,
https://gkr.hr/Magazin/Teme/UDBA-i-bivse-tajne-sluzbe-kako-do-zaokruzene-sinteze-ili-barem-do-
maceg-Roberta-Ludluma. The following book offers an interesting example (in form of published sourc-
es) about police surveillance of a political dissident under the Yugoslav socialist regime: Vojislav Šešelj,
Policijski Dosije: Prvi Deo (Beograd: Srpska Radikalna Stranka, 2010).
10
For a lucid contemporary analysis of the economy in Yugoslavia, see: Harold Lydall, Yugoslavia in Cri-
sis (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989).
and the forecasts realized by the security sector, and in particular the military, who
acted as a kind of mega-corporation with ramified and high involvement in the lo-
cal economy, and in the revenue of arms exports towards developing countries, con-
trolled by highly ideologized dogmatic communist officials, tended to be quite pes-
simistic.11 Indeed, the military establishment was essentially the last bastion to think
and act in a pan-Yugoslav environment, and they had their own services (from the
health care to the security services), so it could handle first hand reliable informa-
tion all across the country. What made the Yugoslav People Army different from the
leaders of the various Yugoslav republics and provinces, was the simple fact that the
regional political elites had their consensus base just at republican (and provincial)
level, not at the federal one. So, from this point of view, the most interested organiza-
tion to keep safe the country, considering its formal political role in Yugoslavia, was
indeed the military establishment, since its chain of command was not affected by
the disintegrating effect of self-management and decentralization, notwithstanding
the presence of the Territorial defense system, which had a republican dimension.
The Theory of Special War
In the crisis that was unfolding along the second half of the 1980s, under the con-
ceptual umbrella of the Special war, there were almost every kind of activities that
could undermine the stability of Yugoslavia, encompassing virtually every aspect of
social, cultural, and economic life.12 The culture of suspect, was not always taken in se-
rious consideration.13 It was denied by Slovenian political leaders, and it was mocked
by students’ magazines in Serbia. But paradoxically, the very same skepticism was it-
11
See Dragan Vukšić, JNA i Raspad SFR Jugoslavije: od Čuvara do Grobara svoje Države (Stara Pazova: Te-
komgraf,f 2006); Miroslav Hadžić, Jugoslovenska Narodna Agonija (Beograd: Dan Graf i Centar za Civil-
no-vojne Odnose, 2004 [2002]).
12
For a detailed list of the threats against Yugoslavia, see Arhiv Republike Slovenije, Fond AS 1589, Cen-
tralni Komite Zveze Komunistov Slovenije, podfond IV 1968-1990. Tehnična enota [File box] 1330,
Predsedništvo Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije. Ocene i stavovi o osnovnim karakteris-
tikama političko-bezbednosne situacije u društvu, sa posebnim osvrtom na aktivnost građanske desnice
i drugih antisocijalističkih snaga, Beograd, 2 novembar 1986 godine.
13
Milan Kučan, leader of the Slovenian communists, said, in March 1988, during a meeting of the Pres-
idency of the League of Communists that it was not “good or intelligent” to accuse Western European
countries of waging a “special war” together with the Yugoslav “internal enemies” against Yugoslavia.
The topic of the discussion was the situation in Slovenia. See ARS, AS 1589/IV, CK ZKS, t.e. 1349,
Neautorizovane magnetofonske beleške sa 72. Sednice Predsedništva Centralnog komiteta Saveza ko-
munista Jugoslavije, Beograd, 29.03.1988, 10/1 SS. The culture of suspect was captured also in the field
of the arts, as in the movie: Balkanski Špijun, directed by Dušan Kovačević, and Božidar Nikolić (1984;
Yugoslavia). Mocking articles about the culture of suspect appeared in Yugoslav youth magazine, such
self considered an evidence of the danger of the Special war. The latter, as a Yugoslav
general defined it in 1982, was “an indirect aggression against the Socialist federal
republic of Yugoslavia [that] is conducted by reactionary forces, imperialists and by
the hostile emigration together and in complicity with the forces of the internal en-
emy”.14 Even after the dissolution of Yugoslavia, in 1994, in the middle of the war, a
YPA General, Pavle Jakšić, stated that the military leadership had not been able to re-
ally understand the importance and the nature of the Special war in the context of the
Cold War. Jakšić added that the public opinion, was not informed about such threats.15
The enemies of Yugoslavia embraced a very large spectrum, encompassing Su-
perpowers, like the USA and the Soviet Union, the right-wing émigré groups scat-
tered among the First world, various nationalist enemies in Yugoslavia itself,f and
fifth columinsts (traitors) inside the state apparatus. Essentially, their guilt, was to
conspire against the Yugoslav socialist regime, trying to reintroduce capitalism, the
bourgeoise parliamentarism, to destroy the federation, or to put, once again, Bel-
grade under the umbrella of the Soviet Union. The means to achieve those goals var-
ied vastly. One supposed method was the concession of generous loans to Yugosla-
via from Western banks. This was interpreted as a strategical way to interfere in the
internal affairs and policies, altering the socialist nature of the policies implement-
ed by Belgrade.16 While without mentioning the term “Special war” explicitly, still
at the beginning of 1989, Stipe Šuvar, one of the most influential Yugoslav political
as Studentt (Serbia). See: Svetlana Vasović, “Povodom Dana Bezbednosti Ćelije su Otvorene za Drugači-
ja Mišljenja,” Student,t List beogradskih studenata, May 14, 1987, 5.
14
The original quote of the General Nikezić is here: Ilija Nikezić, “Il Significato di «Difesa Nazionale
Globale» e di «Autotutela Sociale,»” Questioni attuali del socialismo, no. (December, 1982): 42, as cited
in: Stefano Piziali, Jugoslavia tra Nazionalismo e Autodeterminazione (Montepulciano: Editori del Grifo,
1991), 41. For Yugoslav books about the Special war, contemporary to the events, see: Dušan Vilić and
Milan Ateljević, Specijalni Rat: Odbrana i Zaštita (Beograd: Poslovna politika, 1983); Vojislav Mićović,
Specijlani Rat i Jugoslavija (Beograd: Rad, 1986). I did not consult the latter two books here mentioned
(I read some of their contemporary reviews). The same authors, still in the 1990s, continued to publish
books where the Special war was still considered important. See Dušan Vilić and Boško Todorović, Ra-
zbijanje Jugoslavije 1990-1992 (Beograd: DIK Knjizevne novine, 1995), 71-164; Vojislav Mićović, The
Aggression Against Yugoslavia: the ““Angel of Mercy” of the New World Order (Belgrade: TANJUG, 2000),
111-30.
15
Vilić and Todorović, Razbijanje Jugoslavije, 96. See: Pavle Jakšić, Pohod na Jugoslaviju (Beograd: DIK
Knjizevne novine – Enciklopedija, 1994). I did not consult the latter.
16
In the set of documents consulted in Ljubljana, I have read about a meeting between the Yugoslav au-
thorities and Nicolae Ceaușescu. The Romanian political leader warmly suggested to the Yugoslavs to
follow his example, and repay all the foreign debt, otherwise the West would have used it as a weapon
against the socialist regimes. ARS, AS 1589/IV, CK ZKS [I have lost the reference file box and the orig-
inal text of this quotation about Ceaușescu].
leaders of the time, pointed out that a “fight for power” with the goal to “change or
destroy the constitutional order” was already in motion. According to him, the ille-
gitimate attempts to introduce the multiparty system in Yugoslavia, would have pro-
duced new political parties that, in turn, would have denied the values of socialism,
and promoted secessionism. Šuvar however did not ignore the very same responsi-
bilities of the League of communists in such a trend.17
Clues for further investigations; a few concrete examples.

Yugoslav security issues: November 1987
The Federal secretariat of popular defense (the Yugoslav ministry of defense)

produced constantly detailed analysis about security in Yugoslavia. One interesting
document was discussed and attached in occasion of a meeting of the Presidency of
the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, held at the end of November 1987, with
the participation of the president of the Presidency of the Socialist federal repub-
lic of Yugoslavia, Lazar Mojsov.18 The document was dated November 9, 1987, and
was titled: “Reflections of the internal situation on the security in SFRY”. As many
other similar documents, it was labeled “Military secret - highly confidential”. The
analysis started quoting a previous one, made in October 1985, titled “Reflections
of the internal situation in Yugoslavia on the measures and plans of the blocs”. The
document, signed by the Federal Secretary, Admiral Branko Mamula, remarked how
their previous opinions showed to be right, in particular about the deterioration of
the position of Yugoslavia in the international relations, and how both blocs imple-
mented various strategies towards the federation.
The evaluations of Mamula were based on the various analysis about the inter-
nal crisis on Yugoslavia, made by foreign nations.19 Mainly, those data derived from
“internal information”, “diplomatic circles”, “analysis of various institutions”, “me-
dia”, and also during “formal contacts with high functionaries of foreign countries”.20
17
ARS, AS 1589/IV, CK ZKS, t.e.1360, Stipe Šuvar, Uvodna riječ na 20. Sjednici CKSKJ, [without date
but probably February 1989], 8.
18
ARS, AS 1589/IV, CK ZKS, t.e.1346, Neautorizovane magnetofonske beleške sa 58. Sednice Pred-
sedništva Centralnog komiteta Saveza komunista Jugoslavije, Beograd, 24.11.1987; Savezni sekretariat
za narodnu odbranu, Kabinet saveznog sekretara, Odraz unutrašnje situacije na bezbednost SFRJ, Beo-
grad, 5.11.1987 godine [no page number].
19
Mamula reported similar information also in his book. See: Branko Mamula, Slučaj Jugoslavija (Beo-
grad: CID, 2000), 146-48.
20
ARS, AS 1589/IV, CK ZKS, t.e.1346, Neautorizovane magnetofonske beleške sa 58. Sednice, 1.
Clearly, the Yugoslavs paid a special attention about their image in the eyes of the
other countries. The document is structured in five parts. The first part is devoted
to the West and NATO countries. The second to the Warsaw pact countries. The
third to some non-aligned countries and to the Yugoslavs citizens working abroad.
The fourth part was about the impact of foreign evaluations about the Yugoslav inter-
nal conditions on their military activities. Finally, the fifth part was devoted to some
characteristics of the Yugoslav internal security issues. The Yugoslavs relied over a
network of informers inside foreign countries, organizations, military and diplomat-
ic circles, so we can assume that the information in the document should be reliable.
The first part of the document could be considered one of the most interest-
ing and dense in significative details. Mamula stressed that the West was paying lip
service to Yugoslavia, including their “traditional friends”. In the West, latterly, their
forecasts about Yugoslavia assumed more and more negative outlooks. The West
expected that the situation in Yugoslavia may have turned out like Lebanon or Po-
land at the beginning of the 1980s. Moreover, to the disappointment of Mamula,
the West started to support strongly the internal opponents in Yugoslavia and the
far-right émigré elements.21
In the NATO military circles, thought that the worst problems in Yugoslavia
had to do with the “economic difficulties” and the “situation in Kosovo”. While of-
ficially the West supported the neutral position of Yugoslavia, and believed that the
Yugoslav defense system was able to accomplish its duties, more recently NATO
countries started to make speculations. Indeed, it seemed possible that the internal
conditions would have become so tense, that the situation of crisis may have gone
out of control, and creating the conditions for an internationalization of the inter-
nal problems of Yugoslavia.22 Kosovo and its never ending critical issues were under
the lens of the West. According to a footnote in the document, NATO thought that
the crisis in Yugoslavia “may explode at any time, transforming in a sort of lebaniza-
tion or superbalkanization”23 Not only, but NATO then, instead of being caught in
the dilemma about the future orientation of Yugoslavia, with the West, or with the
East, jumped directly to another level: “will Yugoslavia survive at all?” Considering
that those analysis were made in the second half of 1987, they have a certain histor-
21
Ibid., 2.
22
Already one year before, in November 1986, a YPA General, Miloslav Đorđević, raised the problem.
See: Christian Costamagna, “Security in Serbia by the end of 1986: From Kosovo crisis to the Third
World War,” in Vek srpske Golgote: 1915-2015, edited by Uroš Šuvaković (Kosovska Mitrovica: Filozof-
ski Fakultet Univerziteta u Prištini, 2016).
23
The quote is in the original. Mamula quoted a sentence from some NATO sources.
ical value and impact on our knowledge. Moreover, the archival source mentioned
here, confirms (terminology included) what Raif Dizdarević, at the time holding
the office of Federal secretary of the foreign affairs of Yugoslavia, mentioned in his
memoir, about the same issues.24
Going further, Mamula discussed specifically how the USA viewed Yugoslavia.
Already in January 1987, an American source told that the American administration
put Yugoslavia closely under scrutiny, they took the crisis very seriously, intensify-
ing the research activities and forecasts. Because of its geostrategic and political con-
ditions, according to Mamula, his country was in the spotlight.
The Americans, Mamula wrote, were particularly interested about Kosovo and
Serbia. From Washington, Kosovo was in all but the name already a republic, and
they expected that soon Albanian nationalists would have claimed an “ethnic Alba-
nia” which would have included “the Popular Republic of Albania, Kosovo, West-
ern Macedonia and part of Montenegro.”25 In the US thought that it was unreal the
existence of “two Albanias with different social systems”, so it was hard to imagine
what would happen to Yugoslavia and Albania proper.
Mamula, talking about America, made an interesting statement:
Serious interlocutors [not specified who] assure us that the USA did not change
their position toward Yugoslavia and that, like until now, they will support its in-
dependence. However, more and more they [the USA] are considering the [pos-
sible] destabilization of the country [Yugoslavia]. They [the interlocutors] claim
that the USA will support Yugoslavia as far as they consider it strong and united,
but, when they will consider that [Yugoslavia] it is not anymore [strong], [for
the US, it]“would not be difficult to support the creation of Greater Albania”.26
24
The only difference between the report made by Admiral Mamula, mentioned above, and the Security
report cited by Raif Dizdarević in his memoir, is that the latter is eight months older (March 1987). Raif
Dizdarević, La Morte di Tito: la Morte della Jugoslavia (Ravenna: Longo Editore, 2001 [1999]), 189-91.
Reading Dizdarevic’s book, it is quite evident that he used abudantly the original documents and tran-
scripts. Of course, being a book of memoirs, he did not quote them like I did in this article. From Dizdare-
vić to Mamula (see his book in the bibliography of the present article), and many other local politicians
- Slobodan Milošević included, in his book Godine Raspleta (Beograd: Beogradski izdavačko-grafički za-
vod, 1989), from protagonists to political scientists and historians, the transcripts of the sessions of the
League of Communists of Yugoslavia (and the other republican branches), they constitute a privileged
historical source.
25
26
Ibid., 4. The square brackets are mine. The quotation marks are in the original text. Probably Admi-
ral Mamula was quoting a confidential source.
Without explicitly citing the USA, Mamula made a similar statement two month
before. In case of deterioration of the Kosovo crisis, with the escalation of an armed
conflict, internationalization and foreign intervention should have been expected,
and “It would be difficult to assume in such a case that the Yugoslav option would be
more real than of the Albanian one [,] of a more or less ethnically clean Kosovo”.27
He also thought that Yugoslavia may have lost the support of the big powers, in fa-
vor of its neighbors.
The Secretary of defense stated that the far-right Albanian émigré groups, were
more and more included in the military plans of the defense system of the USA, in
particular under the “Special operation forces”. Mamula believed that those émigré
groups from Kosovo, would have been exploited by the Americans under certain cir-
cumstances. In the meantime, the Albanian far-right from Kosovo constituted, for
the US, a strategical “backup”.28 This information could maybe raise some questions
about the debated relations between the US and the UÇK ten years later. However,
just a further deep research may clarify that issue. We should not forget that in the
military document here taken in consideration, there are other starting points that
suggest hints about what happened few years later, during the war in the 1990s. For
example, the report reminds that the Croatian far-right émigré groups abroad, start-
ed military training for some of their members, in an organized form, sending them
also in the French Foreign Legion (can this information shed new light on protago-
nists of the war in Croatia, such as the Croatian General Ante Gotovina?).
The Yugoslav Secretary of defense, quoting a Western source, from March of
that year, the long -term goal of the USA was to change the “socio-political system”
in the country, and make Yugoslavia join the Western positions. Nevertheless, in
the short term there was no rush to put under pressure the socialist regime, it was
enough to pressure for change in the economic system, stabilize it, and push Yugo-
slavia in the direction of the Western democracies. Indeed, already in March 1984,
the US administration, under President Ronald Reagan, approved a National Secu-
rity Decision Directive toward Yugoslavia, stating that: “We will also continue to en-
courage Yugoslavia’s long-term internal liberalization”.29
27
ARS, AS 1589/IV, CK ZKS, [I lost the number of the box file], Neautorizovane magnetofonske beleške
sa 48. Sednice Predsedništva Centralnog komiteta Saveza komunista Jugoslavije, Beograd, 08.09.1987,
16/1 TDJ.
28
29
“U.S. Policy Toward Yugoslavia: NSDD 133,” The White House, March 19, 1984, http://www.fas.
org/irp/offdocs/nsdd/nsdd-133.htm.
To achieve their targets, the Americans used the following methods against Yu-
goslavia, according to Mamula: further indebtedness toward the US and the West,
because of economic and political pressures; supporting consumerism; reinforcing
the Western way of life in the Yugoslav citizens living abroad and through media pro-
paganda toward those in Yugoslavia; supporting opposition in Yugoslavia and oth-
er dissidents, reinforcing nationalism; weakening the Yugoslav defense capabilities
(e.g. influencing the families and friends of YPA officers who attended military acad-
emies in the US.
From Mamula’s point of view, the pressures of the US against Yugoslavia assumed
various forms and dimensions. For example, also the CIA’s chief of the counterter-
rorism, Claridge, said that he would have reconsidered the position of his agency
toward Yugoslavia, unless Belgrade stopped to tolerate Near East terroristic groups
(and not only them). The US would have stopped, or at least slowed down, the mil-
itary-economic relations with Yugoslavia, and menaced that “in the Pentagon there
are strong currents against the cooperation with Yugoslavia, because of its active and
passive support of terrorism”.30
A sub-committee for the Human rights and International Organizations of the
House of Representatives of the US Congress, the previous year, accused Yugoslavia
not only of support of terrorism but also of mistreatment of the Albanian minority
in Kosovo. They wanted to suppress the status of Yugoslavia as a privileged nation
in the field of commerce. About 160 congressmen were ready to sign such act. We
should recall that such a move of the US Congress was in countertendency with the
policies advanced by Slobodan Milošević from 1987 onward.31 Moreover, from the
point of view of the Yugoslavs, the campaign in the name of the human rights, and
other form of freedoms, were attacks against the constitutional order and legitimacy,
orchestrated by far-right groups, nationalists, in conjunction with foreign powers.32
Of course, also Tirana had a role in advancing its pretensions toward Kosovo, but
Mamula thought that Albania, while supporting separatists in Kosovo, would not go
too further, because of fear of a boomerang effect. Tirana believed that an unpredict-
30
The quoting marks are in the original text.
31
It was no accident that Milošević, later, refused to receive, with lasting consequences, the last Amer-
ican ambassador in Yugoslavia, Warren Zimmerman. The American campaign for the protection of the
human rights of Albanians in Kosovo was totally contrary to Milošević’s political agenda that gave him
so much popularity and consensus in 1987-1989.
32
ARS, AS 1589/IV, CK ZKS, Predsednikova Dejavnost, t.e.2649/9, Savezni savet za zaštitu ustav-
nog poretka: Oceni i stavovi o povećanoj ugroženosti ustavnog poretka i bezbednosti zemlje, Beograd,
21.03.1988 godine, 6.
able crisis in Kosovo, would have pushed the Soviet Union in the Balkans, and Mos-
cow, under certain circumstances, may have taken again under control also Albania.33
As far as Italy was concerned (Italy in the document came straight after the USA,
and before UK and France), there was a gap between its official diplomatic policy,
and the real internal debate. Italy thought that the crisis in Kosovo could have esca-
lated beyond control, and could have created the conditions for a direct intervention
from abroad. Since Italy had a great interest in the geopolitical space of the Balkans,
because of security reasons to protect Italy from USSR, the Italians, in case of disso-
lution of Yugoslavia, started to consider a possible direct military intervention.34 In
another part of the same document, Mamula said that Italy formed forces for “emer-
gency intervention”, with the following duties: to reinforce the defense of Southern
Italy; for intervention in the Mediterranean; and “for the protection of Italian mi-
norities abroad”.35 That meant, if confirmed, a possible intervention to protect the
Italian minority in Istria.
Moreover, Mamula stated that, if Kosovo would have become “ethnically clean”
(with Albanians only), the Italian government would have supported the formal sta-
tus of republic for the Serbian Autonomous Province, leading to the creation of a
“Greater Albania”.36 If the plans described by Mamula are true, that means that Italy,
at the end of the 20th century, would have followed the footprints of the Italian Fas-
cist regime. The Secretary of defense added that, despite the official position of Ita-
ly, in the Italian military circles, there were pressures to follow a certain political and
economic line, such as to open the Yugoslav market to foreign capital, to give more
space to the free initiative in the market, and to introduce the Western form of gov-
ernment, with a multiparty system and a parliamentary democracy. The Secretary
felt uncomfortable with the negative narrative about the Yugoslav crisis prevailing
33
34
Mamula described the same concept two months earlier, supposing a possible Italian direct military
intervention, in case of a serious Yugoslav internal destabilization. See ARS, AS 1589/IV, CK ZKS, [I
lost the number of the box file], Neautorizovane magnetofonske beleške sa 48. Sednice, 16/5 TDJ. Eight
years later, at the end of 1995, Italy sent a first contingent of soldiers in Bosnia under the umbrella of the
UN (UNPROFOR). Since then, the Italian armed forces are in the region, Kosovo included (KFOR).
The interest of the Italian Army toward former Yugoslavia assumed different forms. General Kadijević
wrote that the Italian Army wanted to publish his book Moje Viđenje Raspada: Vojska bez države (Beo-
grad: Politika, 1993) in Italian, but he renounced because did not want to modify the structure of the
text. See: Veljko Kadijević, Protiv Udar: Moje Viđenje Raspada Jugoslavije (Beograd: Filip Višnjić, 2010),
255.
35
36
Ibid., 6.
in the Italian media, noting that even the Italian communist party, a friend of Yugo-
slav communists, shared those pessimistic view.37
Furthermore, the links between Italy and Yugoslavia, in the field of security and
foreign policy, at that time, could be exemplified by other interesting details, although
coming from different sources. In the 1980s, the Italian Military Intelligence and Se-
curity Service (Servizio per le informazioni e la Sicurezza Militare – SISMI) recruited
Nurif Rizvanović, a former officer of the Yugoslav Army. Rizvanović worked also for
the German Federal Intelligence Service (Bundesnachrichtendienstt – BND) and the
Slovenian State Security Service (Uprava drzavne varnosti)38. The latter, being under
the Slovenian republican control, reflected the political tensions and acted in compe-
tition (and not in cooperation) with the Federal bodies, such as the Yugoslav Army.
Since the Italians had compromising material (as drug dealer) against Rizvanović, he
passed (also) to the Italians classified information taken from the Yugoslav People Ar-
my. His activities were discovered, and he was condemned by a military court in 1987
to a long sentence.39 The interest of Rome toward Yugoslavia appeared also in other
forms. Interestingly, in 1988, the Italian Minister of foreign affairs, Giulio Andreot-
ti, warned the Yugoslavs that Austria, to expand its economy, was trying to establish
“some [sort of] union” with Slovenia.40 From this point of view, the Italians felt in com-
petition with Austria, so passed the information to the Yugoslav central government.
It would be beyond the scope of this article to enumerate and detail every single
aspect, but still, it is worth to mention that, according to the Yugoslavs, the UK held
37
It is worth to note that the Italian Communist Party received financial help, occasionally, from the
League of Communists of Yugoslavia (the latter got the money they needed from the Yugoslav govern-
ment). By the end of 1978 the Italians asked 200,000 US dollars to the Yugoslavs, to cover part of their
losses. The Yugoslav ideologue, Edvard Kardelj, a Slovene, was in favor, saying that it was in the inter-
est of the foreign policy of Yugoslavia to give money to the Italian communists. Stane Dolanc, himself
a Slovene, former heir apparent of Tito, was bothered by the request, because he did not trust the Ital-
ians, since they already took the money, on a regular basis, from “the Russians”. He was of the opinion
that half of that sum was already a great amount of money. See Pero Simić and Zvonimir Despot, Tito:
Strogo Poverljivo, Arhiviski dokumenti (Beograd: Službeni glasnik, second edition, 2011), 506-08. Simić
and Despot published excerpts of transcripts like those used in this article.
38
In Serbo-croatian: Uprava državne bezbednosti, better known as UDBA, its previous acronym.
39
Vilić and Todorović, Razbijanje Jugoslavije, 252. Also, the former Chief of the Yugoslav military coun-
terespionage, General Aleksandar Vasiljević, mentioned the Rizvanović case (but explicitly avoided to
mention SISMI and BND), during a TV interview. See: Radio Televizija Republike Srpske, interview
with General Aleksandar Vasiljević, last modified October 10, 2014, video, 05:10, https://www.you-
tube.com/watch?v=jkVVNG6Atw4&t=514s While there is no certain date of the interview, it was re-
corded between 2012 and 2014. The General Vasiljević was the reviewer of Vilić and Todorović’s book
quoted above in this note. See Vilić and Todorović, Razbijanje Jugoslavije,481-83.
40
Mamula, Slučaj, 146.
toward Belgrade a position similar to the USA.41 France, instead, was openly con-
trary to the dissolution of Yugoslavia, being in favor of Yugoslav unity and the found-
ing values of the Second world war. The end of Yugoslavia, for the French, would
have “disrupted the present European stability”. The Federal republic of Germany,
while supporting Yugoslavia, thought that in the next 5-10 years the situation would
have worsened, to the point that it was possible a direct intervention of USSR. On
the other hand, the European Economic Community believed that Yugoslavia was
“facing collapse”, while there were three reasons that would have contribute to Yu-
goslav stability: its geostrategic position; the armed forces and its foreign policy.42
The Soviet Union’s evaluation of the internal problems of Yugoslavia followed
essentially the same patterns of the other countries. According to the document, the
Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev postponed his visit to Yugoslavia because of its inter-
nal situation, waiting for further developments. Moreover, the leader of the Sovi-
et Union thought that self-management was in crisis, the authority of Yugoslavia in
the non-aligned movement was dropping, and added that while Yugoslavia was fac-
ing serious debt problems, the West was exploiting that situation to achieve its own
goals.43 That meant to bind politically Yugoslavia to the West.
In the eyes of the USSR, the escalation of the Yugoslav crisis would have opened
“a hotspot which would be hard to keep under control”. In Yugoslavia it was undergo-
ing a “fight for power”. Specular to what was believed about their competitors – the
West, in Soviet Union it was believed that the Yugoslav difficulties could be fruitfully
exploited, pushing Belgrade (and Tirana) in the socialist community led by Moscow.
The rest of the report for the Yugoslav political leadership contained other valu-
able remarks. Among them, we should mention the fact that apparently, both blocs
were convinced that in case of conflict, they would have Yugoslavia on their side.
A possible future conflict that, at the time, was imagined, by a wide range of actors
(from the NATO to Warsaw Pact military exercises, and from the Swiss Army to the
simulation games at Harvard University), would have erupted in Yugoslavia.44
Moreover, the Yugoslavs felt that the Special war waged against the YPA was
carefully planned. That form of Special war, according Mamula, consisted in putting
the society against YPA, advancing claims of civil service instead of military service,
under the guise of pacifist movements and because of religious reasons. According
41
42
Ibid., 9.
43
Ibid., 10.
44
Ibid., 16.
to the Admiral, the main power of the YPA consisted in the conscripts, to say, in the
(already weakened) human factor. Yugoslavia could not afford neither a profession-
alized army (also because it was against the political and military doctrine of social-
ism), nor to buy abroad expensive military technology.45 In other words, the strength
of YPA (the human factor), was also its Achilles heel. This consideration opens also
the opportunity for a further reflection about the well-known myth of the strength
of the YPA, that will be not considered here.
In the end, Mamula concluded his report that the superpowers, at that stage,
were not any more interested in confronting each other in an open conflict because
of Yugoslavia. Nevertheless, they tried to push Yugoslavia toward their own bloc by
the means of Special war, of indirect external and internal pressures, exploiting its
weaknesses. Propaganda and intelligence operations, since then were the most prac-
ticed strategies, until the “possible dissolution of the federation”.46 Both blocs were
preparing for the worst scenario, defining “preventive measures”, not excluding mil-
itary interventions, “with the goal to forestall the other side, or to protect its own se-
curity”. The Yugoslavs did not even exclude a secret settlement between the USA and
the Soviet Union, in case of deep crisis in the federation, in order to solve the “prob-
lem of Yugoslavia”, and to “avoid disorders in this part of Europe”. Mamula explicitly
mentioned that this strategy of exploiting the internal problems of Third world coun-
tries, the external pressures, the growing risk of civil war and foreign military inter-
ventions, should alert Yugoslavia. Without solving the internal issues, the economy
and the unity in the country, the federation was seriously in peril.47
Yugoslavia and its enemies: March 1988
During a session48 of the Presidency of the League of communists of Yugoslavia in

March 1988, the then Head of the General Staff of the Yugoslav People’s Army, Gener-
al Veljko Kadijević (who became, two months later, the Federal secretary of People’s
defense of Yugoslavia), exposed his opinion about the Special war that, according to
him, was waged against Yugoslavia.49 The background of the discussion was the situa-
45
Ibid., 18.
46
Ibid., 25.
47
Ibid., 26.
48
sedništva Centralnog komiteta Saveza komunista Jugoslavije, Beograd, 8.03.1988 godine, p. 29/1 SG.
49
Mamula wrote that at the time, when Kadijević was going to replace the Admiral as Minister of de-
fense, they had a common position. Mamula added that he prepared for Kadijević (in March 1988), a
tion in the Socialist republic of Slovenia, and the attacks against the Yugoslav People’s
Army. The Army felt under constant attack by certain media in Slovenia, particular-
ly Mladina.50 Kadijević suspected that there was much more than a bunch of young
Slovenes behind those attack against the Armyy51. Moreover, at political federal level,
there was not a clear consensus about what to do in Slovenia, and how to manage the
situation. In the meantime, to add more tensions, there were increasing rumors about
the possible removal, supported by the Army, of the Slovenian political leadership.
The Yugoslav chief of the General Staff thought that the campaign against the
Army was, in the end, part of an undeclared war with the political goal to overthrow
the socialist regime in the federation. According to Kadijević, the claims to democ-
ratization in the society, were nothing less than elements of destruction of socialism
and its integrity, through the methods of the Special war.52 The General remarked
that the international situation had an influence over the events unfolding in Yugo-
slavia.53 Kadijević said that USSR still wanted to gain, through ground military op-
erations, access to the Adriatic sea, while the Yugoslav territory, in the last decade,
lost partly its significance among the superpowers. That goal was part of Moscow’s
“centuries-old aspiration”.54
Kadijević declared that the Yugoslav territory, under certain circumstances, could
still have become “object of an agreement between the two blocs”. That meant a sort
of agreed splitting up of Yugoslavia between the NATO pact and the Warsaw pact.
Nevertheless, Kadijević was optimistic about the “rating” (he himself used this En-
glish word) of Yugoslavia in the international evaluations. Indeed, since the super-
sketch for a meeting of the Presidency of Yugoslavia. Indeed, while referring to different meetings, the
points listed by Mamula in his book, are similar to the content of the archival material here considered.
See: Mamula, Slučaj, 149-50.
50
While an official magazine of the Youth Section of the League of communists of Slovenia, during the
1980s, it promoted democratic values criticizing the most conservative segments of the socialist regime.
51
ARS, AS 1589/IV, CK ZKS, t.e.1351, Neautorizovane magnetofonske beleške sa 70. Sednice, 30/3
TDJ. Kadijević is referring to a discussion made during a meeting of the state Presidency of Yugoslavia,
five days before.
52
Ibid., 29/2 SG. Basically, the same statements were repeated by Kadijević at the end of the month,
during another meeting. See ARS, AS 1589/IV, CK ZKS, t.e. 1349, Neautorizovane magnetofonske
beleške sa 72. Sednice, 16/2 MV - 16/3 MV.
53
A remarkable contemporary comprehensive analysis of the Yugoslav security issues, in the context of
the international relations and the Cold War, is offered here: Marko Milivojevic, John B. Allcock, and
Pierre Maurer, eds.,Yugoslavia’s’ Security Dilemmas: Armed Forces, National Defence and Foreign Policy
(Oxford, UK and New York, USA: Berg Publishers Limited, 1988).
54
SG.
powers made an agreement in the field of nuclear weapons, in the unlikelihood of a

nuclear war, Yugoslavia gained more importance due to its geographical proximity
to Western Europe.55 Kadijević then used the above mentioned Yugoslav position
in the international relations underlying that both blocs, in the existing conditions,
would have exploited the means of the Special war against Belgrade.
As far as USSR was concerned, Kadijević believed that the “decay of our [Yugo-
slav] socio-political system” would have pushed Moscow to offer its own Perestroika
to the Yugoslavs as a model to follow.56 He added that another goal of USSR against
Yugoslavia was to “expel” the Yugoslav from various regions in the world, were the
Soviets had their own “sphere of influence”. While Kadijević did not mention it in
this specific context, almost certainly he was actually talking about the competition
between USSR and Yugoslavia in selling weapons to the Third world countries, like
Ethiopia,57 or Algeria.58 Moreover, at the time, the Yugoslav People’s Army was prac-
tically bankrupt59, and had a huge debt toward the Soviet Union.60
Talking about the goals of the West toward Yugoslavia, Kadijević said that they
could be divided into two stages. The first was to avoid USSR to take control of Yugo-
slavia. The second one was to push Yugoslavia, thanks to economic measures, in the
“Western system”. Then, the General continued, the West would have followed three
tasks to achieve those two goals. The first one was to pressure Yugoslavia to become
closer to the West. Secondly, the West had to support Yugoslavia in order to avoid
its economic collapse. Third, in case of dissolution of Yugoslavia, the West should
have “maximally ensured for itself what, with its presence here, they may achieve”.61
55
Ibid.
56
Ibid., 29/3 TDJ.
57
Ibid., 25/3 BR – 25/4 BR. Speech of Lazar Mojsov, President of the Presidency of the Socialist Fed-
eral Republic of Yugoslavia.
58
Ibid., 31/1 MM.
59
sedništva Centralnog komiteta Saveza komunista Jugoslavije, Beograd, 5.05.1988 godine, 10/3 MD. Ac-
cording to Lazar Mojsov, the debt amounted to 555 billion of Yugoslav dinars. See also Ibid., 9/1 VM,
where V. Kadijević states the same.
60
ARS, AS 1589/IV, CK ZKS, t.e.1352, Neautorizovane magnetofonske beleške sa 76. Sednice, 9/1 VM.
Kadijević admitted that the Army had a debt of 332 billion of Yugoslav dinars toward the Soviet Union.
Moscow, in retaliation, stopped to pay the Yugoslav companies who exported in the Soviet Union, until
the Yugoslav Army did not pay back its debt. In the meantime, the Soviet Union had a debt toward the
Yugoslav federation of two billion US dollars.
61
TDJ.
While the Army felt strong destabilizing pressures coming from abroad, exploit-
ing the weakness of the Yugoslav economic system, and considered itself beyond any
doubt one of the primary targets in order to subvert the then legitimate self-man-
aged democratic system, there were also other issues and targets as well. Accord-
ing to Kadijević, for example, both Eastern and Western intelligence services were
very active toward the Yugoslav Army, in particular in Kosovo, Vojvodina, Belgrade,
Slovenia and the Adriatic coast. The Italian intelligence service became very active
lately, and it supposed that Yugoslavia, because of its deepening internal crisis could
have closed its borders. That implied that Italy was, most probably, worried about
the Italian minority in Yugoslavia.
Kadijević illustrated what he defined the “classical scheme” of the Special war,
which was taught in the military schools and “was not a secret”. He added that the
same scheme was adopted both in the East and the West, just with slight differenc-
es. The General said that there are four stages of the Special war, and the stage then
active in Slovenia (because of the attacks to the Army) was the penultimate, the
phase of “subversion”. It preceded the phase of “violence”, the last one. The “sub-
version” stage had two steps: the first one was to “harass the citizens” and to “de-
stroy the unity”. The second one foresaw “threats, defamation and concealed sab-
otage”.62 Kadijević added that in Slovenia, it would not have been good to conceal,
behind the appearance of democratization of the society, the Special war. But in the
end, he admitted, “we still have not exactly identified with whom we are fighting”.63
Interestingly, while the military leaders at the time pointed the finger against some
foreign enemy, and described in detail the stages of the Special war against Yugosla-
via, they were apparently not able to identify him (or them).
Two weeks later, during another session of the Presidency of the party, discuss-
ing about the situation in Slovenia, Kadijević added some details. According to him,
the CIA chief for Yugoslavia, on March 13, estimated that the role of the Slovenian
magazine Mladina had nothing to do with its editorial staff,f rather it was compara-
ble with “a serious movement similar to Solidarity in Poland”. Moreover, what was
happening in Slovenia, according to Kadijević’s interpretation of the CIA chief,f was
much more than criticism toward the Yugoslav people army, actually it pointed at
changing the Constitution, and it was the beginning of the destruction of the “com-
munist system in SFRJ”.64
62
Ibid., 31/4 MM.
63
Ibid.
64
ARS, AS 1589/IV, CK ZKS, t.e. 1349, Neautorizovane magnetofonske beleške sa 72. Sednice, 17/2
SS - 17/3 SS. Kadijević did not mention the name of the CIA chief for Yugoslavia, and how he did ob-
Yugoslavia and USSR: some elements of international politics

In March 1988, the General secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union, Mikhail Gorbachev, paid a (already postponed) visit in Yugoslavia. He dis-
cussed with the Yugoslav political leadership about their bilateral relations, their in-
ternal problems, and the conditions in Eastern Europe. Among the topics touched,
there were some elements that would suggest the importance of the strategies of the
West against the socialist countries. The sources adopted here are two transcripts
of meetings with the Yugoslav representatives. The first one, dated March 14, was
held with both Yugoslav presidencies, of the Party (Boško Krunić) and of the feder-
al state (Lazar Mojsov). The day after, Gorbachev met the leadership of the Yugo-
slav Party, in a longer and more detailed discussion.
During his meeting with Mojsov and Krunić, the Soviet leader exposed his the-
sis about the West meddling in the internal affairs of the socialist countries in East-
ern Europe, exploiting their weaknesses.65 According to Gorbachev, the “capitalist
countries” could not miss the opportunity to take advantage “of the new political
situation” in Eastern Europe.66 The Soviet leader used Poland as an example of the
strategy of the West toward Eastern Europe. The Western support to Warsaw was
conditioned, provided that Poland would have legalized the opposition, and permit-
ted the creation of political parties. That meant, according to Gorbachev’s “friends”67
in Poland, “giving up to socialism”. He added that a “Christian Party” would have
been “very popular” there.68 According to Gorbachev, also Hungary and the Ger-
man Democratic Republic were experiencing the same fate.
The strategy of the West against the socialist countries contemplated the ex-
ploitation of the internal divisions of those societies. For example, Gorbachev said
tain those information about the CIA report. Apparently, on the CIA FOIA Electronic Reading Room
there is not such a report. See: “FOIA Electronic Reading Room,” Central Intelligence Agency, accessed
November 25, 2017, https://www.cia.gov/library/readingroom/home.
65
ARS, AS 1589/IV, CK ZKS, t.e.[I have lost the exact number of the box file. It should be one of the
following: 1337; 1338; 1349], Stenografske beleške sa razgovora tete a tete Predsenika predsedništva
SFRJ Lazara Mojsova i Predsednika predsedništva CK SKJ Boška Krunića sa Generalnim sekretarom
CK KPSS Mihailom Sergejevičem Gorbačovim, održanih 14. marta 1988. godine u 19,35 časova u Pala-
ti federacije - Beograd, [No page number].
66
Ibid., 2.
67
He used that term.
68
following: 1337, 2.
that the targets were the inter-ethnical relations69, the “Muslim factor”, the “anti-So-
viet factor”, the “Baltic factor”, and the processes of democratization that were under-
going. Gorbachev thought that the Prime minister of the United Kingdom, Margaret
Thatcher, was the “initiator” of this anti-Perestroika and Glasnost process. Thatch-
er, the Soviet secretary said, was worried by his growing popularity.70
Among the plans of the West against the socialist countries, Gorbachev said
that also the nuclear disarmament had a double end. According to Gorbachev, the
West did not want actually save money (diminishing the nuclear armament) for the
“economic development”. The real goal was to develop “new technologies” for the
“conventional armament”, and through its “modernization” reach the military “su-
periority” in comparison with the USSR.71
The Yugoslavs, Krunić and Mojsov, recognized promptly the scheme of the Spe-
cial war in what the Soviet secretary was saying them. Mojsov, in particular, tried,
without denying the crisis in his country, to downplay the dimension of the prob-
lems, and reassured that in Yugoslavia the experience of the Second world war was
still strong, the “brotherhood and unity” was safe, and it was not possible the for-
mation of new political parties there.72
Considering the nature of the bilateral cooperation between a small neutral Eu-
ropean country, Yugoslavia, and a world super-power, USSR, it should not be sur-
prising the reassurances that the Yugoslavs gave to Gorbachev. They still thought,
in 1988, that the Soviets were trying to bring Yugoslavia back in their political or-
bit. In this sense, what Mojsov said, talking about the economic ties and exchange
between the two countries, may assume an interesting dimension. Indeed, Mojsov
said, the economic cooperation should have been developed and improved, not on-
ly to pure exchange of goods, rather with “new forms of coordination, specializa-
tions, and joint ventures”. Mojsov said that Yugoslavia just needed “a bit of econom-
ic growth”, to escape from the “world hegemony” of the American “imperialists” and
their allies.73 While it is difficult to guess, from a practical point of view, how the So-
viet Union may have helped the suffering Yugoslav economy with more “coordina-
tion”, it should be clear enough that it could have been a political rapprochement
with Moscow, with significant implications.
69
To be sure, he referred to the relations between different nations in the same state.
70
following: 1337, 3.
71
Ibid., 5.
72
Ibid., 6.
73
Ibid., 6-7.
The day after, Gorbachev met again with Krunić and other members of the Pres-
idency of the League of the Yugoslav communists. The content and the tones were
partly similar to the previous day, but the dialogue was much longer, with more top-
ics, such as the relations between the two communist parties, the internal situation of
their respective countries, socialism in the world, and the workers’ movement. There
was a certain dose of self-criticism among the participants. Indeed, Gorbachev said
that in his Party, just recently was opened a Department devoted to the Economy,
while without bearing that word in its official title. The problem was that the appa-
ratchiks that worked there, had a “low intellectual level”, because they were used at
dealing with everyday problems and practical things.74
On the other hand, the Yugoslavs went beyond the agenda. For example, while
thanking the Soviets for having obtained about ninety thousand archival documents,
they insisted about access to more of them, especially about “important figures” of
the Party, including some victims of the Great purge in Stalin era.75
As Mojsov the day before, also Krunić reassured Gorbachev that, notwithstand-
ing the gravity of the social tensions in Yugoslavia, there were no reasons to “ring the
alarm”. Moreover, Krunić added indirectly, with all likelihood, that it should not be
expected, despite the mounting crisis in Yugoslavia and the difficulty of taking po-
litical decisions, a military coup d’etat.76
Let aside the above-mentioned examples, Krunić pointed out that the Yugoslav
big foreign debt, together with other unfavorable circumstances, made very difficult
for Belgrade to reproduce the capital for investments. The Yugoslavs were scared
by “a stagnation in the technological development”. They considered themselves
“enough dependent” in the field of technological development. Since both the cred-
itors and the suppliers of high technology were in the West, the Yugoslav preferred
avoiding a default, because they feared worsening conditions, in spite of the “usuri-
ous conditions”.77 They feared also that a default would affect the supply of interme-
diate goods and raw materials.
Gorbachev replied to his Yugoslav counterpart, that he had analyzed the be-
havior of the West towards Poland. In general terms, it echoed some critical issues
outlined by Krunić. The West was keeping for itself the most vital parts of the pro-
74
ARS, AS 1589/IV, CK ZKS, t.e.1349, Državna Tajna; nije autorizovano, nije redigovano. Stenograf-
ske beleške sa razgovora Boška Krunića, predsednika Predsedništva CKSKJ i Mihaila Gorbačova, sek-
retara CK KPSS, održanih u Beogradu, 15. Marta 1988. Godine, sa početkom u 11,20 časova, 9.
75
Ibid., 12.
76
Ibid., 13.
77
Ibid., 19.
duction process, so it was able to paralyze the Polish economy just not delivering
those essential elements for the final products. The Soviet leader was sure that the
West would have never given to the socialist countries the state-of-the-art technol-
ogy, not even in joint venture.78 Gorbachev reinforced his final statement offering
also another example about Romania. He mentioned a joint venture in that social-
ist country, together with the USA. The Soviet secretary said that since Romanian
workers have a “little pay”, the main benefits go to the American capital. Indeed,
selling those products at global stage, the capitalists “earn more”.79 As Gorbachev
already stated earlier, also in the Romanian case, the technology licensed to the so-
cialist countries was always not updated, “second class technology”, and the social-
ist countries were treated as “second class states”. Only the West benefitted from
these unfair conditions.80
Gorbachev, as far as the Soviet Union was concerned, pointed out his strategy,
to escape from the “plague of the imports”. It was essential to revitalize the mechan-
ical engineering in the Soviet Union. In 1987, 49% of their technological products,
according to him, were at the state-of- the-art world level. To the contrary, USSR was
weak in the “electronics”, and the “scientific-technological solutions”.81 The solution
to the Soviet problems was to increment the research in electronics, and to create
new scientific centers, alone or together with other countries. The freedom from de-
pendence (from imports, from second class technology) was the main way to follow.
Boško Krunić answered to Gorbachev saying that it was necessary “the access
to the third markets because there are great opportunities there, even in the mili-
tary industry. Our soldiers will not access third markets. However, if we do not sell
[weapons], someone else will do it”.82 Gorbachev reassured him, “let’s consider it”,
“there is no problem, we’ll talk about it”. Clearly, apart from what was said, the com-
petition between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union in selling weapons to the Third
world countries, was already creating disagreements between them.
Besides, it is worth noting that even in the ideological field, there were some
fissures. Boško Krunić, the leader of the Yugoslav communists, said to Gorbachev
that “[…] we do not throw the State out, we do not have illusions about its liquida-
tion, that’s ridiculous […]”. The State, according to Krunić, should have been used
78
Ibid.
79
Ibid.
80
Ibid., 20.
81
Ibid.
82
Ibid., 21.
to “protect the system” and the “stability of the development”.83 Later, talking about
the mistakes of socialism, Yugoslavia included, he said that socialism became too
much identified with the state, at the expense of the production and the workers.84
Krunić told Gorbachev that “The ambitions were almost everywhere, in all the so-
cialist countries, unrealistic for a long time”.
The many contradictions of the socialist countries came to the fore with all their
seriousness just one year later, until their implosion. From the Yugoslav point of view,
what Krunić said about the state, that it was “ridiculous” to think about its “liquida-
tion”, was totally in contrast with the official ideology and the theory of the Yugoslav
socialist self-management, as it was defined by the ideologue Edvard Kardelj.85 Ac-
cording to that Marxist theory, developed by Friedrich Engels, “the state should with-
er away”, once socialism was realized. The top Yugoslav party leader, in that specific
circumstances and historical moment, practically denied, in front of the leader of the
Soviet Union, the very same Marxist ideology that he was presumed to defend and
apply in his own country, and in the name of which a single party ruled for decades.
Also in this case, this set of historical documents, give us valuable hints and in-
formation about socialism and socialist countries. They were technologically and fi-
nancially dependent from the West, and apparently under a constant siege mental-
ity. They could not compete with the research capacity of the so called Free world.
The latter exploited the weaknesses and the internal divisions in Eastern Europe,
trying to destabilize the socialist regimes. The Western capital took advantage of
the underpaid workforce in certain socialist countries. The weapons market in the
developing countries was profitable both for Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. The
Marxist ideology was oscillating even in the top communist party functionaries. Ev-
ery single thread above mentioned, would deserve a further investigation, because
they would not only enrich, but even change the perception and interpretation of
some parts of our recent history.
Instead of conclusions: some hints for new research

While I was looking for primary sources of the political elite of Socialist Ser-
bia and Yugoslavia, I thought that those same documents, of course if put in a larg-
er context, with a clear and defined set of questions, could become a fertile back-
ground for new research directions.
83
Ibid., 24.
84
Ibid., 27.
85
For an exhaustive treatment, see: Jović, Jugoslavija.
First of all, it would rediscover an essential element of socialist Yugoslavia, the

Special war doctrine, that was at the time an integral part of the security policy of the
regime, and of the official ideology. Since fall of the socialist regime in Yugoslavia,
the topic is not necessarily one of the most academically developed. That is why a
research about the security issues of the titoist regime would contribute to set up an
innovative field. It would help us to answer questions such as, to which extent did
the socialist regime succumb to external pressure? What was the real importance of
the far-right émigré diaspora based in the West in the strategic changes in the regime?
Moreover, at the time of the events, as we have seen, General Kadijević (in March
1988), a close associate of Admiral Mamula, said that he was not able to identify the
foreign enemies that were conspiring against the security and political system of Yu-
goslavia. Surprisingly, Mamula, he himself convinced about the Special war that was
undergoing against his countryy86, in his book, published in 2000, wrote that while
he was aware that the German BND was acting against the YPA, he discovered and
learned for the first time most of the information and details exposed in the book of
Vilić and Todorović, published in 1995.87 Admitted and not granted that Vilić and
Todorović were right, how was it possible that those two lower officers of the YPA,
knew more, about the Special war, than the Minister of defense?88 Why did Mam-
ula said, in 2000, that he was aware of the BND role, and Kadijević, in 1988, said
that he could not identify the enemy? Considering that they worked, at the time, in
close contact, Kadijević should have known. Of course, we may suppose that Mam-
ula, Vilić and Todorović could be wrong, without any further evidence.
Secondly, this would open new questions. Indeed, the Special war doctrine was
not discontinued by Milošević’s regime during the 1990s in Serbia. To the contrary,
some of the most fervent practitioners of this theory, supported the political line of
Milošević89, reinforcing the idea that influential foreign powers were trying to subju-
86
Mamula, Slučaj, 126.
87
Mamula, Slučaj, 128. Mamula quotes Vilić and Todorović, Razbijanje Jugoslavije, 247-48, where they
talk about Slovenia, the BND, and their destructive role against YPA and Yugoslavia. The essential prob-
lem is that out of three pages (246-248), Vilić and Todorović have just one footnote, quoting as source
an interview of General Aleksandar Vasiljević, given to the Slovenian magazine Mladina in January 1995.
When Vilić and Todorović write that the BND had a main role, unfortunately they do not state how they
know that, which and where are the evidences. Mamula did not question this, and he took it for grant-
ed.
88
If true, it would be rather anomalous.
89
See, for example, Vilić and Todorović, Razbijanje Jugoslavije; Mićović, The Aggression. While these two
books are full of harsh criticism toward almost every Yugoslav and foreign actor in the Yugoslav drama,
it is barely impossible to find even the smaller criticism toward the political line of Serbia in the 1980s
and 1990s.
gate Belgrade, fragment the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, thanks to internal ene-
mies of the state. This view was basically a constant of Milošević’s political thought,
both in private conversations90, and in public speeches.91 This interpretation was ad-
opted even later, when he was indicted by the International Criminal Tribunal for the
former Yugoslavia.92 It should be considered why the conspiracy narrative survived
in Serbia. Aside this, it should be recalled that even today, in Serbia, but also Re-
publika Srpska, Macedonia93 and others, the conspiracies against the legitimate gov-
ernment, especially in tabloids level media, are still current. Is there a sort of cultur-
al heritage that was transmitted from the socialist to the national states? If so, why?
Is there a cultural connection between the theory of Special war and the later nar-
ratives about the so-called putsch/revolution against Milošević in October 2000?94
(and, in general terms, maybe about the narratives of the so called coloured revolu-
tions in Eastern Europe).
Thirdly, the kind of information about security and threats against socialist Yugo-
slavia give us some hints about the Cold war history. For example, in the transcripts of
a meeting between Gorbachev and the Leader of Communists of Yugoslavia in 1988,
there are some – at least at the time – sensitive information about the role of the West
toward the socialist countries, the importance of the technological gap between the two
superpowers, and the strategic asset of the international commerce of weapons as an
important revenue stream for Belgrade. Not only, but some piece of information extrap-
90
Slobodan Milošević, Tajni Transkripti 1995-1998 (Beograd: Profil knjiga, 2009), 87-88 and 245. The
original text of the book is taken from Dušan Viro, Slobodan Milošević:
ć Anatomija Zločina (Zagreb: Pro-
fil, 2007). I did not consult this last book.
91
Slobodan Milošević, [No original title], Speech to the nation in occasion of the second round of the Yu-
goslav presidential elections, October 2, 2000, audio, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kx_Yhofed-
ag&t=27s.
92
Slobodan Milošević, The Defense Speaks for History and the Future. Opening Defense Statement at The
Hague by President of Yugoslavia Slobodan Milošević (New York: International Action Center, 2006).
93
See, for example, a recent public statement on the official web site of the Serbian Minister of defense
(and President of the political party called “Movements of Socialists”), Aleksandar Vulin, “Pažnja: u Toku
je SPECIJALNI RAT Protiv Srpskog Ministarstva Odbrane!” Last modified September 30, 2017, http://
www.vulin.rs/lat/reagovanja/paznja-u-toku-je-specijalni-rat-protiv-srpskog-ministarstva-odbrane.html.
Last year, also the President of the Republic of Macedonia, Đorge Ivanov, talked about a “Special war”
in his country. See Libertas, “Vo Makedonija se vodi «specijalna vojna», so abolicijata sprečiv destabili-
zacija,” June 22, 2016, http://www.libertas.mk/ivanov-vo-makedonija-se-vodi-spetsijalna-vojna-so-ab-
olitsijata-sprechiv-destabilizatsija/.
94
Radmila Nakarada tries, in her book, to put under scrutiny the conspiracy theories as a concept, and
offers a critical analysis of those theories as applied to Yugoslavia and Serbia. See: Radmila Nakarada,
Raspad Jugoslavije: Problemi Tumačenja, Suočavanja i Tranzicije (Beograd: Službeni glasnik, 2008), 85-
104.
olated from the military establishment in Yugoslavia about Italy, could help to define
a more complex bilateral relationship, such as the plans of the Italian Army in case of
a destabilization of Yugoslavia, to protect the Italian minority in the neighbor country.
Among the most interesting data collected in the documents of the Presidency
of the League of Communists, as far as I had the opportunity to observe, it must be
mentioned the value of Kosovo in the eyes of the Pentagon, according to the Yugoslav
Ministry of Defense. Indeed, in 1987, some information leaked, stating that in case
of deep crisis and instability in Yugoslavia (because of tensions in Kosovo), the Pen-
tagon could have supported, to grant stability to the Balkans, the creation of a Great
Albania, supporting the union of Kosovo and Albania. Of course it would be wise not
to take this data at face value. Moreover, it would be methodologically wrong to attri-
bute to this historical evidence, some ex post significance having in mind what hap-
pened ten years later in the region. Nevertheless, it must be said, that to the least this
information could help the historians to put more in context the events that rapidly
developed in Yugoslavia in the next few years. Assuming that the information leaked
to the Yugoslavs was correct, how did the Pentagon was supposed to support a Great
Albania, and give up its long-standing support of Yugoslavia? Was there any biparti-
san geopolitical strategic objective in the Balkans, in the eyes of the USA? If so, which
one? The Americans, in 1991, showed a gradual abandonment of the idea of the Yu-
goslav unity. In Spring 1991, before the war, they already posed more emphasis on
a democratic Yugoslavia, rather than united.95 Considering the fast escalation of the
Yugoslav internal crisis96, is it possible to assume that Washington decided to give up
with the idea of a united federal Yugoslavia, when the latter was not anymore able to
guarantee security and stability in the region? If so, is there a parallel between a pos-
sible American abandonment of the Yugoslav integrity in case of sustained instabil-
ity (due to Kosovo) in 1987, and the actual abandonment in 1991-1992 (due to the
dissolution and the wars)? Did the US pay lip service to a united Yugoslav state, as
far as it was stable and produced security, but actually they considered it expend-
able? Why before 1989-1991 democracy in Yugoslavia was not a primary goal? Why
Titoist authoritarian regime was tolerated until then? Most probably, by the end of
95
See the memoirs of the Secretary of State James A. Baker, with Thomas M. DeFrank, The Politics of
Diplomacy: Revolution, War & Peace, 1989-1992 (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1995), 482. In the
memoirs of General Kadijević it is possible to find some of his conversations with the American Am-
bassador to Yugoslavia, Warren Zimmerman, about the same topic: see Kadijević, Protiv Udar, 176 and
following.
96
The crisis was, in a context of growing social tensions, mainly an exploitation of sensitive issues by lo-
cal political elites. A Serbian hegemonistic policy in Yugoslavia, ignited by Albanian pretensions in Koso-
vo, was fought back by more than assertive nationalism in Slovenia and Croatia, at the expense of the
Yugoslav population. Those dynamics were not primarily the product of foreign direct involvement.
the 1980s, considering the evolution in Eastern Europe and the crisis in the Soviet
Union, due also to its internal instability, Yugoslavia lost his appeal in the eyes of the
USA. Tito’s country, from the point of view of Reagan administration, in 1984, was
perceived in the following way:
[…] an independent, economically viable, stable and militarily capable Yugo-
slavia serves Western and U.S. interests. Yugoslavia is an important obstacle to Sovi-
et expansionism and hegemony in southern Europe. Yugoslavia also serves as a use-
ful reminder to countries in Eastern Europe of the advantages of independence from
Moscow and of the benefits of friendly relations with the West.97
For the West, at that time, the promotion of democracy and human rights in
Yugoslavia was not a top priority.
From a cultural point of view, we can recollect and develop, from the docu-
ments, how the Yugoslav military elites imagined the West and the East. As far as
those above-mentioned documents are concerned, it is usually a quite negative im-
age, especially the West. Espionage, a long-term objective to subvert the political
system, the reintroduction of capitalism, the support of far-right secessionist move-
ments among the Yugoslav diaspora, contributed substantially to imagine and per-
ceive an insidious West, ready to exploit the weaknesses of Yugoslavia. Is this nega-
tive perception still at work in former Yugoslavia? If so, why?
Finally, those documents give us some useful details about how the military
leadership imagined the end of the Yugoslav state. To be sure, that task was already
started in the military circles of the West at least since the 1970s, when Tito was al-
ready old, and imagining a post-Tito Yugoslavia was a frequent practice among the
analysts.98 Considering the high amount of studies about the dissolution of Yugosla-
via, developed since the 1990s, it would be of interest to integrate and compare those
theories, and evaluate if they could contribute to our knowledge. For example, in at
least one case, it appears that the Yugoslavs were aware that the superpowers, if they
wanted, could have agreed and split Yugoslavia in a few days.
Last, but not least, it should be kept in mind that the theoretical paradigm of the
Special war, as conceptualized by the same Yugoslav socialist institution of the time,
does not mean that it would be the only way to exploit the new data available to enrich
and ameliorate the historical knowledge and interpretation of those events. The main
limits, after all, are in the intuition of the historians and researchers. We should not be
97
“U.S. Policy Toward Yugoslavia: NSDD 133,” The White House, March 19, 1984, http://www.fas.
org/irp/offdocs/nsdd/nsdd-133.htm.
98
For example, see Carl Gustaf Strohm, Senza Tito Può la Jugoslavia Sopravvivere? (Trieste: Lint, 1977
[1976]).
confined by the ideological frame of the contemporaries, but we cannot produce his-
toriography without using critically the concept and the mind structures of the time.
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Кристијан Костамања
ЈУГОСЛАВИЈА И СПЕЦИЈАЛНИ РАТ У ПЕРИОДУ ПОЗНОГ

СОЦИЈАЛИЗМА: НОВЕ ИСТРАЖИВАЧКЕ ПЕРСПЕКТИВЕ
Апстракт: Овај рад нуди нове правце истраживања у области политичке историје
касног периода егзистенције социјалистичке Југославије, у контексту Хладног рата. Кри-
тичка анализа доктрине специјалног рата, као део идеологије југословенског социјализма,
уз стављање на увид раније недоступних архивских докумената Савеза комуниста Југо-
славије, могли би да доведу до значајних иисториографских преиспитивања. Према овој
специјалној ратној доктрини, Југославија и њен политички систем били су стално изло-
жени индиректним нападима од стране обе светске суперсиле и њихових савезника, чи-
ји крајњи циљ је било рушење самоуправног политичког система у Југославији. У раду су
узети у обзир неки необјављени архивски извори с краја 1987. и почетка 1988. године.
Они су подељени на две области: ону која се бави југословенским безбедоносним пита-
њима и ону која се тиче односа између Југославије и Совјетског Савеза. У првом случају,
анализирајући поједине извештаје југословенског војног руководства, дознајемо да би
ескалација кризе довела до интернационализације сукоба. Према овим извештајима, САД
би, у случају заоштравања југословенске кризе, дале предност стварању Велике Албани-
је уместо очувању државног интегритета. Друго, у обзир су узета и два састанка између
совјетског генералног секретара Горбачова и чланова југословенског политичког руко-
водства, који су били забринути због југословенских слабости које је Запад непрестано
користио. Југославија и друге социјалистичке државе су у области технолошког развоја
биле зависне. Поменути прелиминарни резултати заслужују даље истраживање, будући
да би се на тај начин бацило светло на неке битне сегменте европске и светске историје.
Кључне речи: Југославија, специјални рат, социјалнизам, Југословенска народна
армија, Хладни рат

Vol. 8, No. 1 (2017):
( ) 153-184. 153
UDC 323(497.1)”1991/1995”
Dr Vladislav B. Sotirović1
Mykolas Romeris University
Institute of Political Sciences (Vilnius)
Lithuania
AN ALTERNATIVE VIEW ON THE DESTRUCTION

OF THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA IN THE 1990S
Abstract: On the occasion of more than two decades of the end of the civil war on the
territory of ex-Yugoslavia (1991−1995) it is necessary to reassess the real causes and cardi-
nal perpetuators of Yugoslavia’s internal and external bloody destruction. In the western sci-
entific literature of the “liberal democracy” scholars (like by the journalists and policymak-
ers as well) exists for the last 25 years a standard cliché on the issue of Yugoslavia’s ending as
the only cause of its destruction are seen to be the Serbs as a nation2 and only Yugoslavia’s
destroyer is considered to be Slobodan Miloshevic - a “Balkan butcher”.3 However, the same
scholars (and journalists and policymakers) did not and are not pay any attention to other ei-
ther internal or external causers and destroyers of the country, especially not to the case of
Croatia and her authoritarian and neo-Nazi (Ustashi) regime of Dr. Franjo Tudjman’s Croat
Democratic Union (the HDZ) who, in fact are the alpha and omega of the killing of Yugosla-
via in the 1990s. As a matter of illustration, for example, Franjo Tudjman is not included into
the anthology of the top-20th century South-East European strongmen, authoritarian rulers
and dictators edited by Bernd J. Fischer but Slobodan Miloshevic is.4 Therefore, this research
1
globalpol@global-politics.eu
2
T. Judah, The Serbs: History, Myth & The Destruction of Yugoslavia, New Haven−London: Yale University
Press, 1997.
3
S. L. Woodward, Balkan Tragedy: Chaos and Dissolution After the Cold War, Washington, D.C.: The
Brookings Institution, 1995.
4
B. J. Fischer (ed.), Balkan Strongmen: Dictators and Authoritarian Rulers of Southeast Europe, London:
C. Hurst & Co. (Publishers) Ltd, 2006. For the matter of clarification, Slobodan Miloshevic was a
Montenegrin, probably even born in Montenegro in the village of Ljeva Rijeka according to some claims.
At the wartime of the 1990s, as today as well, Serbia’s political scene was and is completely occupied by
the persons who are either not the Serbs, not born in Serbia or by those whose origin is out of Serbia
living in Serbia as the first generation of the immigrants. Many of them even did not learn properly to
speak Serbia’s dialect of the Serb language that is of the Ekavian speech. On the sociolinguistic aspect
of the destruction of ex-Yugoslavia and the Serb national question, see [В. Б. Сотировић, Социолингви-
154 | Vladislav B. Sotirović
article is contribution to more accurate lightening of the reasons and causers of Yugoslavia’s
death in 1991−1995 dealing with the phenomena of the authoritarian and dictatorial neo-Na-
zi (Ustashi) regime in Croatia established by Franjo Tudjman in 1990.5
Keywords: Croatia, Croats, HDZ, Franjo Tudjman, Ustashi, Yugoslavia, Serbs
A HDZ’s order in Croatia

The HDZ took power in Croatia after the spring parliamentary and presidential
elections in 1990 according to the majoritarian electoral principle. Therefore, the
party (established in 1989)6 had an absolute majority in Croatia’s Parliament (Sa-
bor) with Franjo Tudjman as both Croatia’s President and the party leader – a fact
which, according to the German political analyst, H. Hoppe, allows the HDZ to es-
tablish a full scale of the party’s dictatorship in Croatia for a decade (till 2000).7 A
direct consequence of such electoral results in Croatia, inspired by the electoral re-
sults in Bosnia-Herzegovina too, there was election in Serbia of Slobodan Miloshe-
vic and his Socialist Party of Serbia (the SPS) in December 1990 according to the
same majoritarian electoral principle as in Croatia. In the other words, election of
Miloshevic and his SPS in Serbia was in fact Serbia’s answer to the electoral results
in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina – two Yugoslav republics in which the ultraright
political parties won power at the eve of the new civil war. It was clear for majority
of the Serbs in ex-Yugoslavia that a neo-Nazi Croat Ustashi regime was established in
Croatia followed by a regime of the Islamic fundamentalist Party of Democratic Ac-
tion (the SDA) of Alija Izetbegovic in Bosnia-Herzegovina. That became the main
reason for Serbia’s electorate to vote for its own strongman and nationalist who can
above all protect their brethren Serbs in other Yugoslav republics (Croatia and Bos-
стички аспект распада Југославије и српско национално питање, Нови Сад−Србиње: Добрица књи-
га, 2007].
5
This article is critical contribution to the book: L. Sell, Slobodan Milosevic and the Destruction of
Yugoslavia, Durham−London: Duke University Press, 2003.
6
The HDZ was officially established on June 17th, 1989. Its founder and leader, Dr. Franjo Tudjman,
strongly supported by all kinds of the Croat nationalists and neo-Ustashi groups, stated that the party
was founded as a consequence of the new political conditions in the world and Yugoslavia and as a
counterbalance to the “neo-expansionistic” policy of the regime of Slobodan Miloshevic in Serbia [ J.
Guskova, Istorija jugoslovenske krize (1990−2000), 1, Beograd: Izdavački grafički atelje “M”, 2003, 114].
However, the basic authentic party’s principles were: 1. A creation of the independent Croatia within
her historical borders; 2. Croatia has to be a state only of the Croat people; and 3. Bosnia-Herzegovina,
according to the ethnic, territorial and economic criteria, has to be a part of Croatia [ J. Guskova, Istorija
jugoslovenske krize (1990−2000), 2, Beograd: Izdavački grafički atelje “M”, 2003, 419].
7
J. Guskova, Istorija jugoslovenske krize (1990−2000), 2, Beograd: Izdavački grafički atelje “M”, 2003,
418.
An Alternative View on the Destruction of the Former Yugoslavia in the 1990s | 155
nia-Herzegovina) from the new Croat-Muslim-led holocaust as a continuation of

the WWII Magnum Crimen against the Serbs.8 For Croatia’s Serbs (the “Survivors”
of the WWII Ustashi-led holocaust), especially in the Krajina region with the town
of Knin as its capital, Franjo Tudjman was nothing else than a new Ante Pavelic (the
WWII Nazi Croat leader) and the HDZ as democratically redressed the WWII Na-
zi Croat Ustashi movement.9
A new HDZ’s authorities by using a propaganda pattern of creation of a Great-
er Serbia by Miloshevic’s regime, succeeded very soon to introduce a state-building
construction that was in absolute odds to the idea of (the western) political liberal
democracy and a society of multicultural and multiethnic coexistence. A state-build-
ing party’s policy was mainly based on traditional Croat clerical right-wing nation-
alism what can be probably seen as the best in appropriation of the extreme Croat
national movement’s insignia and rhetoric from the time of the 1941−1945 Indepen-
dent State of Croatia (the NDH). A German Nazi NSDAP salutation, for instance,
was used even in the Parliament in Zagreb by the HDZ’s members during the offi-
cial parliamentary sessions.10
In the HDZ’s Croatia a new political elite was lesser interested in introducing
of the western liberal model of political democracy based on the rights and role of
the Parliament in the national political system and free media and speech than in
continuation of the WWII policy of the final solution of the “Serb Question” in a
Greater post-WWII Croatia with attempts to annex a greater part of Bosnia-Herze-
govina as this Yugoslav republic was an integral part of Pavelic’s NDH. At such po-
litical atmosphere that was based on traditional Croat Roman Catholic clericalism,
the ultraright and even Nazi ideologies found very proper ground in the post-Social-
ist Croatia – a country directly supported by Vatican and the western democracies
but primarily by Germany. Among all ex-Socialism East European countries, Croa-
tia was the best example of transition from a state Socialism to quasi-democracy by
brutal nationalism and ethnic exclusivism.
8
On the holocaust of Serbs (Magnum Crimen) in the Independent State of Croatia, 1941−1945, see [V.
Dedijer, The Yugoslav Auschwitz and the Vatican, Prometheus Books, 1992; B. M. Lituchy (ed.), Jasenovac
and the Holocaust in Yugoslavia: Analyses and Survivor Testimonies, New York: Jasenovac Research Institute,
2006; V. Novak, Magnum Crimen: Half a Century of Clericalism in Croatia, I−II, Jagodina: Gambit, 2011;
E. Paris, L. Perkins, Genocide in Satellite Croatia, 1941−1945: A Record of Racial and Religious Persecutions
and Massacres, Literary Licencing, LLC, 2011].
9
On the WWII Nazi Croatia, see [S. Trifkovic, Ustaša: Croatian Fascism and European Politics, 1929−1945,
The Lord Byron Foundation, 2011; R. McCormick, Croatia under Ante Pavelic: America, The Ustaše and
Croatian Genocide, London−New York, I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd, 2014].
10
See the USA documentary movie [Truth is the Victim in Bosnia, 1992 at https://youtu.be/
fNqHfIugmaU].
It is known that creation of a new ideological foundation is essential in the pro-

cess of making a new state. In the 1990s, a new political leadership of the HDZ in
Croatia drawn an extreme nationalistic and ultraright political-national ideology, fun-
damentally based on Serbophobia, in order to get a massive public support for their
political goals and projects. An ideological framework of anti-Serbism was the main
ground on which the HDZ’s Government was building a new independent state of
Croatia by creating a new army, security forces, institutional framework and norma-
tive order of a “democratic and pro-European Croatia”. It is of extreme importance
to stress that an establishing of a new normative order was essential in the time of
chaotic atmosphere during the process of final collapse of previous state-Socialism
system with its own norms and values, Croatia’s declaration of state independence
on June 25th, 199111 and the outbreak of the conflict against both the central author-
ities in Belgrade and Croatia’s Serb population who decisively opposed to live in
any kind of a neo-Nazi independent Croatia taking primarily into account their ex-
tremely bloody experience from the time of the WWII NDH. Furthermore, an es-
tablishing of a new normative order was important to legitimize political actions of
the new authorities and to mobilize the ethnic Croats for the state-building process
and above all for the final solution of the “Serb Question” in Croatia and parts of
Bosnia-Herzegovina. At such a way, a new Government succeeded to direct mass
actions of the ethnic Croats in regime-approved ways: a war against the Yugoslav ar-
my and Croatia’s Serbs in the mid-1991 and finally the ethnic cleansing of majority
of Croatia’s Serbs in the mid-1995. The fact was that the ultraright nationalistic ide-
ology provided the biggest part of the content of the new Croatia’s normative order
and values, with profound ethno-political consequences.
It has to be explained why exactly ultranationalistic, rather than any form of a
liberal democratic, ideas and ideology became predominated in the HDZ’s Croatia
in 1991−1995. There are five main reasons for such development of Croatia’s poli-
tics and society at that period of time:
1. The Government’s emphasizes on Croatia’s state-building and solving the

“Serb Question” in Croatia over all other political concerns helped propel an
ultranationalistic ideology, with its exclusive aim on creating a new indepen-
dent state of a Greater Croatia without the ethnolinguistic Serbs who has to
disappear from this state on that or another way.
2. The ultraright and extremely nationalistic (even Nazi) ideology, based pri-
11
The countries of the European Community recognized independent Croatia (under ( the German
pressure) on January 15th, 1992. Croatia became a member of the U.N. on May 22nd, 1992 [ J. Guskova,
Istorija jugoslovenske krize (1990−2000), 2, Beograd: Izdavački grafički atelje “M”, 2003, 414].
marily on the 19th century self-proclaimed and self-interpreted Croatian “state

rights”, had a well-articulated state-building and ethnic cleansing agenda and
an acknowledged place in Croatian history.12
3. As the old Socialism political establishment and normative order and values
became after the spring elections in 1990 delegitimized while new ideologies
and political-normative order and values are not firmly established, the tradi-
tional conservative-clerical ideology of the so-called Croatian “historical rights”
provided the basic and functioning framework for public discourse and regime
policy.
4. A popular receptivity to such ultranationalistic ideology and propaganda was
possible in the political atmosphere in which the Croats still claimed that the
territory of the Socialist Republic of Croatia (which borders were fixed by the
Yugoslav Communists led by half Slovene and half Croat, Josip Broz Tito) was
legitimate and based on (self-understood) ethnic and historical rights of the
Croats.
5. The HDZ co-opted the message and organization of the extreme right with
appropriation of basic symbolic and ideological elements of the WWII Cro-
at ultranationalism in order to create a new legitimizing narrative of the state
and national policy that became very quickly and effectively appreciated by the
demos of ethnic Croat origin as the Croats were traditionally educated to such
direction of viewpoint. Nevertheless, as a direct consequence, a development
of a real political democracy and a civic society building process in Croatia be-
came ruined and at least postponed.
The ideological components and organizational forms

of the Croat ultraright nationalism
The Croat ultraright nationalism and nationalistic ideologies are mainly based
on the 19th century ideology of the Croat “state rights” favored and maintained by
the pravashi (the rightists). They and their groups and political parties espouse the
same ethno-political goals as the leader of the 19th century extremist and racist strand
of the same Croat national movement and Croatian Party of Rights (the HSP, es-
tablished 1861), Ante Starchevic. They appropriated two very essential elements of
the HSP national ideology:
12
D. Pavličević, Povijest Hrvatske. Drugo, izmijenjeno i prošireno izdanje, Zagreb: Naklada P.I.P. Pavičić,
2000, 245.
1. A creation of a Greater Croatia with Bosnia-Herzegovina and some other South

Slavic territories.
2. An extermination of all Orthodox Serbs from a Greater Croatia or their Cro-
atization.13
Ante Starchevic urged the creation of a Greater Croatia and not recognizing the
existence of any other South Slavs except the Croats and Bulgarians.14 His ideology
and the HSP party’s program and narrative were markedly colored by anti-Serb tone.
Consequently, both of them became the main ideological framework for the exter-
mination of the Serbs on the territory of the NDH, 1941−1945 and for the ethnic
cleansing of the Serbs by Tudjman’s regime in 1995 (the “Flash” and “Storm” mil-
itary-police operations in May and August). In 1895 it was established even more
radical and nationalistic the Pure Party of Rights (the ČSP) headed by Josip Frank
(of the Jewish origin) whose members and ideological followers took active partici-
pations in the pogroms against the Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina during
the WWI.15
The post-Yugoslav HSP, as the largest and most influential extreme Croat
neo-Nazi Ustashi party, was re-established in February 1990 by domestic and émi-
gré Croat neo-Nazi Ustashi fellows. The party became soon relatively popular that
had a membership of approximately 100.000 by 1992 when the party received 7 per-
cent of the vote for the national Parliament. However, the HSP became a “favorable
opposition party” of the HDZ in the 1990s and as such, in fact, unofficial spokes-
man of the ruling HDZ. A coalition between these two ultraright nationalistic par-
ties is visible at least from the very fact that the HDZ violated the Croatian elector-
al law in 1995 in order to permit the HSP to cross the famous 5 percent threshold
13
For a more detailed discussion of this issue, see [В. Ђ. Крестић, Геноцидом до Велике Хрватске. Дру-
го допуњено издање, Јагодина: Гамбит, 2002].
144
On Croatian national identity, see [A. J. Bellamy, The Formation of Croatian National Identity: A
Centuries-Old Dream, Manchester−New York: Manchester University Press, 2003].
15
On the ideology of the Croatian Party of Rights, see [M. Gross, Povijest pravaške ideologije, Zagreb:
Institut za hrvatsku povijest, 1973; M. S. Spalatin, “The Croatian Nationalism of Ante Starčević,
1845−1871”, Journal of Croatian Studies, 15, 1975, 19−146; G. G. Gilbert, “Pravaštvo and the Croatian
National Issue”, East European Quarterly, 1, 1978, 57−68; M. Gross. A. Szabo, Prema hrvatskome
građanskom društvu: Društveni razvoj u civilnoj Hrvatskoj i Slavoniji šezdesetih i sedamdesetih godina 19.
stoljeća, Zagreb: Globus nakladni zavod, 1992, 257−265]. On historical account of the political parties’
ideologies in Croatia, see [ Ј. Хорват, Странке код Хрвата и њихова идеологија, Београд: Политика,
1939]. On pogroms of the Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegovina during the Great War, see [В. Ћоровић, Цр-
на књига: Патње Срба Босне и Херцеговине за време Светског Рата 1914−1918, Удружење ратних
добровољаца, 1996]. On nationalistic ideologies and violence, see [S. Malešević, Nation-States and
Nationalisms, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2013].
(5.1). After 1993 when the party leadership was changed, the HSP obviously be-
came a tool of the ruling HDZ on political scene of Croatia. In February 1996 the
HSP became cleansed from all party leadership who opposed informal HDZ-HSP
coalition and cooperation.
Different factional struggles within the pravashi bloc led to the creation of sev-
eral new ultraright political parties in Croatia like the HSP-1861, the Croatian Pure
Party of Rights, the National Democratic League or the Independent Party of Rights.
All of them, including and those unofficial groups and movements of the Croat ex-
tremists, have been trying to propagate their nationalistic messages through almost
totally controlled mass-media by the governmental HDZ. In these media efforts on-
ly those groups who had been “approved” by the HDZ (firstly the HSP) succeeded
to send their messages to the audience.
One of the most important features of Croatia’s political scene in the early 1990s
was the fact that the HDZ itself was gradually passing to the hands of a “Herzegov-
inian lobby” (like Vladimir Sheks, Vice Vukojevic, Gojko Shushak) within the par-
ty leadership what meant that the WWII Ustashi ideology and practice ultimately
won against all other options in both the Central Board of the HDZ and the Gov-
ernment of Croatia.16 However, the crucial point of such HDZ’s course was that in
fact the party and state leadership became crucially depended on and even governed
by the Croat (Ustashi) émigré groups with whom the HDZ’s “Herzegovinian lob-
by” had extremely close relations especially Gojko Shushak, a Minister of Defense,
who was a manager and owner of several firms in Canada before returning to Croa-
tia in 1990 to become a member of the Central Board of the HDZ. Franjo Tudjman
favored Gojko Shushak exactly for the reason that he was a key figure in maintain-
ing contacts with a Croat diaspora which was giving substantial financial support
for the HDZ’s policy.
This “Herzegovinian lobby” succeeded to strengthen its own position within
the HDZ primarily by using regional identity as a basis for establishing necessary
networks of power, influence, and favors (for instance, a Herzegovinian extremist
Ivic Pashalic). The HDZ’s “Herzegovinians” are usually seen as the cardinal factor
which firmed Tudjman as a dictatorial strongman in the party and the state. Tud-
jman’s sympathy and support to the “Herzegovinian” extremists is for sure unques-
tionable, especially when it comes to authoritarianism on the domestic front and
dealing with Croatia’s Serbs. He became firstly convinced of his own personal and
his party’s “historic mission” to bring state independence for (a Greater) Croatia and
16
The Herzegovinians are traditionally considered as the most belligerent and confrontational mental
group within the territory of ex-Yugoslavia. On mental and cultural characteristics of the Yugoslavs, see
[В. Дворниковић, Карактерологија Југословена, Београд: Просвета, 2000].
finally to solve the “Serb Question” within her borders and in parts of a “Croat” Bos-
nia-Herzegovina. He shared the same standpoint of the traditional Croat national-
ists that all aspects of the transition from state socialism to (quasi)liberal democracy
and market economy have to be subordinated to the state-building process. None-
theless, Tudjman was enough smart to project a positive “democratic” image abroad,
and this has prevented many of foreign observers and politicians from getting a right
picture of his ultraright views and politics especially in dealing with Croatia’s Serbs.
The basic cornerstones of the Croat ultraright

nationalistic ideology
From the point of ideology of the extreme Croat nationalism, the cardinal goal
of ultraright nationalistic parties, groups, ideologists and politicians was to create
for the first time after 1102 an independent, as much as a Greater and finally “Ser-
ben-frei” Croatia. In the 1990s it was exactly ultraright nationalistic ideology that pro-
vided the main background for creation of a new normative order and values in the
HDZ’s Croatia. This ideology had five cardinal cornerstones which gave the frame-
work for building a new institutional order, political values and means to achieve ul-
timate ethno-political goals:
1. Legitimization of the Nazi Ustashi NDH from the WWII.

2. Establishing strong authoritarian governmental system in the state and soci-
ety for the sake to get state independence by the “international community”
by provoking a war against the local Serbs.
3. Territorial annexation of all “historical and ethnic” territories of Croatia and
the Croats.
4. Solving the “Serbian Question” within a Greater Croatia by military means.
5. Protecting the ideological-clerical conservative stands against the western lib-
eral views.
Legitimization of the Nazi Ustashi NDH from the WWII
For all Croat ultranationalists a crucial political reference in regard with the
state-building process is the 1941−1945 NDH. They finally succeeded with a great
support by Tudjman and his HDZ to rehabilitate the NDH and even to recognize
its historical contribution to the Croat state-building efforts. It was done chiefly by
a brutal falsification of historical facts and self-interpretation of historical events and
the role and deeds of the Croat Ustashi personalities. For the HDZ’s Croatia there
were at least four reasons for praising the Ustashi WWII state:
a. The NDH gave a political-historical foundation for the post-Yugoslav Croa-

tia’s statehood.
b. It annexed majority of a Croat claimed South-East European territories and as
such became a kind of historical realization of a Greater Croatia projected by
Pavao Ritter Vitezovic in 1700.17
c. The Ustashi regime showed a way of solving the “Serb Question” and there-
fore became a blueprint for the coming generations of the Croat “patriots” who
had to deal with the Serbs.
d. The existence of the NDH provided a necessary link of a self-imagined “proof”f
of the so-called “Thousand-year-old” legal continuity of the Croatian de facto
statehood.
All political parties and organizations in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina of

the “Croatian rights” profiles even openly propagated their direct connections with
the NDH and its führer (poglavnik) Ante Pavelic who himself was a member of the
“Croatian rights” party.18 Here is worth to notice that Franjo Tudjman was during the
WWII fighting several months in the Ustashi uniform – a fact which gave a huge cred-
ibility to him in the eyes of any Croat extremist despite on Tudjman’s Communist
past. It is obvious that the ultimate ethno-political goals of both the pre- and WWII
Ustashi movement and post-Yugoslav “Croat rights” fellows are absolutely identi-
cal including and the idea how to solve the “Serb Question” in a Greater Croatia. It
was mostly the case with the re-established HSP in 1990 as originally this party de-
fined its program exclusively in relation to the NDH and the WWII Ustashi move-
ment using all kinds of the NDH symbols and iconography. Nevertheless, an origi-
nal 1990 HSP’s leader, Dobroslav Paraga, never accepted any fascist or Nazi face of
the NDH even claiming that this state was anti-fascist.19 For all Croat extremists, in-
cluding Tudjman himself,f the NDH represented democratic wishes of overwhelm-
ing majority of the ethnic Croats for their own independent state (from Yugoslavia as
a “Greater Serbia”) and was legitimate continuation of the independent Kingdom of
Croatia which became de facto incorporated into the Kingdom of Hungary in 1102.
Furthermore, all of them negate any engagement of the NDH’s regime in any system-
atic and organized persecutions or genocide committed on the racial, confessional or
ethnic grounds. Moreover, the HSP insists that the Ustashi terror against the Serbs in
17
P. R. Vitezović, Croatia rediviva: Regnante Leopoldo Magno Caesare, Zagreb, 1700.
18
On Pavelic’s biography, see [B. J. Fischer (ed.), Balkan Strongmen: Dictators and Authoritarian Rulers
of Southeast Europe, London: C. Hurst & Co. (Publishers) Ltd, 2006, 228−271].
19
For instance, see, interview with Paraga, Danas, Zagreb, 1991-03-5.
1941−1945 was provoked by the Serbs themselves, i.e. by the Partisan uprising in Ju-
ly 1941 against the legitimate and internationally recognized NDH,20 neglecting the
fact that the Ustashi genocide against the Serbs started three months before the out-
break of the Serb-(Partisan and non-Partisan) revolt in the NDH. A HSP’s political
cynicism was going up to absurd claims that many of these massacred Serb civilians
in fact have been killed by the Serb-Chetniks or Partisans dressed in the Ustashi uni-
forms. Nevertheless, a common issue among all Croat extremists regarding the “Serb
Question” is the WWII practice of creation of an Autocephalous Croatian Orthodox
Church as a bridge toward the final Catholization and Croatization of Croatia’s Serbs.
The excuse of the Ustashi regime violence in the NDH usually is followed by
the claim that the Nazi-Fascist feature and iconography of the NDH were forced
upon the Ustashi authorities by Germany and Italy, that the Ustashi Government
did as much as possible to protect the Jews within the NDH, and finally, and what
is of the crucial importance, that the real number of murdered NDH’s Serbs is very
much overestimated by the pro-Serb Yugoslav authorities after the WWII. For in-
stance, instead of 700.000 killed people in the death camp of Jasenovac (“Yugoslav
Auschwitz”, of whom 500.000 were the Serbs) today official Croatia recognizes on-
ly 86.000. In the other words, Jasenovac is a great Serbian falsification and political
propaganda: a myth projected by the supporters of an idea of a Greater Serbia.21 For
the Croat extremists, among the victims of Jasenovac the largest number have been
the ethnic Croats but not the ethnic Serbs.22 The Croat rightists as apologists for the
Ustashi movement and their Nazi racist regime claim that the NDH is falsely rep-
resented for pure political reasons and therefore the picture of the NDH has to be
repainted. However, such repainting or rewriting of the NDH’s history is in a pure
odd to historical sources and scientific account of non-partisan historiography. Fi-
nally, Dr. Franjo Tudjman himself,f as a professional historian, in his most important
book (Wastelands of Historical Reality) sought to minimize the crimes of the Ustashi
regime in the WWII against both the Serbs and the Jews.23
20
The NDH was recognized by Germany, Italy, Slovakia, Hungary, g Romania, Japan,
p Spain, National
China, Finland, Denmark and Manchuria. It existed from April 10th, 1941 to May 15th, 1945 [S. Srkulj, J.
Lučić, Hrvatska Povijest u dvadeset pet karata. Prošireno i dopunjeno izdanje, Zagreb: Hrvatski informativni
centar, 1996, 105].
21
On Tudjman’s Croatia’s dealing with the population losses in the NDH and the rest of Yugoslavia,
see [V. Žerjavić, Population Losses in Yugoslavia 1941−1945, Zagreb: Hrvatski institut za povijest, 1997].
Compare with [С. Аврамов, Геноцид у Југославији у светлости међународног права, Београд, 1992].
22
See, for instance, Election Declaration of the Croatian Party of Rights in 1992 [Izborna deklaracija
Hrvatske stranke prava, Zagreb, 1992, 3].
23
F. Tudjman, Bespuća povijesne zbiljosti, Zagreb: Matica Hrvatska, 1989.
A rehabilitation of the legacy of the NDH and Ustashi ideology with the NDH’s
iconography was, however, only a formal problem for Franjo Tudjman and his HDZ
who have been officially ambivalent toward it. Tudjman knew very well that any close
association with the NDH and Ustashi ideology and iconography will cause many
problems for Croatia’s image abroad especially among the Jewish communities and
their political lobbies. However, on the other hand, for Tudjman the NDH was giving
the state-building example as Croatia for the centuries did not have any experience of
a real and internationally recognized statehood. For that reason, for the HDZ’s ideol-
ogists the NDH became a crucial element for completing the main party’s task – to
unify within the umbrella of the HDZ all Croats. In addition, the NDH was giving a
link to Vatican as the main supporter of both the Ustashi and the HDZ regimes and
ideology.24 Subsequently, the HDZ’s authorities did not and do not openly endorse
the Ustashi movement and the NDH, as it is the case with of “Croat rightists”, but on
the other hand both Tudjman and his HDZ had avoided any clear denunciation of
the NDH’ Nazi, totalitarian, genocidal and above all Serbocidal aspects. Moreover,
the HDZ’s Croatia adopted all important symbolic and iconographic aspects of the
WWII NDH (like kuna currency, state insignias, etc.) and dedicated streets, squares
and monuments in Croatia to the Ustashi WWII officials. Tudjman himself as a Pres-
ident of Croatia nominated, for instance, two ex-WWII Ustashi officials to high state
posts: Ivo Rojnic – Ustashi commander in Dubrovnik who became Croatia’s ambas-
sador in Argentina and Vinko Nikolic – an official in the Ministry of Education of the
NDH who got a seat in the Parliament. Alongside with the rehabilitation of the Nazi
NDH, in Tudjman’s Croatia it was rehabilitated and the WWII Croatian Roman Cath-
olic Church with its head Archbishop Alojzije Stepinac who directly collaborated with
the Ustashi regime and headed the practice of Catholization of the Orthodox Serbs.25
A linguistic nationalism or purification of the official standardized Croat lan-
guage in the public usage but mainly from the Serb language based lexemes was on
the very agenda of the Croatization of Croatia by Tudjman’s regime.26 However, a
24
On direct links between the NDH and Vatican, see [Tajni dokumenti o odnosima između Vatikana i
ustaške NDH, Zagreb, 1948; V. Dedijer, Vatikan i Jasenovac. Dokumenti, Beograd, 1987; D. Živojinović,
D. Lučić, Varvarstvo u ime Hristovo. Prilozi za Magnum Crimen, Beograd, 1988; M. Bulajić, Misija Vatikana
u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj, I−II, Beograd, 1992; М. А. Ривели, Бог је с нама: Црква Пија XII сауче-
сника нацифашизма, Никшић: Јасен, 2003; Д. Р. Живојиновић, Ватикан, Католичка црква и југо-
словенска власт 1941−1958, Београд: Просвета−Терсит, 1994, 11−127].
25
On Stepinac’s case, see [A. Benigar, Alojzije Stepinac hrvatski kardinal, Rim, 1974; S. Alexander, The
Triple Myth: A Life of Archbishop Stepinac, New York, 1987; М. А. Ривели, Надбискуп геноцида: Монси-
њор Степинац, Ватикан и усташка диктатура у Хрватској 1941−1945, Никшић−Јасен, 1999].
26
A linguistic nationalism was a common issue in all former East European countries after 1990 as
the language was and still is understood as the main identifier of the (ethno)nation. On the linguistic
lexical purification of the Croatian language in Tudjman’s Croatia was done basi-
cally according to the NDH’s pattern. One of the first steps in the process of Cro-
atization and purification of the Croat language by the new HDZ’s authorities was
to make a clear difference between the Croat and Serb languages from lexical, or-
thographic and grammar points of view. It was done by a set of scientific editions
by the linguists and philologists who have been at the same time trying to present
and a “proper” history of the Croat language with the cardinal political goal to show
that the Croat and the Serb always have been two different ethno-national languag-
es and what is of the most importance that the Shtokavian dialect was all the time
and the Croat national language but not only the Serb.27 As a final ethno-political
consequence of the HDZ’s policy of linguistic nationalism was that the Serb ethnic
name was expelled from the official name of the standardized language and its or-
thography in Croatia likewise everything what was in connection with the Serbs in
regard to the Croat language.28
As the best mean to hide its de facto support for the Nazi Ustashi ideology and
the WWII NDH’s legacy, Tudjman’s regime officially and rhetorically supported the
“anti-fascist” Josip Broz Tito’s Partisans from the WWII29 with the manifestation of
nationalism in ex-Yugoslavia in the 1990s, see [S. Barbour, C. Carmichael (eds.), Language and Nationalism
in Europe, Oxford−New York: Oxford University Press, 2000, 221−239].
27
On this issue, as examples, see [V. Brodnjak, Razlikovni rječnik srpskog i hrvatskog jezika, Zagreb,
1991; M. Moguš, Povijest hrvatskoga književnoga jezika, Zagreb: Globus nakladni zavod, 1993; M. Kačić,
Hrvatski i srpski: Zablude i krivotvorine; Zagreb: Zavod za lingvistiku Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta
u Zagrebu, 1995; M. Lončarić, Hrvatski jezik, Opole: Uniwersytet Opolski–Instytut Filologii Polskiej,
1998]. Compare with [П. Милосављевић, Срби и њихов језик. Хрестоматија, Приштина: Народна
и универзитетска библиотека, 1997].
28
M. Okuka, „O osamostaljivanju hrvatskog književnog jezika“, А. Кюннапа, В. Лефельдта, С. Н. Ку-
знецова (ред.), Микроязыки, языки, интерязыки. Сборник в честь ординарного профессора Алексан-
дра Дмитриевича Дуличенко, Тарту, 2006, 231. On the Serbian point on the Croat, Serb and Bosnian
languages, see [B. Tošović, A. Wonisch, (eds.), Die serbische Sichtweise des Verhältnisses zwischen dem
Serbischen, Kroatischen und Bosniakischen, I/4, Novi Sad: Institut für Slawistik der Karl-Franzens-
-Universität Graz−Beogradska knjiga, 2012].
29
For the matter of historical accuracy, the Partisans of Josip Broz Tito (half Slovene and half Croat) during
the WWII have not be fighting against the Germans, Italians and Ustashi forces if they are not attacked by
them. Moreover, during the whole war the Partisans collaborated primarily with the NDH regime and its
armed forces but with the Germans as well. Therefore, the “anti-fascist” aspect of Tito’s Partisans and the
Communist Party of Yugoslavia (the KPJ) is falls and invented by the Yugoslav Communists themselves.
On this issue, see [М. Самарџић, Сарадња партизана са Немцима, усташама и Албанцима, Крагује-
вац: Погледи, 2006; В. Б. Сотировић, Кривотворине о Јосипу Брозу Титу, Брозовим партизанима и
Равногорском покрету, 1941. г.−1945. г., Виљнус: Југославологија – Независни истраживачки цен-
тар за југословенске студије, 2014]. About Josip Broz Tito, see [В. Адамовић, Три диктатора: Ста-
љин, Хитлер, Тито. Психопатолошка паралела, Београд: Informatika, 2008, 445−610; П. Симић, З.
Деспот, Тито: Строго поверљиво. Архивски документи, Београд−Службени гласник, 2010; П. Си-
political option that the post-Yugoslav Croatia is building her own statehood on the
“anti-fascist” People’s/Socialist Republic of Croatia legitimacy after 1945. Howev-
er, at the same time, the HDZ created a clear atmosphere in Croatia in which the
victims of the Ustashi terror (primarily the Serbs) are regarded as the national en-
emies. For the matter of illustration, up to January 1996 around 3.000 “Partisan”
monuments were destroyed or removed in Croatia.30 Tudjman launched an initia-
tive to transform a death camp of Jasenovac’s memorial center (on the left bank of
Sava River that is on Croatia’s side) from the “victims of fascism” to the “victims of
the civil war” – an initiative that was in fact just camouflaged association with the
NDH which pleased all Croat extremists. The Croat security forces even before the
beginning of the civil war in Croatia in 1991 heavily structurally damaged the muse-
um building of Jasenovac when a bigger part of documentation and torture evidence
simply disappeared but the monument itself was not destroyed or damaged for the
very reason as the monument is in fact composed by four Ustashi “U” letter-symbols.
Franjo Tudjman, a Ph.D. in history, ran in conflict with the Yugoslav Communist
authorities in the mid-1960s when he started to refute the official number of mur-
dered ethnic Serbs in Jasenovac as too high, accusing at the same time the Yugoslav
Communists for deliberately falsifying the truth on Jasenovac. It cost him dismiss-
al from the post of a head of the Institute for the History of the Workers Movement
in Croatia (in Zagreb) but this action marked the beginning of the process of Tud-
jman’s transformation from a Partisan General to the Croat nationalist and extremist.
Nonetheless, his cosmetic political moves like removing a prominent Ustashi extrem-
ist Tomislav Merchep from the HDZ’s Executive Committee at the Third General
Convention of the HDZ in October 1995 could not hide the HDZ’s infatuation with
the Ustashi iconography, ideology, legacy and ethno-political goals.
Tudjman’s and HDZ’s preoccupation with Croatia’s state-building and solving
the “Serb Question” rather than establishing liberal-democratic political system and
institutions meant that the NDH’s legacy continued to play very important role in
the HDZ’s strategy and policy of creation of the new normative order and values. In
the other words, the political-ideological mainstream of the HDZ’s Croatia was and
is grounded on appropriation of the NDH’s legacy.
Today, as a result of the HDZ’s policy of extreme ethno-confessional national-
ism, Croatia is, since mid-1995, “more ethnically homogeneous than ever was in the
мић, Тито: Феномен 20. Века. Треће допуњено издање, Београд: Службени гласник, 2011; J. Pirjevec,
Tito in tovariši, Ljubljana: Cankarjeva založba, 2011; V. Dinić, Tito (ni)je Tito. Konačna istina, Beograd:
Novmark doo, 2013].
30
Vreme, Beograd, 1996-01-15.
historic past”.31 The Serb population on the present-day territory of Croatia fell from
24 percent in 1940 to 12 percent in 1990 and 4 percent in 1996 with the practice of
its everyday assimilation (Croatization) and emigration from Croatia.
Authoritarian militarization of the ethnic Croats
The Croat ultranationalists (i.e., the followers of the Ustashi movement) called
in the 1990s for the full scale of Croatia’s militarization in order to achieve their chau-
vinistic and racist political goals of the Croat-based ethnically pure independent (a
Greater) Croatia. In their opinion, a full or complete political independence of the
ethnically pure Croatia within the borders of the Socialist Republic of (a Greater)
Croatia could be reached only by the open war against Croatia’s Serbs and the Yugo-
slav authorities, but not negotiating with them. In this respect, a leader of the most
ultranationalistic political party in Croatia – the HSP, Ante Djapic, was clear in his
statements to abandon the political activity if a single part of the territory of Croatia
is going to be lost by the negotiations with the Serbs.32 The WWII Ustashi movement
followers openly advocated in the 1990s a full scale of the war against “the Serb ag-
gressors” for the sake to gain Croatia’s independence and to clean Croatia from the
ethnic Serbs. That was done at least for two crucial reasons:
1. They believe that a struggling for the Croat nation’s ethno-political goals was a
legitimate framework of both a beating the Serb nationalism and fulfilling the
Croat historical task of creation of a Greater Roman Catholic Croatia without
the Orthodox infidels.
2. They sponsored the attitude that the Serbs cannot be trusted as a nation to ne-
gotiate with them about the peaceful agreement on the disputed issues with
the Croatia’s Government and therefore the war was the only way to pacify the
Serbs from Croatia according to the pattern of the pacification (i.e., the ethnic
cleansing) of the Palestinians in Israel.33
31
S. Barbour, C. Carmichael (eds.), Language and Nationalism in Europe, Oxford−New York: Oxford
University Press, 2000, 228.
32
Interview with Ante Djapic ( July 13th, 1994), J. A. Irvine, “Ultranationalist Ideology and State-
-Building in Croatia, 1990−1996”, Problems of Post-Communism, July/August 1997, pp. 36, 42; Glas
Slavonije, Osijek, 1995-08-18.
33
Interview with Ante Djapic ( July 13th, 1994), J. A. Irvine, “Ultranationalist Ideology and State-
-Building in Croatia, 1990−1996”, Problems of Post-Communism, July/August 1997, pp. 36, 42. On
the ethnic cleansing of Palestine by the Israeli Jewish authorities, see: I. Pappe, The Ethnic Cleansing of
Palestine, Oxford: Oneworld, 2011.
Henceforth, the “Israelization” of a Greater Croatia became the ultimate goal of

the Croat ultranationalists in their policy to Croatia’s Serbs. In order to achieve their
“Israelization” political goals, the Ustashi followers in the HDZ’s governed Croatia
followed exactly the militarization pattern of the ethnic Croat society in the WWII
NDH. Therefore, the most ultranationalistic Ustashi political party in the 1990s Cro-
atia – the HSP, established its own ruthless paramilitary party’s militia in 1991 under
the name of the Croat Defense Forces (the HOS) with using all kinds of the WWII
Ustashi regime insignia followed by several similar militia detachments by the other
Croat ultranationalistic organizations. The Croatian state army (the HV) was, nev-
ertheless, during the 1990s under direct influence and control by the most extrem-
ist wing of the ruling HDZ that successfully cooperated with the HOS and the other
Croat paramilitaries in the West Herzegovina and the North and Central Bosnia in the
military actions of ethnic cleansing of the Orthodox Serbs and the Muslim Bosniaks.34
The eminent militarization of the ethnic Croat society in the 1990s was in direct
coordination with the fundamental task of all Croatia’s Croat ultranationalists that all
other rights and duties of the society have to be put in the service of the state inter-
ests. As all ultranationalistic segments of the ethnic Croat society in Croatia fought
for an independent and pure ethnic Croat Croatia, the ultimate ethno-political goal
of them was to mobilize all ethnic Croats for the execution of the final solution of the
“Serb Question” in a Greater Tito-Tudjman’s Croatia. Therefore, the authoritarian
political system and government based on the absolute HDZ’s majority in the Parlia-
ment were necessary in order to achieve this goal. As an example, the experience of
the Latin American dictatorships in the 1970s and the 1980s of a centralized politi-
cal system, strong military-police forces, oppressed freedom of the mass-media, and
above all a silent opposition were activated. A parliamentary multi-party democra-
cy became just a façade of a classical Latin American dictatorship35 as a western par-
liamentary democracyy36 was understood as a harmful experiment for the realization
of the Croat ethno-political goals primarily against the Serbs.
34
For instance, in the case of the village of Ahmici in the Lashva Valley (the Vitez municipality) on April
16th, 1993 when around 120 Bosniaks were massacred by the forces of the Croat Defense Council (Ch. R.
Shrader, The Muslim-Croat Civil War in Central Bosnia: A Military History, 1992−1994, College Station,
Tex., 2003, 92−95).
35
On the Latin American dictatorships, see: S. Mainwaring, A. Pérez-Liñán, Democracies and Dictatorships
in Latin America: Emergence, Survival,l and Fall, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013; J. Dávila,
Dictatorship in South America, Chichester: Wiley−Blackwell, 2013; J. A. Galván, Latin American Dictators
of the 20th century: The Lives and Regimes of 15 Rulers, Jefferson, NC−London: McFarland & Company,
Inc., Publishers, 2013.
36
On democracy, see: B. Crick, Democracy: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford−New York: Oxford
University Press, 2002; Ch. Tilly, Democracy, Cambridge−New York: Cambridge University Press,
The alternative to the parliamentary democracy was only a one-party’s dictator-

ship that could save Croat national interests from the destructive nature of the par-
liamentarianism. Subsequently, in the 1990s it was established in Croatia a HDZ’s
one-party political system with strong cult of leadership of the President Dr. Fran-
jo Tudjman, who was seen in the eyes of the right-wing political structures as a po-
litical reincarnation of the WWII NDH’s führer, Ante Pavelic.37 Tudjman, as an
inviolable dictator of Croatia, was even proclaimed by some of the HDZ’s mem-
bers and other right-wing followers as a “Father of the Homeland” like by Hrvoje
Shoshic who was a leader of the Croat Party (the HS) and a MP.38 In essence, the
Croat extremists only declaratively supported liberal democratic institutions while
in the practice rejected them as the political framework within which the national
goals are going to be achieved. However, a formal support for the liberal democra-
cy and its political institutions were of the very practical nature to present a newly
independent Croatia as a western-type democratic political system in contrast to
Miloshevic’s Serbia as an expression of the Balkan/Oriental political autocracy and
cultural barbarism. Hence, the HDZ’s Croatia pretended to present herself as a last
bulwark of the European civilization and values in the South-East Europe. Never-
theless, in the practice, the HDZ functioned in all ways that undermined a real de-
mocracy even to a greater extent than Miloshevic’s regime in Serbia at the same
time. The extremist wing within the HDZ, including and Tudjman himself,f open-
ly used all kind of mechanisms of political opression against the opossition that was
proclaimed as the enemy of the Croat nation and Croatia and collaborators with the
„Serbo-Chetnik aggressors“. As in many cases of personal dictatorship, Tudjman as
well saw himself as a personalization of the state and state institutions. In the other
words, he attempted to equating his own personality with the survival of Croatia.
As the oposition leaders and party’s members have been constantly under the phys-
ical and psychological intimidation as the „betrayers“ of Croatia it was created very
inhospitable political atmosphere for any sincere democratic talks and exchange of
the views. Surely, Tudjman’s regime in Croatia was much more effective in silenc-
ing its own opossition than Miloshevic’s regime in Serbia. It is visible at least from
the fact that in Tudjman’s Croatia there was no single mass-meeting of the oposi-
2007; J. B. Pilet, W. P. Cross (eds.), The Selection of Political Party Leaders in Contemporary Parliamentary
Democracies: A Comparative Study, New York: Routledge, 2014.
37
It is known that Tudjman did not oppose often practice of the Nazi salutation to him as it was, for
instance, in 1995 on the football stadium in Split (Poljud) [ J. Guskova, Istorija jugoslovenske krize
(1990−2000), 2, Beograd: Izdavački grafički atelje “M”, 2003, 418].
38
According to Tanjug, 1995-05-21.
tion against the regime differently to Serbia under Miloshevic’s strong hands. The
latter finally and lost power exactly after the mass-protests in Belgrade on October
5th, 2000 (the first „Colored Revolution“ in Europe).
Tudjman’s authoritarian dictatorship was especially hostile towards the opposi-
tion press that was considered as a fifth colomn in Croatia. The opposition journal-
ists were accused for irresponsible (miss)usage of their freedom of expression. As a
metter of fighting against the opposision press, it was introduced a special (illlegal)
taxation of independent weekles but primarily of the most anti-regime’s newspaper
– the Feral tribune from Split.39 During the election campaignes, the opposition par-
ties were denied equal and full access to the state-controlled press and TV, likewise
in Serbia, and therefore violating one of the fundamental elements and conditions
of the parliamentary democracy. Hence, the electoral results theoretically were not
fair what does not mean that a majority of the ethnic Croats from Croatia would not
vote for the HDZ in the case of fair electoral campaign. Similarly to all totalitarian
regimes, the HDZ’s controlled Parliament passed a special law (in the spring 1996)
for „defamation“ against the state officials. However, such or similar law did not ex-
ist in Miloshevic’s Serbia. Tudjman’s personal efforts to make stronger his own po-
litical (authoritarian) position in Croatia at any cost of liberal democratic institu-
tions are obvious and very similar to his counterpart in Serbia in the 1990s with one
difference: Tudjman was more successful in destroying liberal democracy in Croa-
tia in comparison to Miloshevic’s efforts to do the same in Serbia.
For the HDZ’s political leadership, „without Franjo Tudjman there would be no
HDZ and without the HDZ there would be no Croatia“.40 It is clear that Tudjman’s
party attempted to equating itself with the creation and survival of the post-Yugo-
slav Croatia while Tudjman himself attempted to personalize the institution of the
presidency. Any opposition to himself or his political party were seen as the opposi-
tion to Croatia as the stare and the Croats as the nation that is probably mostly visi-
ble from the fact that Tudjman as a President of Croatia refused to ratify electoral re-
39
The Feral tribune was the most important Croatia’s newspaper that was writing about the terrible
war crimes committed by the regular Croatian police forces against the Serb civilians during the bloody
destruction of Yugoslavia. For instance, it was published an interview with Miro Bajramovic, who was a
member of the First Zagreb police detachment for the special tasks (the „Autumn Rains“ detachment)
in the autumn 1991. Bajramovic recognized that he personally killed at that time 72 persons including
9 women in the region around the town of Pakrac in Slavonia [Feral tribjun, Split, 1997-09-01]. About
the Croat crimes against the Serbs was writing as well Croatia’s newspaper Arkzin which, for instance,
publish in July 1994 a list of 75 killed Serbs from the town of Gospic in the Krajina region [S. Kovačević,
P. Dajić, Hronologija jugoslovenske krize 1994, Beograd: Institut za evropske studije, 1995, 127].
40
Novi list, 1995-10-15.
sults for the Zagreb municipality’s mayor in 1995 as the opposition leader won under
the excuse that Croatia’s capital cannot be in the hands of the enemies of Croatia.41
Territorial imperialism of the HDZ’s Croatia
The fact was that all ultranationalistic parties and organizations in the 1990s
struggled for creation of a Greater Croatia according to the principle of the ethno-
graphic, historical and even natural rights. In all of those concepts, Bosnia-Herze-
govina was seen as an integral part of the united Croatia. There were, in principle,
two concepts of the united Croatia:
1. A minimal concept of Croatia within the borders of the Banovina Hrvatska as

it was in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in 1939−1941 (when a Greater Croatia
as a separate and autonomous administrative territory became a state within a
state).42
2. A maximal concept of Croatia within the borders of the WWII NDH in
1941−1945 that included all Bosnia-Herzegovina and parts of Serbia inhabit-
ed by 6.663.157 citizens of whom 1/3 were the Orthodox Serbs.43
The cardinal point of the question of Croatia’s state borders involves Bosnia-Her-
zegovina as indivisible part of any kind of the “natural Croatia”. All existed differenc-
es between the Croats and the Bosnian-Herzegovinian Muslims were considered as
artificial and created by the Yugoslav authorities. The Muslims in Bosnia-Herzegov-
ina were declared as the “purest Croats” according to the WWII Ustashi ideological
pattern. In general, for the Croat politicians, academicians and public workers, the
41
Р. Арсенић, „Остварени сви циљеви“, Политика, Београд, 1995-12, 7.
42
The Banovina Hrvatska had a territory of 65.456 square km. with 4.024.601 inhabitants according to
the 1931 census. It was composed by 70.1 percent of the Croats, 19.1 percent of the Serbs, 3.6 percent
of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian Muslims (today the Bosniaks) and 7.2 percent of the others (mainly the
Germans and the Hungarians). It consisted the territories of Croatia proper, Slavonia, the West Srem,
Dalmatia, Dubrovnik, the West Herzegovina, the parts of the Central Bosnia and the parts of the North
Bosnia [S. Srkulj, J. Lučić, Hrvatska Povijest u dvadeset pet karata. Prošireno i dopunjeno izdanje, Zagreb:
Hrvatski informativni centar, 1996, 101−103]. The Banovina Hrvatska was created under the British
diplomatic pressure to solve the “Croat Question” in Yugoslavia before the German aggression. The final
political agreement on the creation of Banovina Hrvatska and her borders was reached by two Yugoslav
politicians – one Croat (Vlatko Machek, a leader of the Croat opposition) and one Gypsy/Roma (Dragiša
Cvetković, a Yugoslav Prime Minister). The ethnic Serb politicians did not participate in the negotiations
on the agreement and strongly opposed it.
43
In the eyes of some Croat ultranationalists, even the Bay of Kotor in Montenegro as well Bachka and
Sanjak from Serbia were seen as the parts of the ethnohistorical Croatia.
Drina River was a demarcation line between the civilization and the barbarism, or
between Europe and the Orient. The Serbs were considered as the proponents of
the Byzantine-Ottoman Oriental anti-European culture, while the Croats and Slo-
venes were saw as the last bulwark of the European civilization in front of the Ori-
ental primitivism. For all Croat nationalists, the Drina River was and is the border
that the Serbs must not be allowed to cross as well the border of the “natural Croa-
tia”. In some conceptions of the ultraterritorial enlargement of Croatia, the territory
of Serbia had to be restricted to the area around Belgrade only.44 Nevertheless, Bos-
nia-Herzegovina and Croatia were considered as the same land, people and blood of
the same nation. Therefore, Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina have to be united into
a single national state of the ethnic Croats. Croatia’s unification with Bosnia-Herze-
govina was explained by ethnic, historical economic and even civilizational reasons
as the historic mission of the Croat nation was seen to defend Europe from the Ori-
ental despotism, i.e. from Serbia and the Serbs.
It is known and proved that Tudjman had a set of secret negotiations with Milo-
shevic to divide Bosnia-Herzegovina between Serbia and Croatia. Hence, the Day-
ton Accords on November 21st, 1995 on the final division of Bosnia-Herzegovina
according to the mathematical formula of 51/49 percent can be seen as a practical
implementation of their secret agreement sponsored by the U.S. administration of
Bill Clinton.45 A creation of an ethnically pure Croat portion of Bosnia-Herzegovi-
na was a part of this Tudjman-Miloshevic’s deal and in order to achieve this goal the
Croats practiced in 1993−1994 the policy of ethnic cleansing of the West Herze-
govina and a part of the Central Bosnia within the territory of the Croat-proclaimed
Herzeg-Bosnia with the capital in Mostar on the Neretva River.46 The Croat-Mus-
lim civil war in Bosnia-Herzegovina was halted in the spring of 1994 just due to the
U.S. ultimatum to Zagreb: in order to liquidate the Republic of Serb Krajina and to
reintegrate it into Croatia the Croats had to unite their military forces in Bosnia-Her-
zegovina against the Serbs. Therefore, it was agreed in March 1994 a creation of the
Croat-Muslim federation in Bosnia-Herzegovina that was advocated by Washington
44
Profil, 1992-08-03.
45
On the Dayton Accords, see: D. Chollet, The Road to the Dayton Accords: A Study of American Statecraft,
New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2005.
46
The “Croat Community of Herzeg-Bosnia” (the HZHB) was proclaimed on July 3rd, 1992 that is three
months after the outbreak of the civil war in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The Herzeg-Bosnia became in fact a
“South Croatia” and just formally part of Bosnia-Herzegovina [ J. Guskova, Istorija jugoslovenske krize
(1990−2000), 1, Beograd: Izdavački grafički atelje “M”, 2003, 368−369]. However, the HZHB was on
August 28th, 1993 proclaimed as the Croat Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia (the HRBH) with political aim
to be united with the Republic of Croatia.
(the Washington Framework Agreement). In practice, even today, the Croat con-
trolled part of Bosnia-Herzegovina is not under a virtual administration by the cen-
tral authorities of Bosnia-Herzegovina in Sarajevo similar to the case of the Repub-
lic of Srpska. Nevertheless, Tudjman’s policy of the division of Bosnia-Herzegovina
with the Serbs was opposed by all kinds of the Ustashi groups either in Croatia or
Bosnia-Herzegovina as for them a whole territory of Bosnia-Herzegovina was indi-
visible part of a Greater Croatia as a national state of all and only ethnic Croats in-
cluding and the Bosnian-Herzegovinian Muslims who were ideologically consid-
ered as the ethnohistorical Croats as well. The Ustashi organizations and parties
advocated a common Croat-Muslim combat against the Serbs in Bosnia-Herzegov-
ina but only after the creation of ethnically pure Croat Herzeg-Bosnia. In principle,
they opposed the Dayton Accords as this agreement gave to Serbia a real possibili-
ty to cross the Drina River.
The “Serb Question” and its final solution
Undoubtedly, a question of the Serb existence on the “ethnohistorical” lands of

the Croat nation was at least during the last hundred years a very fundamental ele-
ment of any ultraright Croat ideology, party, organization or movement, but above all
of the Ustashi, as the Orthodox Serb were seen and declared as the most dangerous
“natural enemy” to both Croatia and the Croat people. The Anti-Serbism became,
however, the main cornerstone of making the Croat national unity and gathering all
Croats around a common focus of ethnopolitical coherence.47 The Serbs were ac-
cused for the territorial expansionism, occupation of the Croat land and its exploita-
tion at the time of the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (1918−1929), the
Kingdom of Yugoslavia (1929−1941) and the Socialist Yugoslavia (1945−1991) as
all of these three multiethnic states were proclaimed as a Greater Serbia. The Serbs
and Serbia were seen as the main cause of all Croatia’s misfortunes and above all as
the only obstacle for Croatia’s independence.48 The Croatia’s Government together
with other right-wing nationalistic structures tried from the very beginning of the
preparations for the proclamation of the new independence of Croatia in 1991 (the
second Independent State of Croatia) formally, but unsuccessfully, to convince the
Serbs and Serbia that there was no real “Serb Question” in Croatia and that the Serbs
47
The same ethnopolitical role of national coherence played anti-Semitism in the ideology of the Nazi
Germany. In the Croat case, the anti-Semitism was not important factor in the ultranationalist ideology,
at least up to the WWII.
48
For instance, see: J. Jareb, Pola stoljeća hrvatske politike: Povodom Mačekove autobiografije, Zagreb:
Institut za suvremenu povijest, 1995, V−X.
had nothing to fear in independent and democratic post-Yugoslav Croatia. However,

for the majority of Serbs from both sides of the Drina River it was completely clear
that a new independent Croatia will be just a replica of the WWII Nazi-Ustashi In-
dependent State of Croatia in regard to the “Serb Question” just covered by declar-
ative and formal democracy. It was visible for them either from the practical reha-
bilitation of the NDH in Tudjman’s Croatia and the harsh anti-Serb rhetoric by the
officials or from the very fact that no one political party or official in Croatia did
not want to discuss with the Serbs about their cultural and/or political autonomy.
A policy of opposing and hating the Serbs in the HDZ’s Croatia had political,
confessional and moral connotation. To fight “natural enemies” was all the time one
of the fundamental requirements of any nationalistic ideology. Hence, the nation-
al education system has to be rearranged on this way to teach the nation who, and
why, is the national enemy and how the nation has to struggle against the enemy. In
the case of Tudjman’s Croatia, the main national enemy ware proclaimed to be the
Serbs. Subsequently, the Serb traces in Croatia had to be erased by different tech-
niques including the ban of Cyrillic alphabet or cleansing Croatia’s libraries from the
Serb authors. Nevertheless, a public vilification of the Serbs as a nation in Croatia
had and its own racial dimension as it was exactly during the existence of the WWII
NDH. Probably the most racist MP from the HDZ – Shime Djodan, made a very
abusing remark on the Serb physiognomy during his speech in the Parliament. Usu-
ally, the Serbs were considered as a racially inferior having the “Byzantine” or/and
“Turkish” blood as it was noticed, for instance in 1995, by the HDZ’s member An-
ton Vrdoljak, head of Croatia’s Radio Television (the HRT).49 The political conse-
quences of a Croat nationalistic picturing of the Serbs as a root of all evil in Croatia
lead the nationalists to require the maximal restriction of political rights of the Serbs
in Croatia including and the right to citizenship and therefore to vote. Such calling
for political discrimination on the ethnic basis was, however, formally not present-
ed in the official party’s statutes in which there was a proclamation of no discrimi-
nation on the basis on the national identity, as it was the case, for instance, with the
HSP.50 A leader of this party, Ante Djapic was quite clear about the position of the
Serbs in the post-Yugoslav Croatia: “[the Serbs should] either bow down or get out
of the way”.51 Subsequently, all Croat nationalists firmly opposed any kind of politi-
cal negotiations with Croatia’s (Krajina) Serbs, rejected their representation in the
Parliament and arguing that the Serb Orthodox Church in Croatia has to be abol-
49
Foreign Broadcast Information Service, Daily Report: Eastern Europe, 1995-08-10.
50
Temeljna načela i statut, Hrvatska stranka prava, 1991-02-24.
51
Interview with Ante Djapic, Glas Slavonije, 1995-08-19.
ished and instead of it the Orthodox Church of Croatia should be established (like
in the WWII NDH). Since the Croat military-police operation “Oluja” (Storm) of
ethnic cleansing of the Krajina Serbs in August 1995, all Croat nationalistic parties,
including above all the ruling HDZ, did everything in order to prevent the return
of the Serb refugees (about 250,000)52 to their homes. In order to achieve this goal,
usually three methods were used: 1. Demolition of the Serb houses; 2. Public an-
nouncing the Serb names as wanted war criminals; and 3. Physical attacking, or even
killing, the Serb refugees.
Nevertheless, either the HDZ or other right-wing Croat parties never recog-
nized the mass exodus of Krajina Serbs from Croatia in August 1995 as the ethnic
cleansing as for them it was rather a free choice of homeland as it was officially stat-
ed by the President Franjo Tudjman. The official Croatia as well never recognized
the existence of the concentration camps for the Serbs in the 1990s on the territory
of Croatia like it was in the Pakrac poljana, around Gospic, and in Sisak.53 According
to the Croat nationalists, the problem of depopulated parts of Croatia (once inhab-
ited by the Serbs) after August 1995, should be solved by housing the ethnic Croat
diaspora and the Croat refugees. That was exactly the best option of the final solu-
tion of the “Serb Question” in Croatia which mostly satisfied Franjo Tudjman who
when he took his “freedom train” on August 26th, 1995 from Zagreb to Split via de-
populated Krajina region said that the Serbs: “had disappeared ignominiously, as if
they had never populated this land. We urged them to stay, but they didn’t listen to
us and, well bon voyage”.54 Regardless that the HSP urged the Government to intro-
duce a special legislation on restricting the return of the Serb refugees, it was, nev-
ertheless, activated a law according to which the refugees had right to reclaim their
property during the three-month period. That was a legal mechanism used in order
not to create real conditions for the Serb refugees to return back. Therefore, the “Serb
Question” in Tudjman’s Croatia was solved on the way that today there are only 4
percent of the Serbs out of total Croatia’s population in comparison to 12 percent
52
В. Ђ. Мишина (уредник), Република Српска Крајина: Десет година послије, Београд: Добра воља,
2005, 48.
53
J. Guskova, Istorija jugoslovenske krize (1990−2000), 1, Beograd: Izdavački grafički atelje “M”, 2003,
223.
54
J. A. Irvine, “Ultranationalist Ideology and State-Building in Croatia, 1990−1996”, Problems of Post-
-Communism, July/August 1997, 40. It is clear from the transcripts of the meeting between Croatia’s
Government and military officials at Brioni just before the operation “Storm” started that Tudjman’s
requirement was that the Serbs have to disappear from Croatia [http://www.nspm.rs/dokumenti/
tudjmanovi-brionski-transkripti-udariti-srbe-da-nestanu.html].
according to the 1991 census.55 The task from 1991, when Croatia’s governmental
forces started the war against their own citizens of the Serb origin,56 was finally real-
ized in August 1995: the Serbs who remained in Croatia became politically not dan-
gerous and under complete governmental control and served as a proof to the inter-
national community that Croatia is formally multiethnic society.
Against the western liberalism for conservative order
The Croat ultranational parties and other organizations expressed a visible form
of anomaly in their ideological and programmatic concepts as on the one hand pro-
moted an idea of protection of the West European culture and civilization but at the
same time, on the other hand, expressed a great extent of suspicion and even hos-
tility towards the western liberalism.57 The western liberalism, in their opinion, was
speaking in the favor of an individual, his/her freedom, rights and prosperity but not
in the favor of a nation and national interest. As for all ultranationalists, a nation was
über alles and therefore any ideology that was not speaking primarily in the favor of
a nation was not acceptable and even seen as destructive since only the particular-
ity of the nation is giving a real meaning to the life of the individual. A destructive
nature of the western liberalism was primarily seen in regard to the liberal approach
toward the family question as the ultranationalists reject the liberal emphasis on in-
dividual freedom of choice and rights and on personal benefits from such choice.
What they support instead of liberal ideology of personal free choice is an ideolo-
gy which is advocating the promotion of welfare of the nation and realization of the
national state policy. As for the Croat ultranationalists the main problem and ob-
stacle for prosperity of Croatia and Croats were the Serbs, their requirement for de-
mographic renewal of the Croat nation was politically pointed against the Serbs. Ba-
sically they adopted a demographic (boom) policy of Kosovo Albanians after the
WWII in their fight against the local Serbs. For the Croat ultraright parties, a family
structure has to be framed within the conservative-patriarchal order as the best way
to biologically increase the population of the ethnic Croats as, for instance, Franjo
55
On the present-day territory of Croatia there were 24 percent of the Serbs before the WWII.
56
That Croatia’s Government launched the war against the Serbs in 1991 in order to provoke them is
confirmed by Tudjman’s first minister of police, Josip Boljkovac in his interview in 2014 [http://www.
jugoslavologija.eu/2014/12/24/tudmanov-ministar-priznao-prvi-smo-napali-srbe-da-bi-poceo-rat/].
57
On the western liberalism, see [L. Mises, Liberalism in the Classical Tradition, San Francisco, California:
Cobden Press, 1985; E. Fawcett, Liberalism: The Life of an Idea, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press,
2014; M. Freeden, Liberalism: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2015].
Tudjman stated in one of his speeches in the Parliament.58 Subsequently, in order to

ensure a higher rate of the ethnic Croat population growth, the abortion was seen
as a national suicide. Such clear calling for national duties instead of individual right
of free choice was a direct rejection of the West European liberal political founda-
tion of the society and state.
The HDZ’s economic policy was as well framed for the sake to subordinate state
economy to state-building task. For that reason, the members of HDZ supported an
idea and practice of significant state ownership that was also in odd to the western
liberalism. However, in the HDZ’s Croatia a process of corruption and taycooniza-
tion of economic resources and infrastructure by well-placed HDZ’s political leaders
was well-known practice which led to their personal and family enrichment.
As a part of anti-liberal policy, the liberal-democratic notion of the citizenship
was crucially challanged by the HDZ’s rulling authority as the voting rights for the
state and the other public officials became based on the ethnic (Croat) background
rather than on the residence criteria. Therefore, it was practically reserved twelve
seats in Croatia’s Parliament for the ethic Croat diaspora for the very reason that the
HDZ was and is traditionally supported by the Croat diaspora especially from Bos-
nia-Herzegovina. The citizenship law was also changed in the favor of the ethnic
Croat diaspora as Croatia was proclaimed as the motherland of all ethnic Croats.59
However, a similar ethno-citizenship/voting law in Miloshevic’s Serbia was never in-
troduced at least for the very political reason that the Serb diaspora in the West op-
posed his policy as anti-Serbian. In the other words, Miloshevic’s Serbia was seen,
by the Constitution, as a homeland of all her inhabitants, rather than only of all eth-
ic Serbs wherever they live.
Probably, the HDZ’s deny of any kind of the regional autonomy in Croatia was
the expression of the policy of anti-liberal democracy concept of minority rights.
Therefore, the regional parties of Istria, (the Serb populated) Krajina and Dalma-
tia suffered mostly from such policy of a brutal centralization of Croatia. However,
in Miloshevic’s Serbia, two regions of Vojvodina and Kosovo-Metochia enjoyed at
least ethno-cultural regional autonomy if not political one as it was fixed at the time
of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia according to the 1974 Constitution
(up to 1989).
58
F. Tudjman, S vjerom u samostalnu Hrvatsku, Zagreb: Narodne novine, 1995, 79−90.
59
On the concept of citizenship, see: W. Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of
Minority Rights, Oxford−New York: Oxford University Press, 1995; R. Bellamy, Citizenship: A Very Short
Introduction, Oxford−New York: Oxford University Press, 2008; É. Balibar, Citizenship, Cambridge, UK−
Malden, USA: Polity Press, 2015. The same citizenship concept, for example, is accepted by all three
Baltic States after the collapse of the Soviet Union: Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.
In general, the Croat ultranationalists were against the basic values of the west-
ern liberalism but also and against many segments of the western culture especial-
ly of the U.S. as they perceived such culture as an attempt to destroy the authentic
values of the Croat nation. The West became accused and for the attempts to un-
dermine the independence of Croatia and even to recreate some form of the Yugo-
slav (or Balkan) confederation with the Serbs and Serbia. Therefore, the U.N.’s UN-
PROFOR’ R s detachments, deployed on the territory of the Republic of Serb Krajina
(as the U.N.’ protection zone) were called to be removed from the territory of Cro-
atia as the main obstacle for her territorial reunification. Nevertheless, Croatia be-
came finally reunited within the borders of a Greater Croatia of Josip Broz Tito after
the WWII when Croatia’s military and police reoccupied the territory of Krajina in
August 1995 under the blessing of both the U.S.’s administration and the UNPRO-
FOR’R s command. Therefore, for the Croat ultranationalists the suspicions of possi-
ble Western designs to recreate a form of Yugoslavia disappeared after the operation
“Storm” but their suspicions to the Western political liberalism and cultural and so-
cial values of the liberal ideology are present up today.
Conclusion
The internal and external destruction of the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s
was celebrating in 2015 its 20th years of anniversary. However, this historical event
still needs a satisfactory research approach in regard to the true geopolitical reasons
and political-military course of the destruction of this South Slavic and Balkan state.
During the last quarter of century, the (western) global mainstream media and ac-
ademia unanimously accused Serbia and the Serbs for the national chauvinism as
the main cause of the bloody wars on the territory of ex-Yugoslavia in the 1990s.60
However, the role and direct impact of the other Yugoslav republics and nations in
the process of killing the common state was not taken (purposely) into the consid-
eration; especially of the Croats and Croatia as the biggest nation and republic af-
ter the Serbs and Serbia. This article is an attempt to contribute to the full-scale of
understanding of the process of destruction of the former Yugoslavia taking into ac-
count a role of the Croats and Croatia.
Franjo Tudjman’s authoritarian regime in Croatia and the territorial expansion-
ist policy of his HDZ’s ruling party during the bloody destruction of the former Yu-
goslavia in the 1990s were not noticed at all by the western politicians, academicians
60
For instance [L. Silber, A. Little, Yugoslavia: Death of a Nation, London: Penguin Books, 1997; L. Sell,
Slobodan Milosevic and the Destruction of Yugoslavia, Durham−London: Duke University Press, 2003].
and the global mass-media who, in contrast, accused “dictator”-President of Serbia

Slobodan Miloshevic (a “Balkan butcher”) for the policy of creation of a Greater Ser-
bia, Serbia’s aggression on Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina and later for the practice
of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo-Metochia. However, the main causer of the destruc-
tion of ex-Yugoslavia was not Slobodan Milosevic but rather Dr. Franjo Tudjman in
Croatia who introduced tougher dictatorship than Miloshevic in Serbia with the fun-
damental political goal to establish ethnically pure a Greater Croatia within the eth-
nohistorical borders of the Croat nation as proclaimed by the ultranationalist Croat
ideologists in the 19th and the 20th century. His efforts in the process of state-build-
ing of Croatia in the 1990s were aimed to nationalize the state in which the political
and cultural dominant position of the ethnic Croats has been reserved. In essence,
after the 1990 elections in Croatia a new political leadership adopted a state-build-
ing form and methods which have been crucially against the process of real democ-
ratization of political life and society in this ex-Yugoslav republic. Their ideology
and implementation strategy was derived from the 19th and 20th century Croat ultra-
nationalism and legitimized by appropriating the symbols and iconography of the
most extremist and even Nazi-Fascist (the Ustashi) Croat nationalistic movements.
The ultraright-wing ideology on which the state-building process was execut-
ed in Croatia in the 1990s was fundamentally anti-liberal and above all anti-Serb. In
order to solve, as proclaimed, the most important problem in Croatia – the “Serb
Question”, Croatia’s authorities privileged national (ethnic Croat) rights over the
individual rights, ethnic (Croat) state over the civic multicultural society and polit-
ical authoritarianism instead of institutional democracy. As the Croat ultranation-
alistic ideology was and is based on the both ethnic and historic rights of the Croats
for the sake to create a united Greater Croatia, a direct involvement of the regular
Croatia’s military forces alongside with the ethnic Croat paramilitary militia in the
civil war in Bosnia-Herzegovina against the Serbs and Muslim Bosniaks was inevita-
ble. The ethnic cleansing of certain Bosnian-Herzegovinian territories (a Croat pro-
claimed the “Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia”) by the Croat forces, directly or indirectly
sponsored by the Government in Zagreb, was done for the very purpose to finally
include those territories into ethnically pure Greater Croatia.
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1992−1994, College Station, Tex., 2003.
B. Tošović, A. Wonisch, (eds.), Die serbische Sichtweise des Verhältnisses zwischen dem
Serbischen, Kroatischen und Bosniakischen, I/4, Novi Sad: Institut für Slawistik
der Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz−Beogradska knjiga, 2012.
B. M. Lituchy (ed.), Jasenovac and the Holocaust in Yugoslavia: Analyses and Survivor
Testimonies, New York: Jasenovac Research Institute, 2006.
B. J. Fischer (ed.), Balkan Strongmen: Dictators and Authoritarian Rulers of Southeast
Europe, London: C. Hurst & Co. (Publishers) Ltd, 2006.
B. Crick, Democracy: A Very Short Introduction, Oxford−New York: Oxford Univer-
sity Press, 2002.
A. J. Bellamy, The Formation of Croatian National Identity: A Centuries-Old Dream,
Manchester−New York: Manchester University Press, 2003.
A. Benigar, Alojzije Stepinac hrvatski kardinal, Rim, 1974.
„Brionski transkripti“, Nova srpska politička misao [http://www.nspm.rs/dokumen-
ti/tudjmanovi-brionski-transkripti-udariti-srbe-da-nestanu.html].
Владислав Б. Сотировић
АЛТЕРНАТИВНИ ПОГЛЕД НА РАСТУРАЊЕ

БИВШЕ ЈУГОСЛАВИЈЕ 1990-ИХ
Сажетак: На двадесетогодишњицу окончања грађанског рата на просторима бивше

Југославије (1991.−1945. г.) неопходно је преиспитати стварне узроке и главне кривце
за крваво растурање Југославије како изнутра тако и споља. У западној академској лите-
ратури „либерално-демократске“ провенијенције (исто као и код новинара и политича-
ра) већ 25 година преовлађује црно-бели клише узрока и главних криваца за растурање
Југославије а то су Срби као нација док је једини државник оптужен за њен нестанак та-
дашњи председник Србије и СР Југославије – Слободан Милошевић који је добио епи-
тет „балканског касапина“. Међутим, исти ти академици (као и новинари и политичари)
неполажу нимало пажње на друге како унутрашње тако и иностране узроке и растураче
Југославије, а посебно не на улогу у том процесу од стране Хрватске и њеног ауторита-
тивног и неонацистичко-усташког режима Др. Фрање Туђмана и његове Хрватске демо-
кратске заједнице (ХДЗ), а који су уствари и алфа и омега убијања Југославије 1990-их го-
дина. Као илустрација нам може послужити чињеница да Фрањо Туђман није увршћен у
антологију највећих диктатора Балкана 20-ог столећа редактора Бернда Ј. Фишера (Бал-
кански диктатори: Диктатори и ауторитарни владари југоисточне Европе, Београд: Про-

света, 2009) али јесте Слободан Милошевић. Сходно томе, циљ овог истраживачког члан-
ка је да допринесе расветљавању проблема правих разлога и узрока нестанка Југославије
пре четврт столећа узимајући у обзир као објекат истаживања улогу у овом процесу не-
онацистичко-усташког режима Фрање Туђмана у Хрватској.
Кључне речи: Хрватска, Хрвати, ХДЗ, Фрањо Туђман, усташе, Југославија, Срби

Vol. 8, No. 1 (2017):
( ) 185-190. 185
UDC 398.4(495.2)”21”
Dr Dimitris Petalas1
Hellenic Folklore Society (Athens)
Greece
ZU ZWEI VOLKSGLAUBEN AUF DER

HEUTIGEN PELOPONNES
Zusammenfassung: Die Studie untersucht: A) Die Beziehung des Zählens und Mes-
sens (der Zahl der Schafe, des Gewichts eines neugeborenen Kindes u.a.) mit der Behexung
im ehemaligen Jugoslawien, in Bulgarien und auf der Peloponnes und B) den Volksglauben,
man könne vom Biss der Eidechse nur geheilt werden, wenn der Schrei eines Esels zu hören
ist, in einer serbischen und peloponnesischen Variante.
Schlüsselwörter: Behexung, böser Blick, Bulgarien, Esel, Jugoslawien, Peloponnes, Ser-
bien, Smaragdeidechse, Volksglaube, Zählung.
ИСПИТИВАЊЕ ДВА ПОПУЛАРНА ПРЕЖИВЕЛА

СЛОВЕНСКА ВЕРОВАЊА НА ПЕЛОПОНЕЗУ
Апстракт: Овај чланак испитује два популарна словенска веровања која су прежи-
вела на савременом Пелопонезу и која се могу наћи и у бившој Југославији и (у Бугар-
ској (прво од ова два веровања). Прво, о односу бројања и мерења (број оваца, тежина
новорођенчета, итд.) са врачањем, односно стављањем магије на некога тако што се на
њега баца урокљиво око; и друго, да се од угриза гуштера једино може излечити када се
зачује њакање магарца.
Кључне речи: бацање магије, бројање, магарац, урокљиво око, (зелени) гуштер, Пе-
лопонез, Србија, Југославија, Бугарска
Nicht wenige Volksglauben slawischer Herkunft haben sich bis heute -wenn
auch vom Verschwinden bedroht- im Süden des griechischen Festlands erhalten.
1
dpetalas@otenet.gr
186 | Dimitris Petalas
Zwei davon wurden schon vor einiger Zeit untersucht (in Arkadien die mora2 und
das σμέρδι, σμερδάκι oder σμιρδάκι3), andere sind wohlbekannt (z.B. das Eulenge-
schrei als Vorbote des Todes oder die Feen, die in Form eines Wirbelwinds tanzen
und einem, wenn man nicht aufpasst, die Sprache rauben können).
In dieser kleinen Studie möchte ich die Aufmerksamkeit auf zwei Volksglau-
ben lenken, die noch lebendig sind, aber bisher, soweit mir bekannt, unbeachtet ge-
blieben sind.
A) „Zählen“ als Behexung. Ein gemeinsamer Volksglaube im

ehemaligen Jugoslawien, in Bulgarien und auf der Peloponnes
Fragt jemand auf der Peloponnes einen Hirten, wie viele Schafe er hat, erhält er
höchstwahrscheinlich zur Antwort: „So viele du siehst“; Grund für diese Antwort ist
die Furcht des Hirten, der Fragende könne die Herde mit dem bösen Blick behexen,
wenn er die genaue Anzahl der Tiere erfährt. Als ich vor Jahren eine Nonne in einem
Kloster Arkadiens fragte, wie viele Nonnen dort lebten, vermied sie es beflissen, mir
eine Antwort zu geben. Die Verknüpfung des bösen Blicks mit dem Zählen ist auf
einen alten slawischen Volksglauben zurückzuführen. Im Enzyklopädischen Lexikon
der Slawischen Mythologie4 führt Љубинко Раденковић unter dem Stichwort урок
(=Βehexung, böser Blick) an: „Das Behexen mit dem bösen Blick kann als magische
Handlung der „Trennung und Einsperrung“ der Gestalt des Menschen (des Tieres,
des Fruchtbaums) ins Wort [bes. der Bewunderung, die ausgesprochen wird]5 und
ihre anschließende Aneignung [d.h. dessen, der behext] definiert werden. Mit an-
2
Serbokroatisch mora=Albtraum, Nachtmahr. Mehr dazu s. Laograhia, Bd. XX, S. 330. Das auch in an-
deren slawischen Sprachen anzutreffende Wort (bulg. morá, ukr. móra, russ. kikimora) ist etymologisch
eng mit dem dt. Nachtmahr verbunden, dem e. nightmare und dem frz. cauchemar. Es ist unverändert ins
Deutsche gedrungen, und zwar in Legenden der ehemals deutschen und heute polnischen Gegend um
Posen (Poznan). Das zeigt die Erzählung „Die Mora“ in der Sammlung von Leander Petzoldt Deutsche
Volkssagen, Marix Verlag, Wiesbaden 2007, S. 71
3
<Slaw. sьmrdь=hässlich, schrecklich, stinkend. Spukgeist in Gestalt eines Hundes oder einer Wildkat-
ze, die auf verschiedene Arten den Herden Schaden zufügt (erwürgt Schafe, stiehlt ihre Milch…). In
Abwandlungen des Volksglaubens handelt es sich um die Seele eines ungetauften Kindes, das seinen Na-
men erfahren will und an der Mutterbrust saugt (s. Φαίδων Μαλιγκούδης, Η Θεσσαλονίκη και ο κόσμος
των Σλάβων, Βάνιας, Θεσσαλονίκη 1997, S. 155-157).
4
Светлана М. Толстој - Љубинко Раденковић, Словенска Митологија. Ензиклопедијски Речник, Zep-
ter Book World, Beograd 2001.
5
Das dem “mit dem bösen Blick behexen” entsprechende serbische Verb урећи (<реч=Wort), also et-
was Ähnliches wie das griechische γλωσσοτρώω (=mit der Sprache Unheil bringen), da man glaubt, die
Wirkung des bösen Blicks könne auch von einem völlig gutgemeinten Ausdruck der Bewunderung her-
rühren, es genüge, wenn der Sprechende den bösen Blick habe. Aber auch das Wort урок ist etymolo-
Zu zwei Volksglauben auf der heutigen Peloponnes | 187
deren Worten: Der Behexende entreißt und nimmt [seinem Opfer] ein „Zählmaß“.
Daher erscheint bei den Serben als Synonym des Verbs урећи [=mit dem bösen Blick
behexen, s. Anm. 2] auch промерити [=zählen, vermessen] und Frauen, die behe-
xen, werden промернице [wörtlich=Zählerinnen] genannt. Daher wurde der Na-
me des Kindes geheim gehalten, weil es als sein „Zählmaß“ angesehen wurde; aber
auch die Zahl der Schafe, weil auch die deren Maßeinheit war. Somit wird die magi-
sche Handlung verständlich, bei der ein gerade geborenes Kind auf eine Waage ge-
legt wird, wobei niemand sehen darf,f wie viel es wiegt; das wurde als eine Art Vor-
sichtsmaßnahme für das Baby benutzt, weil so sein Zählmaß geheim blieb und der
Behexer es nicht wegnehmen konnte. Mit der Einsperrung seiner Gestalt ins ausge-
sprochene Wort wird das Lebewesen (Mensch, Tier oder Pflanze) zur Zerstörung
seiner Unversehrtheit gebracht, da es so „gefangen genommen wird“ und auf diese
Weise sogar bis zur Vernichtung getrieben werden kann. Daher auch das russische
Wort für den bösen Blick -порча = [serb.] кварење [=Zerstörung]. Im kroatischen
Zagorje benutzt man statt des Verbs урећи auch обрати [=pflücken, sammeln] mit
der Bedeutung von „die Gestalt wegnehmen, trennen“. Daher glaubt man in Mon-
tenegro (in der Gegend von Куча / Kuča), dass der böse Blick einwirkt, wenn ge-
wisse Einzelpersonen „aus ihrem großen Verlangen heraus sehnsüchtig und lüstern
ein schönes Tier, aber auch Menschen ansehen“; aus dem gleichen Grund zeigt man
-ebenfalls in Montenegro (ehemaliger Bezirk Ријечка / Riječka)- ein gut entwickel-
tes Kind nicht der Öffentlichkeit, weil man fürchtet, „die bösen Mäuler könnten ihm
Unheil bringen und die Augen mit dem bösen Blick es zerreißen“. Man fasste also
die Behexung mit dem bösen Blick als eine Trennung des Inhalts von der Gestalt auf,f
die Gestalt als Träger der Beschaffenheit [d.h. des Wesens der Person, die den bö-
sen Blick erleidet]: das Wort „fällt“ auf die Kreatur, „steht“ auf ihr, entreißt ihr die-
se Beschaffenheit und fliegt zurück zu seinem Urheber. Trennt der Behexer die Ge-
stalt vom Inhalt, gelingt ihm die Zerstörung der Unversehrtheit (d.h. des Opfers);
und genau in diese so zerborstene Unversehrtheit dringen mythische Wesen, die
уроци [wörtlich=Böse Zungen, also Behexer] heißen und sogar den Tod des Men-
schen herbeiführen können“6.
gisch mit реч verbunden. Parallel dazu gibt es allerdings auch das Substantiv злоочник (wörtlich=der
ein böses Auge hat, neidisch ist).
6
Der serbische Text lautet so: Урицање се може дефинисати као магијски поступак “одвајања и за-
тварања” лика човека (стоке, воћке) у реч и његовог присвајања <..>. Другим речима, то је хватање
и одношење нечије “мере”. Зато се, као синоним глагола урећи, код Срба јавља и ознака промери-
ти, а жене које уричу називају се и промернице. Из тих разлога крило се име детета, јер се оно сма-
трало за његову “меру”, крио се и број оваца, јер је и то њихова мера. Стога је разумљива магијска
пракса стављања детета после рођења на кантар, али без гледања колико је оно тешко, која је кори-
шћена као облик његове заштите (јер је на тај начин његова мера остала сакривена и злоочник је не
Aber auch beim Lemma број (=Zahl) des gleichen Lexikons bemerkt Светлана
М. Толстој: “Die Zählung wird oft als gefährliche Handlung verstanden, mit deren
Hilfe man das Objekt der Zählung beherrschen und seinem Willen unterwerfen
kann. Verboten ist z.B. das Zählen der Schafe einer Herde (man glaubt, das könne
etwas Schlimmes auslösen), sowie der in einem Schwarm fliegenden Vögel (diese
könnten ihren Kurs verfehlen), verboten ist das Messen der Länge eines gewebten
Leintuchs u.a.7
Wie mir kürzlich ein bulgarischer Freund aus der Gegend von Смолян / Smol-
jan sagte, weigern sich auch dort die Hirten, die genaue Zahl der Tiere in ihrer Her-
de zu nennen; sie antworten mit Ausflüchten wie „Ich habe sie nicht gezählt“, „Gott
allein weiß es“ o.Ä.
Zum Schluss möchte ich noch kurz bei der Bemerkung von Раденковић bezüg-
lich der Zerstörung -so der Volksglaube- der Unversehrtheit des Opfers der Behe-
xung stehenbleiben, d.h. der Trennung seiner Gestalt von seiner Beschaffenheit und
die Gefangennahme letzterer durch die frevelhafte, da dämonische- Macht des Be-
hexers; ich möchte hier die enge und nicht nur etymologische Beziehung vieler in-
doeuropäischer Sprachen zwischen der Unversehrtheit (die auch als Stärke, Gesund-
heit verstanden wird) und dem Heiligen betonen: Bei Homer z.B. bedeutet ἱερὸς auch
stark („Τροίης ἱερὸν πτολίεθρον“); ähnlich im Deutschen: die Adjektive heil (=gesund,
unversehrt) und heilig haben die gleiche Wurzel. So auch im Englischen die Wörter
whole (=ganz), hale (=gesund, kräftig), to hail (=grüßen in der Bedeutung: ich ent-
biete den Gruß „Sei gesund!“), to heal (=heilen) und holy (=heilig)8. Im Altkirchen-
може однети). “Хватањем лика у реч” долази до нарушавања целокупности бића или растиња, ко-
ји на тај начин бивају “заробљени” а тиме и до њиховог кварења. Отуда и руска ознака за урицање -
порча (“кварење”). У хрватском Загорју, уместо урећи, каже се још и обрати, што би значило “ски-
нути, одвојити лик”. Зато у Црној Гори (Кучи) верују да урок настаје када поједине особе “са своје
лакомости жудно и одвећ лакомо погледају добру животињу, тако и чељад”; из тог разлога, такође
у Црној Гори (некадашња Ријечка нахија) напредно дете нису износили у свет да га гледају, јер су
се бојали да га “зла уста не урекну, или зле очи не разнесу”. Значи, урицање се схватало као раздва-
јање садржаја и форме, а форма је схватана као носилац квалитета: реч “падне” на биће, “стоји” на
њему, узме му квалитет и “одлети” своме власнику. <...> Када злоочник раздвоји садржај и форму,
долази до нарушавања целине, и управо у тако отворену целину улазе митолошка бића која се на-
зивају уроци и која могу да изазову и човекову смрт.
7
Der serbische Text lautet so: Бројање се често схвата као опасна радња, помоћу које је могуће овла-
дати предметом бројања, потчинити га својој вољи. Нпр. забрањује се бројање оваца у стаду (веру-
је се да им се тиме може нанети штета), птица које лете у јату (помрсиће им се пут), забрањује се
мерење дужине изатканог платна и сл.
8
Chambers’s’ Etymological Dictionary of the English Language, W. & R. Chambers, Limited, London, Ed-
inburgh, 1915.
Zu zwei Volksglauben auf der heutigen Peloponnes | 189
slawischen kommt vom Adjektiv cĕlŭ (=gesund, ganz, unversehrt) -etymologisch ver-
wandt mit heil- das Verb cĕlovati (=ich begrüße, küsse die Reliquie eines Heiligen)9.
(Anm.: In der deutschen Übersetzung des serbischen Texts stammen die Erklä-
rungen in eckigen Klammern vom Verfasser).
B) Die Eselsechse
Die oft bis zu 40 cm lange, in Griechenland lebende Smaragdeidechse sieht be-
sonders abstoßend aus; auf der Peloponnes wird sie, soweit ich weiß, „γαϊδουρογ(κ)
ουστέρα“ [gaidurogustéra] („Eselsechse“) genannt, in Thessalien heißt sie
„πρασινογκοστέρα“ [prasinogostéra] („Grünechse“). Abgesehen vom slawischen
Wort für „Eidechse“ im Allgemeinen, das sich in der Sprache des Volkes auf dem ge-
samten griechischen Festland erhalten hat (serb./bulg. гуштер/gušter), ist die oben
erwähnte peloponnesische Benennung von besonderem Interesse, weil sie ein Zeug-
nis für das Überleben (geringfügig abgewandelt) eines alten slawischen Volksglau-
bens darstellt. Die „Eselsechse“ wird nicht wegen ihrer Größe so genannt, sondern
weil sie nach dem Volksglauben den, der von ihr gebissen wird, nicht eher loslässt,
bis ein Eselsgeschrei zu hören ist.
Im Enzyklopädischen Lexikon der Slawischen Mythologie wird unter dem Stichwort
гуштер angeführt, nach dem Volksglauben der Südslawen könne man nur vom Biss
der Eidechse (im Allgemeinen) geheilt werden, wenn man ein Eselsgeschrei verneh-
me. («по веровањима Јужних Словена, човек се неће излечити од уједа гуштера
све док не чује њакање магарца»).
Wie wir sehen, haben sich die Spuren der Slawen, die sich vor ungefähr 1500
Jahren auf der Peloponnes niederließen, bis heute erhalten.
9
Friedrich Kluge, Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache, Walter de Gruyter, Berlin, New York,
1989, Lemma heil.
Dimitris Petalas
EXAMINING TWO POPULAR SLAVIC BELIEFS

IN THE PELOPONNESE OF TODAY
Abstract: The present paper examines two popular Slavic beliefs which have survived in
contemporary Peloponnese and may also be found in former Yugoslavia and (the first of them)
in Bulgaria. Firstly, the relation that counting or calculating something (such as the number
of sheep or the weight of a new-born child, respectively) has to putting someone under a spell
by casting the evil eye on them; and secondly, being bitten by a lizard and being unable to find
relief or cure unless a donkey’s braying is heard.
Keywords: casting a spell, counting, donkey, evil eye, (green) lizard, Peloponnese, pop-
ular belief,f Serbia, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria

Vol. 8, No. 1 (2017):
( ) 191-206. 191
UDC 7.038.53(497.1)
Dr Tanja Zimmermann1
University of Leipzig
Institute of Art History
Germany
BETWEEN NOMADISM AND SEDENTARINESS:

FIGURATION OF SPACE IN LITERARY AND VISUAL
CULTURE OF MIGRANT WORKERS FROM YUGOSLAVIA
Abstract: Whereas the exile is associated with high culture and the sublime, non-ma-
terial world, the migrant milieu is linked with low culture and the material, corporeal world,
ruled by money, absorbing and dehumanizing human lives. Migrant workers do not popu-
late imaginative “third worlds”, but material non lieux – transitional places on the brink of
the society without tradition and identity. Although they constantly swing between two
countries, their culture is not perceived as a dynamic, moving one, but as a sedentary one.
Whereas intellectual elites belong at the same time to the culture of home and host land, mi-
grant workers are excluded from both of them, being incompatible even with patriotic con-
cepts of the home land. The paper outlines the main characteristics and modes of represen-
tation of migrant culture on some examples from the visual culture, painting and film from
the former Yugoslavia.
Key words: migrant workers, nomadism, sedentariness, space, visual cultur, Yugoslavia
1. Exile and economic migration: “third world” and “non-place”

Some of the greatest heroes of the intellectual elites from Eastern and Southeast-
ern Europe, such as Vladimir Nabokov, Josef Brodsky, Milan Kundera, Dubravka
Ugrešić, Dragan Velikić and many others, have experienced dislocation, discontinu-
ity, outclassing, estrangement and nostalgia in the course of the 20th century. How-
ever, the most famous of them succeeded in transforming the status of exile into a
“literary condition”. Strategies of not only coping with the reality, but even of trans-
forming their biographical experiences into texts, enabled them to be “at home” –
1
tanja.zimmermann@uni-leipzig.
g de
192 | Tanja Zimmermann
if not in reality, then in fiction.2 Through literary styles of fragmented narration, os-
cillating between different identities, chronotopes and languages, they found a new,
imaginary homeland for their way of an “art of living”. Exile translated a plurality of
cultural identities into labyrinths and phantasmagorias of the world seen through a
multitude of mirrors.3 As Edward Said observes, exile is not only praised as a sublime
state of dissidence and as a literary topos, but it has been raised even to an aesthetic
norm of “nomadic” and “deterritorialized” postmodern writing.4 Elisabeth Bronfen
asserts that exile is not a place without a fatherland, but a “third place” between the
home and the host lands, between the real and an imaginative world.5 If literature
and visual arts describe the wounds of the exile, they do so implicitly by promoting
art as a medicine capable of healing these wounds by means of narration. The expe-
rience of exile is thus transformed into a form of quintessentially aesthetic experi-
ence, compared to the expulsion of the first humans from paradise. Exile becomes
a sort of an unending longing for the vanished Arcadia, which surveyed only in lit-
erature and art.6 Like the concept of mythical Arcadia – a product of fictional liter-
ature and art that offered a counter-image for political reality –, exile offers literary
and visual meta-experience beyond the real experience. Being the epitome of nos-
talgia and suffering, exile has become a land of pleasures of a higher sort: By means
of heroic self-stylization and self-celebration, it is the realm where a man as an au-
thor can realize the aspiration of his narcissism. However it is a masochistic sort of
narcissism that draws its satisfaction from the very experience of abandonment. Ac-
2
Ugrešić, Dubravka (1999). The Writer in Exile. [Online] Available: http://www.kitch.si/
livingonaborder/files/Dubravka%20Ugresic%20-%20The%20Writer%20in%20Exile.pdf (May 30,
2016).
3
Pels, Dick (1999). Privileged Nomads: On the Strangeness of Intellectuals and Intellectuality of
Strangers, Theory, Culture, Society, 16, 63-86; Trepte, Hans Christian (2000). Polnische Exilliteratur
– Sprache und Identität. In: Łukasz Gałecki & Basil Kerski (ed.), Die polnische Emigration und Europa
1945-1990. Eine Bilanz des politischen Denkens und der Literatur Polens im Exil. Osnabrück: Fibre,
247-264; Behring, Eva (2004). Paradigmenwechsel in der Schreibstrategie. Elemente einer Ästhetik
des Exils? In: Eva Behring & Alfrun Kliems & Hans-Christian Trepte (ed.), Grundbegriffe und Autoren
ostmitteleuropäischer Exilliteraturen 1945-1989. Ein Beitrag zur Systematisierung und Typologisierung.
Stuttgart: Steiner, 441-515.
4
Said, Edward E. (2000). Reflections on Exile and Other Essays. Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
173-186.
5
Bronfen, Elisabeth (1993). Exil in der Literatur. Zwischen Metapher und Realität. Arcadia, 28, 167-
183.
6
Iser, Wolfgang (1984). Spencer’s Arcadia. The Interrelation of Fiction and History. In: Mihai Spariosu
(ed.), Mimesis in Contemporary Theory 1. The Literary and Philosophical Debate. Amsterdam,
Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 109-141.
Between Nomadism and Sedentariness: Figuration of Space in Literary
and Visual Culture of Migrant Workers from Yugoslavia | 193
cording to Dubravka Ugrešić, exile is sometimes even glorified as a form of prolonged

tourism, a form of freedom linked to the frontiersmen’s challenges or to the heroes
of road movies – instead of being marked by marginality, necessity and constraint.7
Whereas exile is generally associated with high culture and with a life within
the sublime, non-material world of the text, the milieus of migrant or guest workers
(Gastarbeiter) are generally presented as condemned into the material, corporeal
world, ruled by money, primary instincts and marked by the pressures of low culture.
The migrant worker is stuck into conditions of fatalism, heteronomy and absorption,
which dehumanize or even criminalize his life. If the exiled artist can find a compen-
sation of his humiliated ego by satisfying his narcissism in art, the Gastarbeiter as a
hero of literature, visual art and film can compensate his vexations only through the
symbols of his material status. And instead of sublime literary metaphors, a collo-
quial, vulgar language – or a mixture of languages – describes the spheres of his life.
However, nostalgia is still inscribed into the humble jargons linked to the lower ne-
cessities of human condition. Examples are the Gastarbeiter songg (Gastarbajterska
pesma) by the popular Belgrade rock band Fish Stew (Riblja čorba)8 and drawings by
the Croatian migrant worker, poet and illustrator Dragutin Trumbetaš (*1938) who
left Yugoslavia in 1966 for Frankfurt am Main.9
Osećam se ko poslednje govno

A to skrivam i čuvam ko tajnu
Samo ćutim, a glasno bi psovno
Oj, Frankfurtu, jebem li ti Majnu.
Ne izlazim, samo kući sedim

Vredno šljakam svoje dane radne
Svaku marku gledam da prištedim
Jedva čekam da subota padne.
Kad subotom narodnjaci dođu

Ja na vratu okačim kravatu
7
Ugrešić 1999; Hoffmann, Eva (1998). The New Nomads. The Yale Review, 86, 43-58.
8
For the song see also: Ondrěj, Daniel (2007): Gastarabajteri. Rethinking Yugoslav Economic Migration
towards the European North-West through Transnationalism and Popular Culture. In: Steven. G. Ellis
& Lud’a Klusáková (ed.), Imagining Frontiers, Contesting Identities, Pisa: Pisa University, 287.
9
Trumbetaš, Drago (1995): Gastarbeiter-Gedichte 1969-1980 (Gastarbajterske pesme). Velika Gorica:
Glasnik Turopolja.
Pa izvedem sebe i gospođu

I ponesem celu svoju platu.
Kada čujem zvuke rodnog kraja.

Ja se onda otkačim do jaja
Kad muzika kolce mi zasviri
Praziluk mi iz dupeta viri.
Pijem piće, jedem čevapćiće

Sa košulje pokidam dugmice
Pevaljka se malo razgoliti
Celo društvo markama je kiti ...
U nedelju, u podne se budim

Da se bilo čega setim ja se trudim
Samleven sam ko mleveno meso
A možda sam čak i ženu kreso. 10
I feel like the last shit,

But I hide it and protect it as a secret
I simply keep silent, although I would like to bluster
Oh, Frankfurt, I fuck your Mother.
I don’t go out, I only sit at home

I work hard during the working days
I watch to save every deutschmark
I can hardly wait for Saturday to break away.
When on Saturday then my compatriots arrive

I put on a tie,
I go out with my mistress
And take my full salary with me.
When I hear the sound of my home land

I go totally crazy
10
Riblja čorba, Gastarbajterska pesma (1996). [Online] Available: http://www.songtexte.com/songtext/
riblja-orba/gastarbajterska-pesma-5b971320.html (May 30, 2016).
When the music plays a kolo dance

A leek sticks out of my ass.
I drink, I eat cevapcici.

I tear down the buttons of the shirt
The singer strips a little bit
And the whole society adores her with deutschmarks…
On Sunday at noon I wake up

And I try at least to remember something
I am minced like minced meat
And maybe I even beat a woman.
In contrast to exile culture, Riblja čorba and Trumbetaš describe migrant cul-
ture as characterized by material, consumerist values and split between two worlds
– the ascetic word during the working days and excessive festivities during the week-
ends. Thus, migrant culture is at the same time greedy and wasteful. Its paradox,
ecliptic character is close to the grotesque folkloristic culture of carnival, described
by Mikhail Bakhtin as an extreme form of liberation from the rules of the systems
of power and from the discipline of everyday life.11 Carnival culture does not liber-
ate through sublimation and rejection of the material world, but through excessive
de-sublimation in the midst of the world – in its lower regions, in its entrails. Unlike
exiled dissidents, migrant workers do not populate “third worlds”, transforming the
dark side of life into sublime forms of life-art, but are people inhabiting “non-places”
(non lieux) within the material world. According to Marc Augé, non lieux are transi-
tional places which are not marked by tradition and history, unable to convey iden-
tity.12 Although crowds of people in searching to commercialize their labour meet at
places of transition – travel facilities (waiting rooms, airports, train stations), con-
sumption facilieties (shopping malls, tourist resorts) or provisory dwellings (refugee
camps) – they do not really belong together and remain unlinked by any permanent,
collective identity. Even if they are grouped together, they still feel lonely. Even if
they have to spend a long time in one and the same place, they do not perceive it as
an ambience marked both by tradition and transformation, but as a space stuck in a
11
Bachtin, Michail (1969): Literatur und Karneval. Zur Romantheorie und Lachkultur. München: Hanser;
Bachtin, Michail (1995): Rabelais und seine Welt. Volkskultur als Gegenkultur. ed. Renate Lachmann.
Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp.
12
Augé, Marc (2011). Nicht-Orte. München: Beck, 42, 51, 81-114.
permanent presence and lived as an ahistorical space. The sites of economic migra-
tion, respectively Gastarbeit, defined as the setting of temporary work abroad, can
thus be added to Augé’s non places. Socialized within a particular, occasional com-
munity, migrant workers in literature and visual arts regularly do not inhabit home-
lands, which are linked to a genuine lieu with its history, tradition and identity. Thus,
their homes in their host lands generally remain provisional dwellings such as small,
low-rent apartments, reminding of camping places, barracks and containers. Differ-
ent realms of life such as a kitchen, a sleeping or a sitting room, a bathroom and a
laundry place, are located in the same small space, transforming it into a polyfunc-
tional heterotopia typically seen in Trumbetaš’s drawings.13
In other images, Gastarbeiter wait at a train station, in front of an immigration or

an employment office, if they do not rush to their work early in the morning through
crowded, densely populated and polluted areas. Such spaces express the idea of tran-
sition. It is impossible to arrive at them.
2. Gastarbeiter in socialist Yugoslavia

The euphemism “guest-workers” (Gastarbeiter), which emerged in the course
of the negotiations regarding economic migrants from Yugoslavia to Germany during
the “economic miracle” in 1963–68, emphasized the temporality of their sojourn
abroad and insinuated that they are welcome as guests – but only as guests and there-
fore, for a limited period of their lives.14 For the Germans, the neologism was intro-
duced to avoid the Nazi-terms “forced worker” (Zwangsarbeiter) or “foreign work-
er” (Fremdarbeiter). In Yugoslavia, where unemployment made migration beyond
the borders of the new socialist country necessary, the phenomenon was perceived
at the same time as an unpatriotic and possibly as an anti-communist act.15
13
Foucault, Michael (1990). Andere Räume. In: Karlheinz Barck & Peter Gente, (ed.), Aisthesis.
Wahrnehmung heute oder Perspektiven einer anderen Ästhetik. Leipzig: Reclam, 34-46.
14
Knortz, Heike (2008): Diplomatische Tauschgeschäfte. „Gastarbeiter“ in der westdeutschen Diplomatie
und Beschäftigungspolitik 1953-1973. Köln: Böhlau, 22.
15
Novišćak, Karolina (2007): Der jugoslawische ‘Gastarbeiter-Export‘ auf dem Sonderweg zwischen
Sozialismus und Kapitalismus. In: Silke Flegl & Anne Hartmann & Frank Hoffmann (ed.): Wahl und
Wagnis Migration. Beiträge des Promotionskollegs Ost-West. Berlin, p. 141-161; Brunnbauer, Ulf (2007):
Jugoslawische Geschichte als Migrationsgeschichte (19. und 20. Jahrhundert). In: Ulf Brunnbauer &
Andreas Helmedach & Stefan Troebst (ed.): Schnittstellen. Gesellschaft, Nation, Konflikt und Erinnerung
in Südosteuropa. Festschrift für Holm Sundhaussen zum 65. Geburtstag. München: Oldenbourg, 111-
132; Brunnbauer, Ulf (2009): Labor Emigration from the Yugoslav Region from the late 19th Century
until the End of Socialism: Continuities and Changes. In: Ulf Brunnbauer (ed.): Transnational Societies,
Veljko Bulajić’s film A train without a timetable (Vlak bez voznog reda, 1959)
gives insight into the split perception of migrant workers in Yugoslav of economic
migration policy. The film tells a story about the organized migration of peasants
in socialist Yugoslavia from the beautiful but poor shores of the Dalmatian Adriat-
ic to the rich plain area of Baranja, Vojvodina and Srijem. The old generation does
not want to leave their stony village, where their fathers’ fathers had lived and where
their ancestors are buried. In their local Ikavian dialect, they argue against migration
with an older generation of people who had struggled with the poor conditions of
life in their village – defying hunger and plagues, regardless of the fate of individu-
als or of only one generation. Unwilling to become “gypsies” – their metaphor for
migration – and to go “to the end of the world” – their metonymy for leaving their
birth village, some of them even are reminded of how they had to flee from the Fas-
cists during the Second World War.In the film, Dalmatian peasants are presented as
patriotic, sedentary people, faithful only to their place of birth, untied to the broad
land of multinational socialist Yugoslavia. After having listened to a partisan, a com-
munist leader who had encouraged them to leave, a larger group – mostly young
people, families and widows with children – decided indeed to leave their home-
land. Even some elderly people, for example the grandmother of a family, decide to
join them: in her luggage she has the cross she once had installed on the grave of her
husband. The travel by train is not only a geographic move within space, but also
the mental transfer from the old, paternalistic society into a new, modern and high-
ly mobile world. At the end – and after enduring painful experiences accompanied
by false decisions –, most of the young people find the right partner. Enjoying new
possibilities of emancipation, they free themselves from their past, and from the pa-
triarchal bonds that had marked their adolescence. The birth of a child in the very
moment of their arrival marks the symbolic change from the old into the new world.
At this very moment, the old grandmother carrying the cross from the grave of her
deceased husband dies.
In the film only one person, an orphan who lost his family during the war, de-
cides to travel further on to Paris or even to the United States, far beyond the bor-
ders even of Yugoslav emigration. This young, immature man called Nikolica shows
symptoms of a trauma contracted during the war. He drinks too much, and during
the journey, he tries to bond with several women, unable however to stay faithful to
one of them even for a moment. Ever since his first appearance in the film, he is pre-
sented as not caring about true love or faith. Searching for spectacle and consump-
Transnational Politics. Migrations in the (Post-)Yugoslav Region, 19th-21st century. Munich: de Gruyter,
17-49.
tion, he is forgetful of any real, elementary values. Impressed by what he believes to

be the ethos of capitalist, western society, he only dreams of appearing accompa-
nied by a trophy girl so beautiful that everybody would turn his neck to see her. Not
interested in being loved by an equal partner, he desperately tries to find a woman
prepared to serve him. He believes that this kind of woman can be found in Hunga-
ry or in the nearby Baranja. He also prefers femininely dressed, bourgeois girls from
the city to the working class women who wear trousers, and are uninterested in jew-
elry. Unreliable, he loves dangerous adventures and looks for voyeuristic opportu-
nities. Hidden behind a train, he stares at young women changing their clothes. He
wears a T-shirt with the inscription “Crystal Lake”, the name of a lake in Illinois close
to Chicago, and of the nearby city filled with a great number of migrants who came
from Yugoslavia. By now, Crystal Lake, not the shores of the Adriatic, are the place
of his desires. Unwilling to work as a peasant and be bound to the soil, he wants to
become an engineer or a train driver who has the opportunity to travel and to see
the world, including European metropolises such as Vienna, Rome or Paris. Every
two years, he would like to change his occupation. He first wishes to work as a train
driver, then as an artist, as a sailor or a photographer – all jobs that are connected
with real or imagined travelling and observation. His admiration for the French writ-
er Jules Verne whose book he keeps in his suitcase also alludes to his nomadism, and
to his longings for an adventurous life. In the last scene, we see Nikica alone on a
raft floating in the middle of a foggy river, while his friend Peša is running back over
a soiled field to see his girlfriend. The unreliable one decides for a solitary, nomad-
ic way of life beyond the borders of Yugoslavia, while his more reliable friend finally
chooses a sedentary way of life, living within his family and in the midst of a broad-
er community. Nomadism as opposed to sedentariness is tantamount to consumer-
ism as opposed to a new form of socialist patriotism, still bound to the soil – if not
to the soil of the ancestors, then to the soil of a new promised land of a new society.
In early socialist Yugoslavia, migrant workers, unable to identify with the new, mul-
tinational state, were excluded from the community of a broader homeland.
Consequently, naïve painters – who depicted Yugoslavia during the early social-
ist period as an idyllic chronotope of primordial peasants and workers – presented
the Gastarbeiter as betraying the genuine character of the world that they had left.
Instead of living authentic identities, they try to compensate for what they had lost
through Gastarbeit with excessive public demonstrations, appealing to voyeuristic
instincts easy to impress by spectacles of capitalist consumerism. The naïve painter
Franjo Dugina shows a wedding of Gastarbeiter as an obscene act in a big car staged
for curious neighbors and photographers.
Although naïve, autodidactic painting in Yugoslavia developed already in the
1920s and 1930s, its representatives in the socialist period were eager to fulfill new
functions for Yugoslav patriotism.16 Paintings, like Josip Generalić Wedding tartt (Svat-
bena torta, 1970) with a peasant couple in the middle of idyllic nature, Milena Rašić’s
Sunday (Nedelja, 1969) or Mara Puškarić-Petra’s Sweemer on the river Petrička (Kupači
na Petričkoj, 1977) show their homeland as a paradise for the classless and suprana-
tional “brotherhood and unity”, where the primordial bonds between people are as
intact as the fruits of their work.
All these paintings reveal idyllic, neo-primitive projections of a socialist society
based on its Yugoslav soil. The homeland is presented as a collective idyll, within
which people are united as one big family. Following this pattern, several Yugoslav
migrant novels17 and films, beginning with Krsto Papić’s Special trains (Specialni vla-
kovi, 1972) and Goran Paskaljević’s Beach guard in wintertime (Čuvar plaže u zimnom
periodu, 1976), present Gastarbeiter as excluded from the socialist idyll and living
in-between and always feeling the pain of an incurable wound of belonging neither
to one nor to the other society. Forced to leave their homeland due to bad econom-
ic conditions, they remain split between two worlds and longing for the place they
do not inhabit.18 This pattern has also been adopted in East and West European mi-
grant films in the post-communist period, such as Michael Klier’s The grass is green-
er everywhere else (Überall ist besser,
r wo wir nicht sind, 1989), Paweł Pawlikowski’s Re-
sortt (2001), Lucas Moodysson’s Lilya 4-Everr (2002) and Nariman Tubaraev’s Ticket
to Germany (fr. Les petites gens, russ. Malen’kie ljudi, 2003), which emphasize irratio-
nal, phantasmatic desires for the West, which lures people with false expectations
of richness, self-fulfillment and hapiness.19 Their messag is to stay in the homeland,
where one can find at least modest hapinness.
3. Architecture of nostalgia
In their homeland, on the contrary, migrant workers build luxury houses, which
are destined to represent the emigrant’s economic status as well as to embody the
nostalgia for their homeland and their broader family into architecture. Huge hous-
16
For “naïve” painting in Yugoslavia see: Zimmermann, Tanja (2014). Der Balkan zwischen Ost und
West. Mediale Bilder und Kulturpolitische Prägungen. Köln-Weimar-Wien: Böhlau, 247-256.
17
Examples are novels by the Slovenian writer Anton Ingolič, Where are you, the Lamuts?? (Kje ste,
Lamutovi?, 1958), Heaven over the family house A Chronicle of an emigrant family (Nebo nad domačijo.
Kronika izseljenske družine, 1967) and Swallow over the ocean (Lastovka čez ocean, 1974).
18
Brunnbauer, Ulf (2009). Editorial. In: Ulf Brunnbauer (ed.): Transnational Societies, Transnational
Politics. Migrations in the (Post-)Yugoslav Region, 19th-21st century. Munich: de Gruyter, 7-15.
19
Clarke, David (2005): Going West: Migration and the Post-Communist World in Recent European
Film, Cultural Politics, 1, 279-294.
es often remain empty or unfinished, expecting the imaginary return of their own-
ers after a long Odyssey of migrant lives. Their style is not marked by local tradition,
but by the styles of holyday and wellness architecture or of nouveau riche-building,
combining several styles in an eclectic way. Usually these buildings have at least two
flats, which are decorated with arcades and balustrades, their gates being ornated
with imperial symbols of power such as eagles, lions and other heraldic animals.20
In 2008, the American-Serbian artists Erin Obradović and Marija Đorđević
launched a project about Gastarbeiter houses in which they collected photographs
of prominent homes in the Požarevac area as well as in the region northwestwards
from it (Braničevo, Veliko Gradište, Majilovac, Kurjace, Durakovo, Topolnik, etc.).
They presented the photographs at the exhibition The Return of the Gastarbeit-
ers (Povratak gastarbajtera), which was open for the public from July 22nd to August
10th 2008 in the Art Club in Kučevo.21 Evidently, Obradović and Đorđević were in-
spired by artistic documentations of housings Dan Graham had documented in his
conceptual project Homes for America in 1966-67.22 Graham took pictures of typi-
cal family houses in American suburbs, arranged in minimalist series in rows. Obra-
dović’s and Đorđević’s conceptual work reveals the commercial and somehow cheap-
ish baroque character of Gastarbeiter homes.
In 2011, the Serbian parodist online newspaper News in the Mirrorr (Njuz.net:
Vesti u ogledalu) which entertains its public with fake news, published an article on a
new type of Gastarbeiter house constructed without providing any flats and destined
to destroy the whole architectural canon of Gastarbeiter homes. The entire region of
Negotin, according to the Njuz reporter, was shocked by this decision:
Žitelji Jabukovca preneraženi su potezom njihovog komšije, a ističu da su poče-

li da sumnjaju u njegove dobre namere još od trenutka kada su videli kakvu je
skromnu kapiju napravio. – Odmah se videlo da tu nisu čista posla. Kad dođeš
na kapiju, ni lav da te dočeka, ni labud, ništa. Samo dva siromašna stuba i obič-
na metalna kapija između njih. Đavolja rabota – kaže Lazar Perić, Miloradov
prvi komšija. […] Milorada Gagića posetio je i predsednik opštine Jabukovac
20
Rosner, Thomas (2012): Serbien: Die Paläste der Gastarbeiter, Die Presse. 8 September. http://
diepresse.com/home/panorama/welt/1288073/Serbien_Die-Palaeste-der-Gastarbeiter (May 30, 2016);
Anonymus (2012), Gastarbajterska arhitektura – spratovi, lavovi i nešto roze. [Online] Available: http://
www.tarzanija.com/gastarbajterska-arhitektura-spratovi-lavovi-i-nesto-roze/ (May 30, 2016).
21
Obradovich, Erin & Djordjevic, Marija (2008). Dva sprata, tri sprata. [Online] Available: In: http://
palata.wordpress.com/; http://palata.wordpress.com/return-of-the-gastarbeiters/. (May 30, 2016).
22
Graham, Dan (1967). Homes for America, Arts magazine. December & January, 20-21.
Petrašin Simić, koji kaže da je pokušao da spase čast gastarbajtera ali u tome ni-
je uspeo. – Pokušali smo da sa Gagićem nađemo zajednički jezik i ubedimo ga
da izgradi makar dva sprata i da na ogradu stavi minimalno tri figure životinja ili
makar egipatske ćupove, ali on nije hteo ni da čuje. Čuli smo i da se u Nemačkoj
bavi nekim sumnjivim poslovima, nekakvim dizajnom i hortikulturom, i pret-
postavljamo da je to razlog za ovakvo čudno ponašanje – rekao je Simić. 23
The inhabitants of Jabukovac are amazed by the move of their neighbor and point
out that they began to be suspicious of his good intentions from the very mo-
ment they saw what a modest gate he had built. Immediately, one could see that
this was no clean business. When you arrive at the gate, you aren’t welcomed by
a lion, a swan, by nothing at all. There are only two poor pillars and an ordinary
entrance gate with its metal bars in-between. ‘Devil’s work’, says Lazar Perić,
Milorad’s closest neighbor. […] Also by the president of the commune of Ja-
bukovac, Petrašin Simić, came to meet Milorada Gagić. The mayor says that he
tried to save the honor of the Gastarbeiter, but hasn’t succeeded. ‘We tried to
find a common language with Gagić and to persuade him to build at least two
floors or to put at least three animal figures or even Egyptian amphoras on the
wall, but he didn’t want even to hear about it. We heard that in Germany he al-
so runs suspicious businesses dealing with some kind of design and horticul-
ture, and we assume that this is the reason for his strange behavior’, said Simić.
The richly ornate and spacious architecture of Gastarbeiter houses should not
be perceived only as a lack of taste. At the same time, it expresses nostalgia – the gap
between the home and the host land, inscribed into the buildings. Svetlana Boym,
who distinguishes between two forms of nostalgia – a reflective and restorative one
– , describes the feeling of nostalgia not only as a “sentiment of loss and displace-
ment”, but also as “a romance with one’s own phantasy”, a “mechanism of seduc-
tion and manipulation”, requiring a long-distance relationship in order to survive.24
Whereas the reflective nostalgia operates with fragmentary, individual longing and
temporal dimensions aimed at maintaining a bittersweet longing itself even beyond
any location, restorative nostalgia affects collectives and tries to rebuild what has
been lost. Thus, the second one is more topographical, oriented towards regaining
23
Milosavljević, Nenad (2011). Gastarbajter napravio kuću bez spratova. [Online] Available: Njuz.net.
http://www.vesti.rs/Zabava/Gastarbajter-napravio-kucu-bez-spratova.html (May 30, 2016).
24
Boym, Svetlana (2001). Future of Nostalgia. New York: Basic, 49-54; Boym, Svetlna (2007). Nostalgia
and Its Discontents. The Hedgehog Review, 9, 7-18. [Online] Available: http://www.iasc-culture.org/
eNews/2007_10/9.2CBoym.pdf (May 30, 2016).
the lost paradise. In general, what has to be regained is the nation, understood as
hosting a primordial family clan. It needs symbols and rituals (festivities), where the
local collectivity can be assembled, thereby representing the larger unity of the na-
tion. Following Boyms criteria for differentiating both types of nostalgia, Gastarbeit-
er architecture – although realized in homes for individuals – symbolizes a collective
phenomenon of longing for the national homeland than individual nostalgia. Its rep-
resentative (several floors, balustrades, gates with heraldic animals) and open struc-
ture (arcades, balconies, terraces) is not destined to host a nuclear family, but rather
a broader family clan, synecdoche for the whole nation. As cultural anthropologists
claim, houses do not represent only material goods and shelters. Instead, they are at
the same time externalized expressions of dreams, thoughts and feelings.25 Gastar-
beiter houses, thus, are neither defined by personal utility, nor by individual nostal-
gia, but by a vision of belonging to the imagined community their builders have lost.
4. Between nomadism and sedentariness

Although migrant workers constantly swing between two countries, their cul-
ture is perceived as dynamism inspired only by the very idea of a homeland. Where-
as intellectual elites in exile participate in the culture of their home land as well as of
the land of immigration, migrant workers are excluded from both of them and nev-
er truly accepted as bearers of national traditions. The stereotype of the nostalgic,
lonely Gastarbeiter is thus a product of mental mapping, excluding them from pa-
triotic concepts of both their home as well as of their guest land. In the Swiss film
Miss (Fräulein, 2006) made by Andrea Štaka, migrant workers of different gener-
ations are presented as nomads who became sedentary in the host land, although
they never really belonged to it. The paradox between nomadism and sedentari-
ness, a kind of entropy of moving, characterizes the culture of migrant workers.
This double and at the same time split perspective within which they have to find
their identity transforms them into “sedentary nomads” constantly condemned to
swing between home and host lands. According to Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guatari,
the nomadic movement manifests itself in unpredictable, rhizomatic proliferations
without a beginning or an end.26 Migrant workers, however, are not free to travel in
25
Bachelard, Gaston (1975): Poetik des Raumes. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer; van Baak, Joost (2009):
The House in Russian Literature: A Mythopoetic Exploration. Amsterdam/New York: Rodopi; Eickhoff,f
Hajo (1975): Haus. In: Christian Wulff (ed.): Vom Menschen. Handbuch Historische Anthropologie.
Weinheim / Basel: Beltz, 221-230.
26
Deleuze, Gilles & Guatari, Félix (1992). Tausend Plateaus. Kapitalismus und Schizophrenie. Berlin:
Merve, 12-42.
such an open horizon. Instead, they move between two fixed points – the home and
the host land. The heroes of Štaka’s film are women of three generations from for-
mer Yugoslavia who also represent three different attitudes to their host and home
lands. The first one, Fräulein Ruža from Serbia, tries to adjust to the host land in an
exaggerated way. Trying to incorporate the working mentality expected from her in
a Swiss canteen, she over-identifies with the Swiss working class. She works asceti-
cally from early morning till evening. In her life, there is no place for a husband, for
friends and for private life. Transformed by her working ethos into a senseless ma-
chine, she wears gray clothes and fixes her hair in a strict style with a hair slide. She
binds her watch, a metaphor and metonymy of her economically organized life, so
straightly around her wrist that it leaves traces in her skin. Thus, working time that
rules her life inscribes itself even into her body. Assuming an air of superiority, she
only speaks German with her compatriots. At the same time she shows some ata-
vistic features in her way of dealing with money by collecting it in a cookie box and
not saving it in a bank account. Money represents a kind of fetishized substitute for
the life she has lost and for the wishes she did not fulfill.
The older one of the three women, Mira, speaks only Croatian and has friends
exclusively from the Croatian diaspora. She wants to return home, but she and her
husband have to postpone their return from one year to the next, until they final-
ly decide to stay in their small apartment in Switzerland for the rest of their lives.
In Dalmatia, they build a big Gastarbeiter house with many flats in which they ulti-
mately will never live.
The third woman is a young girl from Bosnia and refugee who lost her family.
She operates as a perfect nomadic figure, incorporating an alternative to the “seden-
tary nomads” – Gastarbeiter. She suffers from leukemia and therefore has no plans
for the future – neither in her homeland nor in her host land. She only looks for plac-
es where she can stay for a few nights. Under her nomadic influence, Fräulein Ruža
starts to enjoy her life at least a little bit by finding a lover, while Mira accepts that
she will never return home.
The literary and visual culture of Gastarbeiter is thus not only a product of in-
ternational job markets and migration, but also of an imaginary geography locating
them in the midst of the gap between their home and host lands, excluding them
from both. While the dialogical architecture of bridges transcends nations and cul-
tural differences,27 Gastarbeiter houses remain nostalgic extensions, which try to
bridge the distance between a place of departure and an imagined return that nev-
27
Zimmermann, Tanja (2013). Bosnische Brücken als Naht der Kulturen. In: Renata Makarska &
Katharina Schwitin & Alexander Kratochwil & Annette Werberger (ed.): Kulturgrenzen in postimperialen
Räumen. Bosnien und Westukraine als transkulturelle Regionen. Bielefeld: Transcript, 301-334.
er takes place. These houses are no homes, and they remain foreign to any local
architectonical landscape. Contrary to the nomadic movement of exile that never
comes to an end (settlement) and persists in geographic suspensions of both the
home and foreign land, Gastarbeit is characterized by pendulous movement be-
tween two fixed places – between a “beginning” (at home) and a prolonged, but
provisory arrival at “end of the world” (in the foreign country). Gastarbeiter do not
live an Odyssey, they are suspended in the static motion of going forth and back,
in an eternal compulsion to repeat, never arriving anywhere. The experience of an
ever ambiguous non-place, always envisaged from the other one, is inscribed in-
to their art, poetry, architecture and stereotypes – as a nostalgic gesture in perma-
nent suspension.
LITERATURE:
Augé, Marc (2011). Nicht-Orte. München: Beck, 42, 51, 81-114.

Bachelard, Gaston (1975): Poetik des Raumes. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer; van
Baak, Joost (2009): The House in Russian Literature: A Mythopoetic Explora-
tion. Amsterdam/New York: Rodopi.
Bachtin, Michail (1969): Literatur und Karneval. Zur Romantheorie und Lachkul-
tur. München: Hanser; Bachtin, Michail (1995): Rabelais und seine Welt. Volk-
skultur als Gegenkultur. ed. Renate Lachmann. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp.
Behring, Eva (2004). Paradigmenwechsel in der Schreibstrategie. Elemente einer
Ästhetik des Exils? In: Eva Behring & Alfrun Kliems & Hans-Christian Trepte
(ed.), Grundbegriffe und Autoren ostmitteleuropäischer Exilliteraturen 1945-
1989. Ein Beitrag zur Systematisierung und Typologisierung. Stuttgart: Stein-
er, 441-515.
Boym, Svetlana (2001). Future of Nostalgia. New York: Basic, 49-54.
Bronfen, Elisabeth (1993). Exil in der Literatur. Zwischen Metapher und Realität.
Arcadia, 28, 167-183.
Brunnbauer, Ulf (2007): Jugoslawische Geschichte als Migrationsgeschichte (19. und
20. Jahrhundert). In: Ulf Brunnbauer & Andreas Helmedach & Stefan Troebst
(ed.): Schnittstellen. Gesellschaft, Nation, Konflikt und Erinnerung in Südoste-
uropa. Festschrift für Holm Sundhaussen zum 65. Geburtstag. München: Old-
enbourg, 111-132.
Brunnbauer, Ulf (2009): Labor Emigration from the Yugoslav Region from the late
19th Century until the End of Socialism: Continuities and Changes. In: Ulf
Brunnbauer (ed.): Transnational Societies, Transnational Politics. Migrations
in the (Post-)Yugoslav Region, 19th-21st century. Munich: de Gruyter, 17-49.
Clarke, David (2005): Going West: Migration and the Post-Communist World in
Recent European Film, Cultural Politics, 1, 279-294.
Deleuze, Gilles & Guatari, Félix (1992). Tausend Plateaus. Kapitalismus und Schizo-
phrenie. Berlin: Merve, 12-42.
Foucault, Michael (1990). Andere Räume. In: Karlheinz Barck & Peter Gente,
(ed.), Aisthesis. Wahrnehmung heute oder Perspektiven einer anderen Ästhe-
tik. Leipzig: Reclam, 34-46.
Hoffmann, Eva (1998). The New Nomads. The Yale Review, 86, 43-58.
Iser, Wolfgang (1984). Spencer’s Arcadia. The Interrelation of Fiction and Histo-
ry. In: Mihai Spariosu (ed.), Mimesis in Contemporary Theory 1. The Liter-
ary and Philosophical Debate. Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins Pub-
lishing Company, 109-141.
Knortz, Heike (2008): Diplomatische Tauschgeschäfte. „Gastarbeiter“ in der west-
deutschen Diplomatie und Beschäftigungspolitik 1953-1973. Köln: Böhlau.
Novišćak, Karolina (2007): Der jugoslawische ‘Gastarbeiter-Export‘ auf dem Son-
derweg zwischen Sozialismus und Kapitalismus. In: Silke Flegl & Anne Hart-
mann & Frank Hoffmann (ed.): Wahl und Wagnis Migration. Beiträge des Pro-
motionskollegs Ost-West. Berlin, p. 141-161.
Ondrěj, Daniel (2007): Gastarabajteri. Rethinking Yugoslav Economic Migration
towards the European North-West through Transnationalism and Popular Cul-
ture. In: Steven. G. Ellis & Lud’a Klusáková (ed.), Imagining Frontiers, Con-
testing Identities, Pisa: Pisa University
Pels, Dick (1999). Privileged Nomads: On the Strangeness of Intellectuals and In-
tellectuality of Strangers, Theory, Culture, Society, 16, 63-86.
Trepte, Hans Christian (2000). Polnische Exilliteratur – Sprache und Identität. In:
Łukasz Gałecki & Basil Kerski (ed.), Die polnische Emigration und Europa
1945-1990. Eine Bilanz des politischen Denkens und der Literatur Polens im
Exil. Osnabrück: Fibre, 247-264.
Trumbetaš, Drago (1995): Gastarbeiter-Gedichte 1969-1980 (Gastarbajterske
pesme). Velika Gorica: Glasnik Turopolja.
Said, Edward E. (2000). Reflections on Exile and Other Essays. Cambridge: Har-
vard University Press, 173-186.
Zimmermann, Tanja (2014). Der Balkan zwischen Ost und West. Mediale Bilder
und Kulturpolitische Prägungen. Köln-Weimar-Wien: Böhlau, 247-256.
Тања Цимерман
ИЗМЕЂУ НОМАДИЗМА И СЕДЕНТАРНОСТИ:

ФИГУРАЦИЈА ПРОСТОРА У ЛИТЕРАРНОЈ И ВИЗУЕЛНОЈ
КУЛТУРИ РАДНИКА МИГРАНТА ИЗ ЈУГОСЛАВИЈЕ
Апстракт: Eгзил се, с једне стране, везује за високу културу и узвишени, нематери-
јални свет, док је мигрантски миље повезан са ниском културом и материјалним, теле-
сним светом, којим влада новац, апсорбујући и дехуманизујући људске животе. Радници
мигранти не насељавају неке имагинарне ‘треће светове’, већ материјална, транзициона
места на рубу друштва без традиције и идентитета. Иако стално ‘осцилирају’ између две
државе, њихова култура се не перципира као динамична, покретачка, већ као седентарна.
Док интелектуалне елите припадају истовремено и култури из које потичу и оној у којој
су придошлице, радници мигранти су искључени из обе, остајући некомпатибилни чак и
са патриотским концепцијама матичне земље. У чланку су приказане главне карактери-
стике и начини репрезентације културе миграната на неким примерима визуелне култу-
ре, сликарства и филма из бивше Југославије.
Кључне речи: радници мигранти, номадизам, седентарност, простор, визуелна кул-
тура, Југославија

Vol. 8, No. 1 (2017):
( ) 207-225. 207
UDC 94(540)”1857”
Dr Abdul Azim Akhtar1

SGT University (Gurgaon)
Faculty of Law
India
THE 1857 REVOLT IN INDIA: MAYHEM,

MURDERS AND MURMURINGS OF MARTYRS
Abstract: The Revolt of 1857 was the only major challenge for the aspirations of the En-
glish Colonialism and the British Crown in British India. After the surrender of Bengal state
to the might and manoeuvrings of the British imperialism in 1757, the Revolt came as a sur-
prise. More so, because the Revolt did not have any one single leader, rather every rebel was
fired up by some ‘common interest’, which later on also paved the way for the emergence of
‘nationalism’ and patriotism in the Indian subcontinent. The text books tend to present a pic-
ture where very few find mention as leaders of the Revolt (and the obvious names are Bahadur
Shah Zafar, Jhansi Queen, Shahabad lord Kunwar Singh, Tantia Tope, Nana Saheb, Zeenat
Mahal, Azimullah). This paper makes an attempt to uncover and present the case of some
of the rebels who were executed for the daring act after the brutal suppression of the Revolt.
Keywords: Sepoy, Mutiny, Rebellion, Revolt, 1857, Company Raj, Begum, Martyrs,
Delhi, Cawnpoor
The expansion of British colonialism in India was made possible due to the sup-
port and services of the native recruits to the army raised by the British East India
Company. They were sepoys, and were also addressed as telengis, or purbias during
the revolt. Of the 139,000 sepoys of the Bengal Amy –the largest modern army in
Asia –all but 7,796 turned against their British masters.2 The uprising was the first
major challenge to the mighty British Empire. British loyalist, reformist and vision-
ary Syed Ahmed Khan Bahadur, analysing the causes of the revolt in the 19th cen-
tury said, ‘The Government is twice as strong in these as it was in the early years of
1
azimakhtar@gmail.com
2
William Dalrymple, The Last Mughal, Penguin Books, Delhi, 2007, p.10
208 | Abdul Azim Akhtar
the country; while the native princes, the subahdars and the nobles do not retain one
tenth of the power they then had.3
There were many theories about the conspiracy and plans for the Revolt. They
range from exchange of bread with coded messages to mendicants acting as spies and
information agents. However, all such theories were denied by Syed Ahmed Khan,
who writes, ‘A conspiracy or concerted league never existed in the army. It is well
known that after the mutiny had broken out no sepoy ever mentioned such a thing’.4
It may be mentioned that Syed Ahmed Khan was posted in Bijnor as East Indian
Company official and saved many lives of Europeans and British. He assured Mrs.
Shakespeare, the wife of Bijnor Collector and Magistrate, ‘As long as I am alive, you
should not be anxious and fear for life. When you find my dead body laying in front
of your bungalow, there is no harm in being concerned and anxious’.5 Given the na-
ture of the revolt, it has been described differently by historians and leaders alike.
Historian R C Majumdar writes, ‘I have selected the title ‘the sepoy mutiny
and the revolt of 1857’ as in my opinion it correctly describes the essential nature
of the movement., whatever view we might take of it.6 Syed Ahmed Khan titled
his book ‘Asbab-e-Baghawat-e-Hind’, which is translated as ‘causes of the Revolt’.
British Historians always looked down upon the uprising with disgust and termed
it as ‘mutiny’. Many consider the event as the ‘War of Independence’, given the
fact that large number of soldiers turned against their officers, masters and also
inspired the commons to rise against the colonial oppression. The event also in-
spired future leaders of the National Movement and Freedom movement in Indi-
an Subcontinent. Hindutva ideologue V D Savarkar titled his book, ‘The Indian
War of Independence’. In the Introduction of the book, he writes, ‘The spirits of
the dead seemed hallowed by martyrdom, and out of the heap of ashes appeared
forth sparks of a fiery inspiration.’7
Delhi, Meerut, Kanpur / Cawnpoor, Lucknow, Jhansi, Shahabad, Patna, Bareil-
ly, Avadh were some of the popular and most documented centres of the Revolt. As
Dalrymple writes, ‘Most narratives of 1857 cut back and forth between Delhi, Luc-
3
Syed Ahmed Khan Bahadur, Causes of the Indian Revolt, English Translation, Medical Hall Press,
Benares, 1873, p.6
4
Ibid., p. 10
5
Altaf Hussain Hali, Hayat Javed ( Biography of Syed Ahmed Khan), National Council for Promotion
of Urdu Language, Delhi, 1990, P.78
6
R C Majumdar, the sepoy mutiny and the revolt of 1857, Firma , S Chaudhari, Calcutta
7
V D Savarkar, The Indian War Of Independence, Introduction, xxiii, 1909
The 1857 Revolt in India: Mayhem, Murders and Murmurings of Martyrs | 209
know, Jhansi, and Kanpur in a way that suggests far more contact and flow of infor-
mation than there actually was between the different centres of the Uprising.8
Obviously this information and sources as found in Mutiny papers in the Na-
tional Archives of India, Delhi and legends have weaved stories around selected few
who are remembered. Mughal Emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar’s tomb in Myanmar,
where he was packed off after the revolt is tourist centre for visitors and locals alike.
This horrific incident was one of the biggest charges against Abu Zafar Sirajuddin
Mohammed Bahadur Shah during his trial for rebellion, treason and murder. The tri-
al held the former king of Delhi had been found guilty of every charge against him.9
The old Emperor, weakened, striped of all power and confined to the fort, was
warned of the future for taking plunge in the uncertain Revolt. Someone said to him
(an accomplished poet), Dumdama mein dam nahi khair mango janki-Ai Zafar than-
di hui Shamsher Hindustan ki (There is no power left in the fort, save your life; Oh
Zafar, the sword of India has been silenced for all time to come). The emperor re-
plied with twinkle in his eyes, Ghazion mein Bu rahe gi jab talak iman ki-Takht Lon-
don tak chale gi Tegh Hindustan ki (As long as the martyrs of the faith have trust in
their faith; The sword and trumpet of India will be heard in the corridors of British
crown). Though these lines are still quoted by people during the celebrations of the
event and to commemorate the Independence Day in India, the fate of the sepoys
and millions of others were sealed when the British Empire sent reinforcement to
take the rebels head on and crush it with all force at its disposal. Correspondence be-
tween two British officers during the course of the Revolt testify the cruelty meted
out to the rebels. When John Lawrence (military officer, who earned military fame
during 1857) wrote to Nicholson asking for a ‘return of court-martials, held upon
insurgent natives, with a list of various punishment inflicted’, the latter sent back the
dispatch, writing on the back, ‘THE PUNISHMENT FOR MUTINY IS DEATH’.10
Even after 170 years of the Revolt, memorials are raised, prayer services are held,
motion pictures are made, tales are spun, and poetry recited in memory. But the hon-
our and memorial are reserved for few heroes and heroines like Mangal Pandey, Ba-
hadur Shah Zafar, Tantia Tope, Azimullah Khan, General Bakht Khan, Nana Saheb,
Kunwar Singh & his brother from Ara (Shahabad), Moulvi Ahmedullah (Faizabad),
Peer Ali (Patna), Jhansi Queen, Begum Zeenat (Lucknow) and some others. Such
names are also mentioned by V D Savarkar in his book: Kunwar Singh, Amar Singh,
8
William Darlymple, op. cit,. p.11
9
https://scroll.in/article/835316/may-16-1857-how-a-massacre-by-rebel-sepoys-at-the-red-fort-felled-
bahadur-shah-zafar / 5 12 2017
10
William Darlymple, op.cit., p.201
Moulvi Ahmed Shah, Nana Saheb, Azimullah Khan, Tantia Tope, Ranee Lakshmi
Bai, Mangal Pandey Mahal11. But the heroes of the Revolt were lesser known, un-
known lowly ranked soldiers who were made to suffer for their rebellious act of ris-
ing against the British Empire. As Historian Bipan Chandra writes, ‘The greatest
heroes of the revolt were, however, the sepoys, many of whom displayed great cour-
age in the field of battle and thousands of whom unselfishly laid down their lives.12
These sepoys and rebels were put to sword and publicly executed without any tri-
al at various places affected by the uprisings. This takes us to rebels and sepoys who
were prosecuted and publicly executed to instil fear and scare among the natives.
On June 19, 1857, the Governor General reported: ‘ In the district of Rohini,
the headquarters of 5th Irregular cavalry, four men attacked on June 12 the officers
of the regiment at the Commanding Officials bungalow…three of the sowars of the
regiment, were apprehended, tried and hung on the 15th.13
Major MacDonald wrote to the Headquarters, Rohnee on June 16, 1857: ‘When
we were attacked I felt convinced that our men did the deed…’14 He was referring to
the sepoys of his battalion turning rebel and raising the banner of the revolt.
Kootubuddin, Najeeb executed on 23 June. He exclaimed ‘Burra Zulum’ and
‘Kuch Insaaf na paya’ while being hanged. Kuloo & Payambar Baksh were execut-
ed on July 13, 1857.
Sheikh Salamat Ali- He was from Cawnpore and a Jamadar in the 53rd Regiment
Native Infantry. He was tried by the Sessions Judge, Patna under Act XVII of 1857
on June 30, 1857. He was convicted of desertion under aggravated circumstances,
sentenced to death and executed forthwith.
Mohit Singh- He was a Havaldar in the 53rd Regiment Native Infantry. He was
tried by the Sessions Judge, Patna under Act XVII of 1857 on June 30, 1857. He was
convicted of desertion under aggravated circumstances, sentenced to death and ex-
ecuted forthwith.
Narain Dichit- He was a sepoy in the Regiment 43rd Native Infantry. He was ar-
rested and tried in Nuddea, Bengal. He was charged of desertion, and sentenced to
imprisonment for life in transportation beyond sea with labour in irons under Act
XVII of 1857.
11
V D Savarkar, The Indian War of Independence, 1909
12
Bipan Chandra, Modern India, NCERT, Delhi, 1990, P.115
13
Parliamentary Papers, 1857, Sess II, I:
14
Parliamentary Papers, 1857-58, Vol. II, Appendix- B, 2, 3, 4, United Kingdom
Nurput Singh- He was a sepoy in the Regiment 43rd Native Infantry. He was ar-
rested and tried in Nuddea, Bengal. He was charged of desertion, and sentenced to
imprisonment for life in transportation beyond sea with labour in irons under Act
XVII of 1857.
Mohabeer Singh- He was a sepoy in the Regiment 43rd Native Infantry. He was
arrested and tried in Nuddea, Bengal. He was charged of desertion, and sentenced
to imprisonment for life in transportation beyond sea with labour in irons under
Act XVII of 1857.
Bhikaghur Goushy- He was a sepoy in the Regiment 43rd Native Infantry. He
was arrested and tried in Nuddea, Bengal. He was charged of desertion, and sen-
tenced to imprisonment for life in transportation beyond sea with labour in irons
under Act XVII of 1857.
Mohabeen Tewary- He was a sepoy in the Regiment 43rd Native Infantry. He
was arrested and tried in Nuddea, Bengal. He was charged of desertion, and sen-
Bhogirat Parrey- He was a sepoy in the Regiment 43rd Native Infantry. He was
arrested and tried in Nuddea, Bengal. He was charged of desertion, and sentenced
to imprisonment for life in transportation beyond sea with labour in irons under
Act XVII of 1857.
Maun Singh- He was a sepoy in the Regiment 43rd Native Infantry. He was ar-
rested and tried in Nuddea (Nadia), Bengal. He was charged of desertion, and sen-
Azim Khan- He was a Jamadar in 37th Regiment Native Infantry at Benares. He
deserted his regiment and was arrested in Barh, while on the run. He was charged of
being a deserter under Section XVII of 1857 and was convicted of being a deserter.
He was sentenced to death in Patna.
Mohubbat Ali ‘alias’ Muhubur ‘alias’ Mohib Ali- He was a sepoy in 37th Reg-
iment Native Infantry. He was tried under Act XI of 1857 and was declared a reb-
el against the state. He was convicted of rebellion and sentenced to death in Patna.
Ali Buksh ‘alias’ Ameer Khan- He was a young sepoy of around 20-22 years,
in the 37th Regiment Native Infantry. He was arrested in Monghyr and tried there.
He was tried under Act XVII of 1857 and was declared a rebel against the state. He
was convicted of rebellion and sentenced to death in Patna. His death sentence was
commuted into transportation for life on August 7, 1857 by the Governor Gener-
al of India in Council.
Ellahie Bux- He was from Punjab and was the son He was a young sepoy in 37th
Regiment Native Infantry. He was arrested in Moorshedabad, Bengal. He was tried
under Act XVII of 1857 and was declared a rebel against the state. He was convict-
ed of rebellion and sentenced to death.
Ram Singh- He was a Jamadar of Najeebs. He was charged of conspiring against
the government and put on trial in Jessore, Bengal in July, 1857. He was convicted
and executed on July 20, 1857 morning,, in daylight , opposite Kotwali Thana, in
the presence of large number of people , in Jessore.
Gunesh Tewary- He was a Najeeb. He was charged conspiring against the Gov-
ernment and put on trial in Jessore, Bengal in July 1857. He was sentenced to trans-
portation for life in July 1857. He was found dead in his cell on the morning of Au-
gust 2, 1857 in Hooghly.
Preg Dutt Dhobe- He was considered a ring leader and put on trial before the
Hoogly Sessions Judge. He was charged of conspiring against the government and
sentenced to transportation for life on July 20, 1857. Later, his death sentence was
commuted in life sentence, when he confessed to his role during the Revolt. He was
found dead inside jail in his cell on the morning of August 2, 1857 and it was labelled
by the English ‘suicide by hanging’. It was reported on August 5, 1857.
Ameer Khan- He was tried by William Taylor, Patna Commissioner. He was
charged under Act XIV of 1857 and convicted. He was hanged on the morning of
July 23, 1857 at Patna. Going to the gallows, he predicted the fall of the British Em-
pire and complained of gross injustice. He was in touch with Ali Kareem, another
prominent rebel of Patna, and a conspirator.
Dabeedeen Pandey- He was a rebel belonging to the 37th Native Infantry Reg-
iment. He was son of Ajaeb Pandey, resident of Bishoopoora, Pergunnah Bal. He
was a Naik in the Regiment, and was allegedly fleeing to Nepal, when he was caught
by the local police in Monghyr. He was executed in Champaran after a summary
trial. Every policeman was awarded Rs. 50, who apprehended any suspected reb-
el during the Revolt.
Lochun Gowalla- He was a sepoy of the Grenadier Company of the 17th Regi-
ment Native Infantry. He was convicted of mutiny and desertion and sentenced to
death at 7 AM on July 28, 1857.
Tibroo Sontal ‘alias’ Copa Thakooram- son of Lokbon, Age 23-25. A resident
of village Kopha, Pergunnah Chota Kunjedla, Damun Zilla, Bhagalpur. He was
convicted of rebellion, attended with plunder, and the forcible capture and deten-
tion with evil intent of peacable objects. He was convicted and sentenced on June
12, 1857 to transportation for life by the Chotanagpur Commissioner and put in
Alipore Jail.
Runga Khan- He belonged to 4th troop 12th irregular cavalry, posted at Muzaf-
farpur. He crossed the Ganduk river and fled to Champaran. He was arrested by the
police at the Sutter ghaut in Champaran. He was charged of mutiny and plunder and
attended with violence and was given death sentence. He was also accused of plun-
dering Mahajans in Muzaffarpur. He was hanged in Champaran by the Joint Magis-
trate on August 4, 1857.
Alli Buksh ‘alias’ Ameer Khan- He was a sepoy in the 37th Regiment Native In-
fantry. He was arrested in Monghyr.
Narain Dichit- He was a sepoy in 43rd Native Infantry. He was arrested and tried
in Nuddea (Nadia), Bengal. He was charged of desertion and sentenced to impris-
onment for life in transportation beyond sea with labour and irons under Act XVII
of 1857, on July 24 1857.
Nurfut Singh- He was a sepoy in 43rd Native Infantry. He was arrested and tried
of 1857, on July 24 1857.
Mohabeer Nissar- He was a sepoy in 43rd Native Infantry. He was arrested and
tried in Nuddea (Nadia), Bengal. He was charged of desertion and sentenced to im-
prisonment for life in transportation beyond sea with labour and irons under Act
XVII of 1857, on July 24 1857.
Bhikagur Gossaen- He was a sepoy in 43rd Native Infantry. He was arrested and
Mohabeer Tewaree- He was a sepoy in 43rd Native Infantry. He was arrested and
Bhogirut Parey- He was a sepoy in 43rd Native Infantry. He was arrested and tried
of 1857, on July 24 1857.
Mauning- He was a sepoy in 43rd Native Infantry. He was arrested and tried in
Nuddea (Nadia), Bengal. He was charged of desertion and sentenced to imprison-
ment for life in transportation beyond sea with labour and irons under Act XVII of
1857, on July 24 1857.
Alluck Tewarry- He belonged to the 43rd Regiment Native Infantry. He was ar-
rested and tried in Nuddea (Nadia), Bengal. He was charged of desertion and sen-
tenced to imprisonment for life in transportation beyond sea on July 9, 1857.
Davy Misser- He belonged to the 43rd Regiment Native Infantry. He was arrest-
ed and tried in Nuddea (Nadia), Bengal. He was charged of desertion and sentenced
to imprisonment for life in transportation beyond sea on July 9, 1857.
Bukhsh Khan- He belonged to 70th Regiment Native Infantry. He was arrested

and tried in Nuddea (Nadia), Bengal. He was charged of desertion and sentenced to
imprisonment for life in transportation beyond sea on July 9, 1857.
Beharee Koorma- executed on Aug. 19, 1857.
Sheikh Magdoom- He was Subedar in Light Company. He was charged of mu-
tiny under section 4, Regulation X of 1857. A decision on his trial was postponed by
the sessions judge in Dacca, Bengal. He was convicted and sentenced to suffer death
by hanging. He was hanged on Nov. 27, 1857 at 6:45 am.
Ramlall Paree- He was Naik in 8th Company. He was charged of mutiny under
section 4, Regulation X of 1857. A decision on his trial was postponed by the ses-
sions judge in Dacca, Bengal. He was convicted and sentenced to suffer death by
hanging. He was hanged on Nov. 27, 1857 in Dacca, at 6:45 am.
Doorga Tewary- He was a sepoy in Light Company. He was charged of muti-
ny under section 4, Regulation X of 1857. He was convicted and sentenced to suffer
death by hanging. He was hanged on Nov. 26, 1857 in Dacca, at 7 am.
Kallikasing- He was a sepoy in the 5th company. He was charged of mutiny un-
der section 4, Regulation X of 1857. He was convicted and sentenced to suffer death
by hanging. He was hanged on Nov. 26, 1857 in Dacca, at 7 am.
Mattaden Tewary- He was a sepoy in the Light company. He was charged of mu-
tiny under section 4, Regulation X of 1857. He was convicted and sentenced to suf-
fer death by hanging. He was hanged on Nov. 26, 1857 in Dacca.
Buldeeram- He was a sepoy in the 6th company. He was charged of mutiny un-
der section 4, Regulation X of 1857. He was convicted and sentenced to suffer death
by hanging. He was hanged on Nov. 26, 1857 in Dacca.
Prabhoo Jha- He was a sepoy in the 8th company. He was under trial in Dacca
on mutiny charges.
In a telegraphic message of December 2, 1857, 6.50 pm, following persons are

mentioned as killed:
Raja of Dhaneri, Lal Huanchuanant, Raja of Calakonnar, Rughoonath Singh,
Raja of Karigam, Nouromognary Singh, Sehran Lall, Kamdar of Bang Madho, Raja
of Sankarpore, Basant Singh, Raja of Sumaliga, Raja of Futtehpore, Raja of Singra.
Mozuffer Jehan- Son of Iradut Jehan, who was Raja of Mahoul. He took posses-
sion of a Tehseel and did not submit to the authorities despite orders for the same.
He was pronounced a rebel. He was executed in Azimgurh in Ocotber 1857.
Lalla Doolarch Lal- He was arrested by Najeeb for calling on Zamindars to rebel.
He was constantly calling on Zamindars and was declared a rebel. He was tried and
convicted under Act XI of 1857. He was sentenced to be hung at Boodun Dowan.
Julkun Lothee- He was appointed Kiladar by Shahghur rebels. He was constant-

ly calling on Zamindars and was declared a rebel. He was tried and convicted under
Act XI of 1857. He was sentenced to be hung.
Hirdai Saha- He was nephew of Julkun Lodhee. He was constantly calling on Za-
mindars and was declared a rebel. He was tried and convicted under Act XI of 1857.
He was sentenced to be hung.
Buldeo Sookal- He was principal ringleader of the revolt of 1857 and was arrest-
ed when hiding in the thick jungles of Kuttungee. He was a Havaldar in 52nd Bengal
Native Infantry. He was produced before the Commissioner of the Saugor and Ner-
budda territories, in Camp Kuttangee. He was executed in September 1857.
Below are the names of the persons convicted by the Allahabad Commission.
The Allahabad Commissioner hanged two men yesterday, namely Salamat Ali,
the City Munsif and Ram Lall Molly.
Hookimah- He was charged of plundering property in his possession during the
Revolt of 1857. He was punished under Acts XI and XVI of 1857. He was executed
by hanging on July 11, 1857.
Hussun Khan- He was charged of rebellion and robbery and punished under
Act XIV of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to death by hang-
ing. He was executed on July 8, 1857.
Loll Khan- He was charged of rebellion and robbery and punished under Act
XIV of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to death by hanging.
He was executed on July 8, 1857.
Jhubba Khan- He was charged of rebellion and robbery and punished under Act
Dial- He was a Najeeb of the Jail. He was charged of rebellion and robbery and
punished under Act XIV of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced
to death by hanging. He was executed on July 8, 1857.
Amir Chand- He was Jamadar in Police. He was charged of robbing his report-
ing officer while on duty and rebellion and punished under Act XIV of 1857 by the
Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to death by hanging. He was executed
on July 10, 1857.
Bikhai- He was police Burkudaz. He was charged of robbing his reporting of-
ficer while on duty and rebellion and punished under Act XIV of 1857 by the Alla-
habad Commission. He was sentenced to death by hanging. He was executed on Ju-
ly 10, 1857.
Baney Prashad- He was Jamadar in Hanumangunj. He was charged of treason,
aiding abetting and counselling escape of a rebel and punished under Act XIV of
1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to death by hanging. He was

executed on July 7, 1857.
Gujjoo- He was a kidmatgar. He was charged of treason, sedition and robbery,
and punished under Act XIV of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sen-
tenced to death by hanging. He was executed on July 9, 1857.
Sheikh Rustom Ali- He was charged of rebellion, sedition, and punished under
Act XIV of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to death by hang-
ing. He was executed on July 11, 1857.
Sowuck Ram- He was charged of rebellion, sedition, and punished under Act
Sew Bux- He was charged of rebellion, sedition, and punished under Act XIV
of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to death by hanging. He
was executed on July 11, 1857.
Jooah Singh- He was charged of carrying a seditious letter from 2nd cavalry to
a Zamindar and inciting the prisoners to plunder. He was convicted and punished
under Act XVI and XI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to
death. He was executed on July 6, 1857.
Ghisooah- He was a Chowkidar. He was charged of plundering the village of
Korla which was sent to protect during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished
Hingoor Khan- He was a chaprsee. He was charged of plundering the village of
Korla which was sent to protect during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished
Kadir Bux- He was a Chaprasee (peon). He was charged of plundering the vil-
lage of Korla which was sent to protect during the Revolt. He was convicted and
punished under Act XVI and XI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sen-
tenced to death. He was executed on July 6, 1857.
Gangadeen- He was a najeeb of a British official. He was charged of leaving his
post and plunder of arms, which were recovered from him during the Revolt. He was
convicted and punished under Act XVI and XI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commis-
sion. He was sentenced to death. He was executed on July 6, 1857.
Burwah Mullah- He was charged of having in his possession plunder, and a sword
covered with blood and hair during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished un-
der Act XVI and XI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to
Kuloo- He was a Chaprasee of a British official. He was charged of plundering

his officer and having in his possession Rs. 95 of that person and 3 knives, during the
Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XVI and XI of 1857 by the Alla-
habad Commission. He was sentenced to death. He was executed on July 10, 1857.
Khuda Bux- He was a bhishtee of a British official. He was charged of plunder-
ing his officer during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XVI and
XI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to death. He was exe-
cuted on July 10, 1857.
Bhikwa- He was charged of plundering with others tehseel at Hanndyah during
the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XVI and XI of 1857 by the Al-
lahabad Commission. He was sentenced to death. He was executed on July 10, 1857.
Chundowa- He was charged of plunder and attempt to murder during the Re-
volt. He was convicted and punished under Act XVI and XI of 1857 by the Alla-
Seetaram- He was tehseeladar of Khyragarh. He was charged of sedition and de-
manding and obtaining salary during the Revolt, without the knowledge of the gov-
ernment. He was convicted and punished under Act XIV of 1857 by the Allahabad
Commission. He was sentenced to death. He was executed on July 14, 1857.
Hanuman Prasad- He was Seeahnavis of Khyragarh. He was charged of sedition
and demanding and obtaining salary during the Revolt, without the knowledge of
the government. He was convicted and punished under Act XIV of 1857 by the Al-
Sitla Sahee- He was mohtamim of Khyragarh. He was charged of sedition and
demanding and obtaining salary during the Revolt, without the knowledge of the
government. He was convicted and punished under Act XIV of 1857 by the Alla-
Imdad Ali- He was Chaprassi of Khyragarh. He was charged of sedition and de-
Husain Bux- He was Chaprassi of Khyragarh. He was charged of sedition and
demanding and obtaining salary during the Revolt, without the knowledge of the
government. He was convicted and punished under Act XIV of 1857 by the Alla-
Ashraf Ali- He was Chaprassi of Khyragarh. He was charged of sedition and de-
Murtaza Khan. He was peshkar of Phulpur. He was charged of sedition and con-
spiracy to plunder Government treasury during the Revolt. He was convicted and
punished under Act XIV of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced
to death. He was executed on July 18, 1857.
Kareemoolla- He was Sheikh Chaprassi of Phulpur. He was charged of sedition
and conspiracy to plunder Government treasury during the Revolt. He was convict-
ed and punished under Act XIV of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sen-
Buldee Jamadar- He was employee with Railways. He was charged of plunder
of railway bungalow and arson during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished
under Act XI and XIV of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to
Mudar Bux- He was charged of plunder of rebellion with robbery during the Re-
volt. He was convicted and punished under Act XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Com-
mission. He was sentenced to death. He was executed on July 18, 1857.
Golami- He was charged of plunder of rebellion with robbery during the Revolt.
He was convicted and punished under Act XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commis-
Cheetoo- He was charged of plunder of rebellion with robbery during the Re-
volt. He was convicted and punished under Act XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Com-
mission. He was sentenced to death. He was executed on July 18, 1857.
Ginnon- He was charged of plunder of rebellion with robbery during the Revolt.
He was convicted and punished under Act XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commis-
Bhudoo Shaikhanee- He was charged of aiding in the rebellion and inciting in
the death of several Christians during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished
under Act XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to death
by hanging. He was executed on July 16, 1857.
Ruggobhur Ramrutton- He was charged of firing on the police while in the exe-
cution of their duty and rescuing prisoners during the Revolt. He was convicted and
punished under Act XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced
to death. He was executed on July 17, 1857.
Madara- He was charged of rebellion, attacking officer and cutting boats during
the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad
Salamat Ali- He was Moonsif of Allahabad. He was charged of aiding and abet-
ting in rebellion, during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XI
and XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to death. He was
executed on June 22, 1857.
Lodee- He was Chaprassi in Allahabad. He was charged of concealing stolen

property plundered during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act
XI and XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to death. He
was executed on June 22, 1857.
Ramloll Malli- He was an aide to a British officer in Allahabd. He was charged
of robbing his Master during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act
XI and XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to death. He
was executed on June 22, 1857.
Budhoo- He was a bearer in Allahabd. He was charged of robbing his Master during
the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XI and XVI of 1857 by the Al-
lahabad Commission. He was sentenced to death. He was executed on June 23, 1857.
Debee- He was a bearer in Allahabd. He was charged of robbing his Master during
Hoolas- He was sepoy in 3rd Bombay Native Infantry. He was charged of possess-
ing stolen property and plunder during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished
under Act XI and XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to
death. He was executed on June 23, 1857.
Nabeebux Meywatee- He was charged of plunder during the Revolt. He was
convicted and punished under Act XI and XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commis-
sion. He was sentenced to death. He was executed on June 24, 1857.
Muttea Passie- He was charged of murder and plunder during the Revolt. He
was convicted and punished under Act XI and XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Com-
mission. He was sentenced to death. He was executed on June 24, 1857.
Hingun- He was charged of rebellion and wounding a gowalla during the Re-
volt. He was convicted and punished under Act XI and XVI of 1857 by the Alla-
habad Commission. He was sentenced to death. He was executed on June 24, 1857.
Nutto- He was a servant and was charged of plunder during the Revolt. He was
Muttra- He was a butcher and was charged of plunder during the Revolt. He was
Khoosyal Khan- He was a Najeeb. He was charged of deserting his guard with
his arms during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XI and XVI
of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to death. He was execut-
ed on June 26, 1857.
Kasseegeer Ghosain- He was charged of having his possession Rs. 554 in a Trea-
sury bag during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XI and XVI

Bhowanee Deen- He was charged of rioting and theft of a horse during the Re-
volt. He was convicted and punished under Act XI and XVI of 1857 by the Alla-
habad Commission. He was sentenced to death. He was executed on June 26, 1857.
Rampersaud- He was charged of aiding and abetting and carrying arms during
Haider- He was a Chaprassi in Allahabad Mission. He was charged of taking ser-
vice of Maulvi and assisting to apprehend native Christians during the Revolt. He
was convicted and punished under Act XI and XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Com-
mission. He was sentenced to death. He was executed on June 26, 1857.
Loll- He was charged of stealing a horse during the Revolt. He was convicted
and punished under Act XI and XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was
sentenced to death. He was executed on June 30, 1857.
Dwarka- He was charged of having Rs. 100 and being unable to account for the
possession of so large a sum of new rupees, during the Revolt. He was convicted and
punished under Act XI and XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sen-
tenced to death. He was executed on June 30, 1857.
Mattakeen- He was charged of having Rs. 100 and being unable to account for
the possession of so large a sum of new rupees, during the Revolt. He was convict-
ed and punished under Act XI and XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He
was sentenced to death. He was executed on June 30, 1857.
Sawal. He was charged of having Rs. 100 and being unable to account for the
Rugobeer- He was charged of having Rs. 100 and being unable to account for
the possession of so large a sum of new rupees, during the Revolt. He was convict-
was sentenced to death. He was executed on June 30, 1857.
Sadeen- He was charged of having Rs. 100 and being unable to account for the
Shew Churn- He was charged of having in his possession a bag of half pice, a
coin which had not been issued during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished
under Act XI and XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to
death. He was executed on June 30, 1857.
Seetaram Looneah- He was from Chail and charged of having in his possession
a thane of American drill, and Rs. 55 during the Revolt. He was convicted and pun-
ished under Act XI and XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sen-
Ganesh Looneah- He was from Chail and charged of having in his possession
Rs. 34 of which he was not able to account for during the Revolt. He was convict-
was sentenced to death. He was executed on July 2, 1857.
Jhao Looneah- He was from Chail and charged of having in his possession a
thane of American new drill, and Rs. 49 cash during the Revolt. He was convicted
sentenced to death. He was executed on July 2, 1857.
Madaree- He was a butcher. He was charged of sedition, plunder and riot during
Shakir Md.- He was a butcher. He was charged of sedition, plunder and riot during
Oodeet Sing(h)- He was a Zamindar. He was charged of plundering boats and
rebellion during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XI and XVI
ed on July 2, 1857.
Mullo Sing(h)- He was a Zamindar. He was charged of plundering boats and
ed on July 2, 1857.
Lalloo Sing(h)- He was a Zamindar. He was charged of plundering boats and
ed on July 2, 1857.
Balbund Sing(h)- He was a Zamindar. He was charged of plundering boats and
ed on July 2, 1857.
Isree Buneah- He was charged of plundering salt during the Revolt. He was con-
victed and punished under Act XI and XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission.
He was sentenced to death. He was executed on July 2, 1857.
Boolooah Passi- He was charged of robbing government chaprassi of perwanah
and money, during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XI and
XVI of 1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to death. He was ex-
ecuted on July 3, 1857.
Punchumah Passi- He was charged of robbing government chaprassi of perwa-
nah and money, during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XI
Nunkooah Passie- He was charged of robbing government chaprassi of perwa-
nah and money, during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XI
Peeroo- He was charged of attacking the tehseel and taking share in the plunder
during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XI and XVI of 1857 by the
Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to death. He was executed on July 4, 1857.
Kaloo- He was charged of attacking the tehseel and taking share in the plunder
during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XI and XVI of 1857
by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to death. He was executed on Ju-
ly 4, 1857.
Rutnah- He was charged of stealing cattle during the Revolt. He was convicted
sentenced to death. He was executed on July 4, 1857.
Zoolfikar Khan- He was charged of rebellion and attacking police peon on du-
ty during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XIV of 1857 by the
on June 24, 1857.
Shamsher Khan- He was charged of rebellion, theft and felon during the Re-
volt. He was convicted and punished under Act XIV of 1857 by the Allahabad Com-
mission. He was sentenced to death by hanging. He was executed on June 27, 1857.
Sheikh Elahie- He was charged of aiding in the escape of Supher Khan, a reb-
el during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XIV of 1857 by the
on July 2, 1857.
Khoda Bux- He was charged of robbing a captain of the 6th Regiment Native In-
fantry during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XIV of 1857 by
the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to death by hanging. He was execut-
Subrathee- He was charged of robbing a captain of the 6th Regiment Native In-
fantry during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XIV of 1857 by
Munoo and Jhunoo- He was charged of rebellion and attempt to escape with
ammunition during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XIV of
1857 by the Allahabad Commission. He was sentenced to death by hanging. He was
executed on June 26, 1857.
Surujdeen- He was charged of robbery, conspiracy and being notorious bad-
mash during the Revolt. He was convicted and punished under Act XIV of 1857 by
The persons mentioned above were considered guilty and executed by the East
India Company for raising the banner of revolt against colonial rule. The history of
British rule in India repeats the lesson which history has taught us that it is impossi-
ble to govern a country in the interest of the people without bestowing on that peo-
ple some degree of self government and representation.
Concluding Remarks
Did the Company have such rights and privileges to give death penalty and pros-
ecute citizens of the land, where it acquired legitimacy and legal status from series
of Moghal Farmans? Was the company master or a vassal? Obviously, the Company
had no legal status to indulge in mass murder and create mayhem in order to scare
Indians and force them into submission. The brutal suppression led to the awaken-
ing of Indian soul and created sense of unity and infused patriotic fervour. As Savark-
ar writes, ‘The Revolution of 1857 was a test to see how far India had come towards
unity, independence, and popular power’.15 The suppression of the Revolt led to se-
ries of changes introduced and ended the rule of the Company. The Administration
of Indian territory was now directly placed in the hands of the British Crown, which
promised to make no distinction among Indians as far as rights and freedom were
concerned. For Indians, the great sacrifice of the rebels became the source of inspi-
ration for awakening nationalist feeling. Many movements such as Ghadar Party and
leaders were born due to the landmark selfless sacrifice of the martyrs in 1857 Revolt.
The institutional reforms were also enacted in army, services, judiciary, governance
and the advice of Indians could no more be ignored for future changes in spheres of
legislature and government. Their sacrifice, tale of valour and bravery against all odds
are still a source of inspiration in a nation devoid of icons and role models.
15
- V D Savarkar, ibid, p. 544,
Glossary: sepoy= low rank in East Indian army, telengis= from Telengana state
of India, purbias= one who hails from Purvanchal ( eastern Uttar Pradesh or Bihar
state), Najeeb=noble and rank in army, Subedar=rank in army, Naik=rank in army,
Kiladar=noble having a fort, Havaldar=rank in army, Munsif= f lower judicial official,
Jamadar=junior rank officer, Burkudaz=armed police constable, Kidmatgar=one who
offers service, Chowkidar=guard or nightwatchman, Chaprasee=peon, bhishtee=wa-
ter carrier, tehseeldar=District revenue collector, seeahnavis=writer, Mohtamim=care-
taker, peshkar=clerk in court, Zamindar=landlord, perwanah=order from high offi-
cer,tehseel=revenue area, badmash=ruffian, sawar=cavalry.
REFERENCES & LITERATURE:
Parliamentary Papers, 1857, Sess II, I, United Kingdom

Parliamentary Papers, 1857-58, Vol. II, Appendix- B, 2, 3, 4, United Kingdom
William Dalrymple, The Last Mughal, Penguin Books, Delhi, 2007
Syed Ahmed Khan Bahadur, Causes of the Indian Revolt, English Translation, Med-
ical Hall Press, Benares, 1873
Altaf Hussain Hali, Hayat Javed ( Biography of Syed Ahmed Khan), National Coun-
cil for Promotion of Urdu Language, Delhi, 1990
R C Majumdar, the sepoy mutiny and the revolt of 1857, Firma , S Chaudhari, Cal-
cutta
V D Savarkar, The Indian War Of Independence, 1909
Bipan Chandra, Modern India, NCERT, Delhi, 1990
Romesh Dutt, The Economic History of India, Under Early British Rule, Kegan
Paul, 1902
Абдул Азим Актар
СТРАДАЊЕ УЧЕСНИКА ПОБУНЕ У БРИТАНСКОЈ

ИНДИЈИ ИЗ 1857. ГОДИНЕ
Апстракт: Побуна из 1857. је представљала велики изазов за аспирације енглеског

колонијализма и Британске монархије у Британској Индији. Након што је британски импе-
ријализам досегао врхунац 1757. године, Побуна је дошла као изненађење, утолико више
што није имала само једног лидера, што је касније утабало пут за развој ‘национализма’ и
‘патриотизма’ на индијском субконтиненту. Овај рад представља покушај да се открију и
представе примери неких од устаника који су усмћени током бруталног гушења Побуне.
Кључне речи: Индијска побуна из 1857. године, сепоји, Британска Индија, Дел-
хи, Канпур

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4. Параграфи: формат: Normal; први ред: увучен аутоматски (Col 1).
5. Име аутора: Наводе се име(на) аутора, средње слово (препоручујемо)

и презиме(на). Име и презиме домаћих аутора увек се исписује у оригиналном
облику (ако се пише латиницом – са српским дијакритичким знаковима), неза-
висно од језика рада.
6. Назив установе аутора (афилијација): Непосредно након имена и пре-

зимена наводи се пун (званични) назив и седиште установе у којој је аутор за-
послен, а евентуално и назив установе у којој је аутор обавио истраживање. У
сложеним организацијама наводи се укупна хијерархија. Ако је аутора више, а
неки потичу из исте установе, мора се, посебним ознакама или на други начин,
назначити из које од наведених установа потиче сваки од аутора. Функција и зва-
ње аутора се не наводе.
7. Контакт подаци: Адресу или електронску адресу аутор ставља у напо-

мену при дну прве странице чланка. Ако је аутора више, даје се само адреса јед-
ног, обично првог.
8. Језик рада и писмо: Језик рада може бити српски, руски, енглески, не-
мачки, француски или неки други европски, светски или словенски језик, раши-
рене употребе у међународној филолошкој комуникацији. Писмa на којима се
штампају радови на српском језику јесу ћирилица и латиница, уз равноправну
употребу екавског и ијекавског наречја.
228 | Упутство ауторима за припрему рукописа за штампу
9. Наслов: Наслов треба да буде на језику рада; треба га поставити центри-

рано и написати великим словима.
10. Апстракт: Апстракт треба да садржи циљ истраживања, методе, резул-

тате и закључак. Треба да има од 100 до 250 речи и да стоји између заглавља (на-
слов, имена аутора и др.) и кључних речи, након којих следи текст чланка. Ап-
стракт је на српском и енглеском језику, као и на језику чланка уколико није
написан на српском или енглеском. [Техничке пропозиције за уређење: формат
– фонт: Times New Roman, Normal; величина фонта: 10; размак између редова
– Before: 0; After: 0; Line spacing: Single; први ред – увучен аутоматски (Col 1).]
11. Кључне речи: Број кључних речи не може бити већи од 10. Кључне речи да-
ју се на оном језику на којем је написан апстракт. У чланку се дају непосредно након
апстракта. [Техничке пропозиције за уређење: формат – фонт: Times New Roman,
Normal; величина фонта: 10; први ред – увучен аутоматски (Col 1).]
12. Претходне верзије рада: Ако је чланак био изложен на скупу у виду
усменог саопштења (под истим или сличним насловом), податак о томе треба
да буде наведен у посебној напомени, при дну прве стране чланка. Не може се
објавити рад који је већ објављен у неком часопису: ни под сличним насловом
нити у измењеном облику.
13. Навођење (цитирање) у тексту: Начин позивања на изворе у оквиру

чланка мора бити консеквентан од почетка до краја текста. Захтева се следећи
систем цитирања, преовлађујући у науци о језику:
... (Ивић 2001: 56-63)..., / (в. Ивић 2001: 56-63)..., / (уп. Ивић 2001: 56-63)...
/ М. Ивић (2001: 56-63) сматра да...[наводнике и полунаводнике обележавати
на следећи начин: „” / ‘’]
14. Напомене (фусноте): Напомене се дају при дну стране у којој се нала-
зи коментарисани део текста. Могу садржати мање важне детаље, допунска об-
јашњења, назнаке о коришћеним изворима итд., али не могу бити замена за ци-
тирану литературу. [Техничке пропозиције за уређење: формат – Footnote Text;
први ред – увучен аутоматски (Col 1); величина фонта – 10; нумерација – арап-
ске цифре.]
15. Табеларни и графички прикази: Табеларни и графички прикази тре-

ба да буду дати на једнообразан начин, у складу с лингвистичким стандардом
опремања текста.
Упутство ауторима за припрему рукописа за штампу | 229
16. Листа референци (литература): Цитирана литература обухвата по

правилу библиографске изворе (чланке, монографије и сл.) и даје се искључи-
во у засебном одељку чланка, у виду листе референци. Литература се наводи на
крају рада, пре резимеа, и то латиничним писмом (у складу са захтевима за часо-
писе који се налазе или настоје да се нађу на СЦИ-листи). Референце се наводе
на доследан начин, азбучним односно абецедним редоследом. Ако се више би-
блиографских јединица односе на истог аутора, оне се хронолошки постављају.
Референце се не преводе на језик рада. Саставни делови референци (ауторска
имена, наслов рада, извор итд.) наводе се на следећи начин:
[за књигу]
Jelić, Vojislav. Antička i srpska retorika, Beograd: Čigoja štampa, 2001.
[за чланак]
Milutinović, Dejan. „Žanr – pojam, istorija, teorija”, Philologia Mediana (Niš),
god. 1, br. 1 (2009): 11-37.
[за прилог у зборнику]
Radulović, Milan. „Filosofski izvori Pekićeve književnosti”. U: Poetika Borislava
Pekića, ur. Petar Pijanović i Aleksandar Jerkov. Beograd: Službeni glasnik – Institut
za književnosti i umetnost, 2009. 57-72.
Радове истог аутора објављене исте године диференцирати додајући a, b, c
или а, б, в, нпр.: 2007a, 2007b или 2009a, 2009б.
Ако има два аутора, навести оба презимена, нпр.: Пајовић, Дмитровић; ако
их има више: после првог презимена (а пре године) додати et al или и др.
[Техничке пропозиције за уређење: формат – фонт: Times New Roman,
Normal; величина фонта: 11; размак између редова – Before: 0; After: 0; Line spacing:
Single; први ред: куцати од почетка, а остале увући аутоматски (Col 1: опција
Hanging, са менија Format)]
Поступак цитирања докумената преузетих са Интернета:
[монографска публикација доступна on-line]
Презиме, име аутора. Наслов књиге. ‹адреса са интернета›. Датум преу-
зимања.
Нпр.: Veltman, K. H. Augmented Books, knowledge and culture. ‹http: //www.
isoc.org/inet2000/cdproceedings/6d.›. 02.02.2002.
[прилог у серијској публикацији доступан on-line]
Презиме, име аутора. Наслов текста. Наслов периодичне публикације, датум
периодичне публикације. Име базе података. Датум преузимања.
Нпр.: Du Toit, A. Teaching Info-preneurship: student’s perspective. ASLIB
Proceedings, February 2000. Proquest. 21.02.2000.
[прилог у енциклопедији доступан on-line]
Име одреднице. Наслов енциклопедије. ‹интернет адреса›. Датум преузимања.
230 | Упутство ауторима за припрему рукописа за штампу
Нпр.: Tesla, Nikola. Encyclopedia Britannica. ‹http: //www.britannica.com/

EBchecked/topic/588597/Nikola-Tesla›. 29. 3. 2010.
17. Резиме: Резиме рада јесте у ствари апстракт на другом језику на којем
није рад. Ако је језик рада српски, онда је резиме обавезно на енглеском језику.
Резиме се даје на крају чланка, након одељка Литература. Превод кључних речи
на језик резимеа долази после резимеа. [Техничке пропозиције за уређење: фор-
мат – фонт: Times New Roman, Normal; величина фонта: 11; размак између редо-
ва – Before: 0; After: 0; Line spacing: Single; први ред – увучен аутоматски (Col 1).]
| 231
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An Alternative View On The Destruction of The Former Yugoslavia in The 1990s

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Научно удружење за развој српских студија, Нови Сад

(Association for the Development of Serbian Studies, Novi Sad)

SERBIAN STUDIES RESEARCH

Нови Сад, 2017

Vol. 8, No. 1, 2017

Peer Review Policy and Frequency

Indexing and Abstracting Information

Год. 8, бр. 1, 2017

Индексирање часописа у базама података

Serbian Studies Research излази једном годишње.

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НАУЧНИ ЧЛАНЦИ / ARTICLES

Др Сања Лазаревић Радак

УПУТСТВО АУТОРИМА ЗА ПРИПРЕМУ РУКОПИСА

Sanja Lazarević Radak, PhD

УПУТСТВО АУТОРИМА ЗА ПРИПРЕМУ РУКОПИСА

Др Сања Лазаревић Радак

УПУТСТВО АУТОРИМА ЗА ПРИПРЕМУ РУКОПИСА

Др Сања Лазаревић Радак1

КОНСТРУКТИ ‘ОСМАНСКО’ И ‘СЛОВЕНСКО’ У

Империјални интереси и мапирање света

те, мисионари, географи, ратни извештачи и ретки путници-авантуристи. Ова-

Изолација ових несрећника доста дугује географској позицији која доприноси

„Грубо варварство“ је у деветнаестом веку једна од најчешћих представа о

књизи Мекензи и Ирби, уочљиво је успостављање везе између „мухамеданства“

Освојени народи су „попримили особине освајача“ о чему седамдесетих го-

Као што сведочи овај цитат, запуштеност и одсуство чистоће, за Пејтона,

Робови и поданички менталитет

Треба напоменути да су Sclavonia и Servia називи две суседне земље. Немогуће

Изнутра, међу народима који себе сматрају Словенима, ова представа се

Мора се приметити, не баш на част великих мислилаца, да је грчко хришћан-

Либерално залагање за ослобођење балканских народа, препознаје се као

На читавом простору некадашњег Византијског царства, Бугари су најмање

Означени као инфериорни не само у односу на Окцидент, већ и у односу на

вистичким концептом. Спајањем хеленистичке културе и хришћанске религи-

Аутентични балкански народи или Словени?

Срби исповедају руско-грчку религију; њихова литургија је писана на древном

Конзервативна представљања Русије, наглашавала су да би се управо она

дикално друго, приказује варварина, или морално посрнулог феудалца. Број-

Несумњиво изражавајући либерални став према балканским народима, овај

ка“ ишло је и смањење значаја овог другог за европско сопство. Позивање на

Турци и некадашњи сјај

тав арсенал оружја; ту су дуги пиштољи, јатагани различитих облика и вели-

Религија се задржала као најзначајнији фактор у представљању европског Дру-

Турска је пуна политичке и војне виталности. Сваки Турчин одраста са чвр-

За разлику од Европе која се сматра синонимом цивилизације – свега уз-

Упркос свом нераспоожењу према европској науци, образовању и цивилизаци-

Једино, разумно решење остаје продужетак османске владавине на Балкану

тала и супротстављала два начина мишљења: рационалистичко и позитивистич-

Културна инфериорност империјалне конкуренције

лигија, да је опасан, непријатељски настројен, нашло је место у култури и поли-

Турци су део друге расе која је у цивилизацијском смислу, очигледно инфериор-

Енглески историчар деветнаестог века и извештач из Европске Турске, Шем,

разумљиви сусрет „научених“ – „оријенталних“ особина, задржавајући фрагмен-

теријалне и социјалне културе (Rot: 200, 191). Од настанка, Османско царство

колонијалних поседа. Слично је и са конструктом „османско“ који је крајем де-

Jezernik, Božidar, „Stereotipizacija Turčina“, u: Božidar Jezernik (ur)Imaginarni

Sanja Lazarević Radak

CONSTRUCTS ‘OTTOMAN’ AND ‘SLOVENE’ IN BRITISH

Received 26.05.2017 / Accepted 04.08.2017.

UDC 821.163.41.09-1 Mušicki L.

IT COULD HAPPEN TO A BISHOP:

The Songs and Their Author