Clin Soc Work J

DOI 10.1007/s10615-010-0262-9

1 ORIGINAL PAPER

2 Identity and Trauma in Adolescents Within the Context

3 of Political Violence: A Psychosocial and Communitarian View
4 Pau Pérez-Sales

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6  Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2010

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7 Abstract The author explores the concept of identity as a that combines two elements. On one hand, he non- 31
8 frame of analysis in adolescents responding to various consciously learns about relevant aspects of himself from 32
9 actual experiences of trauma. The author looks into his environment, especially parental figures. On the other 33
10 numerous themes including the impact of broken identities, hand, he develops a personal narrative in every environ- 34
11 different ways of understanding the ‘‘victim identity’’, the ment that he interacts with based on an introspective pro- 35
12 identities of trauma, the role of transitions, as well as
ED
cess. Therefore, identity is not an intrinsic attribute, but 36
13 identity dilemmas. By examining the experience of young rather a dialectic one, between man, as object and subject 37
14 Mapuche in South America, the experience of war and in a symbolization process of his relationships with the 38
15 political violence in Mexico and el Salvador, the identity of others, and the world (Goffman 2000, 2001). This is why 39
16 displaced young people in Colombia, and a multilevel identity, as a perspective of oneself, is not a group of 40
17 analysis of child suicides among the Embera ethnic group defined comprehensive elements articulated in a definition, 41
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18 in Choco, Colombia, a psychosocial and communitarian but rather, a group of aspects, more or less salient at a 42
19 analysis of the impact of violence and war on youth is personal and social level, which are slowly and constantly 43
20 offered. being corroborated and re-elaborated. 44
21 To summarize, identity comes from a socio-cognitive 45
22 Keywords Trauma
Identity
Adolescence
view. It is the conscious or unconscious meaning that every 46
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23 Worldviews
Political violence
Latin America
person has of his own place in the world; it determines how 47
24 Colombia one interacts in it, the meaning that one assigns to the 48
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subjective groups of belonging, and the multiple roles that 49

one plays in each of them. In this context, childhood and 50
25 The identity is the idea one has of oneself and his role in adolescence are key moments of identity development. 51
26 the world. It has been constituted since childhood through a They are periods of life in which the persona begins to 52
27 dialectic process between a human being and his environ- formulate its first hypotheses regarding to who one is and 53
28 ment. Collective identities result when a person naturally what one’s references are (Erikson 1987), and are thus 54
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29 incorporates a group in defining himself (Matsumoto moments of particular vulnerability to traumatic impact 55
30 1996). A person develops an identity concept in a process (Pérez-Sales 2006). 56
In normal conditions, for adults, political violence may 57
be associated with distrust phenomena, fear, social polari- 58
A1 P. Pérez-Sales (&)
zation, ideological absolutism and biased thoughts stem- 59
A2 Grupo de Acción Comunitaria (Community Action Group),
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A3 Post-Doctoral Program in Mental Health in Political Violence, ming from one searching for group and social cohesion. 60
A4 Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Madrid, Spain Political violence, maintained over time, provokes impor- 61
A5 e-mail: pauperez@arrakis.es tant identity changes of an adaptive nature. We can call this 62
‘‘identity of conflict’’ or ‘‘identity of violence’’, which is to 63
A6 P. Pérez-Sales
A7 Resource Center in Mental Health and Human Rights, say, identities which logically and understandably result 64
A8 Head Complex Trauma Unit, La Paz Hospital, Madrid, Spain from the totalitarian and violent context in which they were 65

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66 formed. This idea is related to traditional Latin-American When J.J. was 14 years old, before being recruited by 115
67 psychology. Viñar (1987) defined torture as a process of the paramilitary group, his main identity was one of son 116
68 systematic total annihilation of a person’s identity. Similar (one of seven children and perceived as a problem). His 117
69 analyses have been made of global institutions (such as identity was also based on being a part of a small group of 118
70 jails and concentration camps) as huge machines of identity boys and girls from the neighborhood. He was a rap song 119
71 nullification and replacement. Lira (1989) and many other writer (writing songs for others gave him an important 120
72 Chilean authors have shown the transformation of a social leadership role). He occasionally participated in church 121
73 identity as consequence of threat and fear. Barudy (1989) activities. He enrolled in the paramilitary organization 122
74 has defined the exile’s trauma and refuge as an attack to the based on the promise of money and power and because his 123

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75 person’s identity, referencing Rogers and Erikson. Martin friends had done it with some success. He soon realized 124
76 Baro (1989) investigated the concept of psychosocial that there was no turning back. He was subjected to brutal 125
77 trauma as it applied to the war in El Salvador. He showed training where he had to kill in order to stay alive. Other 126

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78 how the trauma of war is incorporated into people’s iden- friends who joined the group with him were executed and 127
79 tities and how every person influences the social identity cut into pieces for not being ‘‘efficient’’ or for being dis- 128
Author Proof

80 development’s process. There is a mutual and constant tractions from the ‘‘task.’’ He had to kill people he knew. 129
81 dialectic interaction between the individual and the social As a 17 year-old, his identity became one of someone 130
82 process. proficient at performing tasks requiring extreme cruelty. 131

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83 Given all of the above, this article will analyze the His identity’s horizon had two axes: obeying orders with- 132
84 relationship between identity and trauma from its simplest out asking any questions and surviving using violence. He 133
85 to its most complex forms. The identity, as frame of ref- made friends in the paramilitary group and had a vague 134
86 erence, is one of the main theoretical avenues which shows notion of belonging to a ‘‘native land,’’ fighting against 135
87 the conceptual insufficiency of current clinical models ‘‘communism’’ and ‘‘subversion’’. During these years he 136
88 based on post-traumatic stress. met a girl and had two children. She insisted that they live 137
ED together. He was scared. When the group suggested that he 138
kill the girl and leave the children somewhere, he decided 139
to escape. When he was 19 years old, changes in the 140
89 Broken Identities
paramilitary regime allowed him return home with certain 141
guaranties of ‘‘protection’’. His identity developments are 142
90 John Jairo (J.J.) is a young Colombian adolescent who was
constituted (see Fig. 1) principally by his identity previous 143
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91 forcibly recruited by a paramilitary group when he was

to being recruited; the identity of father that has been 144
92 14 years old. He would desert 5 years later. He returned
unknown for him (what is it like to be a father when all 145
93 home after hiding for several months. The following
your role models, education, and guidance were brutal, and 146
94 extracts are from an informal street interview among peers:
when your own biological father was negligent?); the 147
95 ‘‘My profession is killing people (he is nervous and identity of ‘‘friend’’ in relation to others in the same situ- 148
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96 uneasy.) The only thing I know how to do is kill…. ation; and a self-image dominated by the idea of being a 149
97 Now, I am tired of that, I want a job. My family is survivor (‘‘I am better than anybody else… I am fine. 150
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98 happy that I’ve changed, but there is unemployment. I have no problems… I am just tired.’’) through a con- 151
99 My life has been horrible. I’ve had to kill and dis- trolled and efficient use of violence. What makes him 152
100 member…. I want a quiet life now…, I have children, unique in an empty context is his past and his capacity to 153
101 but there is hunger, brother. There is no chance for kill. If he renounces these identities, what is left? In this 154
102 those who want to reinsert themselves in the system sense, for instance, God is a resource, a source of strength. 155
103 here. Everyone wants to kill you…. Marihuana is my It is a positive factor that allows an external end to the use 156
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104 only friend (laughing.).’’ How are you psychologi- of violence and introduces some elemental and basic 157
105 cally? ‘‘Fine, I am fine, I have no problems. It’s just social norms. The challenge in the work with J.J., from this 158
106 that I’m tired of this life…. There are many like me. perspective, is threefold: (a) rescue identity aspects that 159
107 We don’t want to kill anybody else…’’ What is your J.J. lost when he went to the war, writing music, for 160
108 support? ‘‘Nothing and nobody. You can’t trust any- example; (b) accept his wartime identity, not deny it, but 161
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109 one. You can only have faith in God. God is the only rather circumscribe it to the need of surviving in an earlier 162
110 one…. I am going to tell my children they need to have period of life, establishing distance between the past and 163
111 faith and stay away from violence.’’ Why? ‘‘Because his new role as an ‘‘adult’’ (this would be a conscious 164
112 violence was brought from outside…. We do not like mechanism of denial and unconscious dissociation); (c) fill 165
113 to kill. But we have hunger. We have nothing. I don’t the enormous void left after renouncing to his previous 166
114 know what’s going to happen. Only God, brother.’’ way of life and confront the challenge of facing his 167

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Fig. 1 Identity and change: the

challenge to fill the gaps
Columbian Rap
Cali
Music Friend

Social Activity
Christian
man Country
Student Son murdered
Son
in an ambush
Paramilitar
y group

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Following Orders Survive

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- Violence
Friend
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Survive
Violence?

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Christian?

Father?

168 responsibilities without social support, a job, or personal

ED in a combined operative between the police and the 195
169 elements that make him feel valuable as a human being, Mexican military. During the time she was detained, she 196
170 outside his capacity to be cruel. In the past context, J.J. was was insulted, beaten and sexually abused by the police. 197
171 efficient and resourceful in using violence as a survival After the episode, Ximena didn’t give much importance to 198
172 strategy; however, this is precisely what he can’t do now. the incident and wished to come back to her classes as soon 199
173 J.J.’s environment gives meaning to his experience and it is as possible. The University provided support to the high 200
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174 where his new identity will be derived from. Only within school students. Ximena was invited as speaker. She shared 201
175 this complex psychosocial view can J.J.’s identity process her experience of massive abuse with her audience. Her 202
176 properly be understood. demand for justice against police brutality and torture made 203
her popular. Ximena’s life began to revolve around events 204
denouncing political activity associated with Mexican 205
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177 Ximena: Trauma Identities tribunals. Ximena’s friends become concerned about her 206
well- being and suggested that Ximena begin therapy for 207
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178 J.J. tries to escape from his boyhood ex-military past as ‘‘the trauma.’’ As time passed, Ximena and her family 208
179 torturer. The opposite may happen, that one’s role associ- developed a victim’s identity that was interwoven with the 209
180 ated with a traumatic past could become source of identity idea of irreparable damage. After 2 years, Ximena’s 210
181 and invade all aspects of one’s identity. Ximena is an friends encouraged her to enroll in a college attended by 211
182 18 year-old woman who works in tourism in Mexico City. people who would support her. As a result of academic 212
183 She belongs to a student college committee which joins failures, difficulty concentrating, and traumatic memories 213
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184 forces with the zapatista urban movement. She has a spe- of the events that, by this time, had transpired 4 years 214
185 cial role in this organization. She is in charge of many earlier, Ximena decided to seek professional help. 215
186 activities. It is surprising that even though Ximena didn’t At first, Ximena refused to allow her family to partici- 216
187 finish her high school studies, nobody questions her pate in her treatment. She said: ‘‘they never understood my 217
188 belonging to the group. Whenever anything is said about political work.’’ ‘‘They left me alone after what happened.’’ 218
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189 her, it may vaguely allude to ‘‘what happened’’, which is a ‘‘They are liberals who do not understand anything.’’ After 219
190 taboo subject in the group. ‘‘What happened’’ was an epi- several sessions, Ximena began to allow her family to 220
191 sode that occurred when Ximena was 15 years old. Along participate in her sessions. The work with her family was to 221
192 her high school classmates, Ximena was participating in a reconstruct Ximena’s identity structure as a 14 year-old. 222
193 support rally for the zapatista movement when she was Her family described her as ‘‘concerned’’ and ‘‘good’’, but 223
194 brutally captured along with dozens of other young people also as ‘‘lonely’’, a ‘‘bad student’’ and ‘‘unable to stay 224

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225 seated for more than 5 min.’’ They thought that Ximena Forced displacement implies loss of multiple social and 275
226 was hypersensitive and that therefore, it was difficult to family roles. Men go from agricultural workers to menial 276
227 discuss important issues with her without her reacting with service workers, if they are lucky. Women go from having 277
228 aggression or anger. Despite this, Ximena and her family agricultural activities and traditional roles at home, to 278
229 thought that her current academic difficulties and family being street vendors or cleaning ladies. Young people 279
230 problems were of secondary importance in comparison to insert themselves into neighborhoods where they learn to 280
231 her post-traumatic stress disorder resulting from ‘‘what survive the high level of group violence. A migratory 281
232 happened.’’ dream of a better future without violence and threats, 282
233 Ximena was able to understand her life in relation to progressively gives way, for all family members, to the 283

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234 her ‘‘victim’s role.’’ Anything that happened was in reality of marginality and lack of opportunities. The past 284
235 relation to this particular role which she could use to and the present cannot be reconciled. A familiar family 285
236 justify everything to herself and everybody else. A psy- space is dashed by doubts and accelerated identity changes. 286

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237 chosocial analysis shows Ximena’s logical difficulty of Young people who run away to avoid forced recruitment 287
238 abandoning some aspects of her identity that leave her as into armed groups, face guilt for leaving their family (NRC 288
Author Proof

239 a ‘‘poor martyr’’, and mediocre student with relationship & IDMC 2007). The psychosocial work with displaced 289
240 conflicts with her family and environment. Ximena could communities mostly involves considering the impact of 290
241 not tolerate the thought that her symptoms were a con- displacement on the identity. 291

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242 sequence of trauma. When it was suggested to her that In this sense, it will be important to analyze the story 292
243 she use her public appearances to demonstrate her power behind the displacement, from the children’s comments, to 293
244 and resilience, she started to postpone sessions and adolescents, to the whole group. In other words, what 294
245 finally quiet therapy. imaginary meanings exist behind the word ‘‘displaced’’. 295
246 Traumas may become, especially when they occur in What other people say (lazy, coward, guerrilla, farmer), as 296
247 adolescence, the vital center of one’s meaning. From a well as what parents say, impact children’s and young 297
248 psychosocial perspective, this part of an individual and
ED people’s experience. 298
249 collective process must be addressed with particular care. Fear associated with the escape, in conjunction with the 299
250 The stories of John Jairo and Ximena begin an inquiry above-mentioned perceptions of others, are reasons that the 300
251 regarding dilemmas associated to the victim identity. forced displacement is silent and invisible at a familial and 301
252 Nevertheless, reality is even more complex. Both cases social level, as well as within the neighborhood (Daniels 302
253 show different ways of being a victim. Another good par- 2006). There is a conflict between the lost identity (the 303
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254 adigm to explore, which delves deeper into this idea, is one place of origin’s identity), an imposed identity—rejected 304
255 regarding young people displaced by violence. and frequently invisible-, and a public and manifest iden- 305
tity (the one associated with marginality and new area’s 306
poverty). It is in this clash of identities, especially crucial 307
256 From Invisibility to Vindication: Identity and Dignity in adolescents, that it is imperative to analyze the different 308
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257 in Young People Displaced by Political Violence implications of the term ‘‘victim’’ (see Table 1). This term 309
258 in Colombia may identify the idea of somebody hurt, and therefore, 310
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vulnerable and fragile (left column). But, it may also 311

259 There are over two million people directly displaced due to identify a vital and legal circumstance which entails rights 312
260 political violence, and more displaced for economic rea- and spaces for action (right column.) That is to say, the 313
261 sons, who have been pushed from out of the system due to possibility of continuing being the agent of one’s life. To 314
262 a rupture of the social network, or poverty, or as conse- accomplish this, it is important to emphasize certain ele- 315
263 quence of violence (Bello and Arias 2002). Families have ments. Assume the action of displacement as a sign of 316
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264 abandoned rural areas affected by war to live in the suburbs strength instead of a process of escaping. Distinguish 317
265 they convert to neighborhoods without urban structures. identity conflicts, and distinguish the difference between 318
266 They have no educational or health infrastructure, no job being poor or marginal and being displaced. Distinguishing 319
267 opportunities, and live totally rooted out from society. An this affords one the possibility of recuperating one’s legal 320
268 adolescent, who has undergone this type of situational rights to defend violated personal rights, as well as 321
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269 displacement, has frequently witnessed terror and violence. regaining control over their lives, and having the power of 322
270 Sometimes, family members have been tortured, massa- decision in their lives, instead of perceiving the world and 323
271 cred, been part of group assassinations, or were kidnapped. the environment as that which decides for them. In this 324
272 These situations forced families to look for security. In context, the goal is to make decisions about how to con- 325
273 other cases, people move to avoid forced recruitment into front the crisis and where to go, as well as to see the 326
274 armed groups (Mosquera et al. 2000). displacement as a pathway, not as a destiny. It could also 327

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Table 1 Identity and forcedly displacement in Colombia

Identity disorganized by the Displacement organizing identity
displacement

Symptoms Individual symptoms: insomnia, Symptoms are normal expression of corporal discomfort. This view emphasizes
nightmares, sadness, general discontent the importance of the environment instead of every individual’s symptoms
Narrative People determined by the circumstances Displacement as temporal solution. Group and individual resistance.
People perceive themselves as owners of their own lives
Identity and role Poverty and marginality as destiny Active vindication of violated human rights by assuming an active social
role stemming from the victim’s identity

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Conflict’s To be a ‘‘displacement’s victim’’ Capacity to protect the higher number possible of identity aspects from the
distance from articulates the whole identity traumatic event
identity

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Perception Displaced people People in situation of displacement
Author Proof

328 be useful, to distinguish the difference between people in dictatorship, as well as in therapeutic work with young 363
329 process of displacement, and displaced people, and pro- Mapuches in support groups who have been retaliated 364

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330 viding these families with a sense of strength from con- against for belonging to ethnic movements, the concept of 365
331 sidering the victim identity as an active social agent. identity emerges repeatedly. For some young Mapuche, 366
their Mapuche identity gives meaning to their social and 367
political actions. They do not overanalyze contradictions 368
332 Identity References in Conflict: Chilean Young dominated by the major culture, in which frequently, they 369
333 Mapuches perform better than in their own culture. For other young 370
ED Mapuches, the confusion produces severe emotional 371
334 In some occasions, the identity conflict is linked to inter- problems. A young Mapuche who was born and grew up in 372
335 culturation conflicts where there are multiple incompatible a traditional community, is exposed through school, tele- 373
336 identity frames, instead of imposed identities (Pérez-Sales vision and college to another language and another culture, 374
337 2005). The case of the young Mapuches may help to ana- which is in many respects much more interesting and fas- 375
338 lyze this conflict. cinating than his own (music, images, books, etc.), and 376
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339 The Mapuche community is an indigenous group found allows him to feel more integrated to other people his 377
340 in South America. It is a strong and indomitable group. It same age. However, being excessively ‘‘wingka’’, it is to 378
341 was not ‘‘pacified’’ by the Chilean and Argentinean mili- say, Hispanic-Chilean, means to be rejected by other 379
342 tary until after the XIX century. Later, they had undergone young radical Mapuches, family members and traditional 380
343 successive land expropriation processes, community land authorities. This situation generates a great amount of 381
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344 fragmentation, and linguistic and ethnic discrimination, anxiety. To be excessively Mapuche, the other hand, means 382
345 which led them to a critical situation. Since the end of the to renounce all the above-mentioned, which already took a 383
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346 Pinochet dictatorship, the young Mapuche have initiated a part in the process of identity configuration in childhood 384
347 progressive revival of language, culture, medicine and and adolescence. The traditional healer women (machi) in 385
348 social and political ways of the Mapuche organization. Mapuche medicine have a special category for mental 386
349 There are certain Mapuche organizations that have chosen disorders (longo-kutran) associated to the idea of losing the 387
350 direct strategic actions, such as peacefully occupying sev- mind or the spirit. These disorders appear when the person 388
351 eral historical Mapuche land as consequence of the ineffi- is not able to deal with one’s identity appropriately. Many 389
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352 cacy of dialogue with the government. These actions have machis suggest that in order to regain sanity, people must 390
353 been met with brutal acts of legal and political repression, abandon their high schools or college and go back to their 391
354 with arbitrary detentions, torture and the incomprehensible families in the community until they find the right path. 392
355 application of antiterrorist laws to the young indigenes. Confronted with two worlds, the only solution seems to 393
356 These sentences range between 10 and 15 years of prison be to accept themselves as part of these two worlds, that is 394
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357 and have been repeatedly denounced as illegal and arbi- to say, to recognize that a person does not have just one 395
358 trary by international human rights organizations and the identity outline, but that there are many of them, and that 396
359 speaker of the United Nations indigenes affairs (UNWGIP this richness stems from not denying any of them. The 397
360 2006). problem is not so much the existence of two cultures in 398
361 In therapeutic work with young Mapuches, children of conflict, but converting the conflict into a matter of choice, 399
362 parents detained and disappeared during the Chilean because it is, as a matter of fact, a false choice. It is often 400

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401 an imposed election by others who set forth extreme chose to meet their biological family personally. The rest 451
402 positions: ‘‘you are with them or with us.’’ It is not easy for of them preferred to not learn about, or to learn only a part 452
403 an individual to say, ‘‘I am with both,’’ or for the envi- of their history, even though the data and documentation 453
404 ronment to accept this choice. were solid proof. 454
405 The pathway lies in going from a life between two The drama of ‘‘re-encountered’’ children in Argentina 455
406 worlds to a life with two worlds. A major part of the has national impact, especially due to some popular cases 456
407 identity conflicts in the context of violence and war are in the media in which some children denounced their 457
408 related to the existence of false dichotomies, in the logic of adoptive parents when they learned the truth about the 458
409 the prisoner’s dilemma. The therapeutic work would be to kidnapping and complicity of the adoptive parents with 459

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410 explain the mechanisms in order to look for integrative regards to the disappearance of their biological parents. 460
411 solutions. The challenge for the psychosocial accompaniment team 461
in Pro-Búsqueda has been to respect the desire of biolog- 462

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ical parents or grandparents to recover their children or 463
412 Shaking Identities: Strengths and Weaknesses in Young grandchildren and to know when and how to deliver any 464
Author Proof

413 People ‘‘Re-Encountered’’ in El Salvador news, how to help people to confront the effects of this 465
communication, and finally, how to facilitate a meeting 466
414 This type of prisoner’s dilemma in the world of identity with an unknown family. 467

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415 reaches its more extreme development in the case of The problem with the young disappeared has provoked 468
416 identities completely imposed upon during adolescence or political confrontations in El Salvador between progressive 469
417 in the early youth clash with pre-existing identities. This is social sectors that consider this area as an essential obli- 470
418 the case of the young ‘‘re-encountered.’’ This concept gation to persons assassinated and disappeared during the 471
419 covers cases of minors whose parents have been detained, war, and others who believe that these initiatives should 472
420 forcibly displaced, incarcerated, tortured or assassinated. not be supported by the government and should be denied 473
421 Children are sometimes adopted by soldiers, military, or
ED access to any kind of official information. 474
422 people of means who support the regimen, as well as The day to day work with the double identities of dis- 475
423 through high priced international adoptions. In this process, appeared and re-encountered young people from a psy- 476
424 first names and last names are changed, birth certificates chosocial and communitarian perspective requires one to 477
425 are altered, and a new identity is created for the child. be able to understand and accept the context in which it is 478
426 Many Latin American associations have the goal of possible to find perpetrators who were sure they were doing 479
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427 recovering these children: Pro-Búsqueda (2001) in El the right thing, and doing good for others by changing the 480
428 Salvador, Mayo (1997) in Argentina, and Hasta Encontr- name of a ‘‘poor’’ boy and giving him up for adoption to a 481
429 arte in Guatemala, to name some of the more known ‘‘wealthy’’ American or European family or keeping the 482
430 organizations. During the last few years, the movement children themselves. Perpetrators can’t understand why 483
431 Hijos por la Identidad y la Justicia contra el Olvido y el they are being persecuted and interpret the biological 484
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432 Silencio (H.I.J.O.S.), which emerged in Argentina, has families’ efforts for wanting to find their kidnapped loved 485
433 been extended to another eight Latin American countries ones as a depraved attempt to reopen already healed 486
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434 and also to another 15 countries around the world. It has wounds at the insistence of some political parties. 487
435 constituted itself in an international network. In addition to orphanage or military officials involved in 488
436 All these organizations are assuming or supporting the the trafficking of children who may have acted with good 489
437 basic right to live: the possibility of recovering a kidnapped intentions, there were some who premeditated kidnappings, 490
438 child or grandson. However, this task involves a difficult trafficked defenseless human beings as merchandise, sold 491
439 and painful process. The search includes, at its most cruel children to the highest bidder, and treated children as 492
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440 and extreme point, the dilemma of informing somebody exchangeable toys from one family to another, believing 493
441 about the existence of a second identity (an identity they were owners of human lives. 494
442 unknown or vaguely recalled due to the person’s early age From the perspective of the families, there will be some 495
443 at the time of the kidnapping) and another family, the occasions where biological parents will not start the search 496
444 biological family. for their children, perhaps for fear of hurting the children 497
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445 The complexity of this situation may be grasped by the now, or, from thinking that their children may feel aban- 498
446 fact that after 780 cases of documented disappeared chil- doned after learning that their biological parents’ disap- 499
447 dren at Pro-Búsqueda, it has been possible to find 317 after peared and incomprehensively never reappeared. Some 500
448 the peace agreements (approximately a 40%), most of them other families, on the contrary, need to find their sons or 501
449 are already young adults. After sensitive and patient work grandsons as the only possible way to reconcile the past. 502
450 of the psychosocial accompaniment team only 181 (57%) There will be some children who want to know about their 503

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504 true origin and will even investigate it themselves. There 1. Macro-political view. Colombia has been in a state of 554
505 will be other children who prefer not to know and who may civil war for over 40 years. Choco’s territories, where 555
506 even present legal demands for damages resulting from Embera’s refugees are located, have been coveted for 556
507 having been ‘‘localized’’ (Pro-Búsqueda 2001). their wood and mineral resources. Since the nineties, 557
508 Without further detail in the complexity of the thera- paramilitary groups began to appear in the area. These 558
509 peutic work and different interventions, the case of young are armed groups which are also trained in clandestine 559
510 disappeared children allows us to highlight several addi- methods of territorial control displacing by force 560
511 tional elements in the analysis between identity and populations considered not to be ‘‘useful’’ to the 561
512 trauma. It is not possible to work with preconceived political and economical powers. The paramilitary 562

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513 archetypes or action schemes since every person, family provoked deaths and kidnappings. They made several 563
514 and circumstance is different and unique. The social leaders and old people disappear causing an economic 564
515 polarization that obligates one to choose sides, systemati- and social rupture. This is a reality linked to 565

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516 cally forgets that, when speaking about identities, there multinational and governmental interests as well as 566
517 are persons with unique lives involved. Because of this, it macro-projects which have caused the social destruc- 567
Author Proof

518 is necessary to work with a committed bond with the tion of the Embera world. This involves fears, 568
519 victim (Lira 1989) avoiding the ideological confrontation hopelessness, fragmented collective identities and 569
520 that overlooks people and creates stereotyped answers to vulnerability of an invaded and broken world. 570

PR
521 complex human situations. 2. Anthropological and social view. The poverty dis- 571
522 This article began with a focus on the person, the family, course. Sociologically speaking Embera’s village is 572
523 and the dilemmas regarding a person’s origin references. It considered to be in extreme poverty externally. 573
524 is now necessary to add cultural elements and those ele- Neonatal and infantile mortality indicators are five 574
525 ments related to the introjections of the dynamic of war. times higher than the national average and the 575
526 There were a series of chained suicides of young Embera- percentage of infantile undernourishment is ten times 576
527 Katie indigenes in Colombia in 2003 and 2004. The anal-
ED higher than the national average. This is not the view 577
528 ysis of these cases and their possible causes may allow an that the Embera group had of itself (collective identity) 578
529 overall view about the complexity of these situations. just over a few decades ago. The young adults still 579
recall a period in their lives where people lived from 580
fishing and hunting where everything was fine and 581
530 Suicide Among Young People from Embera: The Need balanced. The arrival of some new cultural frame- 582
CT

531 for an Integrative View works and the accelerated cultural invasion has 583
provoked a collective identity that went from abun- 584
532 The indigenous communities have frequently suffered dance to the poorest among the poor in just a short 585
533 epidemic suicides among their youth. Some examples are time—the forgotten ones of the jungle. 586
534 the Guaranies in Paraguay, Brazil, and the state of Mich- 3. Communitarian view. Accelerated changes have 587
E

535 acan in Mexico, and the Embera in Colombia. Four young brought about a value crisis, changes in family roles 588
536 Arquia people committed suicide by hanging themselves and the loss of the family as a mutual support space. 589
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537 between 1998 and 2000. Since March 2003 and March Young people consider family and community as 590
538 2004, a number of children at Embera in Choco began to obstacles, the respect to the elderly and authority is 591
539 commit suicide by hanging themselves. Among an ethnic missing. The traditional ways of decision-making and 592
540 group of just over a total of 3,000 people, there were 30 leadership are in crisis. 593
541 children that attempted to commit suicide by hanging 4. Religious view. In addition to the above, there is crisis 594
542 themselves, and a total of 14, between ages 10 and 14, in the religious world. The traditional healer women or 595
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543 actually accomplished it over a 1 year period of time. Two jaibanas lost their influence as catalysts of positive 596
544 other people, approximately 20 years old, also hung spiritual power. For them, the suicides are provoked by 597
545 themselves during that time period. maligned spirits. According to them, the war has 598
546 Suicide among children and young people allows mul- caused many abandoned dead bodies whose spirits 599
547 tiple frames of comprehension. Each view provides rele- wander without tranquility. Sacred spaces have been 600
UN

548 vant arguments, but none alone provides a comprehensive perturbed, as well as mountains, rivers and animals. 601
549 explanation. These offended spirits enter into children, making 602
550 The Fig. 2 shows the psychosocial perspective of the them crazy and hang themselves. Children hang 603
551 phenomenon of Embera suicides integrating social and themselves by sitting on the floor, hanging a cord 604
552 political reality, the social, individual and collective iden- around their necks to a stick, letting themselves go 605
553 tities, as well as individual clinical factors: forward until they die. 606

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Multinatinal Economic Interests and Government

Violence –Torture-Threats
“Humanitarian aid “for the victims” is provided while
the government negotiates our destiny with large - There is no school
multinational corporations ”. - The doctor is four hours away (if the
means are available to pay for a canoe ride
there)

War
- Paramilitary Incursions
- Death and the abdonment of corpses in
Mobile communities become sedentary Poverty
Unavoidabledisplacement to peri-urban areas - Infant Mortality
the area
- Forced Recruiment of young people -Undernourishment
- Loss of family members - Chronic Illness

RUPTURE IN SOCIAL FABRIC

FEAR HOPELESSNESS

F
Community Confrontations Accelerated cultural invasion
The actions of Jaivanás from other communities, that Identity change: collective identity of plenty gives
liberate their malignant spirits to harm this one way to collective identity of marginality,
discrimination, and poverty.

OO
Young people serve as militiamen, messengers, and
errand boys
Indigenous leaders are threatened or killed SUICIDE
Author Proof

Collapse of traditional political structures

All live beings have souls that should not be bothered. Epidemic:
Armed actors have desecrated sacred spaces. - Lost fear of committing suicide
Places that should not be touched. - “Social Prestige” of suicide
- Attention and Affection for partners and

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family

Expectations – Anxiety – Dissociative States

The bad spirits, in essence the souls from the war “The girls are going mad. They say they are going to
dead, own the youth. The spirits kill people “How is it jump and die…”
possiblefor the youth to hang themselves while Values Crisis
seated on the ground if it is not a spirit that pulls the Crisis in the family. Loss of familial space for mutual
cord? support.
Crisis with the Youth. “The pain of life is not worth it” Undemonstrated mourning for fallen brother and
friends

Fantasies of Reuniting. “Some children confirm that

dead children are calling them out to play with them ”
Lack of respect for the sanadoras or jaibanas
ED
The loss of ability to find and confront spirits

Fig. 2 Psychosocial view on child suicide: pathways to care

CT

607 5. Individual view. All these phenomena have an inci- ethnic, socio-political, or developmental view fails by 631
608 dence in children that normally consider suicide as considering each individually. This social problem could 632
609 something unthinkable until the first suicide seems to be confronted from a psychosocial and communitarian 633
610 break the fear and allows access to the prohibited. view which integrates all these perspectives. 634
611 Suicide is not only possible, it also allows one to The way to stop the infantile suicide epidemic may 635
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612 become the center of attention in the community and include a combination of: 636
613 receive the affection and care of parents and siblings.
• Participative diagnosis of the global community situa- 637
614 Furthermore, chain suicides and warnings about bad
RR

tion. Analysis of the vulnerabilities, strengths and 638

615 spirits cause anxiety among young people. Therefore,
possibilities of a community plan to strengthen social 639
616 high levels of anxiety, states of dissociation and crises
and organization aspects. 640
617 are common in the younger community. Finally, the
• Workshops supported by the psychosocial team in 641
618 death of siblings, cousins, and friends entail a mourn-
order to address the original causes of the conflict, 642
619 ing process difficult to cope with. In addition, young
and the agents and the type of violence executed. 643
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620 people may have fantasies of a reencounter (‘‘my

Understand and explain the violence’s logic to be 644
621 brother comes sometimes and asks me to go to play
able to stand up as a community (as a not belligerent 645
622 where he is’’).
agent, for example) and develop strategies (for 646
623 Figure 2 shows how all these causes are not isolated instance, look for international support, communicate 647
624 elements. They interact together in a complex multi-causal and discuss the issues involved inside and outside the 648
UN

625 net in which all factors mutually interact with each other. community). 649
626 There are difficult questions about social, cultural, familial • Workshops to address the impact of the conflict on the 650
627 and individual identity that are hard for children and ado- community: emotional aspects (fears, hopelessness, 651
628 lescents to resolve. sadness), conflicts between neighbors, illnesses, and 652
629 It is in this reality context that the possibility of inter- confrontations. Working with fear as an emotion, what 653
630 vention has to be considered. A one-dimensional clinical, could we do? 654

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655 • Recuperation of religious and ethnic identities. Support survivor identity) is constituted from the moment one 704
656 healer women (jaibanas) and help them to be more defines himself based on an actual traumatic experience or 705
657 integrated into the different communities, know more that experience turns into one of the essential components 706
658 about the spirits that are making the children sick and of one’s identity, and consequently becomes an introduc- 707
659 support their ceremonies to cure sick children. This is a tion to others. 708
660 way of revaluing culture, language and the pride to be An identity centered in trauma is a problem when it is 709
661 Embera. associated with vulnerable self images and defenselessness. 710
662 • Analyze the constitution of an auto-centered commu- It also establishes relationships based on dependency, 711
663 nity development model as a way to address the lack of demand for help, compassion and complaint, impeding the 712

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664 expectation among youth. possibility of developing other aspects in the person. 713
665 • Traditional authorities may meet with parents to discuss However, the identity centered in trauma, may also serve as 714
666 different conflicts and advise them; the psychosocial source of strength and vindication, providing one with a 715

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667 team may also meet with them. sense of being the author of one’s life. A psychosocial 716
668 • Educational activities and play activities, in which the perspective that integrates political and social issues as 717
Author Proof

669 psychosocial team may work with adolescents and well as subjective conflicts shows the insufficiency of the 718
670 children in order to deal with strong emotions and past clinical model based on posttraumatic stress. 719
671 losses, discuss expectations and have open discussions Traumatic events change one’s vision of the world, of 720

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672 about suicide. oneself and others (Janoff-Bulman 1992; Pérez-Sales 2006). 721
Providing meaning to experience, is by all means, giving 722
673 An integrative plan that includes at least these seven
meaning to oneself. This is identity. 723
724
674 points may help the community in its process of recon-
675 struction. It is necessary to assume that working in the
676 mental health field involves a global and integrative view.
References 725
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Barudy, J. (1989). A programme of mental health for political 726
677 Final Reflections refugees: Dealing with the invisible pain of political exile. Social 727
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678 Gabarino (2001) edited a series of research reports on the desplazamiento. Bogota: Universidad Nacional de Colombia, 730
679 community, family, and individual dynamics of violence and AVRE, Dos Mundos. 731
CT

680 trauma in the lives of children and youth from settings in the Bragin, M. (2005). To play, learn, and think understanding and 732
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683 and England. The issue was thought provoking and showed Daniels, A. J. (2006). El Desplazamiento en Cartagena: Entre la 736
684 the conceptual communalities in the social dynamics of Invisibilidad y la Incertidumbre Balance de Polı´ticas Públicas. 737
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685 violence and trauma in western and non-western countries. Colombia: Universidad de Cartagena. 738
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686 Different North American authors have also worked on the- Gabarino, J. (2001). An ecological perspective on effects of violence 740
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687 oretical models linking identity and violence in adolescence on children. Journal of Community Psychology, 29(3), 361–378. 741
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689 McMahon and Watts 2002; Bragin 2005). The cases drawn in Piqueta. Madrid: La Piqueta. 743
Goffman, E. (2001). La presentación de la persona en la vida 744
690 this paper reflect the reality of Central and South American cotidiana. Barcelona: Amorrortu. 745
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692 easily transposed to western contexts. psychology of trauma. New York: Free Press. 747
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695 tions are mostly determined by the experiences lived dur- terapia. El Salvador: UCA Editores. 751
696 ing their childhood. A repetitive traumatic situation during Matsumoto, D. (1996). Culture and psychology. New York: Brooks/ 752
697 early childhood may provoke a chaotic and disorganized Cole. 753
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698 identity. However, a solid and consistent image of oneself McMahon, S. D., & Watts, R. J. (2002). Ethnic identity in urban 755
699 developed during the early years may help to develop African American youth: Exploring links with self-worth, 756
700 strengths and resources to confront a repetitive traumatic aggression, and other psychosocial variables. Journal of Com- 757
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762 NRC & IDMC. (2007). Para que se sepa: Hablan las personas Author Biography 777
763 desplazadas en Colombia. Bogota: Consejo Noruego para
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765 Pérez-Sales, P. (2005). Psicologia y psiquiatria transcultural. Bilbao: in Mental Health and Human Rights, Head of the Complex Trauma 780
766 Desclee de Brower. Unit, Hospital La Paz in Madrid, Director of the Post-Doctoral 781
767 Pérez-Sales, P. (2006). Trauma, culpa y duelo. Hacia una psicoter- Degree Mental Health in Political Violence and Catastrophe, 782
768 apia integradora. Bilbao: Desclee de Brower. Universidad Complutense de Madrid, and author of 12 books and 783
769 UNWGIP. (August 2006). Retrieved. from. 50 national and international papers on psychosocial and community 784
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771 Spencer, M. B. (1999). Social and cultural influences on school Duelo, Hacia una psicoterapia integradora (Trauma, Guilt, Grief. 786
772 adjustment: The application of an identity-focused cultural Towards and integrative psychotherapy. Ed Desclee de Brower. 787
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ecological perspective. Educational Psychologist, 34, 43–57. Bilbao. 2006). 788
774 Viñar, M. (1987). Fracturas de la memoria. Montevideo: Trilce.
775 789

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776
Author Proof

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