deliberate attempt to keep out of controversies.

However it appears that

he had close relations with some of those persons who did not agree
with Akbar’s religious experiments.1 Badaoni says that his closeness to
him was due to “religious affinity.”2
of "Abdul Qadir Badaoni is the ftnljj
work which was written during the reign of Akbar but not for Akbar.
‘Abdul Qadir was one of the most erudite scholars of his age, well
versed in Sanskrit, history, literature and music. He had taken
prominent part in the literary activities of Akbar’s period.
Circumstances however divided his personality. Ideologically he
disagreed with the situation he was placed in. He had to praise all
through what his heart wanted him to condemn. This tyranny of the
situation led to feelings of frustration and disgust and deepened the
sources of satire and sarcasm in him. Badaoni has criticised Akbar on
ideological grounds but he was his ardent supporter in political matters.
So long as religion and politics move separately, Badaoni has all respect
and admiration for Akbar, but the moment Akbar crosses the Rubicon
and starts interfering in religious matters, Badaoni takes up his cudgels
against him. He represents the voice of orthodoxy against Akbar’s
religious experiments and innovations. But in spite of his exclusive and
fanatical thinking, his Muntakhab-vCt-Tawarikh has a charm of its own.
One may disagree with his point of view, but it is of immense historical
value in analysing the factors which defeated Akbar’s attempts at a
religious synthesis. If contemporary religious literature can provide an
index to the ideological tussles of the period, Badaoni must not have
been alone in feeling the way he did. But open criticism of Akbar’s
religious policies could land him into trouble and so he kept his history
a secret. When it was published during the reign of Jahangir, the
Emperor ordered all copies of the work to be searched and burnt. But
the book was destined to survive, and act as a corrective to the
panegyrism of Abul Fazl. Where Abul Fazl keeps mum, Badaoni pours
out in gushes. He thus fills in the blanks in Abul Fazl’s work. On many
matters of crucial significance'—e.g., Mahzar, leading the prayers—
Abul Fazl is tantalizing in his brevity. Badaoni is most vocal on such
issues. In fact

e.g., Shaikh ‘Abdul Haqq Muhaddith, see Nizami, Hayat-i-Shaikh ‘Abdul Haqq
1

Muhaddith Dihlavi, p. 248.

zMuniakhab-u’t-Tawarikh, III, p. 397.
his account may prove a supplement and an adjunct to Abul FazFs work
in so far as it supplies the point of view of Akbar’s critics—something
which has been completely ignored by Abul Fazl. What has, however,
decimated the value of his work is a feeling of jealousy and vendetta that
runs throughout against those who had gone higher in the estimation of
the Emperor but were his colleagues or school fellows. His ego could
never reconcile itself to the idea that they were more gifted than him. He
does not hide his ill-will towards them but feels proud in condemning
them. Akbar had put him on the job of translating works from Sanskrit1
which was part of a broader policy of the Emperor to work out socio-
religious accord at all levels. Badaoni was not interested in this work. In
fact on one occasion the Emperor scolded him as ‘haram khor9 and
turnip eater. Apart from this personal handicaps and shortcomings,
Badaoni has a place of his own in the historiography of medieval India.
He took the most significant step in extending the scope and conspectus
of history by including in his history accounts of literary, religious and
social activities of the people belonging to different walks of life.
Though Qazwini dealt with the poets in great detail, but he did not
succeed in weaving this account in a variegated pattern of socio-
intellectual life. Badaoni succeeds considerably in this. Notwithstanding
his fanatical views, his work is invaluable for a study of the religious and
intellectual history of medieval India. He did not confine his vision to the
court or the camp alone. He turned to the khanqahs and the madrasahs in
order to have a total view of life.
Of all the political chroniclers of Akbar’s period, Badaoni alone had a
point of view of his own. Abul Fazl looked at men and movements from
the imperial point of view and represented a panegyrist’s approach;
Nizam-u’d-din was a bare chronicler; Faizi Sirhindi, Bayazid Bayat,
‘Abbas and ‘Arif lacked that vision which gives birth to perspective.
Besides, while all others

1
His name is associated with the following works :
(/) Nama-i-Khirad Afza; (ii) Razm Nama; (iff) Tarjama-i Kitab-i Rama-
yana; (iv) Bahr-u'l-asmar (Hindi)
Besides he compiled a book Kitab-u'l-Ahadis on traditions of the Pro
phet and prepared Tarjama-UMifjam-uhBuldan,f Tarjama-i Tarikh-i-
Kashmir and Intikhab-i Jami*-i Rashidu
expected some reward or recognition for their work, Badaoni looked for
‘salvation’ as a reward in the world hereafter. Notwithstanding every
thing else, it cannot be ignored that Badaoni did not have the remotest of
sympathy with the enemies of Akbar’s throne.
His Najat-u'r-Rashid1 shows that he could try his hand with
commendable success at the ornate and florid style which was so
popular in his day. But in his Muntakhab he has followed a style which
is, on the whole, very plain and simple but piquant and with an
inimitable touch of ridicule and satire.
In the historical literature of medieval India, Abul Fazl stands out
pre-eminently for his contribution to historiography.2
Besides these works which rank very high in the historical literature
of medieval India, the following works which were also compiled
during the reign of Akbar deserve to be mentioned :
1. Zikr-ifl-Muluk3 by Shaikh 'Abdul Haqq Muhaddith Dehlavi (ob.
1052/1642). It is concise history of India from Shihab-u’d- din
Muhammad Ghuri to Akbar. As the author had some other literary
works in hand, he could not bring the work up-to-date. Nawab Murtaza
Khan Shaikh Farid requested Shaikh Nur-u’l- Haqq (son of Shaikh
‘Abdul Haqq) to complete his father’s work. Nur-u’l-Haqq’s Zubdat-
u't-Tawarikh4 which was completed during the reign of Jahangir, is in a
way, a continuation of Shaikh ‘Abdul Haqq’s work. A pupil of Shah
Waliullah of Delhi, Haji Rafi‘u’d-din Muradabadi, also wrote a
supplement to Zikr-iCl-Muluk.
2. Tarikh-i-Khandan-i-Timuriya an illustrated history of Timur and
his successors to the 22nd regnal year of Akbar. A beautifully
illustrated MS of this work is preserved at the Bankipur Library. 5 Sri
Ram Sharma says : “So far its illustrations have
lit is a general ethical and Sufi treatise containing interesting discussions and
anecdotes. Some theological controversies have also been referred to. His account of
the Mehdavis is informative. MS Aligarh Muslim University Library. Text edited
by S. Moinul Haq, Indara Tahqiqat-i Pakistan, Lahore, 1972.
2For his assessment as a historian, see supra, Ch. VI.
3
For MS of this work, see Persian Literature, p. 441. Next to Bankipur MS is the
Aligarh MS which is date<£1030 AH.
4
For MSS; Storey, pp. 441-42. .
^Catalogue, VII, p. 551. ,
 received more attention than the text. It is the earliest written account of
Akbar’s reign and as such a very valuable commentary thereon.”1
If the scope of historical literature is slightly extended it may include
considerable insha literature, poetic works, religious treatises and
translations etc., but here only works of political nature have been
noticed. Perhaps under no ruler of medieval India so varied and
voluminous literature on political history was produced as during the
reign of Akbar.
Another valuable work of the period which should be noticed is
Ahwal-i-Asad Beg.* The author, Asad Beg Qazwini, was in the service of
Abul Fazl for seventeen years. After his death in 1602 he joined the court
of Akbar. He was sent to Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah with a proposal of marriage
for Daniyal. Subsequently he acted as an envoy to the Deccan states. On
Akbar’s death Jahangir recalled him. Later he was admitted into service
and the title of Peshrau Khan was given to him. The Ahwal is a memoir
which deals with incidents in his life from the murder of Abul Fazl to the
accession of Jahangir, roughly a period of three or four years. These
years constitute a period of great importance from the point of view of
Akbar’s religious policy and its impact. Abul Fazl’s murder was a
turning point indicating the extent of resentment against Akbar’s
religious experiments. During this later period, the faith of the nobles,
says Jahangir, was shaken in Akbar.3 One can legitimately expect from
one close to Abul Fazl that he would provide details for an assessment of
the situation.
Asad gives details of events connected with the murder of Abul Fazl.
It appears that Akbar was at first incensed at him for not protecting Abul
Fazl properly. “Bring Asad into the bath room so that I may cut him into
pieces with my own hand,” Akbar is reported to have remarked under the
impression that he did not take proper care for the protection of Abul
Fazl. Later on his anger subsided and he was appointed as an officer in
the Emperor’s body-guard.
Bibliography of Mughal India, p. 54.
2
For MSS, Rieu, III, 979b; Asafiya, II, p. 848, no. 41. English translation by B.W.
Chapman is available in British Museum, Add. 30,776.
*Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, text, p. 9; tr. I, p. 22.
 Asad gives some interesting details about the ruler of Bijapur to
whom he was sent by Akbar. ‘Adil Shah spoke in Marathi as he could
not speak in Persian fluently.
Though Asad belonged to Akbar’s Din Elahi, he does not supply any
interesting information about the Emperor’s religious views and
innovations.
Asad was, it appears, responsible for introducing tobacco at the court.
He saw it at Bijapur and brought it to Agra. The Emperor, ignoring the
advice of his physician, had some puffs from the pipe. “He then sent for
his druggist, and asked what were its peculiar qualities.” Asad further
states :
“As I had brought a large supply of tobacco and pipes, I sent some to
several of the nobles, while others sent to ask for some; indeed, all,
without exception, wanted some, and the practice was introduced.
After that the merchants began to sell it, so the custom of smoking
spread rapidly. His Majesty,, however, did not adopt it.”1
No period of Indian history can match with the reign of Akbar so far
as the production of historicol literatufe goes. Akbar’s own interest in
history went a long way in inspering others to undertake compilation of
historical works.

1
EUiot & Dowson, VI, p. J 67,