Telematics and Informatics xxx (2017) xxx–xxx

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Telematics and Informatics

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/tele

Social networking in the aging context: Why older adults use or

avoid Facebook
Eun Hwa Jung a,⇑, Justin Walden b, Ariel Celeste Johnson c, S. Shyam Sundar d
a
Department of Communications and New Media, National University of Singapore, Blk AS6, #03-05, 11 Computing Drive, Singapore 117416, Singapore
b
Department of Communication, North Dakota State University, 338, D-6 Minard Hall, Fargo, ND 58102, United States
c
NBC Universal Media, LLC, 30 Rockefeller Plaza, New York, NY 10112, United States
d
College of Communications, The Pennsylvania State University, 122 Carnegie Building, University Park, PA 16802-5101, United States

a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t

Article history: Despite a growing body of research about older adults’ use of social networking sites (SNS),
Received 11 January 2017 scholars have not fully explored how this technology is meeting this group’s interactional
Accepted 26 April 2017 and information-seeking needs. How do these older adults view this technology? What are
Available online xxxx
their communication needs and expectations and why are they drawn to it? To address
these questions and fill a gap in the literature, this study draws upon in-depth interviews
Keywords: with 46 older adults (average age: 80.4 years) about their perceptions of Facebook, which
Social networking sites
was the leading SNS at the time of writing. Analysis of interview data revealed six primary
Older adults
Uses and gratifications
reasons for using Facebook (keeping in touch, sharing photos, social surveillance, respond-
In-depth interview ing to family member requests, convenient communication, curiosity) and six primary rea-
sons for not using Facebook (privacy, need for media richness, preference for familiarity,
triviality of communication, time commitment, frustration with site tools). Emergent find-
ings hold implications for future research and SNS design.
Ó 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction

Although young adults still account for the majority of social networking site users, social media use among older adults
has more than tripled since 2010 (Perrin, 2015). Reflecting this growth, 63 percent of American adults aged 50–64 and 56
percent of people 65 and older were using Facebook as of 2014 (Duggan et al., 2015). Even though some initial research
has shown concerns among this age group about social media (Arjan et al., 2008), older adults, like the rest of population,
have embraced this technology. The enhanced ability to communicate with people virtually is particularly important for this
group because aging is associated with decreased social interaction (Cacioppo et al., 2010). Therefore, an important agenda
item for computing professionals and researchers is to understand the role played by social computing technologies in the
lives of today’s seniors.
Given the potential of SNSs to provide older adults with social satisfaction (Bell et al., 2013), it is critical to examine how
they perceive and use SNSs as a tool of interpersonal communication. Despite increased SNSs adoption among retirees,
research on social media largely ignores this group. While we know a lot about why young people use Facebook (e.g.,
Joinson, 2008; Lee et al., 2014), we know very little about why and how older individuals use Facebook. To fill this gap in
the literature, we conducted interviews with older adults to understand their perceptions of SNSs. As of April 2016, Facebook

⇑ Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: cnmjeh@nus.edu.sg (E.H. Jung), justin.walden@ndsu.edu (J. Walden), ACJ0424@gmail.com (A.C. Johnson), sss12@psu.edu (S.S. Sundar).

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tele.2017.04.015
0736-5853/Ó 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Please cite this article in press as: Jung, E.H., et al. Social networking in the aging context: Why older adults use or avoid Facebook. Tele-
mat. Informat. (2017), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tele.2017.04.015
2 E.H. Jung et al. / Telematics and Informatics xxx (2017) xxx–xxx

was the most popular SNS with 1.65 billion active monthly users and 1.09 billion daily active users (Fox Business, 2016).
Facebook offers the potential for improved communication among older adults, yet large usage disparities exist in this demo-
graphic. With this in mind, we sought to identify the motivations for older adults to use Facebook and non- users’ motiva-
tions for avoiding this social networking site.
To frame the study and explain technology adoption by this group, we employ uses and gratifications (U&G) theory and
research on older adults’ communication needs. The interview results identifies the reasons why older adults use and avoid
Facebook, and also explicates how they communicate with their families and friends in face-to-face situations and how they
communicate via Facebook. Comparing perceptions and self-reported behaviors of users and non-users is helpful from a the-
oretical perspective (expanding uses and gratifications to the domain of SNSs with this particular group) and from an applied
design perspective (examining specific Facebook site functionalities that are both useful and limiting).

2. Older adults’ communication and SNSs uses

Interpersonal communication behaviors vary based on age because relationships are shaped by the social roles and struc-
tures that are unique to each age group (Ross et al., 2005). In addition, it is well known that one’s social networks dramat-
ically change when they retire from the workforce (Gibson et al., 2010). In particular, as network sizes decrease upon
retirement, older adults lose much of their daily social interaction, which can increase feelings of loneliness and depression
and pose other mental health concerns (Cacioppo et al., 2010). To minimize this isolation, scholars suggest that retirees turn
to the Internet to enhance their social interaction (Harley and Fitzpatrick, 2009). Hogeboom et al. (2010) found that use of
SNSs increases the frequency of contact with family and friends, which can help older adults cope with stress and depression.
Older adults use Facebook to stay connected with friends and family to supplement their limitations of mobility that inhibit
physical connectedness. Additionally, older Facebook users are more likely to be satisfied with social interaction than non-
Facebook users (Bell et al., 2013). In light of this, it appears that SNSs have become more effective in keeping elderly people
socially connected.
Even though SNSs offer new opportunities to promote healthy behavior and quality of life, there are nevertheless some
limiting factors that prevent older adults from using SNSs. For example, research has shown that members of this group lack
an interest in technology, are unable to access a computer, and have anxiety about technology usage (Hutto and Bell, 2014).
Given the sensory and cognitive impairments among older adults (Ryan et al., 1995), they may have problems with using
Internet sites. Lehtinen et al. (2009) found that usability problems with SNSs and higher preference for traditional commu-
nication media hindered social media use in this group. Similarly, Gibson et al. (2010) discovered that the majority of older
adults tend to be resistant to joining Facebook because of privacy concerns. Additionally, this group is afraid to share per-
sonal information online (Arjan et al., 2008). This, in turn, raises questions about their perceptions of website security
and their interest in using social media (Mitzner et al., 2010). Even though SNSs provide options for controlling one’s privacy
levels, older users are typically not familiar with how to control the level of privacy on SNSs (Taylor, 2011). Norval et al.
(2014) also pointed out that a lack of transparency in SNSs privacy settings is a barrier for older users. In addition, research
shows that older adults commonly believe that social relationships on SNSs are superficial compared to offline relationships
(Lehtinen et al., 2009) and they do not trust SNS technology to form or maintain their social relationships (Norval et al.,
2014). Older adults are not comfortable being candid with online friends, which diminishes their appreciation for online
communication (Gibson et al., 2010). They are less likely to initiate communication with online friends and upload their per-
sonal stories to SNSs (Taylor, 2011). It appears that older adults have different uses and attitudes toward SNSs compared to
oft-studied groups such as college students.

3. User motivations for Facebook (SNSs) use among older adults

Although SNSs can offer older adults much needed contact with others that has been lost abruptly when they retire, the
main reason for using SNSs among this population is to connect with their younger relatives, such as seeing the latest photos
of grandchildren (Jung and Sundar, 2016). Social media can alleviate social isolation among individuals distant from their
immediate families and friends. There is also evidence to suggest that frequent familial intergenerational contact leads to
greater emotional intimacy (Harwood, 2000) and intergenerational social and instrumental support (Tomassini et al.,
2004). As life expectancy increases, multiple generations are co-existing within families, leading scholars to focus on the
implications of inter-generational communication. There is evidence that SNSs facilitate intergenerational communication
by connecting members of younger and older age groups, which is beneficial for both sides (Mesch, 2012). Given the pivotal
importance of intergenerational relationships for one’s well-being, SNSs can be effective tools for maintaining relationships
between older adults and their family. With this in mind, we sought to identify the affordance-related reasons why older
adults use or avoid Facebook.
Many studies on social media appear to target college students (e.g., Joinson, 2008; Lee et al., 2014), yet only a few studies
have examined older adults’ social media use. One study suggested that three factors contribute to social media use among
older adults: Reconnecting with others in their age group; social support from online friends; and bridging generational gaps
(Madden and Zickuhr, 2012). Most SNS users ages 50 and older tend to look for people from their past and they are likely to
use SNS to receive support from their online friends, especially if they suffer from chronic conditions (Madden and Zickuhr,

Please cite this article in press as: Jung, E.H., et al. Social networking in the aging context: Why older adults use or avoid Facebook. Tele-
mat. Informat. (2017), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tele.2017.04.015
 E.H. Jung et al. / Telematics and Informatics xxx (2017) xxx–xxx 3

2012). Most importantly, older adults use SNSs to communicate with their family members. Critically, this technology can
connect younger generations and older generations. Also, older adults who are generally not familiar with new media seem
more likely to become isolated from societies in which technology changes almost daily (Melenhorst et al., 2001). Therefore,
it is important to understand the uses and effects of social networking technology in their lives.
In addition, each social networking site has its own technological affordances that support users’ abilities to connect with
each other (Jung and Sundar, 2016). When it comes to features that facilitate older adults’ use of Facebook, most participants
in Righi et al.’s (2012) study answered that sharing photos on Facebook was useful and enjoyable. However, while older
adults like to view family and holiday photos, they seldom post photos (Brandtzæg et al., 2010). The added attraction of
the picture modality over text perhaps lies in the perceived realism of the activities portrayed, and the felt social presence
of relatives (Sundar, 2008). Consistent with this research, Sundar and Limperos (2013) argue that technological affordances
such as modality and interactivity can gratify individuals’ needs for using media. For example, the preference for particular
Facebook features (e.g., status update, message, chatting, comments) is associated with social bonding or bridging, or a com-
bination of both (Lee et al., 2014). The literature, to this point, has not fully considered the relationship between specific
Facebook affordances and older adults’ communication needs. To address this, we draw upon in-depth interviews to under-
stand older adults’ experiences in communicating with their families and friends in face-to-face situations and with digital
technology.

4. Application of uses and gratifications theory to older adults’ SNS use

To further explain older adults’ engagement with SNSs, we turn to uses and gratifications (U&G) theory, which suggests
that individuals actively use media based on their motivations (Rubin and Perse, 1987). U&G stresses the role of active users
over passive audiences in media usage. In particular, U&G explains how people satisfy their needs through media use, and
the theory also attempts to uncover individuals’ motivations for using media (Rubin and Perse, 1987). U&G theory has been
used to explain the use of different media and its related expectations and gratifications sought, which is especially useful for
exploratory studies about new and neglected groups of users.
Under this line of reasoning, U&G theory is applicable to the adoption of SNSs among older adults, to explore their usage
patterns and discover motivations for SNS usage that may differ from those of younger generations. Thus, this exploratory
study seeks to identify older adults’ reasons for using and not using Facebook and other SNSs in the larger context of their
social relationships by engaging them in a conversation about their media use behaviors.

5. Method

As part of a larger project about older adults’ attitudes toward various information and communication technologies,
face-to-face interviews with 46 older adults were conducted about Facebook. The research team focused on Facebook
because of the site’s popularity and its potential to enhance older adults’ social interactions. Participants were recruited from
an assisted living center in a University town in the US. A manager from the center assisted with respondent recruitment and
in many cases, the residents were eager to participate in the study. The convenience sample expedited data collection, with
all interviews occurring within a three-week period.

5.1. Participants

The average age of interview participants was 80.4, with a range of 65–95 years. The sample included 17 males and 29
females. All participants were Caucasian and had a high level of education (all had at least a college degree). Additionally,
participants largely held professional positions (e.g., professor, designer, nurse) prior to retirement. All participants were
given pseudonyms to mask their identity. Respondent ages are reported as they were at the time of the interviews. In terms
of the general media usage pattern, all participants used a computer in their daily life and 38 (82.6%) reported having access
to the Internet. Furthermore, 34 participants (73.9%) used email and 20 (43.5%) participants used Skype or similar video
instant messaging services to connect with others online. Additionally, respondents reported using landline phones
(n = 26, 56.5%) and cell phones (non-smartphones, n = 34, 73.9%; smartphones, n = 5, 10.9%).

5.2. Interview procedure

If participants had a Facebook account, they were asked about their experience and motivations for using Facebook and
their satisfaction with the site. Non-Facebook users were asked about why they did not want to join Facebook. The research
team drew upon Nardi et al.’s (2004) study on blogging motivations, which included interviews with 23 bloggers. Like Nardi
et al. (2004), the research team used a conversational interview style and interviews covered a fixed set of questions. The
interview guide featured first-order questions (often general questions about Facebook use), followed by second-order ques-
tions that probed respondent experiences.

Please cite this article in press as: Jung, E.H., et al. Social networking in the aging context: Why older adults use or avoid Facebook. Tele-
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4 E.H. Jung et al. / Telematics and Informatics xxx (2017) xxx–xxx

5.3. Data analysis

Based on a review and synthesis of interview data, we identified the six most common reasons for Facebook use and six
reasons for Facebook avoidance. Specifically, we examined how and why older adults use Facebook by reviewing transcripts
with three interrelated interview questions: ‘‘What has been your experience with Facebook?” ‘‘What functions do you fre-
quently use on Facebook?” and ‘‘What motivated you to use Facebook?” We also analyzed reasons for not using Facebook
among non-users based on their responses to the following interview questions: ‘‘What aspects made you unwilling to
use Facebook?” and ‘‘What other technology do you use?”
Data analysis occurred in two phases. Two study authors who conducted interviews took notes of key phrases and inter-
actions with participants; these memos served as a basis for initial coding and were evaluated by the entire research team as
interviews progressed. A full review of data was conducted at the conclusion of interviews by all study authors. The coding
process followed Strauss and Corbin’s (1990) open coding technique, which specifies ‘‘the process of breaking down, exam-
ining, comparing, conceptualizing, and categorizing data” (p. 61). In accordance with open coding, the authors independently
coded the transcribed responses line by line, and then had several research meetings to compare results with each other and
address discrepancies. Data analysis included a review of overt references to a particular example or theme such as respond-
ing to a family member’s request to join Facebook; the research team also interpreted embedded or implicit ideas that were
raised by participants during the coding process at the conclusion of the study.

6. Results and discussion

The interview sample consisted of 20 Facebook users (median number of self-reported ‘‘friends” = 20) and 26 non-users.
There were 7 male and 13 female Facebook users (Mean age = 83 years). The non-Facebook sample included 10 males and 16
females (Mean age = 80.7 years). Based on a synthesis of interview data, we identified the six most common reasons for Face-
book use and six reasons for Facebook avoidance.

6.1. Facebook user motivations

In terms of motivations for Facebook use among older adults, six themes emerged from the interview data: Keeping in
touch, sharing photos, social surveillance, responding to family member demands to join the site, conveniently communicat-
ing with others, and curiosity.

6.1.1. Keeping in touch with inaccessible people

Chief among the motivations for Facebook use was the ability to keep in touch with those who are distant and/or inac-
cessible. This includes, but is not limited to, keeping in contact with previous work and school colleagues, old friends, distant
family, and organizations. Klemens, 74, expressed his gratitude for several Facebook tools (including the news feed and orga-
nizational fan pages) that allow him to keep in touch. ‘‘If it wasn’t for Facebook, I wouldn’t be as close with what’s going on
with sports groups or social groups,” Klemens said. ‘‘That’s what I really appreciate.” Klemens’ views align with Golden
et al.’s (2009) finding that an essential component of well-being among older adults lies in their connections to social net-
works and social groups. Klemens noted that the newsfeed and group fan pages are the means by which he is able to stay
abreast of the various groups’ activities that are important to him. Another participant, Dawn, 65, said Facebook provides her
with the opportunity to keep up with distant social ties.
I feel closer to those people [in] seeing what’s going on in their life. Sometimes, I’ll put ‘Great!’ or something like that to let them
know I’m keeping up with them. They’re not the kind of friends I pick up and call, so I keep up with them that way. I have other
friends from work that I can keep up with from Facebook, which is good because maybe in the future we can interact with each
other. Otherwise, we may have completely gone our separate ways.

Dawn’s statement supports the idea of ‘‘re-acquiring lost contacts” with Facebook (Joinson, 2008). Considering that an
essential component of well-being among older adults is their connections to social networks (Golden et al., 2009), this moti-
vation for Facebook use has important implications for mental health and wellness. Dawn also indicated her use of the com-
menting function on the site to communicate and sustain those social ties. Dawn’s experience shows that she appreciates the
site’s interactivity affordance, which allows her to initiate dialogue with others on the site (Sundar, 2008). At least three par-
ticipants stated that Facebook is the primary tool that allows them to keep in touch with academic and professional acquain-
tances they would not wish to include in their personal communication contacts (i.e., telephone and e-mail). This reflects the
operation of the ‘‘control heuristic” (Sundar, 2008), signaling the desirability of affordances that provide control to users.

6.1.2. Sharing photos

Quite frequently, participants mentioned being motivated to use Facebook because of the ability to view and share pic-
tures. This use of Facebook for the picture sharing affordances supports Joinson’s (2008), use/gratification theme of ‘‘Pho-
tographs,” which includes the user’s ability to tag pictures, post pictures, and share pictures. Nye, 86, described his use of
Facebook strictly for the photo sharing function, and his use is grounded in consuming content but not generating it.

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 E.H. Jung et al. / Telematics and Informatics xxx (2017) xxx–xxx 5

When [my family] uploads a new picture, my daughter calls and tells me to go look it up. My granddaughter is 15 and she sings,
and is in plays at her high school and the community. She uploads pictures and videos. I never upload comments or any other
activities.
Some participants expressed a preference for Facebook’s photo sharing function as well as the other communication tools.
Nettie, 81, described her interactions with her family using both the photo sharing functions of Facebook.
One granddaughter is getting married and I’m learning about her wedding plans through Facebook. She sent me pictures of her
apartment and I talk back to her that way, rather than picking up the phone. I get a picture of my grandson’s life. He just had a
baby. I can watch the baby, who just keeps getting bigger and bigger, so that’s a good feature.
Both Nye and Nettie, like others in this study, placed a strong emphasis on photo sharing. Nettie takes her interactions a
step further by communicating through the commenting function. Nye, on the other hand, uses the photo-sharing feature as
a lens into the life of his granddaughter and conducts any follow-up conversations with a personal phone call. These behav-
iors reflect the general usage patterns among the entire sample. For the most part, this sample’s extent of photo sharing was
viewing pictures shared by others, or ‘‘sharing” in the literal sense by inviting others to look at the computer screen over
their shoulders. This use of the photo viewing function demonstrates users’ engagement with Facebook’s modality affor-
dance, with important implications for perceived realism of content and consequent trust in their relationships (Sundar,
2008). Interestingly, there were no mentions during interviews of respondents posting pictures, or tagging others in pictures,
a finding that deviates from Joinson’s (2008) list of photograph-related uses and gratifications.

6.1.3. Social surveillance functions

Several participants mentioned using Facebook primarily because it allows them to observe their family members. This
pattern aligns directly with Joinson’s (2008) use/gratification of ‘‘Passive contact, social surveillance.” This idea of virtual
people watching was expressed quite frequently among participants. Dawn, 65, gave her account of social surveillance
use of Facebook.
I am more of a Facebook voyeur, I just look to see what my friends are putting on there. I haven’t put anything on there in years.
I don’t need to say ‘‘I’m having a great lunch!” and things like that. I don’t understand that kind of communication.
In addition to watching friends, elderly users think of the social surveillance affordance as a tool for engaging with family.
The surveillance occurs via Facebook’s newsfeed, as users can quickly browse status updates and pictures; this makes them
feel a sense of co-presence with physically distant family/friends. Also, through the search function, users are able to find
exactly what they want. They also share their behaviors and feelings with status updates that appear in their news feed.
Additionally, the picture browsing tools allow users to feel a sense of social presence or ‘‘being there” with their family/
friends who are away.
Rhonda, 76, mentioned that her use of Facebook was a means of learning about what her family is thinking and
experiencing.
I have 4 children and 14 grandchildren. I can follow their lives because they’re all on Facebook. I can see their feelings, keep up
with them, see if there is a game coming up, a new friend, or someone special in their lives. I can measure the feelings of all my
family members by checking in on Facebook.
Those participants who utilize Facebook as a surveillance tool mentioned they log into Facebook as part of a regular rou-
tine to remain current with their friends and family members. This gratification emerged as especially satisfying for some
participants because it allowed them to accurately gauge their family/friend’s lives without the obligation to self-disclose
in return. Jane, 78, said maintaining her privacy on the site is crucial.
I don’t put stuff on there. I can’t tolerate other people looking at my things. I like privacy. I know there are privacy restrictions
and . . . I don’t like chitchat. I don’t like to put silly little sayings on there like ‘Heading for a cup of coffee, wish me luck.’
Jane’s description of minimal self-disclosure supports the idea that Facebook is a space for chatty, trivial conversations.
This discussion points to a new perspective on personal agency as a form of self-expression via Facebook. With little interest
in disclosing personal information or in reading trivial posts, respondents opt not to express themselves. Therefore, user
agency is exerted in a way that avoids communication rather than encouraging it.

6.1.4. Responding to family member requests to join the site

Several participants said they joined Facebook in direct response to a family member’s request. Participants expressed a
degree of understanding and receptiveness to their family member’s act of ‘‘asserting” them into Facebook. Rhonda, 76,
described her introduction to the platform:
The kids, they all said, ‘Ohhh mother you should be on Facebook!’ So they set it up for me. I didn’t know what to do with it, so I
just started checking everybody out and befriended my grandchildren and their friends began friending me, so on and so forth.

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6 E.H. Jung et al. / Telematics and Informatics xxx (2017) xxx–xxx

Rhonda’s daughter snapped a quick photo of her and with several clicks she was using the site. Also, Rhonda self-
identified as an ‘‘active” user and has approximately 360 friends. Her level of receptiveness about joining Facebook is quite
different than Jamie, 83, who was also motivated to use Facebook because of family requests. However, he was not
impressed.
My family in Chicago spends a lot of time on some sort of ‘farm’ game and they send me messages on Facebook about what
buildings and animals they got. It’s all an imaginary world. I don’t have the time to enter into an imaginary world. Who would
want to do that? Simply not for me.

There were varying degrees of elderly Facebook use as a response to family demands for their online presence. An under-
lying mechanism that explains these acts is family appeasement. Lou (2010) explains that social support from grandchildren
is essential to maintaining life satisfaction in older adults. Emotional support and appraisal from grandchildren as well as
frequency of contact were all positive predictors of life satisfaction (Lou, 2010). There appears to be a pattern of grandparents
being instructed to join Facebook by children and grandchildren as a means of negotiating future social interactions. The rec-
ommendation of the site by their children and grandchildren suggests the presence of an authority cue among the grandpar-
ents and serves to increase the credibility of the site, inspiring them to feel comfortable joining the site.

6.1.5. Communicating conveniently with others

Respondents expressed motivations for using Facebook that centered on the site’s convenience. Tamera, 77, explained her
use of Facebook for quick communication, and conveniently organizing her class reunion. ‘‘[Facebook] was wonderful for
when I was helping my class organization for the reunion,” Tamera said. ‘‘I contacted through Facebook to get in touch with
Indian tribes.” Tamera also demonstrated an appreciation for the convenience of content-free communication through the
site.
I looked at it last night to see what my kids and grandkids are doing. I just ‘Like’, ‘Like’, ‘Like’! I don’t like to interact with them
because I feel they would rather interact with their friends. I just eavesdrop.

Joinson (2008) argued that the convenience of content-free messaging as a Facebook affordance, in the form of ‘‘Pokes”
and ‘‘Likes” gestures, is a means of maintaining existing social ties with little effort.

6.1.6. Curiosity
This convenience enables users to easily join the site out of plain curiosity. For example, Alfred, 79, joined Facebook after
learning about the site from the news media. ‘‘I was just curious. Time Magazine had declared. . .. I don’t know his name. . .
[Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg] the Man of the Year,” Alfred said. ‘‘So, I looked at it and said, ‘Well, let me go see what
that is.”
These six common motivations that were expressed by older adults and manifested in their self-reported behaviors were
not mutually exclusive; several participants enjoyed the picture sharing features as well as surveillance and convenience
aspects of the site. The six aforementioned motivations warrant further investigation to identify, through a variable centered
approach, the underlying mechanisms of why older users find these affordances appealing.

6.2. Non-Facebook user motivations

Six themes emerged from the interviews with non-Facebook users: Privacy concern, need for media richness, preference
for familiarity, triviality of communication, time commitment, and frustration with limited site skills.

6.2.1. Privacy
Participants most often expressed privacy concerns about SNSs, and the sharing of personal information online left them
scared and feeling vulnerable. For example, Allen, 78, mentioned:
I think it’s terrible. You just don’t know who can use what you’re saying or how you will feel about what you are saying. It’s too
easy to talk on your head. I don’t think it’s necessary. It’s a dangerous kind of communication media.

Along the same lines, Derron, 81, expressed negative feelings about using Facebook that is grounded in a generational
concern. ‘‘People who are, especially younger people, exposing the world to every intimate detail about themselves are ask-
ing for trouble. . .identity theft,” Derron said. ‘‘I’m afraid that’s going to come back and haunt people.” Reid, 90, also expressed
a worry about identity theft and loss of secure personal information.
I refuse to do Facebook and Twitter. I don’t want to get involved with that. I don’t know enough about it but I do know [it’s]
certainly a dispenser . . . of information. I don’t want to get started with that. I may eventually have to do it but if I don’t have
to, I won’t.

In addition, Starla, 85, perceived Facebook as an unsafe place because she thinks there is a risk of exposure to strangers
such as third-party advertisers and their friends’ friends.

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 E.H. Jung et al. / Telematics and Informatics xxx (2017) xxx–xxx 7

You just don’t know who could use what you’re saying. It’s too easy to just talk off the top of your head and just open yourself up
and I don’t think it necessarily improves communication. I think that it’s just dangerous . . . communication. You don’t know
who is the recipient of the information. Like the press can get that information and turn it into something else. If you’re going
to communicate, communicate face-to-face and that’s it.

Another respondent, Conroy, 75, gave an account that addresses several reasons for avoiding the site. This perspective
reveals a concern about Facebook’s reach.
I stopped about two years ago. I had been on it for about a year. It just felt intrusive. I went to my high school and college
reunion and accepted a lot of my old friends on it. Then I get dozens of [frustrating] things every single day. I just started calling
them spam and they kept coming, so I don’t get on Facebook any more. It was a nuisance.

Although expressed differently than Starla and others, Conroy’s perspective on Facebook’s intrusiveness is quite a com-
mon sentiment in this age group.

6.2.2. Need for media richness (Cue-absent aspects of Facebook)

Most of all, participants prefer face-to-face communication because it provides richer interaction than digital media. Irma,
78, mentioned that she needs non-verbal cues (e.g., lip movement, voice tone) because of technology’s limitations. ‘‘You miss
nonverbal [signs],” Irma said. ‘‘Lots of people who are hard of hearing still have to use lip reading, so it’s [the absence of]
those types of things that are really inhibiting in terms of communication.” Irma referenced a physical issue—her limited
hearing— in her preference for face-to-face communication. In addition, Claire, 84, mentioned, ‘‘Face-to-face communication
is best of all. Why? You can clarify understanding, determine level of interest, goodwill, anger when people are interacting.”
More specifically, Allen, 78, pointed out that communication technology has diminished the human touch in communication.
There’s a great loss of personal interaction that I deplore. We had the president of [a local] college come and talk to a group that I
was a member of. She said in the 5 years she worked there everybody greeted everybody in the office. They would stop in for
gatherings with students. Now, the interactions are very quick. Students don’t even look at each other. They may be talking to
someone who is 10 yards ahead of them on the telephone. I think that is a terrible loss.

Likewise, older adults seem to need rich communication cues in their personal interactions and therefore prefer face-to-
face communication in order to exchange each other’s verbal and nonverbal expressions and emotions clearly.

6.2.3. Preference for familiarity

Numerous participants mentioned that they do not want to invest the time or mental resources to learn a new and poten-
tially confusing technology. ‘‘Some people feel they don’t have the skills to do it,” said Natasha. ‘‘I have the skills I just choose
not to. I prefer face to face. I don’t even make that many phone calls.”
In many cases, interviewees expressed a preference for technology that they already knew and felt comfortable with
(such as email, phones, and even Skype). For example, Derrick, 82, would rather use email instead of SNSs when he commu-
nicates with family.
I prefer email to communicate with my family. It’s easier. I email them and they can get back to me. [Facebook’s] not my thing. It
may have something to do with age . . . The people I know, they don’t use it. I’m not involved in it so I don’t pay much attention
to it.

Interview responses overwhelmingly suggest that older adults have a tendency to use communication media that they
are already part of their routine, not new or emerging media like SNSs.

6.2.4. Triviality of communication

Some interviewees had no interest in Facebook, even with family member requests to join the site, because of the per-
ceived lack of substance in online communication. For example, Jason, 82, said, ‘‘[Facebook] seems to make people get on
the network and talk about very personal things to people they’ve never met face-to-face.” Additionally, Allen, 78, is against
using Facebook because it facilitates the inconsequential communication about peoples’ daily lives.
We rigorously declined Facebook. We did not want to get into that. Why? We did not want to be so much a part of the lives of
our friends that we learn when they climb out of the bathtub, learn when they brush their teeth, know that they’re heading
toward the door. . ..

Another participant, Daisy, 81, mentioned that the Facebook site is boring and an extraneous communication tool. ‘‘I’m
really not interested,” Daisy said ‘‘It annoys me when people are in a grocery store and having to constantly be like ‘‘I’m here
or I’m doing this!” it seems to me like it’s a bit boring and self-centered.”

6.2.5. Time commitment

Participants expressed frustration with Facebook’s time demands. They seek to avoid what they perceive as the trivial
communication that occurs on Facebook. For instance, Clark, 76, mentioned:

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8 E.H. Jung et al. / Telematics and Informatics xxx (2017) xxx–xxx

I don’t want a technology that’s constantly interrupting me and I don’t feel the need to share what I’m doing all day long with
other people. I don’t worry about privacy. I just don’t want to be bothered and interrupted with what I’m doing. I can accomplish
what I want to accomplish without using Facebook and Twitter.

Some other participants said that they do not want to read what they perceived as inconsequential status updates about
what friends had for lunch or that they were getting coffee. This supports research (e.g., Arjan et al., 2008) revealing that
older users express themselves in more formal ways and use less emotion words than younger people. In addition, some
participants do not want media to interrupt their lives, as they feel busy enough to take care of their daily routines. There-
fore, they do not feel any need for using Facebook to maintain their lives. Regarding this issue, Laurel, 77, mentioned:
I don’t have a Facebook account, and I don’t know how to get one. I don’t choose to use my time on the computer. I prefer to use
my time digging in the garden, reading and doing other things. I’m healthy and I have a lot of energy, so I go out.

Another participant raised similar points. ‘‘You get on it and you discover hours have gone by while you’re looking at
something interesting,” said Irma, 78. ‘‘Time gets very constrained once you get older, it takes so much time to just get
through your life.”

6.2.6. Frustration with limited site skills

Several participants reported no interest in learning about technology, mainly due to concerns about potential usability
problems with SNSs. As Patricia, 73, said,
I don’t use Facebook, Twitter or anything financial online. I am not skilled enough with technology to protect myself. If at some
point I can figure out how to I could be on Facebook only with my family, then I would consider it.

Frustration appears to quickly develop with this group. Patricia added several critical comments that bolster this idea.
I have even noticed how on Gmail I will write an email to three people and something pops up that says why don’t you add such
and such. It’s wrong . . . go away. Controlling Facebook is not another learning curve I wish to take on. I would be willing to do it
if someone would teach me how to limit it.

These comments suggest that easy-to-follow tutorials on Facebook could minimize confusion and promote active use
among elderly users. Dawn, 65, admitted that there are a lot of things about the site she finds confusing and that her expe-
rience would be better if she just knew a little bit more about it. She would like to see classes on how to use Facebook.
I would go to a class if somebody offered one, particularly one on how to manage photos. They would tell you what’s the risk of
using Facebook, how to register, how to manage it, etc. People are very interested in these types of things and they would come.
My mom is now 93 and she uses the computer every day. We got her on Facebook, but she finds it too intimidating.

Conroy and Dawn’s concerns mirror those expressed by the majority of the older non-active users within the sample.
Quite simply, even for people with Facebook accounts, the site can be hard to use and, in Dawn’s words, ‘‘a bit intimidating.”

7. Conclusion: theoretical and practical implications, and limitations

Findings from this study advance uses and gratifications theory with respect to social networking sites in a group that is
largely overlooked in studies of social media. In addition to exploring this group’s motivations for using Facebook, we found
specific features of the site that seem to better facilitate interpersonal communications. The focus on SNS features with this
particular group is a key contribution of the study, as past research has generally overlooked older adults. Some of these fea-
tures align with the affordances that Sundar (2008) explicates in the Modality Agency Interactivity Navigability (MAIN)
model. For example, in terms of modality, results show that participants in this study were most satisfied with sharing pho-
tos on Facebook. That is, the visual modality helps older adults communicate with other people and may be preferred over
text and audio modalities because many of them have difficulty reading or hearing (Heine and Browning, 2002). Jung and
Sundar (2016) also revealed that visual modality like photos is an important element on Facebook for bonding with their
family members in the online communication environment. Alternatively, they may serve to cue the ‘‘realism heuristic” (see-
ing is believing), as suggested by the MAIN model. Multimedia elements (e.g., photos and video) on Facebook can also
enhance social interaction with family members who live far away by cueing the ‘‘being there” heuristic. By triggering such
heuristics, visual elements of Facebook, such as photographs, may indeed serve to reduce feelings of social isolation among
users.
An important motivation for Facebook use among older adults is social surveillance, which is afforded by several features
(e.g., newsfeed and search function). For example, newsfeeds enable retirees to engage in social interaction without self-
disclosure (i.e., agency affordance). Moreover, they can browse family members’ status updates through search functions
on Facebook (i.e., navigability affordance). This study also reveals that older users are more likely to use the ‘‘Like” button
on Facebook when responding to others’ postings. That is because the Like button enables older adults to respond in a simple
and convenient way to engage in social interaction, again without self-disclosure. As Mitzner et al. (2010) found, older adults
greatly value convenient technological features that can reduce their effort, but are also mindful of how much they reveal
about themselves.

Please cite this article in press as: Jung, E.H., et al. Social networking in the aging context: Why older adults use or avoid Facebook. Tele-
mat. Informat. (2017), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tele.2017.04.015
 E.H. Jung et al. / Telematics and Informatics xxx (2017) xxx–xxx 9

Most participants were encouraged by younger family members to join Facebook so that they could communicate. While
the authority and bandwagon cues triggered by family members using the medium serve to heighten the credibility of social
networking in the eyes of the older adults and solidify their decision to join Facebook, most of them seem to be treading
warily, as evidenced by several expressions of usability and privacy concerns. As Fogues et al. (2015) note, privacy manage-
ment with SNSs is a critical issue, because low control over privacy invokes negative feelings (i.e., annoyed, scared, uncom-
fortable, etc.). In this regard, our findings provide some practical implications. First, web designers and programmers should
establish clear and rigorous privacy management tools on SNSs. Complete and simple ways of maintaining privacy will allow
older adults to feel more in control of their personal information and assuage their concerns. This builds on previous studies
that provided guidance for interface design with respect to privacy management, especially for older adults (e.g., Brandtzæg
et al., 2010; Gibson et al., 2010). In particular, we propose that privacy settings need to be made highly visible to users and
specifically, when users share information. Reminders and scaffolds (e.g., ‘Only your friend will see this post’ or ‘Are you sure
you want to post this content?’) could be helpful for older adults to maintain a level of control over their privacy.
In addition, the default setting for privacy on SNSs should err on the side of being restrictive, with users allowed to loosen
those restrictions based on personal preferences. Privacy protection should be the default setting, and various sharing fea-
tures should be provided as opt-in features rather than as opt-out features. Evidence from this study suggests that when
older adults first join SNSs, they do not often know how to change their settings. There is a belief that personal information
can be leaked to large groups of people and unscrupulous marketers. Such negative perceptions can inhibit Facebook use.
Similarly, the friend suggestion function should be disabled for older adults who do not want to be exposed to unknown
users. The friend suggestion function in particular often leads users to believe that their personal information is being ran-
domly distributed to other, unknown Facebook users. This belief seems to lead to negative perceptions of Facebook.
This study also revealed that perceived site complexities preclude older adults from using Facebook. Some participants
said that they would be willing to use Facebook more actively if classes were offered on how to use the site. Thus, educating
retirees about Facebook’s modalities can be a good intervention to further extend retirees’ social lives into the digital envi-
ronment. Such interventions could help them understand Facebook’s benefits, which may attract older adults who are not
interested in Facebook.
Despite presenting findings from a relatively large number of interviewees, this study has several limitations. The sample
of this study is comprised of all Caucasians who are relatively affluent and well-educated seniors. In future studies, a more
representative sample would be one that embodies a more diverse mix of Facebook users. Additionally, all of the intervie-
wees lived in an enclosed retirement community and have frequent social interactions on a daily basis. Future research with
older adults who use Facebook should include retirees who live alone. This will yield a fuller picture of how aging adults, in
general, perceive digitally mediated social interactions and the role they play in their well-being.

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