The Language of Education in Africa: The Key Issues

by Seyoum Hameso

This article was published in Language, Culture and Curriculum, Vol. 10. No. 1,
1997, pp.1−13.
 The Language of Education in Africa: The Key
Issues
by Seyoum Hameso

“The use of African languages in complementary and equitable fashion, alongside other languages, will be part
of the full development of Africa's own genius and of the continent's search for its own path of development.”
(Robinson, 1996: 180).

1. Introduction

Whether our concerns are about the everyday lives of people and their social interaction, or about
social change and education, the issue of language is as vital as it is complex. The complexity is best
demonstrated by its inextricable links with a society's cultural, economic and political life. It also has
inevitable historical embodiments. Thus any inquiry into contemporary Africa takes us to the
past−the colonial past. In one way or the other, that past had been one of conquest and domination,
one of suppression by alien rule facilitated by alien languages. Except in a handful of cases, like
Kiswahii in Tanzania, most colonies were run in colonial languages.

Independence came, promising hope, freedom, improved living standards and progress. The promises
made by nationalist politicians following, in some cases, a protracted struggle, seemed to warrant
change of circumstances. In the midst of high expectations, those who inherited the political kingdom
took over diverse population groups with distinct languages and cultures alongside alien and
haphazard territorial boundaries. At the time, the rule was simple: to wrest authority from colonial
powers, as Julius Nyerere boldly hinted. But no one other than Kwame Nkrumah said it all in the
most remembered phrase: 'Seek ye first the political kingdom, and all else will be added unto you'.
That grand seizure implied the need for consensus and reduction of diversity. At one extreme, one
central government was envisioned along with one language and probably one leader for the whole
continent. The vision belonged to another millennium and the idea was shortly rejected. The same
preoccupation with the kingdom also seemed to engender permanent relegation of all other issues,
including the people, their cultures, their languages, and above all their diversity, to a lesser degree of
priority.

In those heady days of the late 1950s and 1960s, informed leaders were influenced by the vogue
ideas of the day: modernization and nation−building either through capitalism or socialism. While the
most aggrieved of the leaders opted for radical socialism, the less aggrieved went along with their
uncomfortable legacy. Either way, the means and the destinations were never mutually unintelligible.
For all found comfort in centralism and stubborn singularity in their national policies. Contrary to
historical precedents in Europe, where nations were, by and large, formed on the state's ethnic and
linguistic congruity, Africa's leaders found it fit to build states by destroying the real nations: the
Ewes, the Ibos, the Hausas, Oromos, etcetera. For the word nation has become so attractive that, to
be modern, they named their project: nation−building.

The task was pretty daunting. It was one that took Europe centuries of blood and toil. For the newly
formed African states, it meant a lot of things. It required enlightenment and reformation following
the well−known and well−trodden path taken by European empires and nations. It required Weber's

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 The Language of Education in Africa: The Key Issues

rational−regal state driven by a Marshallian rational economic man. It seemed to entail expansion of
education, i.e., literacy. The economy was to be transformed from agricultural to industrial, and the
process was named 'industrialisation' along the lines of the Industrial Revolution in England in the
nineteenth century. The societies 'needed' transformation from 'primitive' and 'tribal' to the 'modern',
whatever that meant. This implied physical migration away from the 'idiocy of rural life', and away
from the curse of Babylonian multiple tongues to the promised land−the town−where you speak one
pidgin. And pidgin, it was.

All this was needed to be done in the matter of a decade or so. After all, the UN Secretary General,
Dag Hamerskjold announced the year 1960 as 'The Africa Year'. Economists, (one among them was
Arthur Lewis, later Sir, who advised Nkrumah's government in Ghana), the most notorious social
engineers of the modem age, were called upon to manufacture the infamous Five Year Development
Plans. And so they accomplished the task with remarkable speed, calculating how quickly 'unlimited
supplies of labour'−unfortunately stuck in the zero marginal productivity sector−could move to
shanty towns blackened by scorched earth mining and the loading and unloading of foodstuffs. With
only the remotest relevance to the African beyond the villages of Timbuktu, the most revolutionary
resolutions (full of physical targets never to be achieved) were passed, promising a balanced 'big
push'. And because of their remoteness, these blueprints were left to gather dust on the shelves of
planning agency warehouses, just like a bible does in a secular Western family. In the meantime,
political leaders, at the height of their political power in the newly inherited kingdoms, made their
choices on behalf of the public as a matter of urgency with costly and massive outcomes, some
intended and some not. One, among the many public choices, impinged on the language of education.

2. The Language of Education: Choice and Policy

Language performs different functions including a means of communication, expression and

conceptualisation. It can also be used as a means of domination and discrimination; an instrument to
give or block access to economic and political processes. It is the latter aspect that brings the issue of
language to the centre stage, and that is partly our concern here. Once the functions and importance
of languages are recognised, the choice of languages of education is often made on historical,
political (nationalistic) and cultural grounds as much as on the basis of pedagogical and linguistic
ones.

For historical reasons, the determination to keep indigenous languages from the public domain was a
favoured option by many of Africa's non−nation states. It so happened that in the hazy atmosphere of
early 1960s, given the artificial nature of boundaries, the new leaders signed, in the Organisation of
African Unity (OAU) formation in 1963, to respect 'the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each
state' endorsing the borders that do not, by and large, coincide with sociolinguistic boundaries. By
that endorsement, speakers of one language were fragmented across artificial boundaries. In West
Africa, for example, Mansour (1993: 67) states that out of 15 million Pulaar speakers, Guinea
accounted for 40% in 1986. The respective figures for the same language in Guinea Bissau, Senegal,
Gambia, Mali, Niger, and Nigeria are 23%, 21%, 18%, 14%, 14%, and 9%, respectively. Similar
cases hold true for Manding, Wolof, Hausa, Yoruba, and other speakers. In this inconvenient
arrangement, the choice or imposition of one ethnic group's language for official and educational
purposes, as it happened in Ethiopia, was a cause for deep social conflict. The very fact of historical
mischance that diverse groups are put together under one political roof, meant that the choice of one
group's language serves a defacto declaration of war on the others.

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 The Language of Education in Africa: The Key Issues

3. Nation and Non−nation States

Even though the general pattern throughout much of Africa is the same, one should account for
country specificity. With reference to the choice of languages and policy parameters related to this,
there are slight variations. Where the idea of nation and state is coterminous, as in Somalia, the
Somali language was accorded a national status. It was also developed as the medium of instruction
in 1972. In the case of Kenya and Tanzania, an indigenous language in Kiswahili has been in use as
official or second official language and medium of instruction. As a 'neutral' language−−at least it
does not belong to any one particular ethnic group in both Kenya and Tanzania−−it was positively
encouraged. In the case of Tanzania in particular, the language issue is approached with conscious,
and to some extent, autonomous understanding; but the professed intentions failed to materialise. By
1967, the Arusha Declaration recognised that education was vital for self−reliance. Among African
languages, Kiswahili has an unusual history. The fact that it was widely used by the Germans and
later by the British colonial powers helped its status. At the same time, the use and promotion of
Kiswahii was viewed in terms of the overthrow of colonialism, furtherance of its linguistic
development, and a means of ensuring unity in Tanzanian society. Despite these broad political
intentions to make Kiswahili the language of instruction beyond primary school level, there has been
reluctance to pursue the policy to its logical conclusion.

In many other African countries, informed language policy was forestalled by the choice of foreign
languages (mainly English, French or Portuguese) as they constituted a 'neutral' solution. (Yet, this
language neutrality is debatable, since different languages and cultural frameworks impart different
world perceptions.) Assuming sovereignty over population groups, cowed and confused by alien rule,
inheriting an economic base best suited to exports of raw minerals and cash crops, and controlling the
political system that is often alien (hence authoritarian), the non−nation states of Africa faced a stark
reality. Some leaders, in a vain attempt of pretending to shy away from the colonial legacy, went to
the opposite extreme, making more mistakes than would be warranted by common sense. In one way
or the other, what took root was a perverse scenario of inorganic states, artificial boundaries, and
artificial languages and cultures that were only remotely relevant to the people's daily needs. The
urge to communicate and to train the messengers required a quick decision and the only readily
available media were the languages of former colonial administrations. Soon these languages were
'enshrined' in constitutions that were to be easily discarded following every other violent change of
regime. In the case of Cameroon, as elsewhere, Robinson (1996) states that no provisions were made
in reference to indigenous languages. Therefore, most of these countries settled on inconvenient
compromise, often choosing the languages of former colonial powers for official and educational
purposes.

On the basis of this mooted agreement went the legacies of the postcolonial alien state machinery, an
acceptance of authoritarian and repressive political methods, the perpetuation of economically
dependent centrism, and the socially pervasive assimilationism of the past. With these, Africa's own
institutions, nations, and nationalisms were denigrated as backward, tribal and narrow in contrast
with the progressive, modern, civilized and universal ethos of capitalist nationalism. These meant
modernization of state structures of control (mainly the military and the bureaucracy) and the system
of education aimed at bolstering them.

The superimposed, floating state, found it easy to push aside the issue of indigenous languages, even
for educational purposes. The debate over cultural and linguistic diversity was muted for the sake of
the overriding need to build a political kingdom on the premise of unity. While a nation by definition

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is based on linguistic, cultural and ethnic affiliation and homogeneity, the way African states were
programmed to operate was quite different. In this conflict, a number of factors militated against
indigenous languages. In the following section, therefore, we will ask to what extent the
determination of language policy and choice should take account of the advantages and
disadvantages of both foreign and indigenous languages as media of education.

4. The Use of Foreign Languages in Education

4.1 Advantages

Foreign languages are used in different countries in business, diplomacy, media and scholarship.
Inability to understand these languages costs resources while knowledge of them can only be an asset.

Secondly, they have become prerequisites for acquiring science and technology. Thus, Western
education, scholarship, business, and science and technology were rendered impossible without
acquiring those languages, mainly English and French, but occasionally German and Japanese.
Linguistic dependence such as this, and lack of vision as to what to do about it, engendered a
scenario of arrested development. In the case of Tanzania, Judith Barrett (1994: 6−10) details the
reasons why English was retained and defended as a way of preventing Tanzania being isolated from
the rest of the world, as well as a means of keeping abreast of technological and scientific
achievements in international fora.

Thirdly, foreign languages are viewed as symbols of power and a means of securing good, secure
jobs. As far as members of the elite are concerned, the use of such languages is a sign of prestige, and
a higher competence in them is known to entitle the speakers to a legitimate claim to power.

Yet while learning and knowing these languages is beneficial, there is no prima facie case for them to
serve as the media of instruction. They could as well be taught as subjects in schools like
mathematics or economics. Apart from this, there are a number of reasons why foreign language
would be ineffective as the medium of instruction. Trappes−Lomax (1990: 96−7) details such
reasons.

4.2 Disadvantages

Firstly, foreign languages are foreign and lack authenticity. They are not the people's language. Being
uncomfortably foreign, they remain the language of the few, namely, the elite who are a class of their
own and are also alienated both from their own society and from their counterparts elsewhere with
whom they are also unable to merge. Therefore, foreign languages remain languages of academia,
languages of university education, languages of research and scholarship. This foreignness of the
language of instruction has been a major force in making education a culturally alienating process.
Whereas language is supposed to help in bringing education close to the learner, and therefore in
motivating learners to invest energy and time 'in the intrinsic excitement and self−regenerating
dynamo of learning' as Samof (1993: 213) says, the lack of integration of educational goals with the
cultural context and African values has contributed to the present educational crisis in Africa, in
which education is geared mainly to the (re)production of ruling elites. That is also partly how
education has made itself increasingly irrelevant to the real issues of the masses and to Africa's
development. This further indicates the elitist nature of education where students are forced to
receive education in foreign languages beyond primary schools in many African countries.

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Secondly, foreign languages are not teachable in the sense that it is difficult to ensure language
proficiency of teachers in foreign media. The case is pronounced when the teachers are not native
speakers themselves. As far as learners are concerned, a foreign language is hardly ever experienced
outside the educational environment. In pedagogic terms, it is noted that foreign languages remain
secondary for pupils (they are only rarely used outside classrooms with poorly trained and equipped
teachers). Worst of all, they are foreign to young pupils who have been brought up in their own
mother tongue and find them completely unintelligible.

It is for these reasons that UNESCO has been in the forefront of promoting the idea of education in
indigenous languages. Yahya−Othman (1990:46) points out that students enter secondary education
without adequate understanding and knowledge of the medium of instruction. Such a system results
in 'individuals hampered by linguistic deficiencies in their thinking, in their critical observation, in
their questioning of ideas and facts, and in the interpretation of what is communicated to them'.

Last but not the least, by perpetuating cultural and linguistic dependence, the use of a foreign
medium saps nationalist energy. Exorbitant national costs need be incurred to possess knowledge
materials produced in the chosen medium. Policy adjustments and broad conditions need to be
fulfilled to acquire the most valued and expensive raw materials of the twenty first century−relevant
information. Yet the corollary of these arguments is not that foreign languages are an obstacle per se
to national growth and hence should be banned. On the contrary, they are extremely useful and
should be learned. What is in dispute is making these languages the medium of education. Looking
into the vitality of indigenous languages better makes this point.

5. The Use of Indigenous Languages in Education

Education through the medium of mother tongue ensures that a 'child's educational development is
rooted in his own cultural heritage ...' (Criper and Widdowson, 1975, quoted in Trappes−Lomax,
1990:94). It is also pointed out (e.g. by Rugabumya, 1990; Robinson, 1996: 173) that evidence from
international research shows that use of the first language is a factor in educational achievement and
that the educational process in any society ought to be conducted through a language that both learner
and teacher command well. Moreover, in situations where students learn best within learning
institutions, Barrett (1994: 9−10) maintains that this can be done by starting where the pupils 'begin
with their experience and existing knowledge and thus position them as "knowers" ... and by
allowing them 'to use their own language within the classrooms'. This indicates the need for the
cultural contextualisation of education. Otherwise, if the shift from one language of instruction to the
other continues, as it often does, education turns out to be a constricting and restricting factor. This
argument is made by Yahya−Othman (1990: 51), based on observations made on Tanzanian children,
who, upon finishing primary schools in the medium of Kiswahili, shift to the English medium in
secondary schools.

5.1 Obstacles

The adoption, use and promotion of indigenous languages faces a number of obstacles. It is already
noted that African history is burdened with pervasive legacies. One of them is linguistic, and it is
reflected in self−denial, part of which is rooted in despising African languages as 'tribal' and
'primitive' and nothing but vernaculars. The position is adopted by both 'educated' natives and
external apologists. This very fact was raised by Robert Armstrong (1963: 69) who said, 'If we are
ashamed of our own language, then we must certainly lack that minimum of self−respect which is

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necessary to the healthy functioning of society'. The same author further argued that:

if the young people come to despise their father's language, the chances are that at the same
time they will reject their father's wisdom. The emotional importance of a language lies in the
fact that it contains the choices of one's mother, father, brothers and sisters, and one's dearest
friends. (Armstrong, 1963)

The general tendency to favour foreign languages as official languages and as the media of
instruction is the major obstacle to the use of indigenous languages. It is a tendency that is reinforced
by political and economic constraints.

Politically, one notes the desire of the bureaucratic elite to reproduce its own class through the
medium of education in international languages. On the basis of Tanzanian experience, Barrett
(1994: 13−14) is of the opinion that the retention of foreign languages best serves the interest of the
elite who use these languages as screening devices to higher positions, and hence maintain their
position.

The above position is reinforced by arguments based on the cost associated with changes.
Economically, that is, the initiative to replace African languages as the media of instruction requires
resources in terms of teacher training, developing grammars and orthographies, producing and
translating textbooks and supplementary materials. Where written scripts are not developed, they
should be designed. The cost issue is one of the arguments used against development of indigenous
languages, namely that education in different mother tongues is not affordable. In particular, a poor
country with meagre resources can hardly pay for the additional expenses of teacher training and
materials production associated with instruction through the medium of indigenous languages. But
the argument does not take into account the educational needs that can be met only through the
indigenous languages, and the fact that ability in these languages already exists without cost.

None of these arguments is intended to be decisive. The matter is complex, and it is conceded that
there are also cases in which the use of foreign languages is beneficial. In order to explore the
complexity still further, we now look at the case of Ethiopia.

6 Ethiopia: Language Policy and Practice

Whereas the general patterns that prevail elsewhere in Africa are also to be found in Ethiopia, there
are some unique scenarios. Ethiopia was an empire, and hence the imperial imposition of dominant
power (Amhara) on other ethnic groups occurred. The history of domination began in the 1880s
when Emperor Menelik, a Shoan Amhara, expanded his domains beyond the traditional feudal
Abyssinia. The effects of territorial expansion was soon matched by linguistic, political and cultural
influence. With the centre's approval, imperial soldiers were settled in the South, taking over land and
property, reducing the indigenous people to mere serfs and peasant labourers. Most of the settlers
were from the northern highlands, and were mainly, but not exclusively, Amharic speakers. There
were Guraghes, a few Tigreans and others, most of whom were assimilated to the politically
dominant culture. Thus the southern nations, most of whom had their own languages, cultural
symbols and socio−political institutions, came under Amhara rule. The process of conquest, bloody,
and in places disastrous, as it had been, was followed by a consolidation of imperial power which
brought about the need for training and education.

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That being the case, the present−day Ethiopia is home for three major language groups, Cushitic,
Semitic, and Nilotic Omotic. Under this broad category, no precise numbers of languages and
dialects can be given, since the relevant studies are lacking. Mention however, could be made of the
main languages as including, Agaw, Amharic, Afar, Hadiya, Guraghe, Kembata, Oromo, Sidama,
Tigre, Wolayta, and others. The Oromo language is by far the most common being spoken by all
Oromo people who constitute about 40% of the whole population. But then, Amharic dominance
meant that other languages were not to be accorded national status and they were often referred to as
'minority' languages.

6.1 The Position of Amharic

On this basis, taking over an empire, Emperor Haile Selassie and his era saw continued Amhara
dominance that was momentarily interrupted by Italian colonial occupation (1935−41). The latter
introduced new initiatives, not the least of which was replacement of Amhara domination by Italian
colonial rule. When the Italian army surrendered to Allied powers, the Emperor was accorded a
favourable image and generous support from the outside world, mainly the West. Then in an attempt
to 'modernise' absolutist feudal autocracy, he undertook initiatives for change, but these
'modernisation' drives primarily served the purpose of defending the empire.

Accordingly, new measures were introduced including a constitution, formation and training of
professional military service, establishing schools and a university (in the 1950s, named after the
Emperor, and now the Addis Ababa University) and improving the system of tax collection. These
measures were accompanied by the policy of assimilation into Amhara culture and the imposition of
the Amharic language. That was how a language of one ethnic group became the medium of
instruction for all in primary schools, and the sole official language, seconded by foreign languages.
The same imposition also secured the dominant position of the Amhara elite in all walks of life for
almost a century. At the same time the Emperor's advocacy of Western governments (which in turn
brought about economic and military support) promoted the use of English as the medium of
instruction in secondary schools, in addition to being the second official language.

Given an absolutist feudal system, the very demands of modern education posed, sooner rather than
later, a threat to imperial monarchy, and the whole system crumbled in the face of devastating famine
and oil price hike of the early 1970s. Accordingly, a military junta replaced the ageing emperor in
1974. To many it sounded like a revolution, but it is best compared with what followed the Russian
Revolution in the Soviet Union, in the sense that there was no fundamental change in the imperial
nature of Ethiopia. In the guise of socialism, policies of proletarian internationalism and aggressive
militarism, centrist and assimilationist, were pursued to their extremes. Although a mass literacy
programme was pursued in the spirit of mass mobilisation, for which purpose indigenous languages
were used, the script was Amharic and all formal education continued to be delivered in Amharic. At
secondary and university levels, English continued to be used as the medium of instruction.

This imposition of Amharic in a country where the majority of people−most of whom live in the
countryside−neither speak nor write Amharic, had an influential role in higher education. According
to Edmond Keller (1991: 140) the status given to the Amharic language as the medium of education
in primary schools in the majority non−Amharic speaking areas was fiercely resisted as unfair and
unjust, as it favoured some indigenous speakers at the expense of others in the state sector. The
Oromos, Eritreans, Somalis (i.e. Somalis in Ethiopia), Sidamas and other nations within the
Ethiopian empire resented the use and imposition of the Amharic language 'not only because it

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disadvantaged them in the competition for university places, but also for the implication it had for the
destruction of their own languages and cultures', not to mention its implications for jobs and other
social and political activities. This, coupled with the centrist, authoritarian policies of the military,
known as the derg, wreaked havoc in whole societies; the economy was overwhelmed by shortages
and economic crisis; and the war in Eritrea and other parts worsened an already precarious existence
for the majority of the poor, who were caught in the margins of impending disasters (most of which
were manmade), such as drought and concomitant famine.

6.2 The 1994 Constitution

All these issues led to a change of regime from military dictatorship to military insurgency led by a
Tigrean elite. The transitional charter and arrangement has introduced some changes. Initially, it was
a process where different ethnic groups participated, although the dominant position was claimed by
a northern Tigrean ethnic group and the Tigrean People's Liberation Front (TPLF), which formed the
Ethiopian Peoples Democratic Revolutionary Front (EPRDF). Such predominance notwithstanding,
participants to the transitional government agreed on an interim education and language policy.
Accordingly, in 1992, new measures of primary education in ethno−national languages were
introduced as opposed to the policy of the ancien régime. Moreover, most languages became working
languages of the respective, so−called administrative zones. Apart from this minor achievement, the
political process was fraught with problems, eventually leading to the withdrawal of almost all
opposition parties from the transitional government. This enabled the EPRDF to draft and approve a
constitution, and to design language and education policies, not to mention broad, far−reaching
economic and political guidelines.

The 1994 Constitution states, in Article 5, that Amharic shall be the 'official language of the Federal
Government'. It also states in Articles 2 and 3 respectively that 'all Ethiopian languages shall enjoy
equal state recognition' and that 'the member states of the Federation shall determine their respective
official languages' (Ethiopian Constitution, 1994). Whereas the practice of such broad constitutional
provisions is yet to be seen, the direction of language of education has no constitutional reference,
and it is not clear how indigenous and foreign languages are to be treated in the future. Except for the
brief interlude of transitional arrangements in 1991−92, there has been no positive and open
discussion on language policy in Ethiopia. Secrecy underpins language policy discourse. The fact
that Amharic is still the official language of the central government carries all the weight, and makes
it in practice the medium of instruction in schools in the north and centre of the country.

As far as the south is concerned, for the sake of administrative expediency, more than ten language
groups are forced to form one 'Federal Administrative Region', which makes it difficult for this
region to use any of the constituent languages other than Amharic. And this makes it likely that the
previous policy will revive, in effect forcing a switch to Amharic at secondary schools. This would
exhibit what the conflict between Kiswahili and English did in Tanzania; namely that the language of
education instead of becoming a liberating, door−opening agent ... becomes constricting and
restricting factor, where basic concepts which should grow with a child, and be added constantly as
the child learns more, are shaken midway by an ineffective change of medium'. (Yahya−Othman,
1990: 51)

Currently at least, primary schools in most of the southern areas use indigenous languages and Latin
scripts that are found to be more suitable than the Sabean (Semitic) scripts often used for Amharic
and other northern languages.

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But problems still abound. There is a lack of education materials. This was particularly so regarding
the lack of supplementary books other than text books, where students need to develop further their
analytical understanding of the text. Yet the most serious problem regarding language policy is the
lack of political commitment, and the severely authoritarian nature of the political leadership, which
lacks political opposition. When Eritrea reclaimed its independence in 1993, Amharic was replaced
with Tigrinya and Arabic as the media of education and as official languages.

The events in Ethiopia and Eritrea have common precedents in recent developments across the world
and in Africa, to which we now turn.

7. Contemporary Developments

'Transition' is the word that comes and goes relating to Africa's sociopolitical landscape. Once it was
the 'wind of change'. Later on, those disenchanted with the first wind wished for 'the second
liberation'. A number of social experiments were tried in the name 'revolution', 'African socialism',
'apartheid', 'kleptocracy', and gun−loaded insurgency. Today, with the end of the cold war, another
experiment is on its way, if it has not already expired: multiparty democracy. Being one reflection of
the unidirectional process of changes along Western lines, democratization was equated with
concepts such as party competition and liberal economics to mention but a few. Most of these are
forced on Africa where the Western realities are a long way from being obtained.

Of all of these, 'multiparty politics' is a much bandied about term, which at least has the advantage of
referring to initiatives that have been tried and are still being tried. It is beyond dispute that if handled
with sensitivity and care, genuine democratisation presents a number of opportunities. It gives people
the chance for change, in particular the chance to change unyielding, unwanted authority. It enables
societies to look for alternatives in place of social and political decay. It makes public officials
accountable to the people and to their express needs.

The possibilities are diverse; but the brief experience so far is by no means encouraging. While few
governments were willing to be voted out of office peacefully, in many cases incumbent regimes
remained in place by using all the means at their disposal, such as harassing opposition, creating
surrogate parties and manipulating the political procedure. There is also a clash of perception as to
how democracy comes into being and functions, irrespective of the sociopolitical environment. That
is, it is less clear what strictly constitutes a democratic process. The outcome of competitive party
rule, in an environment where ethnic domination has so far been concealed in single party system, is
not necessarily that which one would expect from American or British elections where, by and large,
two main parties compete for a share of votes, and where issues and interests are clearly articulated
through 'free' and informed media (the Fourth estate). But these models are hardly the ones African
regimes have followed, often curbing, if not circumscribing the freedom of the media. Due to a
constellation of historical and political conditions, African democracy will take shapes that are not
precisely the same as Western liberal thinking. For example, if true democracy prevails in an African
village, people will choose as their representatives those who share their own languages, address their
concerns and grievances, and who support local initiatives. These scenarios would serve as
distinctive features of African democracy.

On the economic front, the trend has continued of 'opening up' the fragile economies to market
forces, to multinationals, as a precondition to getting 'adjustment' loans and access to external capital.
The effect of globalisation and the trend in technology and information are yielding diverse

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outcomes, sometimes eroding the economic and political base of Africa's non−nation states.

The trans−border flow of electronic data and 'electronic' capital in the information age, is rapidly
crossing the artificial boundaries, where and when men failed to cross them. It is not as of yet known
what precise impacts these phenomena will have on African economies. But one thing is certain: the
ill−conceived rush to state−building at the cost of genuine nation−building was never warranted.
Alternatives ought to be sought along the lines of people−oriented development and political
participation, all of which will require the revival and activation of indigenous languages and
cultures. This might also require ever more regional cooperation among the states. In stipulating this
grassroots alternative, Robinson (1996: 171) reckons that non−government organisations (NGOs) are
well poised to undertake contextual development activities, and to choose appropriate strategies so as
to support local initiatives and build capacity (though, like their governmental counterparts, they also
may be prone to waste of resources through corruption). He further argues that these institutions
would strengthen respect for local cultures, and they are 'more likely to use the local language in their
communication, since their actions are premised on the participation of the people'.

Socially and culturally, the trend of Westemisation embodies elements of cultural and linguistic
imperialism. Positive attitudes are created towards using foreign languages with incentives attached,
such as a good job for those educated through them. On the other hand, there is a defence of cultural
and linguistic autonomy manifested in the proliferation of identity movements. One only has to note
the protracted struggle for independence in different countries. The central issue is popular
participation, redressing past injustices and changing or reversing prevailing ethnic domination. In
this equation, the vitality of ethnicity in the language debate is notable. As Robinson (1996: 168) puts
it:

since language is readily available as a symbol of ethnicity, any promotion of African languages can
be interpreted as a desire to enhance the political power of these speakers [and that] genuine
pluralistic policies must make space for communities to choose their own language.

Furthermore, due to the move towards pluralism and democratisation, parties may support policies
that yield popular support which means development that is suited to the local needs and means of
communication, (see Mansour, 1993:87).

8. Conclusions

History is replete with the legacies of the past. In the case of former colonies, this meant the use of
foreign languages as the media of education and of government. These languages are beneficial in
that they are international and serve as the means of transferring modern science and technology. The
problem is that they are foreign and difficult to teach and that they may fail to equip the students well
for adult life.

On the other hand, indigenous languages do reflect learners' backgrounds or address their needs
while positively influencing their educational achievement. In that sense they are relevant, practical,
and necessary for the revival of Africa's institutions. Yet there are a number of obstacles, most of
which emanate from historical, political and economic reasons. That is precisely why one
recommends that language policy ought to take all these broad considerations into account at design
and implementation levels. The consequences of failing to reckon with Africa's own background has
come back to haunt entire societies. And people have become increasingly aware of the need to

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 The Language of Education in Africa: The Key Issues

revive African cultures and the use of African languages in the revival of African economic and
political institutions. To this end, African policy makers and opinion formers need to look into the
possibility of using indigenous languages in education and government and, in order to do so, they
will also need a multidisciplinary research agenda to inform the development of new language
policies.

References

Armstrong, R. (1963) 'Vernacular languages and cultures in modern Africa', in John Spencer (ed.)
Language in Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Barrett, J. (1994) 'Why is English still the medium of education in Tanzanian secondary schools?'
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Keller, E. (1991) Revolutionary Ethiopia: From Empire to People's Republic. Bloomington and
Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.

Mansour, G. (1993) Multilingualism and Nation Building. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.

Robinson, C. (1996) 'Winds of change in Africa: Fresh air for African languages? Some preliminary
reflections', in H. Coleman and L. Cameron (eds.) Change and Language. Clevedon: Multilingual
Matters.

Rugabumya, C. (1990) Reflections in recent developments in language policy in Tanzania. InC.

Rugabumya (ed.) Languages in Education in Africa. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd.

Samof, J. (1993) 'The reconstruction of schooling in Africa'. Comparative Education Review 37 (2),
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Trappes−Lomax, H. (1990) 'Can a foreign language be a national medium?' in C. Rubagumya (ed.)

Languages in Education in Africa. (pp. 94−104). Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.

Yahya Othman, S. (1990) 'When international languages clash: The possible detrimental effects on
development of the conflict between English and Kiswahili in Tanzania', in C. Rubagumya (ed.)
Languages in Education in Africa. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd.

Reference Style: The following is the suggested format for referencing this article:
Hameso, Seyoum. The Language of Education in Africa: The Key Issues [online] URL:
<http://sidamaconcern.com/hameso/language.pdf >

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