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Transportation Research Procedia 25 (2017) 3116–3128
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World Conference on Transport Research - WCTR 2016 Shanghai. 10-15 July 2016
World Conference on Transport Research - WCTR 2016 Shanghai. 10-15 July 2016
Niterói's central area urban redevelopment project: planning to
Niterói's central area urban redevelopment project: planning to
achieve sustainable mobility in metropolitan area of Rio de Janeiro
achieve sustainable mobility in metropolitan area of Rio de Janeiro
José Renato Barandier Jr.*
José Renato Barandier Jr.*
Niterói Municipal Secretariat for Urban Planning and Mobility, Av. Visconde de Sepetiba, 987/12° andar, Niterói 22081-032, Brazil
Niterói Municipal Secretariat for Urban Planning and Mobility, Av. Visconde de Sepetiba, 987/12° andar, Niterói 22081-032, Brazil

Abstract
Abstract
The planning of sustainable urban mobility has recently become a top priority on the political agenda in Brazil. In 2012, Federal
The planningestablished
Government of sustainable
the urban mobility
National Policyhas on recently become determining
Urban Mobility, a top prioritythat
on the political agenda
municipalities must in Brazil.Sustainable
prepare In 2012, Federal
Urban
Government
Mobility Plans established
(SUMP). the National
In this Policy
context, on Urban Mobility,
the integration of land-usedetermining thatismunicipalities
and transport expected to bemust prepare Sustainable
an essential Urban
part of sustainable
Mobility
mobility inPlans (SUMP).
Brazil. In thisdiscusses
This paper context, the
the integration of land-use plan
urban redevelopment and transport is expected
for Niterói’s central to be an
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to integrate land
mobility
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and transport This paper discusses
by creating the urban redevelopment
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for Niterói’s
a ferrycentral
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The central area istowithin
integrate land
the ferry
use and transport
catchment policies
area, which by creating
represents a transit-oriented
structural neighbourhood
transport access through thearound a ferry station.
metropolitan area. The
This central area is within
also represents theinferry
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existing urban whichmodel
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create economic the metropolitan
conditions, that use value area. Thisand
capture alsomarket-based
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to financeurban growth
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urban and an attempt to
redevelopment in create economic
the region conditions,
that faces thatand
population useeconomic
value capture and market-based instruments,
decay.
to finance and to foster urban redevelopment in the region that faces population and economic decay.
© 2017 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V.
© 2017 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V.
© 2017 The Authors.
Peer-review Published by
under responsibility
responsibility of Elsevier
WORLDB.V. CONFERENCE ON ON TRANSPORT
TRANSPORT RESEARCHRESEARCH SOCIETY.
SOCIETY.
Peer-review under of WORLD CONFERENCE
Peer-review under responsibility of WORLD CONFERENCE ON TRANSPORT RESEARCH SOCIETY.
Keywords: urban planning; sustainable mobility ; transit-oriented development; urban operation; developing countries.
Keywords: urban planning; sustainable mobility ; transit-oriented development; urban operation; developing countries.

1. Introduction
1. Introduction
The importance of sustainable urban mobility has long been discussed (Banister, 2008) and plays a critical role in
theThe importance
quality of the
of life for sustainable urban
2.5 billion newmobility has long
inhabitants who been discussed
will live (Banister,
in cities by 20502008) and plays
(UN DESA, a critical
2014). role of
The role in
the quality of life for the 2.5 billion new inhabitants who will live in cities by 2050 (UN DESA, 2014).
land use in achieving sustainable mobility is undisputed. When well integrated with investments in transport The role of
land use in achieving sustainable mobility is undisputed. When well integrated with investments in transport

* Corresponding author. Tel.: +55 21 3281-4549.


* E-mail address:author.
Corresponding Tel.: +55 21 3281-4549.
renato@barandier.com
E-mail address: renato@barandier.com
2214-241X © 2017 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V.
2214-241X
Peer-review©under
2017responsibility
The Authors.ofPublished
WORLDbyCONFERENCE
Elsevier B.V. ON TRANSPORT RESEARCH SOCIETY.
Peer-review under responsibility of WORLD CONFERENCE ON TRANSPORT RESEARCH SOCIETY.

2352-1465 © 2017 The Authors. Published by Elsevier B.V.


Peer-review under responsibility of WORLD CONFERENCE ON TRANSPORT RESEARCH SOCIETY.
10.1016/j.trpro.2017.05.341
José Renato Barandier Jr. / Transportation Research Procedia 25 (2017) 3116–3128 3117
2 Barandier, J.R. / Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2017) 000–000

planning, land use becomes crucial in promoting the increased use of public transport by creating a favourable
environment for pedestrians and cyclists, offering more local travel patterns (Hickman et al., 2013), and contributing
to the development of social sustainability (Kamruzzaman et al., 2014).
However, the current individualistic transport model, which is based on the automobile, continues to generate a
number of negative externalities in Brazil. Traffic accidents are responsible for killing 40,000 people a year,
according to data from the Ministry of Health. The increase in travel time is also a negative impact, especially in
large urban centres. The travel time for workers has risen 12% (IBGE, 2011) in the last 20 years. Air and noise
pollution are also negative externalities of transport systems. The Fifth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental
Panel on Climate Change shows that the level of greenhouse gas emissions resulting from fossil fuel consumption in
Brazil is higher than the total level of emissions from the country's industrial production (Seto et al., 2014).
Investments in the efficiency of public transport systems allow for the reduction of pollutant emissions and noise,
among other environmental impacts (Hickman et al, 2013; Ministério das Cidades 2015). Therefore, urban planning
must change to allow for the provision of a transport infrastructure that incorporates a land occupation model for the
integration of urban and activity space. The aim is to decrease the distances travelled by car, reduce urban sprawl
and the need to travel within cities, reduce energy consumption, VKT, and GHG emissions levels (Banister, 2011),
and decrease the social cost of transport (Lucas, 2012). These changes should also encourage shorter commutes and
increase connectivity, which will lead to a greater variety of available modes of transport (Cervero and Kockelman,
1997; Banister, 2011). Nevertheless, the difficulty of raising resources for local transport investment means that
more innovative forms of finance are needed, which would involve the public and private sectors, as well as the use
of value-capture instruments (Hickman et al., 2013).
In this context, urban mobility planning must balance transport supply and demand and combine sustainable
practices with high-quality transport accessibility in a way that substantially reduces the environmental impact
associated with car-based suburban development (Herce, 2009; Cervero and Sullivan, 2011; Santos et al., 2013).
UN-Habitat (2009) addresses four key urban development drivers for sustainable cities: density (Banister, 2005;
Cervero, 2009), land use mix (Kockelman, 1997; Cervero, 2002), connectivity (Gehl, 2010; ITDP, 2014), and
accessibility (Hankey and Marshall, 2010; Banister, 2011). These drivers have a direct effect on transport activity
and influence transport demand and travel patterns. Consequently, urban planning strategies can significantly
promote public transport and non-motorised modes of travel, thereby reducing sprawl and car dependence. Seen
from another angle, transportation hindrances reduce accessibility to urban opportunities (e.g., jobs, housing, and
services) and people and places in cities, which may create or reinforce poverty and social disadvantages (Lucas,
2012; Stanley and Lucas, 2008; Delbosc and Currie, 2011) or increase the risk of social exclusion (Stanley and
Brodrick, 2009; Barandier and Bodmer, 2013).
Understanding this importance, the Federal Government established the National Policy on Urban Mobility,
determining that municipalities must prepare Sustainable Urban Mobility Plans (SUMP) to eliminate the constant
waste of resources resulting from project discontinuity, disconnected transportation and land use projects, the lack of
inter-municipal integration and social control, and public disregard for environmental issues, among others. May
(2015) indicates areas in which further research may contribute to overcoming barriers, encouraging good practice in
the development of Sustainable Urban Mobility Plans, including: assessing the effectiveness of different approaches
to financing, identifying good practices in stakeholder involvement at all stages of the policy process, understanding
effective political decision-making and leadership, and evaluating alternative approaches to policy implementation.
Thus, this article discusses the main challenges of Niterói's central area urban redevelopment project as a transit-
oriented development (TOD) that would contribute to the formulation of goals for the Niterói’s SUMP.

2. Sustainable urban mobility framework in Brazil

In Brazil, urban mobility has historically been treated as a matter of traffic engineering. This process can be
described by the road infrastructure provision — specifically, building new motorways, prioritising individual
transport to the detriment of public transport and non-motorised modes of transport — and complete separation
between urban and transport planning (Silva et al. 2008). This conventional approach results in a dependence on
itself: by seeking to facilitate increased mobility, investments in new roads eventually led the establishment of a car-
3118 José Renato Barandier Jr. / Transportation Research Procedia 25 (2017) 3116–3128
Barandier, J.R./ Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2017) 000–000 3

based suburban development model that prompts the need to travel by car, which ultimately requires further
investment in road infrastructure.
More recently, the planning of sustainable urban mobility has become a top priority on the political agenda.
However, sustainable urban mobility is not yet part of a consolidated structure, and a gap persists between political
discourse and practice in the form of the implementation of large-scale urban interventions (Lentino, 2014). The
investments for public and non-motorised transport were recently renewed with a view to address the mobility crisis
present in most Brazilian cities, but uncoordinated action also resulted in the loss of financial resources, the lack of
social control and the neglect of environmental issues in urban transport planning in Brazil (Silva et al., 2008).
Therefore, it is necessary to foster a policy that guides and coordinates efforts, plans, actions and investments to
ensure that Brazilian society has rights to the city with social equity, greater administrative efficiency, expansion of
citizenship and environmental sustainability (Ministério das Cidades, 2015).

2.1. National Policy on Urban Mobility

In April 2012, Federal Law 12,587 came into force, instituting the guidelines for the National Policy on Urban
Mobility. This law prioritises public and non-motorised modes of transport in cities — rather than focusing on
individual, private and motorised transport modes — and opposes the current fiscal incentives issued by the federal
government for the purchase of cars and motorcycles. The National Policy on Urban Mobility is the result of a
lengthy debate in Congress, which began in 1995 with the presentation of the bill to a body that issues national
guidelines for urban transportation. Other projects were presented during the proceedings in Congress, and a new bill
was forwarded for consideration by the Senate in 2010 and was approved in December 2011.
The law sets out the principles, guidelines and tools to guide municipalities in the planning of transport systems
and road infrastructure for the movement of people and cargo. To meet the public’s needs and contribute to
sustainable urban development, the law provides mechanisms to ensure affordable prices for using public transport,
exclusive lanes for buses and bicycles, traffic restrictions in city centres and charging for the use of urban
infrastructure units, such as roads and public parking lots.
The most interesting aspect of the National Policy on Urban Mobility is the condition that municipalities with
more than 20,000 inhabitants have to develop a Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan within three years. The plan must
be formulated in an integrated manner to the municipal master plan and is a requirement for accessing federal
funding for investment in urban mobility. Municipalities that do not present a SUMP would be prevented from
receiving federal funds for this sector. Another significant issue is that each municipality has to elaborate a SUMP,
even if the municipality is part of a metropolitan area whose plan has already been determined. The justification is
that the mobility plans of metropolitan areas include issues related to the inter-municipal integration, but can rarely
address all the specificities of each municipality (Ministério das Cidades, 2015).
In practice, the municipalities with this legal requirement must also elaborate municipal master plans, which
means that 3,065 of the 5,560 Brazilian municipalities must meet the legal obligation mentioned above initially until
April 2015. Although there are no official data on how many municipalities are in compliance with the legislation,
the Ministry of Cities estimates that more than 70% of Brazilian cities with over 500 thousand inhabitants and 95%
of municipalities with over 50 thousand inhabitants could not complete the requirement on time. Congress is now
leading to a renewal process for another three years. In 2001, the City Statute issued a similar obligation for
municipal master plans, but what could be observed was a 'master plan fever', especially in 2006, which was the
deadline ending for approval of the plans. The plans were copied from one municipality to another with
inconsistencies and commonly included errors such as the changed name of one city by the first one that created the
document.

3. The urban context

The Brazilian urbanisation model has not contributed positively to the structuring of mobility and still encourages
land speculation and contributes to urban sprawl, resulting in the unsustainable and inefficient functioning of the
cities. In spatial terms, the cities grew horizontally, according to a model of continuous low-density peripheral
expansion, and could only be accessed from car-based road systems. The suburbanisation process is done through
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licensing or the tolerance of new settlements far beyond consolidated areas that provide the essential infrastructure
(Barandier and Bodmer, 2013). Therefore, the process incorporates increasingly distant plots, where it is cheaper to
install new housing units, whereas extensive intermediate vacant lots are reserved for speculation (Ministério das
Cidades, 2015). The regions for business and residence became, respectively, congested central areas and dormitory
neighbourhoods.
This type of urbanisation caters to two different economic segments of the population; low-income groups
migrate to the suburbs to obtain cheaper lots, and higher income segments do the same in the pursuit of larger lots
and lower population density. The first case demands the extension of public transport services, whereas the second
generates an increase in car-based trips. The combination of specialised land use functions with low-density urban
growth creates the need for increasingly distant commuting. As a result, the population that sought refuge in remote
areas to take advantage of the natural amenities is now impaired. The ones that desired the freedom provided by
'automobility' are now hostage to it.

3.1. Changes in the urban form

In 400 of its 440 years, Niterói was a paradigm of integration between transport and land use as a walkable city
with the historic centre surrounding the ferry station and, later, growing along the tramlines. For most of its history,
the population has lived in a walking distance from public transport or urban activities. However, as with most
medium and large cities in Brazil, Niterói city centre currently faces problems and challenges related to the declining
population and economy as a result of the automobile-oriented policy of the second half of the 20th century,
particularly after two events in the 1970s. The first event was the transfer of the capital of Rio de Janeiro state, in
1974. Fourteen years early, the federal capital changed from the city of Rio de Janeiro to Brasilia and, after
becoming former state capital, Niterói stopped managing the administrative activities of the state government. The
second was the completion of Rio-Niterói Bridge in 1976, which led to an intense expansion of urban sprawl on the
Metropolitan Eastern Side. 'The Bridge' was a milestone in the automobile-oriented policy in the second half of the
twentieth century, which was characterised by a series of top-down institutional investments in the national cultural
context of the military rule.
This model persists in Brazilian cities through the expansion and establishment of new urban fringes. Had the
urban design not been adapted to the car, this incredible invention would not have had much value in use and would
not have become central to the functioning of society and people's lives. 'Automobility' seems to provide the solution
to the congestion problems that itself generates. It externalises dangers for those who are 'outside' the system as
provides enhanced security for those who are 'inside' the system, also being central to the consumerist and
individualistic culture of contemporary society (Sheller and Urry, 2004). As part of the state ideology in 20th century
Brazil, the modernist automobile oriented transportation and land use patterns have become hegemonic.
In this context, the city centre and other traditional neighbourhoods of Niterói declined in a model where
economic growth was spurred by the geographical expansion of the city toward growing suburban areas —
Pendotiba and Oceanic (see Figure 1). The result of this process of rapid and spontaneous urban growth was a 15%
reduction of the city centre population between 1970 and 2010. During this period, the municipal population grew
50% and the urban area grew 130%. Urban sprawl has reduced the density of Niterói by 38%, from 13,400 people
per km² in the 1970s to 8,400 people per km² in the current decade. The motorisation rate now increases 2.61% per
year in the city in addition to VKT and GHG emissions, and homes in suburban areas generate four times more car
trips per unit than those located in central neighbourhoods (Barandier, 2015). Urban density has decreased as a
whole in the municipality. The functional specialisation of land use has created a predominantly commercial city
centre and exclusively residential suburbs, and the car-based expansion model has reduced connectivity between
activities and decreased urban accessibility.
3120 José Renato Barandier Jr. / Transportation Research Procedia 25 (2017) 3116–3128
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1975 2014

Fig. 1. Changes in the urban form after Rio-Niterói Bridge: from transit-oriented city towards car-based urban sprawled fabric.

In terms of transport, the city is now facing problems related to traffic congestion, increased VKT, and increasing
travel time. Today, the municipal administration has invested in new lines of BRT / BHLS as a response to problems
caused by urban expansion that disregards the transport infrastructure. At the same time, the state government has
been investing in the implementation of a program to make the ferry a high-quality transport system. However, the
current pattern of urban growth may put these transport network investments at risk because the increase in transport
activity is likely to offset infrastructure expansion, which will require a new cycle of investments. Thus, proactive
planning is crucial not only for inducing sustainable travel trend-breaks but also for avoiding risking current
investments in the public transport network.

4. Strategic planning: Metropolitan TOD

The increasing level of motorisation and population growth now lead to challenges that must be faced as the
impact of the growing level of car usage in the city design can be seen. Barandier (2015) demonstrates that these
problems will become worse in Niterói in the Business as Usual Scenario (BAU) for 2030, but the author also shows
that different futures are possible across different scenarios. At the strategic planning level, the scenarios developed
for Niterói indicates that a shift in travel patterns is possible based on the trend breaking in the current land-use
planning model.
Currently, Niterói's central area comprises 40% of all non-residential areas in the city but only 4% of the
population, in addition to vacant historic buildings or areas that have been converted into parking lots. The
waterfront area has 110 square meters of urban void that serve as an extensive car park area with 2,000 spaces. There
are also three transport terminals through which 300,000 people circulate every day. All these features make the
central area the largest home-based work trip attraction pole of the Metropolitan Eastern Side.
In 2013, the municipal administration initiated an urban renewal project for Niterói's central area in an attempt to
balance this situation. Redirecting the growth of the city to the main centrality of the Metropolitan Eastern Side
following TOD principles, the project strengthens the metropolitan hub of transport and is in line with the guidelines
of the National Urban Mobility Policy. At the metropolitan level, the urban renewal project is integrated with
metropolitan planning to promote densification with mixed use surrounding the ferry station. In other words, the
project supports changes in the urban structure by producing residential units in the region that is the largest home-
based work trip attraction pole in the municipality. However, this assumes that the future 'towards city compaction'
(Barandier, 2015) can be delivered and that cars can be removed from use in daily life, which also creates new
challenges to be faced by the project.
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4.1. Niterói’s Central Area Urban Operation

The redevelopment project covers an area of 3.2 km², including the historic centre of Niterói, and seeks to address
problems and challenges arising from the population and economic decline process observed in the last four decades.
The project represents the first ‘Consortium for Urban Operation’ undertaken by a medium-sized city in Brazil. This
project can be defined as a value-capture instrument whereby financial resources will be sold (worth development air
rights) to finance an innovative scheme for infrastructure and amenities.
The Urban Operation for Niterói’s central area establishes a financial model of Public-Private Partnership (PPP)
consisting of three main stages. Firstly, City Council approved a new law (#3,061) in 2013, modifying the previous
limit set on the height of new buildings to be constructed in the Urban Operation coverage area, and establishing
minimum, basic and maximum floor area ratios and limited the supply of buildable area in order to foster real estate
developments and assure investments for infrastructure works. Secondly, the right to build additional floors must be
purchased, constituting a funding mechanism for the project. Financially speaking, the developer offers economic
compensation to the public administration in return for new building rights (Sandroni, 2010). Therefore, developers
must acquire the Certificates for Additional Construction Potential (CEPAC) or pay Charges for Additional Building
Rights, which are required for each floor to be built, up to the height limit stipulated for each different area of the
project. In the case of CEPAC, these bonds are auctioned through an investment bank and the national Securities and
Exchange Authority oversee the sales. The amount of additional construction potential available for building
ventures varies according to its location sector and the type of use. For instance, fewer certificates are necessary for
residential development than for non-residential one. Finally, the funds raised from the Urban Operation public offer
constitute a real estate trust fund and finance all public infrastructure works and services, generating new
opportunities for socio-economic development. The creation of this fund aims to improve liquidity and diversity of
investors in the operation.

4.2. TOD principles: challenges and opportunities

The Urban Operation for Niterói’s central area adopts TOD as a model by densifying and mixing uses in the
catchment area of the high-capacity Metropolitan transport network. Eight classical principles have been applied,
which aim to directly impact transportation activities, influencing the demand for transport and travel patterns
(ITDP, 2014).

4.2.1. Compact

The first principle adopted by the project is 'toward city compaction' (compact cities), in which the focus is to
drive two-thirds of the demand for new housing in the city by 2030 to the city centre (Barandier, 2015). The trend of
urban growth towards the expansion areas — Pendotiba and Oceânica — is broken by setting up the production of
new housing for 40,000 people within existing urban area, around the metropolitan ferry station, and near to the
largest concentration of urban opportunities (see Figure 2). The project breaks radically with the Brazilian logic of
urban growth through the spontaneous expansion of the territory, which also promotes the efficient use of urban
land, which will avoid consuming 14% of the municipal territory with new housing and will reduce pressure on
remaining natural areas of the expansion areas.
Public investment in the transport infrastructure is also maximised as ongoing investments are possibly fostered
by reversing the commuting pattern. On the other hand, the project's main challenge is attracting investment back to
the city centre, ensuring that new buildings will improve the deteriorated occupied urban areas. In order for new
buildings to give value to the city and not detract from this value, value capture instruments are used to fund the
urban renewal of public spaces in the centre. Financial resources from the sale of building rights will be applied to
the redevelopment of streets, focusing on people and non-motorised modes of transport, such as item enhancement
in the region.
Another critical factor is the effective containment of sprawl. To this end, aside from addressing the support
capacity in the central area, municipal planners need to create occupation control tools in the low-density expansion
regions for both new formal and informal settlements.
3122 José Renato Barandier Jr. / Transportation Research Procedia 25 (2017) 3116–3128
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Fig. 2. Towards city compaction: TOD within existing urban area.

4.2.2. Densify

Urban growth in low-density areas have driven people away from urban opportunities, especially with regard to
local consumption, leisure, and work, which ultimately leads to the increased use of individual low-capacity
transport — also known as the car — but residential and employment density enable high-quality transport and local
services.
Niterói currently has 487,000 inhabitants, which is expected to increase by 60,000 over the next 15 years. The
current city centre population is around 26 thousand inhabitants, or 8,125 inhabitants/km². This extremely low
density for a central area will increase by targeting up to 40,000 new residents to the area, increasing the density to
20,000 inhabitants/km². In other words, at the end of the 15 years provided for full implementation of the project, if
all housing units permitted by law materialise and none of the original population of the central area relocate, the
project will have absorbed two-thirds of the expected municipal population growth by 2030 without requiring an
extension of urban occupation.
As a challenge, density distribution is needed to foster greater proximity. To meet this goal, the project area is
divided into sectors with maximum inventory building potential, allowing the density to balance throughout the
service area of the ferry station, especially throughout the urban voids (see Figure 3).
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Fig. 3. Urban redevelopment perimeter, ferry catchment area and urban voids.

4.2.3. Transit

Aside from being the main centrality of the municipality, the metropolitan hub of transport provides a strategic
location to the Niterói Centre within the metropolitan area of Rio de Janeiro. Approximately 400,000 people move
between the intercity bus and ferry terminals. The state government has been investing in a program to transform the
ferry into a high-quality transport system, including the construction and expansion of the passenger terminal and the
purchase of new and improved vessels. To enhance the quality improvements of the investment and to balance
demand with transport supply, it is necessary for the system to be accessible by foot. Thus, the option of increasing
density within its catchment area is natural. From this location, people can be connected and integrated with the most
distant parts of the city and the metropolitan area without having to use a car.

4.2.4. Mix

A density increase is needed to ensure proximity between the different types of activities and environments such
as housing, commerce, and services, reducing the need for long motorised trips. A density increase would also
provide a balance between transport supply and demand. Currently, the centre comprises 40% of the non-residential
constructed areas of the city but only 4% of the population. Aside from the balance in constructive distribution, the
spatial division of the sectors must also adjust the mix of land use. The challenge for this goal is to ensure the
construction of residential use in an area that is very attractive to commercial developments due to its location and
accessibility attributes (e.g., proximity to the metropolitan transport hub). Another common non-residential use in
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the central area is car park areas. At the waterfront, 110,000 square meters of urban void serves as a large car park
with nearly 2,000 parking lots, which increase the attraction of trips by car.
In this context, each sector of the project area has a minimal construction potential percentage that can be
designated for residential use. In total, the operation has assigned at least 60% of the construction potential for
residential use. Furthermore, decades of decay have made it necessary to create a set of amenities to renovate the
centre for residential use. Finally, some benefits include improving the proximity of non-residential activities to
transport hubs to encourage the use of public transport at the moment of modal choice. In addition to promoting
proximity between the origin and destination, the change in land use pattern also transforms the centre, a major
home-based work trip attraction pole, into an area that generates trips in the opposite direction in response to the
higher demand.

4.2.5. Walk

To promote sustainable mobility, the project establishes different street typology to create coherent networks that
serves the different modes of transport. Figure 4 shows the proposed circulation scheme for Centre, in which a few
streets were chosen to create external motorised circuits (buses and cars), while four inner circuit streets create
pedestrian priority zones known as the 30-Zones.

Urban
void

Fig. 4. Proposed centre circulation scheme.

To stimulate walking, the cleanest, most sustainable and healthiest mode of transport, the streets renewal project
focuses on people rather than merely considering as roadwork. This represents a design challenge that complements
the network of sustainable mobility in terms of micro-accessibility. To function as a non-motorised feeder system,
public spaces in the pedestrian priority zones must be upgraded to include traffic reduction and an environmental
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10 Barandier, J.R. / Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2017) 000–000

redesign to make these areas attractive and accessible to everyone. Another important aspect, the climate, makes the
shade offered by the newly planted trees also necessary as tool for thermal comfort when creating mobility spaces.
To enhance the project, another 30-Zone should be created in the urban void and waterfront sector. To this end, a
new set of street is needed to create connectivity through two great lots.

4.2.6. Cycle

The project deploys more than 20 km of safe cycling networks and full interconnection between pedestrian
priority zones and the transport hubs, improving streets and offering an efficient and convenient way to travel. The
new buildings are required to provide a minimum number of bicycle parking spaces. The provision of facilities for
bicycles offers a comparative advantage over the car and helps to enhance the cost of the public cycle paths
investment. However, the challenge of making bicycles an efficient mode of transport includes the lack of bike
sharing services and public facilities, which are not included in the project scope.

4.2.7. Connect

The historic fabric of the city centre is a facilitator from the connectivity perspective. The compact network of
roads originates from the time when Niterói was a walkable city, and the network now allows for a wider range of
mobility options to ensure the most seamless travel. However, the waterfront is still disconnected from the rest of the
city and contributes to the degradation of the Centre. It is also difficult to access the 'Caminho Niemeyer', a set of
buildings that Brazilian architect Oscar Niemeyer designed as a tourist attraction on the bay side, enhancing the
landscape potential of Guanabara Bay. A significant challenge in this context is to ensure permeability for a large
tract of landfill area that blocks the integration of the city and its seafront. Thus, it is necessary to create non-
motorised roads (for walking, bicycles, etc.) offering connectivity to the sector through short connections that are
direct and varied, as well as invest in infrastructure for pedestrians with the redesign of sidewalks and the creation of
connections between roads and paths for pedestrians within courts. These changes are important for accessibility to
transport and security in traffic circulation.

Historic urban fabric

Urban void

Streets extension

Caminho Niemeyer waterfront

Fig. 5. Proposed street extending.


3126 José Renato Barandier Jr. / Transportation Research Procedia 25 (2017) 3116–3128
Barandier, J.R./ Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2017) 000–000 11

4.2.8. Shift

Cars become less and less necessary in everyday life when travel distances are decreased using compaction, a mix
of uses, and the promotion of non-motorised modes. The integration of the urban voids into active building blocks
also has a positive impact on current patterns of unsustainable mobility. However, other challenges remain to be
addressed to deepen the modal shift. Thus, the central area still requires effective management of parking on public
streets. Charging for parking, for instance, can finance the bike-sharing system, and this option is one of several
traffic reduction tools that encourage people to move away from cars.

5. Discussion and conclusions

Niterói is one of 21 municipalities in the Rio de Janeiro metropolitan area and is now facing problems related to
transport such as increasing motorisation, vehicle-kilometres travelled (VKT) and traffic congestion. Metropolitan
administrative fragmentation increases the complexity of these problems, which has led municipalities to disregard
metropolitan transport interests when implementing land use and mobility plans. Despite the importance that the
planning of sustainable urban mobility is gaining in Brazil, only a few cities have begun to plan effectively. The
Ministério das Cidades (2015) has established the consolidation of the centres and areas already occupied by the
town, promoting improved use of existing infrastructure, guaranteeing public use of public space, prioritising
pedestrians, resolving or minimising conflicts between foot and vehicle traffic, providing quality guidance and
treatment of urban areas favouring pedestrian displacement, implementing solutions to ensure the viability of public
transport and non-motorised modes of transport, and prioritising investments and the use of the road system for
pedestrians and public transport as the primary challenges of SUMPs and land use planning.
This paper has documented Niterói’s central area urban redevelopment project, which creates a transit-oriented
neighbourhood within the ferry station catchment area to ensure the reduction of motorised trips by 2030. The
project aims to strengthen the transport hub as a centre for the neighbourhood and surrounding areas by forming a
centre of activity with structural transport access through the metropolitan area. This represents a shift in the existing
urban growth model and an attempt to create economic conditions that use value capture and market-based
instruments to finance and to foster urban redevelopment in a region that faces population and economic decay.
The project utilises the ‘Urban Operation’ as an important instrument for financing sustainable mobility and value
capture in urban interventions. In the financial context, the approach seeks economic compensation from the public
administration in return for new building rights for real-estate development. The funds will then be applied to
finance infrastructure and amenities that can reverse the degradation of buildings and the urban environment. From
the perspective of public policy, it is expected that the project can contribute to reversing the current trend of
separation of uses that contributes to wasteful sprawl development, the loss of open space, heavy infrastructure costs,
and reliance on automobiles. The project also aims to renovate idle properties and the construction of new buildings
in empty urban plots, provides decentralised and diversified public facilities, and encourages and provides guidance
for increasing the density of mixed-use private ventures while controlling the proportion of each activity.
By reviewing the central area project, this paper also looks forward to promoting the paradigm of sustainable
mobility in the metropolitan area of Rio de Janeiro, whereas the urban renewal project has a direct impact on
transport activity, influencing the demand for transport and travel patterns for next two decades. In this sense,
Niterói's central area urban redevelopment project is aligned with the objectives of the National Policy on Urban
Mobility, which seeks to reverse the sprawl process and unsustainable mobility that has been observed in the last
four decades in the metropolitan area. In parallel, the city is preparing the municipal SUMP to also be in compliance
with the determination of the National Policy. To this end, some challenges that can assist in the formulation of
objectives for the municipal SUMP, in accordance to the National Policy for Urban Mobility, were identified.
The first challenge is the effective containment of sprawl, which can be addressed by creating tools for the control
and restriction of occupation in regions of expansion with low population densities, Pendotiba and Oceanic. The plan
must embrace both types of new settlements — formal and informal. Density control is critical, not only to reduce
the negative effects of sprawl on individual transport travel patterns but also to offer an advantage to the city centre
compared with more distant areas. Although these distant areas have cheaper and broader lots and lower density, the
extension of public transport services will be required in the long term. Central areas are those for which cities must
José Renato Barandier Jr. / Transportation Research Procedia 25 (2017) 3116–3128 3127
12 Barandier, J.R. / Transportation Research Procedia 00 (2017) 000–000

converge all modes of transport: motorised (e.g. bus, car, trams) and non-motorised (e.g. bicycling and walking) and
a city’s design and layout strongly influences travel demand, so a proactive plan is crucial to ending the ‘predict and
provide’ spiral. Additionally, it is important to generate non-residential use in regions of expansion to reduce
reliance on the central area of Niterói and leverage current investments in BRT/BHLS new lines.
The municipal SUMP should also embrace models like 'Complete Streets' and '30-Zone' in the central area, with
road integration of pedestrians, cyclists and motor vehicles, as well as the effective management of parking in public
spaces. Finally, the municipal SUMP must consider the feasibility difficulties that small and medium-sized cities in
Brazil have when implementing bike-sharing systems. Hence, the allocation of funds from parking charges for
public streets is shown as an effective alternative to promote sustainable mobility.

Acknowledgements

The author expresses sincere appreciation to the members of the Niterói Municipal Secretariat for Urban
Planning and Mobility for the support provided.

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