International Journal of Adolescence and Youth

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The role of music in adolescent development:

much more than the same old song

Dave Miranda

To cite this article: Dave Miranda (2013) The role of music in adolescent development: much
more than the same old song, International Journal of Adolescence and Youth, 18:1, 5-22, DOI:
10.1080/02673843.2011.650182

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/02673843.2011.650182

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Published online: 21 Feb 2012.

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International Journal of Adolescence and Youth, 2013
Vol. 18, No. 1, 5–22, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02673843.2011.650182

The role of music in adolescent development: much more than the

same old song
Dave Miranda*

School of Psychology, University of Ottawa, Ottawa, Ontario, Canada

(Received 1 December 2011; final version received 13 December 2011)

There is an increasingly robust literature of recent research findings that support

the developmental importance of music in adolescence. However, this intriguing
literature is not familiar to many developmental psychologists, possibly due to a lack
of communication among researchers and because of publication trends in develop-
mental journals. This review aims at informing on current knowledge of how music
listening can play a role in the psychosocial development of adolescents. To this end,
three arguments are discussed in light of recent empirical research: music influences
important aspects of adolescent development; music can represent a protective
and a risk factor; and music can serve as an adjunct component in prevention and
intervention. Therefore, it is proposed how music is a developmental resource in
adolescence. It is argued that research on the developmental role of music can create a
window to the everyday psychological, social, and cultural needs of contemporary
adolescents.
Keywords: music; development; adolescence; psychosocial; literature review

Introduction
Music can have many social psychological impacts and meanings for people at different
periods of their development (Hargreaves, 1986; McPherson, 2006; North & Hargreaves,
2008). It can be a mother’s lullaby, an artist’s exploration and expression, a performer’s
dream and profession, a listener’s passion and leisure, a social setting’s ambience and a
signifier of ritual. Music is a resource of considerable intellectual, artistic, cultural,
technological, and economical breadth and depth. Billions of dollars are invested in and
generated by music across many domains (e.g. arts, entertainment, education, science),
while serious legal consequences and societal issues concern the unauthorised sharing
of music (North & Hargreaves, 2008). Young people, especially, devote huge amounts
of time and money to music listening (Roberts, Henriksen, & Foehr, 2009), while
the technological industry cleverly attunes music applications to resonate at the core of
their multi-tasking computers. Listening to music is thus particularly important and
ubiquitous in the contemporary lives of media-socialising and multi-tasking adolescents
(Brown & Bobkowski, 2011; Roberts et al., 2009). This article will thereby argue
that music has become a genuine developmental resource – young people would say a
‘killer app’ – that deserves much more attention from developmental psychology in
adolescence.

*Email: dave.miranda@uottawa.ca
q 2013 Taylor & Francis
6 D. Miranda

But can music have any significant influence on individuals?

At the outset, developmental psychologists may wonder whether music has any significant
influence on some of the biological, psychological, and social factors that compose human
nature. The answer seems to be yes; and prototypical examples can be provided.

Biological effects
From an evolutionary perspective, music could be an evolved psychological mechanism in
as much as it seems to have been potentially adaptive for increasing our fitness for survival
in terms of better mate selection, social cohesion, synchronised group effort, perceptual
development, motor skill development, conflict reduction, safe time passing, transgene-
rational communication of culture, and self-regulation (Huron, 2003; McDermott &
Hauser, 2005).
From a contemporary perspective, music is mediated by and impacts some of our
biological structures and processes (Peretz & Zatorre, 2003). Findings from brain lesion
and neuroimaging studies indicate that musical processing is embedded within a complex
network of cortical and subcortical pathways (Peretz & Zatorre, 2005). Music activates
neurotransmitters involved in pleasure (dopamine; Menon & Levitin, 2005), modulates
hormones involved in stress (cortisol; Khalfa, Dalla Bella, Roy, Peretz, & Lupien, 2003),
and social bonding (oxytocin; Nilsson, 2009). Research also reveals analgesic effects for
music (Mitchell & MacDonald, 2006).

Psychological effects
The psychological effects of music are obviously discussed throughout this article. But
emotions are the quintessential example. In fact, the Oxford English Dictionary defines
music as ‘That one of the fine arts which is concerned with the combination of sounds with
a view to beauty of form and the expression of emotion . . . ’ (1989, p. 126). Hence, it seems
that common sense has explicitly taken for granted that music is mainly an emotional
experience.
The psychology of music and emotions helps to better understand emotions as
synchronised responses (cognitive appraisal, subjective feeling, physiological response,
expression, action tendency and regulation) to changes in the environment (Juslin,
Liljeström, Västfjäll, Barradas, & Silva, 2008). This area of research also contributes to
our understanding of how musical emotions interact with key psychological phenomena
(e.g. cognitions, aesthetics, motivation, performance, creativity, personality, social
behaviours, health, and cross-cultural similarities and differences; Juslin & Sloboda,
2010). Experimental methods developed by the psychology of music offer sound
methodological and ethical strategies to induce and manipulate strong emotions in
laboratory settings (Juslin & Västfjäll, 2008). Correlational studies are using experience
sampling methods to shed light on how music can elicit complex patterns of positive and
negative emotions during the unfolding of our daily lives (Juslin et al., 2008). Worthy of
note, this field of studies is advancing our knowledge about the mechanisms explaining
how music induces emotions (e.g. brain stem reflexes, evaluative conditioning, emotional
contagion, visual imagery, episodic memory, and musical expectancy; Juslin & Västfjäll,
2008). Furthermore, a promising research direction is that music can serve the adaptive
purpose of emotion regulation (Chamorro-Premuzic, Gomà-i-Freixanet, Furnham, &
Muro, 2009).
 International Journal of Adolescence and Youth 7

Social effects
Music has social effects which are so noticeable that Hargreaves and North have claimed
‘music has many different functions in human life, nearly all of which are essentially social’
(1997, p. 1). In infancy, lullabies promote a fundamental social bond, namely maternal
attachment (Milligan, Atkinson, Trehub, Benoit, & Poulton, 2003). The potency with which
music stimulates and modulates interpersonal relationships in social events (e.g. concerts,
sporting events, parties, dates, dances, ceremonies, rallies, dinners) has led authors to refer
to it as a ‘social lubricant’ (for example, Lewis, 2002, p. 364). When individuals become
acquainted, they often use music preferences to manage social impressions, evaluate each
other’s similarity, and subtly acquire a social perception about the personality and values of
the person they meet (Rentfrow & Gosling, 2006). For instance, music tastes are commonly
used as sensible social matching criteria on the Internet (Rentfrow & Gosling, 2006). Music
tastes can thereby be utilised as a ‘badge’ about one’s personality and social status (North &
Hargreaves, 2008). People also develop social schemas and even stereotypes about fans of
different music genres (Rentfrow, McDonald, & Oldmeadow, 2009), and this can influence
intergroup dynamics by shaping in-groups and out-groups that are based on different music
tastes (Bakagiannis & Tarrant, 2006).
Nevertheless, the implications of this vast and rich psychology of music literature are
not generally accessed in developmental psychology. At least two factors can explain why
developmental psychologists can underestimate the importance of music in adolescence:
lack of scientific communication; and trends of publications on music in developmental
journals.

Lack of scientific communication

Throughout history, the importance of music was noticed by many erudite thinkers (e.g.
Aristotle, Confucius, Einstein, Nietzsche, Plato, Sartre). Charles Darwin (1871) noted the
emotional potency of music, its usefulness for courtship among animals, and he
hypothesised that music had probably been adaptive for sexual selection during human
evolution. William James had also hypothesised that music was adaptive in terms of self-
regulation when he suggested that ‘ . . . the habit of excessive indulgence in music . . . has
probably a relaxing effect upon the character’ (1890/1950, pp. 125– 126).
In the first part of the twentieth century, music developed into a significant area of
research in psychology. Scholarly books were already published, for instance The Social
Psychology of Music by Paul R. Farnsworth in 1954. Professional organisations also
convened; for instance, the National Association for Music Therapy (nowadays the
American Music Therapy Association) had been established in 1950.
Surprisingly, during this period, Cattell and Saunders maintained that ‘ . . . one is
surprised to find in the history of psychology and psychotherapy so little experimental, or
even speculative, reference to the use of music in psychiatry’ (1954, p. 3). However, 17
years before, Mursell (1937) had already published an entire book entitled The
Psychology of Music – citing 605 references – and from which he claimed that ‘During
the past forty or fifty years a great many investigations relating to the psychological
aspects and problems of music have been carried on in many centers throughout the
world’ (1937, p. 9). It is paradoxical that mainstream psychologists so easily underscored
the lack of research, whereas music psychologists were enthused by the wealth of studies.
At the time, Mursell (1937) explained that the problem was not the lack of studies on
music, but that they remained unfamiliar to mainstream psychologists. Nowadays, this
lack of communication among researchers seems to be lingering and may partially
8 D. Miranda

explain why developmental psychologists can often underestimate – or simply take for
granted – the role of music listening in adolescence. For instance, the most authoritative
handbooks and textbooks on adolescence will typically allude to the obvious fascination
of adolescents for music, yet without devoting much scientific scrutiny to it (for example,
Lerner & Steinberg, 2009a, 2009b; Steinberg, 2011). This is very surprising given the
notable publishing initiatives that have recently promoted a sound developmental
psychology of music in childhood, adolescence, and youth (for example, Hargreaves,
1986; McPherson, 2006).

Trends of publications on music in developmental journals

The turning of the twenty-first century has witnessed the blossoming of sophisticated and
diversified studies on music, especially in cognitive/affective neuroscience (Peretz &
Zatorre, 2003), child/educational psychology (McPherson, 2006), and social psychology
(North & Hargreaves, 2008). Prominent researchers are even publishing bestselling books
that popularise cutting-edge scientific work in the cognitive neuroscience of music (for
example, Levitin, 2008; Sacks, 2007).
The PsycINFO database, an authoritative archive of most references to scientific
research in psychology, was consulted in order to describe the trends of publications on
music in peer-reviewed journals over the last 150 years. In the PsycINFO database (1806
to third week of May 2011), the keyword ‘music’ generated 12,934 references from peer-
reviewed journals. From the distribution of these references across decades, Figure 1
clearly shows that the last decade (2001 – 2010) has seen the sharpest increase in scientific
publications on the psychology of music.
Nonetheless, music seems to be relatively slower at becoming a major theme of
research in developmental psychology. Figure 2 presents the mere 78 references about
music that PsycINFO (1806 to third week of May 2011) identified in specialised
journals on adolescence (Adolescence, International Journal of Adolescence and Youth,
Journal of Adolescence, Journal of Adolescent Heath, Journal of Adolescent Research,
Journal of Early Adolescence, Journal of Research on Adolescence, and Journal of

Figure 1. Trends of publications on ‘music’ in psychology. Source: Data (number of references)

from the PsycINFO database, 2011.
 International Journal of Adolescence and Youth 9

Figure 2. Trends of publications on ‘music’ in developmental journals. Source: Data (number of

publications) from the PsycINFO database, 2011.

Youth and Adolescence). From these, an early article was that of Santiago (1969), which
discussed how the Beatles’ songs were pertinent to understand and communicate
with adolescents during therapy. Interestingly, Figure 2 shows that in the last decade
(2001 – 2010) there was still a moderate increase of studies on music among journals
specialised in adolescence. Figure 2 also presents 99 references about music, which
PsycINFO identified in some of the major journals of developmental psychology
(British Journal of Developmental Psychology, Child Development, Developmental
Psychology, Developmental Review, Developmental Science, Journal of Child
Psychology and Psychiatry, European Journal of Developmental Psychology, Journal
of Experimental Child Psychology, Infancy, Infant and Child Development, Infant
Behavior and Development, and International Journal of Behavioral Development). In
the 1930s, Child Development by itself had already published seven articles involving
music. For instance, Fitchen (1931) presented a case study on the music development
of a child. Overall, as can be seen from Figure 2, the last decade (2001 – 2010) has
again seen a moderate increase in music studies among journals on developmental
psychology.
Therefore, in absolute terms, there is a steady yet disappointedly modest increase of
studies on music in journals specialised in adolescence and development. It may be that
music psychologists prefer to publish in their own specialist journals instead of
developmental journals. Still, it may also be that developmental editors and reviewers
have rarely been provided with sufficient evidence in favour of publishing articles on the
developmental significance of music in adolescence. Some researchers may argue that
these dozens of references to music in adolescence are quite enough considering the
peripheral nature of music for ‘serious’ developmental psychologists. Such a point of view
would be a false note, of course. To the contrary, it is unfortunate that so little
developmental research has been conducted on music in youth, especially when
considering the millions of songs that are being sold to adolescents, as well as the billions
of hours that they devote listening to music. In fact, music is still considered a novel and
intriguing theme of research in developmental psychology, whereas it is business as usual
for a youth music industry that has long developed an impressive repertoire of artistic,
technological, and economical expertise. In other words, a more prolific developmental
10 D. Miranda

psychology of music would allow mainstream developmental psychology to catch up with

the increasingly musical lives of contemporary adolescents.

A developmental psychology of music in adolescence

A developmental psychology of music in adolescence investigates the influence that
musical behaviours, emotions, cognitions, and motives can have on normative and
positive development, as well as psychopathology (Miranda & Gaudreau, 2011). In the
last 20 years, studies have gradually documented the significance of music in adolescence
(North & Hargreaves, 2008; Zillmann & Gan, 1997). Unfortunately, this increasingly
robust psychology of music literature is not generally accessed in developmental
psychology.
The overarching aim of this literature review is to build bridges between the
psychology of music and developmental psychology in adolescence. It thereby provides a
concise and representative summary of the extant literature on music in adolescence. This
should inform developmental psychologists on how music listening is a resource that plays
a role in adolescent development. In light of this, along with references to recent empirical
findings, three arguments will be developed in support of the pertinence of music as a
theme of research in adolescent psychology. First, music can influence key aspects of
adolescent development. This central argument presents theoretical implications and
draws research directions. Second, music can represent a protective and a risk factor,
which is pertinent for researchers studying developmental psychopathology. Third, music
can serve as an adjunct component in prevention and intervention, which is of particular
interest to clinical psychologists and those working in prevention science for adolescents.

Music is important for the development of many adolescents

Adolescence is a period of transition and plasticity from childhood to adulthood, in which
transactions – between a self-determined (and predisposed) individual and his/her
changing (and stable) social environment – are intertwined within and across ecological
systems as they cascade over time (Lerner & Steinberg, 2009a, 2009b; Masten &
Cicchetti, 2010). This period of biopsychosocial reorganisation brings novel stressors,
complex issues, and developmental challenges (Arnett, 1999) and most adolescents are
able to adapt to this and thrive developmentally (Steinberg & Morris, 2001). Music is their
soundtrack during this intense developmental period. On average, adolescents listen to
music for up to three hours daily and accumulate more than 10,000 hours of active music
listening throughout adolescence (Roberts et al., 2009; Tarrant, North, & Hargreaves,
2000; Zillmann & Gan, 1997). The huge amount of time they dedicate to music makes
them young expert listeners. Moreover, their time spent listening to music keeps
increasing thanks to ever more media-socialising and multi-tasking portable computers.
This highlights the timeliness of studying music among adolescents of the Internet
generation.
This review is thus grounded in the assumption that adolescents’ self-initiated and ever
more intense exposure to music occurs during a life period of plasticity in which they
experience (and need to resolve) numerous developmental tasks, transitions, and issues
(for example, Larson, 1995; Miranda & Claes, 2009; Schwartz & Fouts, 2003; Zillmann &
Gan, 1997). This review’s central theoretical implication is thereby that such
developmental timing – the transaction between music and adolescence – opens a
critical window in which music can influence at least seven major areas of development:
 International Journal of Adolescence and Youth 11

aesthetics; identity; socialisation; emotion regulation and coping; personality and

motivation; gender roles; and positive youth development.

Music and aesthetics

Aesthetic development can pertain to how people develop their perception of beauty in
great a many stimuli of life, including artistic work like music. Developmental psychology
has actually understudied aesthetic and artistic development in youth (Lin & Thomas,
2002) and the psychology of aesthetics has generally focused on visual rather than musical
experiences (but see Nieminen, Istók, Brattico, Tervaniemi, & Huotilainen, 2011).
Arguably, adolescents are primarily exposed to huge amounts of auditory artistic stimuli
(i.e. songs) from which they may develop an increasingly mature understanding for
aesthetics and the arts. They listen to music because it sounds good – for its aesthetic
pleasure (North, Hargreaves, & O’Neill, 2000). Although some may opine that studying
aesthetics for music is not a priority in adolescent psychology, ironically it is serious
business in other high-profile professional areas (e.g. music industry, marketing). In
adolescence, exploring music tastes can develop a sense of competency through
discerning the cool from the boring and the fashionable from the passé in youth culture. In
fact, adolescence seems to be a critical period for developing musical tastes as they may
develop into familiar cognitive prototypes through acculturation (Hargreaves, North, &
Tarrant, 2006). In fact, a 21-month longitudinal study confirmed that aesthetic
appreciation for music is developed in early adolescence and that it stabilises during
late adolescence (Mulder, ter Bogt, Raaijmakers, Gabhainn, & Sikkema, 2010).
Hence, developmental psychology should study whether aesthetic development for
music may stimulate adolescents’ autonomous originality and relatedness to real or
perceived social norms in terms of what is considered to be artistically and creatively
‘beautiful’ in a given culture and at a given time in history.

Music and identity

Adolescence is a critical period for the gradual development of identity (Côté, 2009).
Social media can provide opportunities for adolescents to explore potential selves and
develop identity (Roberts et al., 2009). Kistler, Rodgers, Power, Austin, and Hill (2010)
showed that music is a source of social cognitive norms that impacts the development of
adolescents’ self-concept. Through structural equation modelling, Kistler and collabor-
ators (2010) found that adolescents evaluate their physical attractiveness and self-worth by
comparing themselves with music media characters. Also, adolescents understand that
music can be used as a resource to develop a social image (North et al., 2000). They use
music as a ‘badge’ that shapes their peer groups and peer crowds, which are often known
as ‘musical subcultures’ (Miranda & Claes, 2009; North & Hargreaves, 2008). These
musical subcultures develop a youth culture identity and provide informational and
normative social influences (Zillman & Gan, 1997). Popular musicians also serve as role-
models or even idols (Raviv, Bar-Tal, Raviv, & Ben-Horin, 1996) that can influence
adolescents through social learning (e.g. modelling). From a more sociological
perspective, musical subcultures may provide resources for protest, resistance, and
resilience when adolescents, as a social class, feel disrespected in their rights by adult
authorities. For young ethnic minorities, music can be a resource for developing cultural
identity. In fact, one’s preference for music, songs, and dances from his/her heritage
culture has been used as an indicator of ethnic identity (Phinney, 1990). And Saether
12 D. Miranda

(2008) found that some adolescent immigrants can sometimes use music to shape their
identity and promote cultural learning.
In their review of the literature, Hargreaves and collaborators’ (2006) noted that
adolescents can use music preferences to enhance their social identity by creating
exclusive group norms by which they distinguish their ‘in-group’ from an ‘out-group’. A
study by Bakagiannis and Tarrant (2006) also suggested that music preferences can even
create a more inclusive social identity that can supersede adolescents’ more exclusive
social backgrounds.
In sum, developmental psychology should take notice that music is not only a ‘social
lubricant’ in adolescence (as it can be in adulthood). Music is a resource from which
adolescents decide to explore possible selves, rehearse social roles, manage intergroup
dynamics, and envisage future orientations (e.g. artistic careers) by observing their peers
and favourite musicians.

Music and socialisation

Peer socialisation, friendships, as well as parents are obviously very important during
adolescence (Brown & Larson, 2009; Laursen & Collins, 2009). In terms of social
transition from parents to peers during adolescence, many authors theorised that music
preferences promote socialisation with friends, while causing some degree of
disengagement from parents (for example, Zillman & Gan, 1997), which is in line with
normative development (Brown & Larson, 2009). Selfhout, Branje, ter Bogt, and Meeus
(2009) have conducted a one-year longitudinal study which showed that similarity in
music preferences does promote the formation of adolescent friendships. However,
Miranda and Gaudreau (2011) also found that while adolescents share similar music
preferences with friends, they also share music preferences with their parents. It may be
that adolescents of the early twenty-first century will increasingly share music preferences
with both friends and parents without much controversy.
Adolescents understand how to listen to music to please their friends (North et al.,
2000), which may foster their reciprocal liking. Music tastes thus involve impression
management among peers (Finnäs, 1989). Even functional magnetic resonance imaging
suggests that adolescents’ conformity in music preferences is partially mediated by neural
mechanisms (Berns, Capra, Moore, & Noussair, 2010). But recent sociometric evidence
reveals only a moderate degree of similarity between adolescents’ personal music tastes
and those of their friends (Miranda & Claes, 2009). Hence, most adolescents seem to
maintain personal music preferences that are not necessarily shared by friends. It is also
intriguing that adolescents can report engaging in fantasising while listening to music, in
which they imagine social scripts and rehearse social skills while using music as
soundtrack (Miranda, Gaudreau, Morizot, & Fallu, 2012). Understandably, the capacity of
music to evoke the presence of others may also explain that adolescents can report
listening to music to alleviate loneliness (North et al., 2000).
Thus, by studying music in adolescence, developmental psychology would learn
substantially more about how adolescents can socialise with peers, friends, and parents –
whether real in interpersonal settings or even imagined while listening to music.

Music, emotion regulation, and coping

Emotion regulation and coping are primordial for adolescents to successfully adapt to
developmental issues, as well as to remain resilient amid everyday stress and stressful life
 International Journal of Adolescence and Youth 13

events (Compas, 2009; Zimmer-Gembeck & Skinner, 2011). Adolescents feel that music
is a resource that can fulfil some of their emotional needs, notably for the purpose of
emotion regulation (North et al., 2000; Saarikallio & Erkkilä, 2007). Their emotion
regulation through music may occur when they listen to music to distract themselves from
distressing emotions, to find solace and validation, or even to experience venting
(Schwartz & Fouts, 2003). However, music is not a panacea in itself as it can relate to
either adjusted (self-reflection) or maladjusted (rumination) forms of emotion regulation
(Greenwood & Long, 2009).
Young people also listen to music to relieve tension and distract themselves from
worries (Gantz, Gartenberg, Pearson, & Shiller, 1978). In other words, they use music to
cope with stress. This has often been theorised but rarely operationalised. Recently,
Miranda and Claes (2009) proposed a three-factor model of coping by music that measures
emotional management, problem-solving, and avoidance through listening to music. It
revealed that adolescents’ depression was linked to more emotional management and
avoidance, but to less problem-solving through music listening. Thus, coping by music
listening is complex as it involves both beneficial and deleterious patterns of coping
strategies (Miranda & Claes, 2009).
Hence, developmental psychology should devote more attention to music as a
developmental resource for emotion regulation and coping in adolescence. Music is
abundant and ubiquitous, and these characteristics render it particularly practical for
adolescents’ everyday management of emotions and stress.

Personality and motivation

Research has now mapped links between personality and musical behaviours (Rentfrow &
Gosling, 2003). Notably, a two-year longitudinal study indicated that traits from the five-
factor model of personality (e.g. Extraversion and Openness) can predict music tastes in
adolescence (Delsing, ter Bogt, Engels, & Meeus, 2008). This supports the notion that
traits are dispositions that influence adolescents’ musical behaviours. In turn, the six-
month longitudinal study of Miranda, Gaudreau, and Morizot (2010) also determined that
coping by music can predict the short-term development of personality traits
(Neuroticism) in adolescence. These findings move towards a transactional implication
as music and personality may share reciprocal influences.
Research on motivation is essential as it addresses our reasons for listening to music.
Surprisingly, this question was understudied. But recently, Chamorro-Premuzic and
colleagues developed a three-factor model of motives for listening to music: emotional
use, rational/cognitive use, and background use (for example, Chamorro-Premuzic et al.,
2009). North and collaborators (2000) also found a three-factor model of reasons for
listening to music among adolescents: creating social image, satisfying emotional needs,
and enjoyment. Recently, ter Bogt, Mulder, Raaijmakers, and Gabhainn (2011) identified
four uses of music among young people: mood enhancement, coping with problems,
defining personal identity, and marking social identity. From these, they conducted a latent
class analysis that identified three profiles of listeners: high-involved (19.7%), medium-
involved (74.2%), and low-involved (6.1%). These results are in keeping with cluster
analyses from Miranda and Gaudreau (2011), which showed that 19.3% of adolescents
were ‘emotionally-negative listeners’, 31.6% were ‘emotionally-positive listeners’, but
that most (49.1%) were ‘emotionally-limited listeners’. Taken together, these person-
centred findings suggest a provocative nuance: many (but not most) adolescents are
passionate about (or react passionately to) music. Nonetheless, the main functional
14 D. Miranda

implication of this line of research – yet again – is that emotion regulation is the primary
motive for listening to music, especially in youth (Lonsdale & North, 2011).
Developmental psychology would probably be able to find unprecedented reciprocal
influences between motivation and personality if it considered adolescents’ reasons for
listening to music as an original mediator of some of these (motivation $ personality)
transactions.

Music and gender differences

Gender differences influence adolescent development and the determinants of these
differences involve biological, psychological, and social factors (Galambos, Berenbaum,
& McHale, 2009). There seems to be gender differences in musical behaviours during
adolescence. However, the evidence is more mixed than often thought.
Adolescent girls can spend more time listening to music (for example, Roberts et al.,
2009); however, this gender difference is not always replicable (for example, Schwartz &
Fouts, 2003). It is also not clear if girls give more importance to songs’ lyrics because
studies rarely account or control for lyrics. In terms of music preferences among
adolescents, Mulder and collaborators (2010) remarked that while some gender
differences remain (e.g. pop music is more liked by girls), others may gradually
disappear (e.g. rock music is now equally appreciated by girls and boys). Interestingly,
they observed that the longitudinal stability of music preferences does not reveal gender
differences. As for adolescents’ personality, their Openness predicts greater music
eclecticism (diversified music tastes) among both girls and boys (Miranda & Claes, 2008).
Gender differences may be more pronounced with regards to motives for listening to
music. Adolescent girls give more importance to fulfilling their emotional needs through
music, whereas adolescent boys give more importance to managing their social identity
with music (North et al., 2000). Also, coping by music listening seems to be used more
frequently by girls than boys (Miranda & Claes, 2009). This may explain why the links
between music and symptoms of mood disorder are also more significant among girls as
they could make more use of music listening as an attempt to cope with their symptoms
(Miranda & Claes, 2008). Still, in terms of adolescents’ emotional reactions to music,
Roberts, Dimsdale, East, and Friedman (1998) reported no gender differences. Moreover,
Miranda and Gaudreau (2011) used a person-centred approach (cluster analysis) that
yielded significant links between emotional reactions to music and emotional well-being,
and these links remained similar among girls and boys.
Musical activities can also impact adolescents’ gender-role development, for instance
through gender stereotyping (O’Neill, 1997). In their review, Brown and Bobkowski
(2011) point out that media provide models, scripts, expectations, and stereotypes about
romantic and sexual relationships in youth. Media could be an educational resource for
developing progressive gender-role attitudes, but unfortunately, it can also perpetuate
conventional gender roles in youth (Brown & Bobkowski, 2011). For instance, using a
multivariate structural analysis among adolescents, ter Bogt, Engels, Bogers, and
Kloosterman (2010) found that different music preferences could be associated either with
more or less gender stereotypes. In their literature review, North and Hargreaves (2008)
report studies showing that those songs’ lyrics that convey gender stereotypes may
encourage gender stereotyping and even sexism during youth.
In sum, developmental psychology should address the impact that songs can have on
the development of gender roles and stereotypes in adolescence. Moreover, gender
differences – in a given culture and at a given time – may also partially explain why
 International Journal of Adolescence and Youth 15

different adolescents can develop different motives (emotional and social reasons) for
listening to music.

Music and positive youth development

Positive psychology is a scientific movement that promotes research on positive aspects of
growth in lieu of psychopathology (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). Research on
music and positive adolescent development seems to be in its beginning. Still, findings
suggest that adolescents’ emotional well-being is bolstered when they can experience
stronger positive emotions (versus negative emotions) from music, as well as when they
can develop more musical relatedness (in terms of music tastes) with friends and family
(Miranda & Gaudreau, 2011). Furthermore, music lessons in youth may have small but
robust benefits for intellectual abilities and academic achievement (Schellenberg, 2006).
And music education can promote peak experiences (‘flow’) and creativity among
students (MacDonald, Byrne, & Carlton, 2006).
In closing, developmental psychology would probably benefit from capitalising on the
huge amounts of music that adolescents already listen to anyway and every day. More
research on the role of music in positive adolescent development is not only about how
adolescents could use music to optimise their development, but mostly about how
adolescents have been maintaining resilience and thriving by creatively using music as an
everyday resource.

Music can represent a protective and a risk factor for psychosocial development
It seems that every generation has its share of music exploring unconventional, anti-
authoritarian, or controversial themes that appeal to adolescents, but is of concern to many
adults, parents, politicians, and healthcare professionals (North & Hargreaves, 2008).

Externalising problem behaviour

Most research on music and adolescent development examined the premise that songs that
are considered more problematic (e.g. anti-authoritarian, obscene, degrading, antisocial,
prejudicial) – in a given culture and at a given time – may constitute a risk factor for
externalising problem behaviours (e.g. antisocial behaviour, violence, theft). North and
Hargreaves (2008) reviewed this literature and concluded that so-called ‘problem music’
(e.g., heavy metal, hip-hop, Goth) can be linked to more externalising behaviours in
adolescence. However, they pointed out many research caveats, such as that most evidence
is correlational and cross-sectional and thereby precludes any demonstration of causality
and even prediction or risk. Baker and Bor (2008) also reviewed this literature and
concluded that controversial music tastes are not causes of mental health issues, but rather
(or perhaps) markers of emotional vulnerability.
On the other hand, studies using experimental designs indicate that antisocial songs
seem to influence antisocial thoughts and feelings (Anderson, Carnagey, & Eubanks,
2003). Can this extend to actual behaviours? A recent longitudinal study utilised cross-
lagged structural equation modelling to confirm that music genres that explore and express
more controversial themes (heavy metal and hip-hop) can indeed predict more
externalising problem behaviours during adolescence (Selfhout, Delsing, ter Bogt, &
Meeus, 2008). These longitudinal findings are provocative, robust, and they can be
grounded in well-known theoretical mechanisms (e.g. cognitive priming, excitation
16 D. Miranda

transfer, social cognition, and desensitisation; Brown & Bobkowski, 2011), which can
predict that repeated exposure to aggressive songs would reinforce and prime aggressive
behaviours in some vulnerable adolescents. Lastly, it should be underscored that,
unfortunately, research has focused almost exclusively on music as a risk factor rather than
as a protective factor against externalising problem behaviour in youth.

Internalising problem behaviour

There is a gradual increase of studies on music and internalising problem behaviour (e.g.
mood dysregulation, depression, anxiety) in adolescence. Miranda, Gaudreau, Debrosse,
Morizot, and Kirmayer (in press) reviewed this literature and suggested that listening to
music could potentially influence (reduce or increase) subclinical internalising symptoms
in as much as music involves emotion regulation and coping, social cognitive influences,
as well as psychotherapeutic effects. They noticed that cross-sectional studies found
concurrent links between music preferences (e.g. heavy metal) and internalising
symptoms. However, they also pointed out that longitudinal evidence revealed that music
preferences (including heavy metal) are not risk factors for internalising symptoms among
adolescents (for example, Miranda & Claes, 2008).
Nonetheless, Primack, Swanier, Georgiopoulos, Land, and Fine (2009) conducted a
seven-year longitudinal study which found that adolescents’ excessive exposure to media
(television, videocassettes, computer games, and radio) was a risk factor for depression
symptoms in youth. According to the authors, among various mechanisms, this risk factor
may be explained by young individuals’ self-comparison with unattainable images,
anxiety-provoking content, or displacement of protective experiences. Given that music is
at the core of multi-tasking, one may posit that certain negative songs or videos may have a
compounding effect on the overall impact of media on depression. However, researchers
should remember that adolescents’ favourite songs also convey plenty of positive
messages. Accordingly, there is indication that some of today’s most popular music can
act as a protective factor against internalising symptoms. The six-month longitudinal study
of Miranda and Claes (2008) demonstrated that listening to soul music (e.g. hip-hop,
R&B) acted as a protective factor against depression symptoms among adolescents. This
may be explained to some extent by the fact that African American music can often
convey positive lyrics, powerful narratives, and vivid imagery, which elegantly explore
themes of resilience, self-esteem, coping, self-determination, relatedness, and cultural
pride.

Risky health behaviours

The potential influence of music on adolescents’ risky behaviours (e.g. substance use,
risky sexuality, self-harm) is also receiving a lot of attention. Popular songs can convey
great amounts of messages about drugs; and adolescents’ exposure to such lyrics is
associated to their actual substance use (Primack, Douglas, & Kraemer, 2009). The
influence of musical subcultures on adolescents’ substance use also seems to be partially
mediated by their socialisation with substance using peers (Mulder, ter Bogt, Raaijmakers,
Gabhainn, Monshouwer, & Vollebergh, 2009). Nonetheless, Miranda, Gaudreau, Morizot,
and Fallu (2012) used a sociometric design (peer nomination) to show that fantasising
while listening to music may act as a protective factor against the influence of peer
substance use on individual substance use in adolescence.
 International Journal of Adolescence and Youth 17

In terms of risky sexuality, a two-year follow-up study found that adolescents’

exposure to music with degrading sexual lyrics predicted early sexual activities and
intercourse (Martino et al., 2006). Another 12-month longitudinal study showed that
greater exposure to ‘gangsta’ rap music predicted risky sexual behaviours among African
American female adolescents living in lower socio-economic-status neighbourhoods
(Wingood et al., 2003).
North and Hargreaves (2008) pointed out that the potential links between music
preferences and self-harm are obviously most alarming. But they conclude that
preferences for so-called ‘problem music’ is probably a marker of vulnerability rather than
a causal factor. Young, Sweeting, and West (2006) conducted an eight-year longitudinal
study with adolescents. Their findings showed that fans of the Goth music subculture were
at greater risks for self-harm and suicidal behaviour, but possibly due to mechanisms of
peer selection rather than peer modelling. Finally, it should also be mentioned that
adolescents who often used MP3 players engage in more risky listening behaviours (e.g.
listening with earbud-style earphones at high volume) that can lead to hearing loss (Vogel,
Verschuure, van der Ploeg, Brug, & Raat, 2009).

Music can represent an adjunct component in prevention and intervention

Prevention and intervention based on music can be useful among adolescents because such
initiatives use developmentally relevant elements of everyday youth culture.

Prevention
Music can be used for the purpose of prevention in adolescence. Brown and Bobkowski
(2011) underscored that meta-analytic estimates of health promotion through media
reveal modest effects that may nevertheless be interesting when scaled on large
populations. There are indications that music-based prevention initiatives can be useful
in youth, because adolescents recognise relevant elements of their youth culture within
it. For instance, Lemieux, Fisher, and Pratto (2008) asked musically talented
adolescents (who were also opinion leaders among their peers) to write, record, and
distribute music about HIV prevention to their peers. This strategy revealed effective
as it integrated evidence-based practices from the information, motivation, and
behavioural skills model. The programme’s positive outcomes regarded many aspects
of HIV prevention, including motivation, behavioural skills, condom use, and testing
behaviours.
But what about preventing the adverse consequences of media itself? Educational
strategies that promote adolescents’ reflective/critical thinking about the meanings and
motives of media products (e.g. advertisements) have shown promising outcomes (Brown
& Bobkowski, 2011). Hence, sensitive and respectful educational interventions, such as
media literacy, may help adolescents to maintain (or develop) intelligent behaviours vis-à-
vis their favourite songs.

Intervention
A recent meta-analysis, of prospective evaluation studies, indicated a dose effect in which
the numbers of music therapy sessions (with emotional, social, and motivational
components) predicted less depressive symptoms among clients (Gold, Solli, Krüger, &
Lie, 2009). Interestingly, in an earlier meta-analysis, Gold, Voracek, and Wigram (2004)
18 D. Miranda

found that music therapy had a medium to large positive effect among children and
adolescents with psychopathology. In terms of clinical practice, McFerran (2010) suggests
that music therapies can judiciously address the developmental needs of adolescents by
intervening on their identity formation, resilience, connectedness, and competence.
Moreover, it seems that music therapists also need to develop competence in addressing
cultural diversity among their young clients for whom music can have similar and different
cultural meanings (for example, Jones, Baker, & Day, 2004).

Conclusion
This literature review offered three arguments in favour of increasing developmental
research on music in adolescent psychology. First, music can influence key aspects of
adolescent development – for instance, aesthetics; identity; socialisation; emotion
regulation and coping; personality and motivation; gender roles; and positive youth
development. This list of music’s developmental impacts is not exhaustive, but it
nonetheless serves as a sound basis. Second, music can act as a protective and a risk factor
during adolescence. These factors are complex and require considering the interplay
among the person, the context, and the music. Third, music can serve as an adjunct
component in prevention and intervention for adolescents. This is encouraging as
adolescents may benefit more from preventive and clinical initiatives that reflect and
respect their youth culture.
There are prospects for this burgeoning area of research. First, it is theoretically
grounded in everyday youth culture within which music holds a key role. Second, it builds
on and extends theories of development by delving into an everyday phenomenon that is
ubiquitous in adolescence, namely music. Third, it uses sophisticated data analysis (e.g.
structural equation modelling), statistical controls, longitudinal designs, large samples,
experimental and sociometric designs to support the various hypotheses regarding the role
of music during adolescence. Fourth, the studies are being conducted in different parts of
the world (e.g. Australia, Canada, Netherlands, Sweden, the United Kingdom, the United
States), thereby reminding that music is important for many adolescents (and researchers)
across many societies. Finally, it can generate developmentally attuned practices for
supporting and improving prevention and psychotherapy among adolescents who listen to
music.
However, there are also major caveats. First, there is no nomenclature in which the
developmental correlates of music can be situated within an integrative roadmap. Second,
there is a flagrant lack of cultural studies, especially among ethnic-minority adolescents
for whom music can be a cross-cultural and inter-generational resource. Third, music is
usually studied in a vacuum, as though no other social media (e.g. social networks on the
Internet) or physical activities (e.g. dancing to music) are involved. Fourth, there seems to
be limited communication between researchers and therapists, despite their common
interest in music. Lastly, there is a scarcity of programmatic mixed-method research that
attempts to replicate findings by combining different factors (biological, psychological,
social, and cultural) and methods (e.g. quantitative, qualitative, experimental,
longitudinal).
To conclude, music can represent a developmental resource and psychological
research on music opens up a scientific window to the psychological, social, and cultural
needs of contemporary adolescents. Therefore, building bridges between the psychology
of music and developmental psychology is an attuned initiative to better listen to the
everyday sounds of adolescence.
 International Journal of Adolescence and Youth 19

Acknowledgements
The author would like to thank Laura Mitchell, Tom ter Bogt, Muna Osman, Amélie Morinville, and
Karole Vaugon for their thoughtful comments on an earlier version of this article.

Notes on contributor
Dave Miranda, PhD, is assistant professor at the School of Psychology of the University of Ottawa
(Canada). He is director of the Laboratory of Personality and Social Psychology (LPSP), in which
research projects are focusing on the social psychology of music; development of personality and
coping in adolescence and youth; developmental psychopathology and social networks; cross-
cultural psychology; and social psychology of media.

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