Chapter VI

THE CRIMINAL TRIBES ACT AND

THE DECLINE OF KAVAL SYSTEM

Criminal Tribes Act, 1871

The ostensible purpose of the Criminal Tribes Act (CTA) of 1871 had been

to enhance the power of the police administration to suppress the ‘hereditary’

criminal section of the Indian society. This Act originated from the fact that the

courts declined to accord legality to some of the practices followed by the police,

like restricting the movement of certain communities and confining them to

specific areas. This led to authorizing by the law the same practices. The police

administration of the North Western Frontier Province (NWFP) used this practice

for decades. But in the 1860’s this practice was declared illegal by the court.

Following this the provincial governments of NWFP and Punjab approached the

Government of India seeking legislative enactment which would make

registration of all itinerant communities compulsory and breach of this rule a

penal offence. The Government of India in order to have a better understanding

of this problem, approached all the provincial governments including Madras,

seeking their opinion regarding whether such a legislation was necessary.

However in the midst of opposition from the courts the Criminal Tribes Act of
 193

1871 was instituted by the Government of India and came into force in NWFP,

Punjab and Oudh.1 Later it was extended to Bengal too.

After the implementation of CTA in some North Indian Provinces, in the

early months of 1897, the Government of Madras as per the direction of the

Government of India, prepared a circular and circulated it among the higher

officials of divisional and district administration asking them about the presence

of hereditary criminal communities and their criminal exploits in their district or in

the districts where they have served earlier, necessitate the implementation of

CTA. While A.W.B.Higgens, the District Magistrate of Tirunelveli, and J.Twigg,

the District Magistrate of Madurai, welcomed the implementation of CTA against

the Maravars and Kallars in their districts, officials of other districts firmly rejected

it on the ground that no such communities inhabited their districts and that the

existing laws were sufficient to tackle the prevailing problems.2 The provincial

level police administration of Madras too rejected this proposal on the ground

that it was impossible to implement the CTA and monitor it with a low paid police

force. It was also pointed out that oppression and misuse of power would follow.

Moreover the Government of Madras viewed the formation of rehabilitation

settlements as a statutory obligation for those who would be covered under this

act as impracticable. It also feared that this Act would only drive these

communities into the neighbouring princely states.3

1
Meena Radhakrishna, Dishonoured by History, pp.27-29.
2
G.O.No.473, Judicial, 31 March 1897.
3
Meena Radhakrishna, Dishonoured by History, p.30.
 194

This kind of thinking of the colonial officials of the Madras Presidency

underwent a significant change during the first decade of the twentieth century

due to the new developments which took place in the political and socio-

economic spheres of the province.

The outbreak of anti-kaval movements in Madurai and Tirunelveli districts,

the sack of Sivakasi in 1899 and the determination of the Kallars and Maravars to

re-establish their Kaval rights in the southern districts of the Presidency prompted

the provincial administrators to seek a more scientific explanation of crime.

Consequently they came out with the idea that it was the loss of the means of

livelihood by a large number of people during the nineteenth century because of

the wrong economic policies of the colonial state in the nineteenth century which

made the people to adopt the criminal way of life. The famines which broke out

in the Madras Presidency, particularly the famine of 1876-1878,4 were also taken

into account as a factor which pushed the people towards crime.5

However, whatever may be the causes of crime, it became more important

to the colonial state to support the agrarian elite against the challenges posed by

the western educated elite in the urban centres and to suppress those who

preyed on the agrarian society. Consequently the idea regarding the

4
David Arnold “Famine in Peasant Consciousness and Peasant Action” in Ranajit Guha
Subaltern Studies III, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 1984, p.68.
5
The 1876-1878 famine was unusually widespread as well as exceptionally persistent. Of the
21 Madras districts 14 were badly affected. They represented 83,000 square miles and
(according to 1871 census) a population of 19 million. It was officially estimated that atleast
3.5 million died in the famine in Madras.
 195

implementation of CTA was widely articulated in the administrative circles of

Madras Presidency. Finally, the Criminal Tribes Act was introduced in 1914 in

the Madras Province in an amended form.

The Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 provided enormous powers to the police

administration over a large number of people. Under this Act, individuals from

communities who were identified and declared as criminals were to register

themselves and their family members with the police. They were not permitted to

leave their villages without getting a temporary license or pass from the police

which permitted their movement within the district only. This license was to be

shown to all police stations during travel to other villages. If an individual

registered under CTA was found absent from a village without a license for a

second time he was liable to three years rigorous imprisonment. In the

Zamindari tracts, it was the responsibility of the Zamindars to look after the

effective implementation of this Act. Another interesting and important provision

of this Act was that the administration could not proclaim a community as criminal

and register it unless its members were settled first and provided with a means of

livelihood by the government. This obligation on the part of the government was

ultimately removed when the Act was amended in 1911. Thus the government

was empowered to use the Act against larger communities as a whole.

The Criminal Tribes Act of 1911 was more comprehensive than the

previous Acts. The 1911 Act widened the powers of the local governments

regarding the implementation of the act. It enabled them to declare any tribe,
 196

section or class of people to be a criminal tribe. They could order for the

registration of criminal tribe members and the taking of their fingerprints6.

Refusal of registration of fingerprints was a criminal offence punishable by six

months imprisonment or a fine of Rs.200 or both.7 There were severe

restrictions on mobility too. Members of the criminal tribe were permitted to be

absent from their home villages at specified times and only allowed to reside at

places approved by the authorities. Persons notified under this Act were asked

to report to the nearby police stations and should stay there for fixed hours.8 The

reporting time was fixed at 11 p.m. and 4 a.m. to prevent them from committing

crimes.

According to a provision of this Act the legal courts had no jurisdiction over

the operation and could not question the validity of notification issued by the

government. Previous crime records were not necessary to notify a community

as criminal. A ‘reason to believe’ that the community was addicted to crime was

in itself considered sufficient.9

In the Madras Presidency, among the communities which were intimately

associated with the Kaval system, Ambalakarars (a branch of Kallar community)

6
Since fingerprints of all those who were declared Criminals were taken, the Criminal Tribes
Act, in Tamil was popularly known as ‘Rekai Chattam’. Rekai means fingerprints and
Chattam means Act.
7
The Criminal Tribes Act 1911: A Collection of Acts passed by the Governor General of India
in Council in the year 1911, Calcutta, 1912.
8
Ibid.
9
Meena Radhakrishna, Dishonoured by History, pp.37, 38.
 197

of Tiruchirapalli district, Piramalai Kallars of Madurai, Tiruchirapalli and Thanjavur

districts, Maravars of Sembinadu, Appanadu and Kondayankottai branches in

Ramnad and Tirunelveli, and Valayars of Madurai and Coimbatore districts were

notified as Criminal Tribes.10

To start with, in May 1914, the Piramalai Kallars of Keelakuilgudi a village

situated very near to Madurai on the western side, popularly known as ‘Keelakudi

Kallars’, who had a strong Kaval control over the inhabitants of Madurai town

were declared as a Criminal Tribe.11 In the next year itself the Piramalai Kallars

of Sorikkampatti, Mela-Urappanur and Poosalapuram villages in Tirumangalam

taluk of Madurai district were notified under the Act.12 Later on it was extended

to the Piramalai Kallars as a whole.13 By March 1921 the names and fingerprints

of 23,642 Kallars belonging to 848 villages were registered on local police station

rolls.14 Among them those who were registered under Section 10(i)A were

expected to report to a roll call every night at the nearest police station at both

11 pm and 3 am. Those who were registered under section 10(i)B could not

move out of their villages between sunset and sunrise without proper passport.

10
“List of ‘Criminal Tribe’ communities, Bhasha San Shodhan Prakasan Kendra”, cited in
Meena Radhakrishna, Dishonoured by History, Appendix-I; G.O.No.1023, Judicial, 4 May
1914; G.O.No.2233, Judicial, 16 September 1915.
11
G.O.No.1023, Judicial, 4 May 1914.
12
G.O.No.2233, Judicial, 16 September 1915.
13
G.O.No.1331, Judicial, 5 June 1918.
14 th
G.O.No.596, Law (General), 16 June 1921 cited in Anand Sankar Pandian, “Landscape of
Redemption: Cultivating Heart and Soil in South India” unpublished Ph.D thesis, University of
California, Berkeley, 2004.
 198

By 1923, 32054 Kallars were covered under this piece of legislation.15 The

number of Kallar men registered increased further in the coming years.

Thousands of Kallar men, instead of travelling twice a day in the odd hours of the

night, spent every night sleeping in the verandas of the police stations.

When the Criminal Tribes Act was rapidly implemented by the British

administration it was considered by the Piramalai Kallar community as a social

humiliation of the first order. Committees were formed by them consisting of

prominent inhabitants of different villages to workout a plan to overcome this

humiliation. Telegrams were sent by them to the Government pleading to

exempt them from this Act since they were peaceful peasants paying all the

taxes regularly. In some villages only after repeated warnings of “dire

consequences” did Kallars come forward and register their names. The Kallars

of Perunkamanallur strongly resisted the registration move, particularly section

10(i)A of the Act, which ended in a violent clash between the Kallars of

Perunkamanallur and the police leading to the death of sixteen Kallars including

one woman in the police firing on 3 April 1920.16

15
Deputy Magistrate of Madurai to L.Davidson, on 14 July 1920, in G.O.2307, Home (Judicial),
15th September 1920, India Office Records cited in David Arnold, Police Powers and Colonial
Rule, p.253, Ft.No.158; Administrative Report of the Police of the Madras Presidency, 1924,
p.24.
16
E.T.H.Stevenson to Inspector General, 8 April 1920. G.O.1315, Home Judicial (Confidential),
26 May 1920, cited in David Arnold ‘Dacoity and Rural Crime in Madras’, The Journal of
Peasant Studies, Vol.6, No.2, January 1979, p.158, Foot Note No.36; P.Muthu Thevar,
Muvendarkula Thevar Samuga Varalaru, Kakaveeran Publication, Karumathur 1976, pp.285-
286.
 199

Before declaring the Kallars of a particular village as a criminal tribe,

elaborate statements were prepared regarding the name of the gang or tribe,

professed mode of their livelihood, character of the crimes committed by them

and the criminal methods adopted by them. This was one of the ways of the

colonial administration, to justify the application of the Act. Under the heading of

‘professed mode of livelihood’ of the Kallars of Mela-Urappanur it was stated that

In addition to a professed mode of livelihood derived from

agriculture, 14 of the families comprising 251 adult males collect

kaval fee from certain villages in the Madura and Thirumangalam

taluks of the Madura District and in the Aruppukottai taluk of the

Ramnad district, each family having its well defined area from

which the kaval fees are collected. This kavalship is only a form of

blackmail; it involves no responsibility as regards residence or

patrolling in the localities.17

Regarding the Poosalapuram Kallar’s professed mode of livelihood the

following description was made:

…In addition 85 individuals are known to collect kaval fees from the

villages of Anaikoottam (Sattur taluk, Ramnad District), Tulukkapatti

(Sattur taluk, Ramnad District), Sinnakampatti, Keelappanaickanur,

17
G.O.No.2233, Judicial, 16 September 1915, p.9.
 200

Kadaneri, Ammapatti (Thirumangalam taluk, Madurai District),

Sithanatham and Metupatti (Nilakottai taluk, Madurai District)18.

In addition to the implementation of the Criminal Tribes Act over the

Kallars, the colonial state was pondering over some programmes for the socio-

economic development of the Kallar community which could be the only

permanent solution for the century old problem of Kallar criminality. Suggestion

were invited from Christian missionary establishment who gained some

experiences in this field by managing some criminal settlements or through

voluntary services. The changes which were taking place among the Kallar

population of Melur taluk located on the eastern side of the district also served as

a catalyst. The final outcome was the “Kallar Reclamation Scheme”.

Kallar Reclamation Scheme

The most important and significant measure which accompanied the

implementation of the Criminal Tribes Act against Piramalai Kallar was the

implementation of a scheme popularly known as the “Kallar Reclamation

Scheme”. This scheme was a liberal and modified version of another

programme called as “Criminal Tribes Settlement”; a wider strategy of the

colonial government to deal with ‘extreme cases’ among those notified and

registered under Criminal Tribes Act. This strategy of establishing separate

settlements for ‘extreme cases’ of criminals, to start with, was attempted by the

18
Ibid., p.20
 201

Thuggee and Dacoity department of the colonial state in north Indian provinces

as early as in 1830’s.19 When the Criminal Tribes Act was enacted in 1871 this

settlement strategy was incorporated in the provisions of the Act and

consequently many ‘Criminal Tribes Settlements’ were established in different

parts of north India. In managing such settlements the colonial government

invited the help of Christian missionary organizations who were considered to be

more appropriate and experienced for this task.20 As a result, with the financial

help extended by the government, missionary organizations particularly the

‘Salvation Army’, was managing many Criminal Tribes Settlements in north

Indian provinces.21

The ‘Criminal Tribes Settlements’ were established with the principle of

‘Reclamation and Rehabilitation’ of the so-called incorrigible sections of the

criminal tribes notified and registered. As per this strategy ‘Settlements’ were

established in different parts of north India both in the rural regions and urban

centres, and the registered criminals were settled there either forcibly or by

voluntary means. The major objectives of these settlements were to inculcate in

the criminals a taste for civilized way of life and through this wean them from

criminal habits, to make them to understand the dignity of labour by forcing them

to work in agricultural farms and in industrial units, and ultimately making them fit

for the mainstream of social life. However, though high sounding in principle,

19
Meena Radhakrishna, Dishonoured by History, p.17.
20
G.O.No.2233, Judicial, 16 September 1915.
21
Meena Radhakrishna, Dishonoured by History, pp.75-78.
 202

many of these ‘Settlements’ whether functioning directly under the government or

managed by missionary organizations, were worse than prisons, reminding us

the theory of Michel Foucault regarding prisons, schools, reformatories and

asylums.

With the introduction and implementation of Criminal Tribes Act in the

Madras Presidency from 1911 ‘Settlements’ were also established in different

places for different groups of Criminal communities notified including the

Kuravars and Yerkulars, the nomadic and itinerant communities of the Madras

Presidency. The following settlements were functioning in the year 1917.22

Sitanagaram
Stuartpuram
Guntur Guntur district

Kala Chedu
Kavali Nellore district

Aziznagar
Stuartpet South Arcot district

Bhumannagadda Chittoor district

Pallavaram Chengalpet district

Perambur Madras city

Pillaiyarpatti Tanjore district

Kulasekarapatnam Tirunelveli district

and voluntary settlements of

Siddapuram Kurnool district

The Kallar Settlement [Gudalur] Madurai district

22
The History of The Madras Police, p.529.
 203

Of these settlements, Pillaiyarpatti in Thanjavur district and Gudalur in

Madurai district were meant for the Piramalai Kallars. The other settlements
were for the criminal tribes other than the Kallars such as the Kuravars,
Yerkulars, Korchas and Dommaras.

Many factors were at play in prompting the colonial government to plan for

the reclamation of the Kallars. It sincerely felt that it was obligatory on its part to

undertake some sort of social reform measures for the Piramalai Kallars who

were covered under the CTA and subjected to unusual sufferings. Besides they

were very much inspired and motivated by the remarkable changes which took

place in the social life of the Kallars of Melur regions with the availability of water

for irrigation from Periyar project.

The Periyar dam construction commenced in 1887 and John Pennycuick

was the Chief Engineer.23 The first waters passed through the tunnel in 1895 to

reach the lands around Melur region. The Melur Kallars were motivated and

offered with irrigated lands. They held a full caste meeting, discussed at length,

and brought out some changes in their caste rules and accepted the offer.24 By

23
Regarding John Pennycuick and his personal involvement in constructing the Periyar dam,
much information packed with emotion are available from the colonial records. Every section
of the population of Madurai district benefited by Periyar water loved him. Pennycuick too
exceeding the boundaries of his official responsibility considered the dam construction work
as his life time service to the people. He always identified himself with the people. Even
today he is remembered by the common people, and in the Cumbum valley regions in every
house-hold there is a child named after John Pennycuick. Two years ago, when one of the
great grand sons of Pennycuick with his family came to Cumbum region to visit the dam
constructed by his great grand father; he was given a carpet welcome by thousands of
people. He was astonished and emotionally moved to see many a children with his great-
grand father’s name and many wall posters adorning the streets carrying his great grand
father’s image.
24
Gilbert Slater, Southern India: Its Political and Economic Problems, George Allen and Unwin
Ltd., London, 1936, p.36.
 204

1901 about 132000 acres of paddy fields, mostly in the drought-prone Melur

Taluk of Madurai district dominated by Kallar population were watered by the

Periyar river project.25 This development in turn brought out major changes in

the life style of Melur Kallars. The impact of the Periyar water project over the

Melur Kallars has been described in the Madurai District Gazetteer thus:-

Hope for the reformation of the Kallar has now recently

arisen in quite another quarter. Round about Melur the people of

the caste are taking energetically to wet cultivation to the exclusion

of cattle lifting, with the Periyar water which has lately been brought

there…. The department of public works may soon able to claim

that it has succeeded where the army, the police and the

magistracy have failed and made a honest man of the notorious

Kallars.26

The District officials of Madurai very much inspired by this development,

decided to undertake some socio-economic reform measures for the Piramalai

Kallars too.

Another important factor was that with the implementation of CTA on a

wide scale against them, the Piramalai Kallar community became highly

antagonistic and presented a belligerent posture against the government. This

25
Anand Sankar Pandian, “Landscapes and Redemption: Cultivating Heart and Soil in South
India”, unpublished Ph.D., thesis, p.248.
26
W.Francis, Madura District Gazetteer, pp.92-93.
 205

boiling situation was accelerated further when eleven Kallars were killed in a

police firing at Perungamanallur village on 3 April, 1920, when the community

resisted the state’s attempt to register their fingerprints under the provisions of

the CTA. The situation resulted in a violent outbreak of a riot of great magnitude

remembered to this day in popular memory.27

Besides these factors the Congress party which was organizing the

people towards the non co-operation movement took initiative in politicising the

CTA issue. If it was permitted to develop further, the government feared that

there was every possibility that the entire Kallar community could rally round the

Congress. Any delay on the part of the government in undertaking ameliorative

measures, it was further feared, could invite serious problems. Such were the

circumstances which forced the colonial government to implement the ‘Kallar

Reclamation Scheme’ on a war footing.

The outline of the ‘Kallar Reclamation Scheme’ was prepared and given

proper shape by Loveluck, the Superintendent of Police of Madurai district. As a

man of vision he was very meticulous in preparing the scheme. The scheme was

so comprehensive that it incorporated all the essential ingredients for the overall

development of the Kallar community.28

The formal Kallar Reclamation Scheme was formally initiated in the 1920

in the Madurai district. The colonial authorities in their analysis of Kallar

27
Muthu Thevar, Muvendarkula Thevar Samuga Varalaru, p.289.
28
The History of The Madras Police, p.535.
 206

criminality came to the conclusion that pressure on land was the most important

reason. Consequently even before the Kallar Reclamation Scheme was given

the final shape, they decided to establish agricultural settlements for the

land-less Kallars in uncultivated government lands. Finally it was proposed to

establish a compulsory settlement at Gudalur under the supervision of the police

officials with a propertied Kallar as overseer.29 However, with the intervention of

the provincial authorities in Madras, the settlement became a voluntary one and

the management of the settlement was also vested in the hands of one Edward

P. Holton of the American Madura Mission. American Madura Mission was

working among the Kallar population of Madurai region right from 1833 and was

involved in civilizing activities through establishing boarding schools, medical

dispensaries, industrial training centres and model farms.30 Before the

establishment of the settlement at Gudalur the district authorities held many

meetings and discussions with the missionaries.31

However, contrary to the expectation of the colonial government the Kallar

settlement venture at Gudalur proved to be a failure. Problems erupted from

unexpected quarters. The local ryots of Kulappa Goundenpatti a village situated

very near to the settlement were antagonistic towards the Kallar settlers. A

portion of the land reserved for the settlement was already in their temporary

29
Anand Sankar Pandian, “Landscapes and Redemption: Cultivating Heart and Soil in South
India”, unpublished Ph.D., thesis, p.202.
30
Ibid., p.203.
31
G.O.No.2233, Judicial, 16 September, 1915.
 207

enjoyment under a different scheme and they were paying an annual tax to the

government as per the government norms. They considered the settlers as their

competitors. Coupled with this problem an epidemic of malarial fever broke out

which killed one child and forced several other settlers to leave the settlement.

By July 1919, the Gudalur settlement had become moribund. Another attempt

was made to open another compulsory settlement in the Melur Taluk of Madurai

district but was soon given up because the authorities realized that this strategy

was not suitable for the Kallars. Consequently in its place a panchayat approach

was introduced which proved to be more successful.32

Elaborate administrative arrangements were made by the colonial

government for the successful implementation of the Kallar Reclamation Scheme

together well in advance in 1920. A special administrative wing was created

consisting of staff drawn from both the police and revenue departments. Almost

all the administrative departments were instructed to render their co-operation to

the scheme. The team of Reclamation staff consisted of one Inspector, seven

Sub-Inspectors, fifteen Head Constables, thirty nine Constables, one Deputy

Thasildar, three Revenue Inspectors, six supervisors of schools, one Scout

Master and four Co-operatives working under one Kallar special officer whose

rank was raised to that of a Superintendent of Police.33

32
Anand Sankar Pandian, “Landscapes and Redemption: Cultivating Heart and Soil in South
India”, unpublished Ph.D., thesis, pp.212-213.
33
The History of the Madras Police, p.534.
 208

The Kallar Reclamation Scheme was formally sanctioned by the

Government of the Madras Presidency on 24 February 1920 and one A.K. Raja

Ayyar, known for his sincerity and hard work, was appointed as special officer of

the scheme on 6 November 1920. The Kallar Reclamation Scheme was a

package of multi-faceted programmes which could be listed as follows.34

1) Mass Education to the Kallar children.

2) Industrial Training Centres for Kallar youth.

3) Agricultural Loan facilities to the Kallars.

4) Establishment of Kallar Co-operative Societies.

5) Improving Transport facilities.

6) Panchayat system in Kallar villages.

In order to popularize the scheme and to enlist the co-operation of the

people at large mass meetings were organized in the villages which were

attended by thousands of people. District level officials addressed the gatherings

and explained the principles of the scheme. In every village they personally met

the principal inhabitants and enlisted their co-operation.35 “Nowhere else in the

Presidency was such a comprehensive scheme undertaken”, comments David

Arnold.36

34
P.Muthu Thevar, Muvendarkula Thevar Samuga Varalaru, pp.291-294.
35
Ibid; The History of the Madras Police, p.533.
36
David Arnold, Police Power and Colonial Rule in Madras 1859-1947, p.145.
 209

The implementation of the Kallar Reclamation Scheme commenced with

much enthusiasm and expectation soon gained much momentum. A.K. Raja

Ayyar and some other higher officials personally visited many Kallar villages met

the leading inhabitants and other explained the purpose of the scheme. As a

striking innovation Kallar caste Panchayats were established in many villages

consisting of leading Kallar inhabitants as members. These Panchayats were

made responsible for destroying the levy of Kaval fee and Thuppucooli for

reporting crime, for reporting absences, for surrendering and excommunicating

the guilty, for sending children to schools and for encouraging the Kallar youth to

emigrate to tea estates.37 By 1921 A.K. Raja Ayyar, successfully established

Panchayats in 501 Piramalai Kallar villages and with their assistance many

warrants which were long standing were executed.38 Here it is possible that by

this strategy of creating village Panchayats the colonial state was trying to win

over the rural Kallar elite to its side and driving a wedge between the richer and

poorer sections of the Kallar community.

Within two months of the implementation of the scheme 28 schools for

Kallar children were opened and education was made compulsory for the Kallar

children in the age group of 5 to 12. Parents were also warned with punishments

if they failed to send their children to school. In course the number of schools

37
Louis Dumont, A South Indian Subcaste, 1986, p.27; The History of the Madras Police,
p.533.
38
The History of the Madras Police, p.533.
 210

and schools with boarding facilities increased. By 1925 there were about 321

schools functioning and among them four were for the girls.39

In the meantime industrial training centres were established at

Tirumangalam, Sathangudi, Poosalpuram, Usilampatti, Keelakudi,
Chekkanoorani, Puliankulam and Cumbum. They imparted training to Kallar
youth in spinning, weaving, tailoring, carpentry, rope-making and basket-making.
During the training period they were provided with stipend.40

Besides the above efforts the government concentrated on popularizing

co-operative movement in Kallar villages and distribution of lands to landless

Kallar families. Within a short span of time about 3013 acres of land was

distributed and 90 co-operative stores were established. Loans for buying bulls

and sinking wells were provided by these societies. In the meantime,

employment was found for about 5000 Kallars in the tea estates. Regarding the

success of the programme and the man behind the programme J.F. Hall, the

District Magistrate wrote in 1922.

A.K. Raja Ayyar’s work as Kallar Special Officer was little

short of all wonderful and I could not speak too highly of it. This

scheme for the reclamation of Kallars has passed beyond that

outlined by Mr.Loveluck in 1920. The expansion of the work and

was very largely bound up with his own personality. He had

acquired extraordinary hold over the Kallars and it was essential

39
P.Muthu Thevar, Muvendarkula Thevar Samuga Varalaru, p.291.
40
Ibid.
 211

that for a considerable time he should remain in personal charge of

the work.41

During the early years of the implementation of Kallar Reclamation

Scheme there were hectic activities and the entire district administration was

geared up to ensure the proper implementation of the scheme. Thanks to the

sincere efforts taken by special officers like A.K. Raja Ayyar and his successor

K.D. Janardhana Rao, the Kallar Reclamation Scheme yielded considerable

positive results. The extraction of Kaval fee and Thuppu cooli system started to

lose ground gradually. Louis Dumont has assessed the scheme in the following

terms:

It is true on the whole that the Kallar use the advantages

which the government has put at their disposal. It is also true that

their mode of life became more normal. Nevertheless the second

objective of the reform policy, that of opening new horizons for

Kallar initiative and activity has not been realized….42

However in a long run many problems creeped in. The functioning of the

special officer of Kallar Reclamation Scheme in addition to the local

Superintendent of Police caused some frictions in the administrative circle. While

the special officer insisted more on reform programmes the police officials

emphasized on repression. The co-operation from other administrative

41
The History of The Madras Police, pp.533-534.
42
Louis Dumont, A South Indian Subcaste, 1986, p.30.
 212

departments was also not to the excepted levels. This bureaucratic rift was well

utilized by the Kallars and the crime rates once again soared. In the agricultural

settlements many Kallars violated the regulation, by either mortaging or selling

out their land allotted to them. In course of time the District Police

Superintendents were made responsible for the implementation of the scheme.

Gradually the scheme lost its earlier spirit, which was reflected in the increasing

crime rates.43

In the meantime, in the political front pressure for the repeal of Criminal

Tribes Act mounted up. Finally the legislative Assembly of the Madras

Presidency repealed the Criminal Tribes Act on 17 April 1947,44 but only replaced

by All India Habitual Offenders Act by the central government in 1948.

Criminal Tribes Act in Tirunelveli and Ramnad

In Tirunelveli and Ramnad the implementation of the CTA was not as

systematic and thorough when compared to Madurai. Though the

Kondayamkottai, Appanadu and Sembinadu branches of the Maravar community

in both the districts were brought under CTA only individuals of the clan were

notified as criminals and not the entire community. Moreover in these regions

the administration, for the purpose of initial notification and confirmation of the

criminality of an individual depended more on the information of the village

43
The History of The Madras Police, p.536.
44
Anand Sankar Pandian, “Landscapes and Redemptions: Cultivating Heart and Soil in South
India”, unpublished Ph.D., thesis, p.299.
 213

headman and principal inhabitants of the villages. So when the CTA came into

practice the village headmen and the local landlords found themselves with

enhanced power. This was mainly due to the recommendation of the Indian

Police Commission.45 This feature was more prominent in Tirunelveli and

Ramnad than in other districts. The village headmen of the Madras Presidency

were considered to be in a more efficient state by the Police Commission

because they combined in their duties many functions such as village magistrate,

police officer and revenue head.

The enlarged powers enjoyed during the implementation of CTA proved to

be a powerful weapon in the hands of the village headmen. In the long run it was

utilized by them as an instrument to seek vengeance, to extract money and free

labour by threatening people. Ultimately poor members of the Maravar

community who were unable to fulfill the demands of the village headmen

became the victims while the rich and influential but real criminals escaped. The

non-co-operation already existed between the rural police and the regular police

reinforced the power already enjoyed by the village headmen.

In Madurai district the implementation of CTA over the Piramalai Kallars

coupled with Kallar Reclamation Programme, which provided a wide range of

economic opportunities for the Kallars, yielded good results. In Tirunelveli and

Ramnad when CTA was applied over the Kondayankottai, Appanadu and

45
Christopher Baker, ‘Madras Headmen’ in K.N.Chaudhry and Clive Dewey (eds), Economy
and Society: Essays in Indian Economic and Social History, Oxford University Press, Delhi,
1979, p.35.
 214

Sembinadu Maravars, it was not accompanied by any programme resembling the

Kallar Reclamation. The government was not in favour of such a programme

because of its previous experience at Madurai which involved considerable

official workload and huge financial commitment.46

Thus a legal measure, not accompanied by a rehabilitation programme for

those who would be affected, whose implementation was vested in the hands of

a police administration known for its inefficiency, corruption and partisan attitude,

was deeply marred by problems. Consequently the implementation of CTA in

Tirunelveli and Ramnad districts failed to fulfill the anticipation of the colonial

state. While the Nadar-Maravar conflict was still lurking in the background, the

crimes related to Kaval reached new heights. When the colonial state was busy

with the implementation of the CTA a riot broke out on 17 September 1918 at

Kamudhi in Ramanad district. The reason was the long standing antagonism

between the Nadars and the Maravas. On the morning of 17 September

Maravars of the neighbouring villages in large numbers entered the town of

Kamudhi with the intention of attacking the Nadars. When the police warned

them they too were attacked and two policemen were killed. Following this the

mob passed through the bazaar street setting fire to the shops and houses.

Twenty one houses and sixteen shops were destroyed and damage to the extent

of Rs.15,000 caused. With the arrival of additional police force the mob was fired

upon resulting in the death of a few Maravars. However, after a few weeks, the

46
G.O.No.293, Home, 20 October 1942.
 215

Maravars carried on a campaign of terrorism and extortion in other villages.

Peace was restored only after the army was deployed.47

In the Tirunelveli district nine Maravar Kavalkarars were arrested for

levying Kaval fee in 1917. In 1918, eleven Kavalkarars were bound over for the

same reason.48 This was only the tip of the iceberg as most of the criminal

exploits of the Marava Kavalkarars went unreported.

In 1933, Sivanthipatti, a small village situated on the eastern side of

Tirunelveli, became the epicentre of Kaval disputes. Among the different

communities of Tirunelveli district the people belonging to the scheduled castes,

particularly the Pallars and the Parayars were the worst affected by the Kaval

extortion of the Maravars.49 On one occasion, some of the Marava Kavalkarars

were caught red-handed in a theft by the Pallars and produced before the village

Munsiff. During the initial enquiry the Maravar denied the charges. But during

the enquiry of the higher British officials the crime was proved and the culprits

had to confess it. When the Collector of Tirunelveli was informed of this crime he

ordered the arrest of those Maravas under CTA. This episode created a lasting

enmity between the Maravars and Pallars.50

47
Administrative Report of the Police of the Madras Presidency, 1918, pp.13-14.
48
Administrative Report of the Police of the Madras Presidency, 1919, p.25.
49
G.O.No.124, Public (Police), 8 March 1933.
50
K.Ragupathy, “Dalith Thaneluchium Odukkumurai Olippum” (in Tamil) in Puthu Visai, Hosur,
October-December, 2007, p.4.
 216

The serious situation prevailing in Tirunelveli district has been well

described by the Bishop of Tirunelveli in his communication addressed to the

Collector of Tirunelveli entitled “Memorandum on the Marava Problem in the

Tirunelveli District of South India”.

A very large percentage of Marava crimes arise out of disputes

about the kaval payment… It cannot be denied that the situation in

Tirunelveli district is very serious. Within three or four miles of any

large Marava village, no one can feel that life and property are in

any way secure. The heavy hands of the Maravars falls of-course

mainly on the poor and helpless, but many others suffer and the

area covered by their depredations is widespread. The problem is

so serious that only a very resolute attempt by the government

cope with it is likely to have much effect. Perhaps it is the difficulty

of the task that has led the Government for more than a century to

postpone the time for attempting it.51

When the colonial government was pondering over the ways and means

for the effective implementation of CTA particularly in Tirunelveli district the

problem of illegal Kaval exaction by the Marava Kavalkarars occurred in the

villages of Griammalpuram, Hari Kesavanallur and Manapuranallur which were

under the jurisdiction of Sermadevi police station. About sixteen Maravar

51
“Memorandum on the Marava Problem in the Tirunelveli District of South India” submitted by
the Bishop of Tirunelveli, to the Secretary, Government of Madras, 30 April 1932, Notes
leading to the G.O.No.626, Home, 24 April 1945.
 217

families of Karikesavanallur had Kaval control over these villages. In return for

their services the Maravar Kavalkarars were allotted four acres of land which was

listed officially as ‘Gramma Samuthayam’ or the village common land. However

the Maravars assumed complete control over it and styled the land as Kaval

manyam. In 1920 there was a legal dispute regarding the ownership of this plot.

In course of time this land was brought under his complete control by an

individual named Sundara Thevan. Consequently a factional fight ensued

among the Maravars.52

From 1939 onwards frequent clashes took place between these factions.

Apart from this the Kavalkarars of both factions compelled the inhabitants of

these three villages to pay the Kaval fee to them. When the ryots refused to pay

the Kaval fee to one faction they were attacked and looted by the members of the

other gang. Besides illegal extraction were also made by both the factions.

Consequently violent incidents took place on 27th December 1939, 3rd January

1940 and 8th January 1940 in which the properties of the ryots particularly of the

Pallars were looted.53

The affected ryots made complaints with the police official against

nineteen Maravars who in turn elaborately narrated the developments from the

beginning to the Joint Magistrate M. Ananthanarayanan. On 15th January 1940

Ananthanarayanan accompanied by the police officials personally visited the

52
Letter from District Superintendent of Police, Tirunelveli to the Inspector General, Madras, 2
July 1940 in G.O.No.1252 Home (Confidential) 11 April 1941, TNSA.
53
Ibid.
 218

villages and conducted an enquiry. Seventy Adi Dravidas appeared before the

Magistrate eloquently represented the sufferings they had undergone owing to

their refusal to contribute Kaval exactions demanded by the nineteen Maravars

mentioned in the complaint. Though informed well in advance, out of the

nineteen Maravars only five belonging to one faction appeared for the enquiry.

Towards the end, Joint Magistrate instead of initiating legal proceeding against

the culprits, asked the Maravars to mend the differences existing among

themselves within a period of ten days. He believed that if a compromise was

worked out between the two factions of the Maravars all problems would be

solved. This chance was well utilized by the Maravars who appeared before the

Magistrate with a compromise deed regarding collection of Kaval fee setting forth

the terms of their agreement.54 This was accepted by the magistrate who

informed the inspector on 1st February 1940 that he had dropped further action in

this matter. This decision of the joint magistrate was highly criticized by the

higher police officials as unwarranted, failure to recognize his duties and tacit

recognition of the principle of Kaval.55 Thus the Marava Kavalkarars were

permitted to escape by M. Ananthanarayanan, the Joint Magistrate.

The above seen decision taken in favour of the unruly Marava

Kavalkarars, that too in a situation where the Criminal Tribes Act was in

operation, indicate the crucial lapses on the part of the colonial administration. It

54
Vide Appendix, VIII.
55
J.Beckett, Dy.Inspector General of Police to Inspector General, 13 July 1940, G.O.No.1252,
Home (Confidential), 11 March 1941.
 219

exhibits the ambivalent nature and failure of the colonial state to utilize the

opportunity of ‘people’s resistance’ to suppress the Maravar Kavalkarars. It also

exposed the void that existed between the higher and lower ranks of officials in

the administrative structure. Yet another important underlying factor brought to

the light was the prevalence of caste nexus and compromising tendency of some

of the higher caste like the Brahmins and the Vellalas with the Maravars. For

instance the roll of the Kottai Vellalas in the anti-kaval movement in

Srivaikuntam. This may be due to the numerical inferiority and less militancy of

these communities.

However, in consequence of the stern measures undertaken against the

Maravars in general during anti-Nadar riots and against the Marava Kavalkarars

in particular during the anti-kaval movements in Tirunelveli, the Kaval system in

general lost its former vigour and influence. But in some pockets of southern

Tirunelveli, it continued to survive even after 1947.