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ANALYSIS OF THE CONTEXT AND CONTENTS OF AN ULUA-STYLE
MARBLE VASE FROM THE PALMAREJO VALLEY, HONDURAS
Ulúa-style marble vases played important social, political, economic, and religious roles in southern Mesoamerica during
the seventh through eleventh centuries A.D. However, most such vessels known to archaeologists are part of looted collec-
tions or else were unearthed before the advent of modern archaeological practices. As a result, little is known about the
context, use, and chronology of these objects. Recent investigations at the site of Palos Blancos in northwest Honduras dis-
covered an Ulúa-style marble vase in an undisturbed mortuary context. Excavation of the burial context, along with bioar-
chaeological and stable isotope analysis of the human remains, suggests that the vase was placed as an offering, possibly
to an ancestor of the residential group. Phosphate and pollen studies indicate that the vase once held a corn-based bever-
age. Radiocarbon dating of four charcoal samples from immediately below and adjacent to the vase yielded a range of dates
from the beginning of the Late Classic period, ca. AD. 600-800. Through analyses of the context and contents of the vase,
this research contributes to a more holistic understanding of the use and meaning of Ulúa-style marble vases in southern
Mesoamerica.
Los vasos de mármol del estilo Ulúa desempeñaron importantes papeles sociales, políticos, económicos, y religiosos en
de Mesoamérica durante los siglos séptimo a onceavo d.C. Sin embargo, la mayoría de dichas vasijas conocidas por l
ólogos forman parte de colecciones saqueadas o fueron desenterradas antes de la disponibilidad de prácticas arque
modernas. Como resultado, se sabe muy poco sobre su contexto, uso, y cronología. Excavaciones recientes en el si
Blancos en el Valle de Palmarejo en el noroeste de Honduras descubrieron un vaso de mármol del estilo Ulúa en un
mortuorio intacto. Este trabajo reporta los resultados de los análisis del depósito y de los contenidos del vaso, así
datación de materias orgánicas asociadas con el hallazgo. El contexto del entierro así como los análisis bioarqueol
de isótopos estables de los restos humanos sugieren que el vaso fue colocado como una ofrenda hecha tal vez a un
del grupo residencial. Los estudios de fosfatos y del polen indican que el vaso alguna vez contuvo una bebida de m
datación por radiocarbono de cuatro muestras de carbón tomadas inmediatamente debajo y adyacentes al vaso prov
serie de fechas (cal. 2<j 595 ±55, 615 ±45, 625 ±45, 705 ±65 d.C.) que corresponden principalmente al principio de
odo Clásico Tardío, ca. 600-800 d.C. Un espécimen en directa asociación con los restos humanos brindó una fecha
2<j 495 ± 85 d.C., sugiriendo que el vaso no fue añadido al conjunto funerario hasta un siglo después del entierro i
través de los análisis del contexto y del contenido del vaso, esta investigación contribuye a una comprensión más
del uso y significado de los vasos de mármol del estilo Ulúa en el sur de Mesoamérica.
E. Christian Wells, Karla L. Davis-Salazar, and José E. Moreno-Cortés ■ Department of Anthropology, University of
South Rorida, 4202 E. Fowler Ave., Tampa, FL 33620 USA (ecwells@usf.edu; karladavis@usf.edu; jmoreno@mail.usf.edu)
Glenn S. L. Stuart ■ Department of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Saskatchewan, 55 Campus Drive,
Saskatoon, SK S7N 5B1 Canada (glenn.stuart@usask.ca)
Anna C. Novotný ■ School of Human Evolution and Social Change, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ 85287-2402
USA (anna.novotny@asu.edu)
82
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THEMED REPORT SECTION ON MICROBOTANICAL AND MULTI-PROXY ANALYSIS 83
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84 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 25, No. 1, 2014]
Cultural and Historical Context and luxury goods, including kiln-fired pottery
and figurines, prismatic obsidian blades, and pos-
The Palmarejo Valley is situated betweensibly
thetextiles. Initially, during the Late Classic
(ca. A.D. 600-800), the manufacture of these
Ulua and Chamelecon rivers in northwest Hon-
duras (Figure 1). The valley is a side pocket of items
the was limited to La Sierra, yet the products
were widely distributed throughout the valley
larger and archaeologically better known Naco
(Schortman et al. 2001; Urban et al. 1997). One
Valley, which encompasses 92 km2 of alluvial
hypothesis
bottomlands watered by the Chamelecon River as to account for this pattern is that La
Sierra's
it carves its way through the southern boundary of political leaders and their families ex-
the Sierra de Omoa. The earliest inhabitants of the
changed locally manufactured craft items with
Naco Valley, who were probably ancestral to the valley farmers for subsistence resources and, pos-
modern-day Lenca of central Honduras, first set-sibly, surplus labor (Schortman and Urban 1994).
tled the region by 1200 B.C. (Urban et al. 2002). As a result, rural farmers may have lost their au-
By about A.D. 600, the valley hosted a populationtonomy in decision making and other political
in the low tens of thousands organized into a hi-realms as they grew reliant upon La Sierra's elite
erarchy of settlements of different sizes. The for some of the material necessities of daily life.
largest community was La Sierra, which included Later, in the Terminal Classic (ca. A.D.
the residences of some of the region's elite fam- 800-1000), specialized workshops and their prod-
ilies, who lived in expansive palatial buildingsucts became more widespread throughout the val-
surrounding courtyards, patios, plazas, and a ball-ley, suggesting dispersal of power networks
court. La Sierra's residents had direct access to ex-
(Schortman and Urban 2004, 2012).
tensive clay deposits and other natural resources, Our recent archaeological investigations in the
as well as a host of domestic workshops whose in-environs of the Naco Valley have sought to test
habitants manufactured a range of both utilitarianthese ideas by examining the political and ritual
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THEMED REPORT SECTION ON MICROBOTANICAL AND MULTI-PROXY ANALYSIS 85
Figure 2. Archaeological sites in the Palmarejo Valley, Honduras, showing the location of Palos Blancos
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86 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 25, No. 1, 2014]
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THEMED REPORT SECTION ON MICROBOTANICAL AND MULTI-PROXY ANALYSIS 87
Figure 4. Plan view of Burial 58E-1 at Palos Blancos, showing the location of the marble vase an
dated (lettered A, F, G, H, and J).
Luke's
and its wall averages .48 cm thick; it weighs (2003:23-26)
3.48 "Group 2" vessels, esp
kg. It has a cylindrical form with two
ciallyhandles,
the example from the Gruener Collection
Pre-Columbian
each in the shape of a head of a leaf-nosed Art in the Cleveland Museum of
bat
Artelement
( Phyllostomidae ), similar to the main (CMA 1990.17.0;
of Young-Sánchez 1992:258;
the Copán emblem glyph ( zotz [Stuartsee also
andStone 1938:27; von Winning 1968:310).
Hous-
ton 1994:23-25]). The body of the vase is deco-
rated with rows and columns of volutes, offsetting
Bioarchaeological Study
a diamond-shaped symbol (sometimes interpreted
To and
as an "eye") placed on opposite sides, enhance our understanding of the mortuary
capped
on the top with a band of overlappingcontext of the Palos Blancos vase, a bioarchaeo-
serpent
logical
scales. The vase is similar in form and analysis
design toof the human remains encoun-
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88 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 25, No. 1, 2014]
tered in the Structure 9 excavations was conducted combination of cranial traits, pelvic morphology,
(Novotný 2006). All data- including age, sex, and long bone measurements, as preservation al-
pathological conditions, and cultural lowed. Analysis of the dentition was undertaken
modification- were collected in accordance with according to the standards outlined in Buikstra
the procedures outlined by Buikstra and Ubelakerand Ubelaker (1994) and supplemented by Hillson
(1994). Age was estimated by dental wear or den-(1996) and White and Folkens (2006). Pathologies
were identified with reference to Ortner (2003).
tal eruption, although when preservation allowed,
epiphyseal closure, cranial suture, and pelvic mor-The bones of Burial 58E- 1 , sealed in the foun-
dations
phology were also used. Sex was determined by a of Structure 9, were those of an adult
Figure 6. Schematic cross-section of the excavation of Structure 9, showing the stratigraphie relationships between
Burials 58E-1 and 58E-2 and the marble vase.
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THEMED REPORT SECTION ON MICROBOTANICAL AND MULTI-PROXY ANALYSIS 89
Figure 7. Ulúa-style marble vase from Palos Blancos (photographs (upper) by Karla L. Davis-Salaza
by José H. Espinoza).
vancedfor
whose remains were too poorly preserved age any
(Hillson 2008). The left mandibular
canine of the
specific estimates of age, sex, or life history to individual
be in Burial 58E-2 was lost
made; less than 25 percent of the skeleton
antemortem,wasmost likely due to periodontal dis-
ease.but
present. Several teeth were recovered, The most
medial aspect of the alveolar socket
were fragmented. The bone fragments themselves
(shared by the left mandibular incisor) was normal
were identifiable only as cranial andandlong bone
the LI2 tooth was recovered.
fragments, but the outer surface of each Frontal, occipital, and other cranial fragments
bone had
been worn away so thoroughly thatofno further
Burial 58E-2 showed slight, healed porotic hy-
information could be collected. perostosis. This type of bone reaction could be the
The bones of Burial 58E-2, associated with theresult of nutritional deficiencies, such as scurvy
fill of a later building episode, were not well pre-
and certain types of anemia, and/or gastrointesti-
served either and were very fragmented; how- nal infections. Iron-deficiency anemia is often
ever, this individual was better preserved than cited as the cause of porotic hyperostosis among
Burial 58E-1. Less than 25 percent of the skele- the ancient Maya, since their diet relied heavily on
corn, a food low in iron and containing phytates
ton was present. Remains consisted of cranial, rib,
tarsal, and long bone fragments, as well as teeth.that bind to iron and slow its absorption in the
Sex was estimated to be probably male, and age body (Wright and Chew 1998), a deficiency only
at death was approximately young adult, 20-34, partly addressed by nixtamalization.2 However,
based on dental attrition. recent research suggests a different etiology for
Dental pathologies (calculus, caries, and ante-porotic hyperostosis among New World popula-
mortem tooth loss) are common in prehispanictions. Walker and colleagues (2009:119) argue
populations. Three teeth (LM3, LMļ, and RMj) that porotic hyperostosis may be the result of
showed carious lesions, and each tooth showed anemia caused by the combined effects of vitamin
some degree of calculus build-up, from very lit-B12 deficiency among nursing mothers and gas-
tle to a moderate amount. As carious lesions and
trointestinal pathogens incurred by infants during
calculus accumulation increase over time, their weaning. Vitamin B12 is found in high quantities
presence in Burial 58E-2 indicates slightly in
ad-animal protein, and lack of it results in mega-
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90 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 25, No. 1, 2014]
Sample Site
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THEMED REPORT SECTION ON MICROBOTANICAL AND MULTI-PROXY ANALYSIS 91
87Sr*B6Sr
sumption at Palos Blancos (Tykot et al. 1996).
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92 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 25, No. 1 , 2014]
amean values.
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THEMED REPORT SECTION ON MICROBOTANICAL AND MULTI-PROXY ANALYSIS 93
Finall ter
pollen par
cultivated Mesoamerican maize fields, where
with
maize was found to comprise between .5 to 4.0
tional
percent of the assemblage, with ubiquities of 50
served
to 80 percent (see Stuart 2003:280-281, Table
curely
does
6.5). It therefore seems likely that maize in some n
form
morph was placed directly into the vessel. Given
well
the context, this strongly suggests that the vessel p
More
contained a maize offering, possibly a corn gruel
such as atole. Although the likelihood of maize
otanic
fill
pollen surviving the processing sequence p leading
to maize flour seems low, this would, neverthe-
most
less, explain the relatively high percentages and
pollen
five s
ubiquity of maize pollen and is consistent with the
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94 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 25, No. 1, 2014]
Beta-228166 A Burial 58E-1 1600 ±40 -26.7 1570 ±40 1540-1370 495 ± 85
Beta-228168 F Below vessel 1330 ±40 -25.2 1330 ±40 1300-1180 705 ± 65
Beta-228169 G Below vessel 1480 ±40 -26.5 1460 ± 40 1410-1300 595 ± 55
Beta-228170 H Near vessel 1410 ±40 -25.3 1410 ±40 1370-1280 625 ±45
Beta-228167 J
phosphate chemistry documenting organic matter We used "BCal" (a Bayesian radiocarbon cal-
in the vase. ibration tool, http://bcal.shef.ac.uk) to model the
calibrated intervals and "CALIB"
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THEMED REPORT SECTION ON MICROBOTANICAL AND MULTI-PROXY ANALYSIS 95
struction
The results produced a pooled mean date and reconstruction of identity, place,
of cal
2a A.D. 635 ± 72, or a range of cal A.D.and memory for members of the memory com-
563-707,
munities
for the organic material associated with concerned" (Hendon 2010:119). Al-
the vase.
This pooled mean date supports Luke's though(2002)
we do not know the motives of the Palos
Blancos
chronological assessment of A.D. 650-750 residents for recognizing the person in
based
Burial 58E-1
on her stylistic seriation of Ulua polychrome , it is clear that, by reopening the bur-
pot-
ial contextthe
tery, although the radiocarbon dates suggest to add the marble vase (along with
other vessel.
earlier part of the range for this particular attendant rites as suggested by the patches
of burned
This date places the deposition of the vase soil), their actions effectively indexed
around
the social
the end of the Early Classic or the beginning of relations
the of the community at that time
and simultaneously
Late Classic. The dating results also indicate that historicized the dwelling
the vase was placed as an offering in theacross
burialgenerations
ap- (Joyce 2003; McAnany et al.
1999). origi-
proximately a century after the body was
nally interred (cal 2a A.D. 495 ± 85 or In addition
cal A.D. to new information on the context
410-580). Comparing the pooled mean of andthe
contents
vaseof an Ulua-style marble vase, the ra-
diocarbon
dates against the upper limit of the burial dates associated with the Palos Blancos
date
(A.D. 580) suggests that the two eventsvessel constitute
(burial of the first series of chronometric
the body and interment of the vase) did dates associated with an Ulua-style marble vase.
not occur
Much of our knowledge of the dating of marble
simultaneously ( t - 2.15, df= l,p = .07).
vases from this region is based on relative ceramic
Conclusions chronology, mainly cross-ties with seriated pot-
tery assemblages. Luke (2002; Luke et al. 2003)
The results of this study suggest that the Paloshas created a testable chronology of Ulua-style
Blancos vase was cached as mortuary furnituremarble
up vases based on their distribution and as-
sociation with Ulua polychrome pottery. Accord-
to a century after the interment of the individual
in Burial 58E-1 associated with Structure 9, pos-
ing to Luke (2002), vases with bird, bat, and mon-
key handles (ca. A.D. 650-750) appear to predate
sibly as a gift or offering before the second phase
those with feline and serpent characteristics (ca.
of construction of the building was begun. Stable
A.D. 750-850). Evidence in support of this hy-
isotope data suggest that the individuals interred
in Structure 9 were immigrants or visitors topothesis
the includes stylistic similarities with bird
Palmarejo Valley, perhaps from the region of and
the bat designs found on early Late Classic Lug
Head Ulua maroon polychromes, specifically
Ulua Valley. The vase held a maize offering, pos-
Bombero and Paloma varieties from the western
sibly in the form of a corn-based beverage. With-
Ulúa Valley (Joyce 1993) and from the Copán re-
out comparative material, it is difficult to specu-
gion (Viel 1978). Marble vases with feline char-
late whether these contents are unique or represent
acteristics are found mainly in the central Maya
a typical use of these kinds of vessels. However,
lowlands in late Late Classic contexts, ca. A.D.
corn-based drinks, most often atole in southern
800-850
Mesoamerica, are common in this region today, as (e.g., Kidder 1947:36-37; Pendergast
they were in prehispanic times (Beliaev et1990:236-238;
al. Thompson 1939:167). Our find-
ings support Luke's suggestion for the bat-han-
2010; Green 2010). Several examples of ceramic
vessels containing maize and cacao have been dled vases, but hint at the possibility that the
manufacture of this group of design styles may
unearthed recently in mortuary contexts at Copán
in western Honduras (McNeil 2010; McNeil ethaveal. been initiated slightly earlier than the A.D.
2006). 650-750 range that she identifies.
Regardless of the contents of the vase, we fol- Our AMS results contribute to a much-needed
low Hendon (2010:110-121) in interpreting the calibrated radiocarbon chronology for Ulua mar-
vase's inclusion in the mortuary program as a ble vases. In addition, seriation-based temporal
memorial act designed to transform the dead into phases of specific ceramic types commonly as-
an ancestor (see also Gillespie 2001; McAnany sociated with Ulua-style marble vases, such as
1995). "These practices contribute to the con- certain varieties of Ulua polychromes, may now
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96 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 25, No. 1, 2014]
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THEMED REPORT SECTION ON MICROBOTANICAL AND MULTI-PROXY ANALYSIS 97
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