MEDIEVAL MONUMENTS OF MEHRAULI:

REALITY AND MYTH

Salim Zaweed

The important series of Sultanate, Mughal and British monuments in

the Mehrauli Archaeological Park set in the midst of Mehrauli Village and
Qutub Complex, is familiar to most visitors to the city (Plan 1). Before named
as Mehrauli, the place is known as Daud Sarai.1 Apart from a handsome
Sultante baolis (Rajon ki baoli and Gandhak ki baoli) and some small and
insignificant outbuildings of Metcalf (Folly, Bridge, Boat House), there are
four main structures which lies close to one another. These are Jamali Kamali
Mosque and his tomb and tomb’s of Balban and Quli Khan. It also contains a
large number of hauz or kund (tanks), baolis (stepped reservoirs) and talabs
(ponds), such as Hauz-i Shamshi. Not only that, we have also several gardens
such as Metcalf’s Garden in front of Quli Khan’s tomb.
In view of the arguments put forth in this paper, the probability of the
attributions of these above mentioned four main structures should be examined
and raises a serious doubt.
Shaikh Jamali Kambo Dihlawi or Hamid bin Fazlullah, a saint of
Suharawardi order and poet who lived from Sikander Lodi’s reign to that of
Humayun, was also known as Jalal Khan and Jamali.2 His name was Jalal and
his pen name was Jalali, but he later changed it to Jamali at the suggestion of
his preceptor, Shaikh Samal Al-Din.3 He was the tutor of Sultan Sikandar
Lodi and had married the daughter of Hazrat Shaikh Sma’al Din Kamboh. He
lived at Mehrauli during the reign of Sikandar Lodi and later composed
panegyrics for Babur (1526-1530) and his successor Humayun. As a poet of
Persian language, Shaikh Jamali had been styled Khusrau-i Sani (Khusrau
the second).4 According to Mihr wa Mah, Jamali also claimed the title of
‘Indian parrot’, which had earlier been reserved for Amir Khusrau of Delhi
(1253-1337). The chronogram in his tomb, is Khusrau-i Hind buda, ‘He was
the sun of India’ or he was the Khusrau of India.5
During the Humayun’s reign between 1530-39, Shaikh Jamali
accompanied the Sultan on his Gujarat campaign and during the expedition,
he died there on May 2, 1536.6 His body was brought back to Delhi and
buried in a room which in 1528-29, he had built for his dwelling, together
with a mosque in the old village of Qutb Sahib or present Mehrauli. Later on
he was buried here in the tomb of Zainuddin which is by side of the mosque
which his son Shaikh Gadai built.7
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Who Kamali was, however, remains a complete mystery. Whether he

was a disciple of Jamali, or another Sufi poet or may be just a servant, no one
knows. We don’t even know if that was his real name or if he just took the
name because it rhymed with Jamali. There are several stories around his
identity one of which is that it was actually his works, his poems that Jamali
took credit for. An interesting story is actually described by an American author
Karen Chase in her book, Jamali-Kamali: A Tale of Passion in Mughal India’
where she mentions that they were both homosexual partners.8 It is this legend
that Karen Chase picks up in her engrossing collection of poems that truly
transcend the boundaries of time and culture. Chase’s book is a reconstruction
of the homosexual love between Jamali and Kamali, inspired by the oral
tradition around them. But the Archaeological Survey of India description at
the very entrance of the mosque mentions them as brothers. Perhaps the myth
created on the basis of his hagiographical account of the Indian Sufis, The
Mirror of Meanings. Written in the figurative and erotic language of Sufis,
the poem portrays the union of mystical with eternal shows through the
knowledge of the lover’s body and treating each part of the body as a road,
leading the mystic lover to the eternal Living. It is not anything associated
with homosexuality, it is a journey from the phenomenal world into one’s real
self, which is the Truth. The ‘fascinating story’ behind the monument is a
fiction. It comes from her imagination, not from historical facts.
Located about 300 m south of the Balban’s tomb, the mosque of
Jamali (Fig. 1) is built by the Sheikh himself on the platform of the dwelling
of the saint Qutbuddin. Built between 1528 to 15369 within a walled enclosure
(Plan 2), it is composed of red sandstone sparsely, but very delicately,
ornamented with white marble and grey quartzite highlights. It is an interesting
example of the Lodi style marking the transition, from the Moth-Masjid to
Qila-i Kuhna Masjid and sharing architectural features of both the mosques.
The arched screen of the prayer hall, oriel windows and octagonal corner
towers at the rear are the notable architectural features while a few inches in
the western wall are decorated with Quranic inscriptions. It has a large forecourt
with a central water tank. In this mosque, one thing is different from earlier, it
is single aisled and five bays deep.
The central hemispherical Lodi style dome rests on an octagonal drum
(base) and is surmounted by an inverted lotus finial. The facade of the mosque
is adorned with dexterously sculpted rosette medallions and rows of decorative
alcoves while the central of the five arched entrances, where the central one
is larger than the flanking ones, each punched within arched niches, is set
within a rectangular projection that is flanked by highly ornamental pillars
(pilasters) on either side. These fluted pilasters possess alternate triangular
and circular flutes and the individual levels are demarcated by exquisite floral
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bands. The utilization of impossibly hard grey quartzite for ornamentation,

especially as panels focusing the exceptional symmetry of the structure, is
exceedingly praiseworthy. The chamber in which he lived was converted into
a tomb and his body was interred there in 1536. The gargantuan interiors of
the mosque, visually appearing even more colossal because of the numerous
arches and the play of shadows and light creeping in through the windows
and entrances, possesses five intricately carved mihrabs (alcoves in the western
wall of a mosque indicating the direction of Mecca), each uniquely sculpted,
bordered by bands of calligraphy inscriptions and existing in symmetric
combination with one of the entrances and therefore decreasing in size from
the central (largest) to the extremes (smallest). On the inside, the dome rests
on squinches (another architectural tradition that later become integral to Indo-
Islamic constructions – beams extending across upper corners to convert a
square structure into an octagonal one) supported by honeycomb brackets
which are of course fairly commonplace in Islamic architecture. The central
chamber of the mosque thus becomes octagonal towards its upper reaches
and more squinches are further employed to convert this eight-sided figure
into sixteen-sided figure and so on to form almost a complete circle towards
the very top on which the massive dome finally rests. Octagonal corner towers
exist along the backside of the mosque and a narrow gallery runs along the
upper floor connecting the two, but entry to the upper floors of the towers is
now prohibited. One can access the towers from narrow passages built in the
corners adjacent the mihrabs and gaze at the small garden towards the back
or at the exterior walls on the other side.
Percy Brown, in his defining book, Indian Architecture in the Islamic
Period, refers this mosque as Jamala mosque. He makes no mention of the
tombs in the compound attached to it. For him, the main characteristic of the
mosque is that though it was built during the reign of the Mughals after the
battle of Panipat, the Mughals used Lodi architectural elements since they
were busy consolidating their rule in a new country and consequently, had
not yet imprinted their own stamp on Indian architecture. He also writes, “A
definite attempt was being made towards refinement of style and designers
were aiming at a form of architecture in which better material and workmanship
were the main objects”. This mosque, according to Percy Brown, was a
preparation of Sher Shah’s Qila-e Kuhna mosque in Purana Qila. It bridges
the style of the Delhi Sultanate to that of the Mughals.
Nothing is forthcoming about the mosque but there are reasons to
suppose that it was built about the same time as the adjoining tomb of Jamali.
The exterior is embellished with circular bosses of red sandstone inscribed
with the words Allah, or Al-malak-ul allah or Allah Kafi. Round the small
mihrab, in Naskh characters, verses from two different chapters of the Quran:
 Archaeology 751

Pt. X, Ch. 9 entitled Al-tauba (The Immunity), Sec. 3, Verses 18-9. Round the
mihrab to north of the central mihrab, in embossed Naskh characters: Quran,
Pt. III, Ch. 3 etitled Al-Imran (The Family of Amran), Sec. 4, Verse 36, but
only from Kama Dakhal Alaiha Zakriya up to Begair Hisab.10

Tomb:
The vast courtyard in front of the mosque is divided in two by a wall
with an opening. The second courtyard functions as the funerary zone – the
small square-shaped mausoleum of Jamali-Kamali (Fig. 2) stands close to the
further wall and there are several more unmarked and unadorned graves around
it – Muslims believe that the tomb of a saint sanctifies the area around it and
assures ascension to heaven to the people buried in its vicinity.
Shaikh Fazlullah (Jamali) died in 1535-36 and it is said that his tomb was
commenced prior to his death in the year A.D. 1528-29. But if we believe on
Shahnawaj Khan’s Ma’asir-ul Umara, it was built by his son Shaikh Gadai
and after his death.11 Secondly, out of the two graves in the tomb, one is of
Jamali while the other is that of Zainuddin, an unknown person. Therefore,
the two cenotaphs inside the tomb is of Jamali and Zainuddin. The myth of
Kamali associated with the name of Jamali, is perhaps the nineteenth century
creation. Built within a walled enclosure, it is a flat roofed single storeyed
chamber. The walls and ceiling are decorated with incised and painted plaster
and coloured tiles. The outer walls are beautifully embellished with
battlemented friezes and coloured glazed tiles.
Above the western mehrâb in the tomb chamber, is embossed Naskh
letters. “There is no god but Allah, the King, the Mighty; Muhammad is the
Prophet of Allah, the apostle, the chosen.” On the arch of the small marble
mehrâb, in embossed Naskh characters, the same inscription inscribed. Inside
the small marble mehrâb, in embossed Naskh letters, there is “Kingdom is for
Allah, the One, the Subduer”. Under it appears the word Allah repeated twice,
and further below it Ya Allah. Immediately under the ceiling runs a long Persian
inscription in verse, executed in Naskh characters cut in plaster. It contains
the pen name couplet of Maulana Jamali, the composer, and read as follows
(from right to left):
1. (Even) if our wickedness amounts to blasphemy still we look to They
forgiveness hopefully.
2. At Thy threshold we stand ashamed because Thy dogs can take no rest at
night on account of our lamentations.
3. Should I have the honour to approach the curtain of Thy secret, the angel
would take pride in becoming our porter.
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4. Being covered with the dust of Thy street we are contemptible in the eyes
of the (common) people, (whereas) in the estimation of the perspicacious our
(outward) wretched condition is an honour.
5. By the cloud of Thy beneficence the dust of sin has been washed away but
the blot of our shame could not be removed.
6. On the day of separation from Thee, nothing but the sorrow we feel for
Thee comes to console us in our helplessness and loneliness.
7. O Jamali, resort for protection to the door of the Friend, for our salvation
can be attained at the door of the Beloved.
8. In Thy love our restlessness has passed beyond bounds; it is hoped that
Thou wilt feel pity on our wailing.
9. How could the beautiful face of Thy forgiveness have become unveiled if
our sinfulness had not shown it face.
10. Although we deserve (Thy) wrath for our guiltiness, we cherish hope
from Thy kindness.
11. We can attain the honour, dignity and glory of the angels if Thou
(benignantly) viewest my humility.
12. If we become guardian of the curtain of Thy Secret, (even) an angel will
not be deserving of acting as our porter.
13. By a drizzle from the cloud of (Thy) beneficence Thou washest away the
dust of guilt from our ashamed face.
14. Cast Thy eyes on Jamali with kindness (and) pay no heed to our idleness
and shortcomings.
15. O (God) Thy mercy……………………………… from (Thy) wrath, and
O (God) Thy kindness ordered Thy wrath to depart.
16. Wherever they speak of Thy immense forgiveness, people’s sin is not
weighed there against (a grain of) barley” (i.e., in view of the immensity of
Divine forgiveness our sins are of little consequence).
To east of the tomb of Maulana Jamali in the same enclosure, no
historical information about it is available. On the top of the sandstone grave
appears the First Muslim creed in embossed Naskh letters and under it the
word Allah in circular medallions. To east of the above Chhatri there is a
walled enclosure, known as the Qabrastan (graveyard). Its surrounding walls
have arched niches the spandrels of some of which are ornamented by small
plastered discs inscribed with Al Malak Allah or Allah.
Out of so many graves in the compound only three are inscribed. The
two of plaster bear only the Ist Mulsim creed, while the 3rd of red sand stone
has on the top of the Ist Muslim creed and under it the phase Hashbi Allah.
Further below is the Sura Ikhlas already noticed.
 Archaeology 753

Tomb of Muhammad Quli Khan:

The tomb said to contain the remains of Muhammad Quli Khan, a
noble of the Mughal period, has come to be called Metcalfe House because
Sir Charles Theophilus Metcalfe, the Governor General of India (1835-36)
used it for his residence during the rainy season.
It is said that this is the tomb of Mohammad Quli Khan (Fig. 3) was
the elder brother of Adham Khan, sons of Maham Anga, the foster mother of
Akbar. But the Persian sources of that period revealed that Baqi Muhammad
Khan, was foster brother of Akbar and elder brother of Adham Khan. His
mother was Maham Anaga, who was closely connected with the king. The
Humayunnama of Gulaban Bano Begum, also assisted that Maham Anaga,
the wife of Nadim Kuka has only two sons, Baqi and Adham Kuka.12 Baqi
Khan obtained the rank of 3000, and from Badayuni’s history it appears that
he died in the 30th year of the reign in Garha Katanga, which was his fief.13
Whereas, Muhammad Quli Khan Taqbai, was a man who appointed with
Adham Khan for the conquest of Malwa in the end of the 5th year.14 During
Akbar’s reign he was an officer of the rank of 1,000. In the 8th year he was
sent to assist Husain Quli Khan who, after Sharafuddin Husain’s flight, had
been granted his jagir. Later he was sent with Khan-Khanan Munim Khan to
Bengal. His later history is not known.15
It stands at the edge of the Lal Kot. Built in the 17th century originally
the tomb was a two storeyed structure capped by a massive central dome
(Plan 3). The painting in the Dairy of Thomas Metcalfe, shows that the
structure was the replica of the Adham Khan’s tomb in the extreme south-
west of Qila Rai Pithora. The half-dome depth four-centred Mughal arched
entrances towards north and south through trabeated doors leads to the inner
square chamber. The superstructure is covered by a massive hemispherical
dome surmounted with amalaka and kalasha. The four-centred Mughal arched
entrance though quite plain, contains Quranic verses over its extra-doss,
whereas, the spandrels of the arches containing round medallion is embellished
with the first Kalima. The remaining half-dome depth blind arches in each
face is also beautifully decorated by arch and panel articulation, arch nettings.
The remains of glazed tiles in red, blue and green towards the eastern façade
suggest that the said tomb earlier must be fully covered by the glazed tiles.
Furthermore, battlemented friezes over the parapet and the neck of the dome
is another mode of decoration, as widely prevailed under the Delhi Sultans.
The tomb provides a good view of the Qutb Minar which is nearby. The present
surrounding octagonal high plinth and adjoining structures were the result of
Metcalfe extensive repair and changes brought for making this structure as a
dining hall and a resort. Not only had that he even removed the outer
surrounding arcaded verandah. But the present structure is shows that the
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said building was further renovated in the subsequent period, because of the
absence of upper story.

Plan 1: Map showing Qutub and adjacent Mehrauli within the Lal Kot area.

Plan 2: Plan of Jamali Kamali mosque and his tomb

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Plan 3: Plan of Quli Khan’s Tomb

Fig. 1: Front view of Jamali Kamali Mosque

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Fig. 2: Square tomb of Jamali Kamali towards the north of the Mosque

Fig. 3: The octagonal tomb of Quli Khan, Mehrauli.

 Archaeology 757

Fig. 4: Painting depicted Quli Khan’s tomb by Sir Charles Theophilus

Metcalfe. (Source: British Library Online Picture Gallery)

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. Maulvi Muhammad Ashraf Husain, A Record of All the Quranic and Non-
Historical Epigraphs on The Protected Monuments in the Delhi Province,
Government of India Central Publication Branch, Calcutta, 1936, p. 96.
2. Saiyid Athar Abbas Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, Vol. I: Early Sufism
and Its History in India to 1600 A.D, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New
Delhi, 1978, pp. 286-288.
3. Siyar al-Arifin, India Office Library, fol. 277a.
4. He composed a number of poems, including the two masnavis Mihr wa
Mah and Mirat al-Maani, a love story with a mystic theme. His Siyarul
Arifin, written between 1530 and 1536, contains an account of the Chisti
and Suharawardi sufi saints of his day. It contains an account of the lives
of fourteen Indian saints, beginning with Muinuddin Chishti and ending
with his own preceptor, Sama al-Din. The work is valuable not only as
contemporary source for the cultural study of the period, but also for the
light it throws on the character of the three Lodi monarchs. Jamali was
one of the greats poets of his time and could be compared to his Persian
contemporary, Jami, as well as the latter’s illustrious predecessor, Nizami
of Ganja. Anna Suvorova, Muslim Saints of South Asia: the eleventh to
fifteenth centuries, Routledge Curzon, London, 1999, pp. 85, 99, 126.
5. Hameeduddin, ‘Indian Culture in the Late Sultanate Period: A Short Study’,
East and West, Vol. 12, No. 1, 1961, pp. 25-39.
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6. Ain-i Akbari, Vol. I, p. 528; Abdul Qadir Badauni, Muntakhab-ut Tawarikh,

translated by George S. A. Ranking, Vol. I, Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, Delhi,
1898, p. 455.
7. Shahnawaz Khan, Ma’asir ul Umara, translated by Henry Beveridge, Vol. I,
1979. pp. 268-270. Maulvi Mohammad Shamsuddin, Darbar-i Akbari, Nawal
Kishore Press, Lahore, 1910, pp. 770-772.
8. Karen Chase, Jamali-Kamali: A Tale of Passion in Mughal India, Grantha
Corporation, 2011.
9. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Asar-us Sanadid, Vol. II, The Nami Press, Cawnpore,
1904, p. 47; Percy Brown, II, pp. 61, 64.
10. Maulvi Muhammad Ashraf Husain, Record of All The Quranic And Non-
Historical Epigraphs on The Protected Monuments in The Delhi Province,
Memoir of the Archaeological Survey of India No. 47, Government of India
Central Publication Branch, Calcutta, 1936, p. 94.
11. Ma’asir ul Umara, Vol. I, p. 269. Jamali has two sons, the younger Shaikh
Abdul Hai (1517-18), was also a poet. He was a member of the court of the
Sher Shah (1539-45). Islam Shah (1545-42) also patronized Abdul Hai. He
died in 959 A.H./1551-52 A.D. His elder brother Shaikh Gadai, remained loyal
to the Mughals and attends a respectful position under Akbar. Abbas Khan
Sherwani, Tarikh-i Sher Shahi, Dacca, 1964, pp. 177-78.
12. Gulabadan Bano Begum, Humayunnama, translated by Annette S. Beveridge,
1902, pp. 47, 58-61, 255.
13. Shah Nawaz Khan, Ma’asir ul Umara, translated by H. Beveridge and annotated
by Baini Prashad, Vol. I, Calcutta, 1952, pp. 384-85; Akbarnama, tr. Blochman,
381; Badauni, Muntakhab-ut Tawarikh, p. 323.
14. Akbarnama, Beverdige’s translation, II, p. 204; The brief account of his life in
Blochmann’s translation of Ain-i Akbari, I (2nd edn. ), pp. 480-481, and note 2, in
which the Gujarat Expedition is fully discussed.
15. Ma’asir, translation, II, p. 186.