Sie sind auf Seite 1von 16

Dying Gods – Religious beliefs in northern and eastern Europe

in the time of Christianisation

herausgegeben von

Christiane Ruhmann und Vera Brieske


Umschlaggestaltung: Karl-Heinz Perschall, Werner Pollak
Satz und Layout: Deborah Zarnke

Redaktion: Beverley Hirschel, Deborah Zarnke, Vera Brieske,


Christiane Ruhmann

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek:


Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese
Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie;
detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über
http://dnb.d-nb.de
abrufbar.

© 2015 Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum Hannover


Alle Rechte vorbehalten
In Kommission bei Konrad Theiss Verlag GmbH, Stuttgart

Abbildungsnachweise
liegen in der Verantwortung der Autoren

Druck:
BWH GmbH – Die Publishing Company, D-30457 Hannover

ISBN 978-3-8062-3260-8
Vorwort

Der vorliegende fünfte Band der Reihe „Neue Studien zur tralorten Ostwestfalens und Nordhessens. Zu nennen ist hier
Sachsenforschung“ umfasst 26 Beiträge des 64. Internationa- das Kloster Helmarshausen, das durch seine mittelalterliche
len Sachsensymposions, das vom 7.–11. September 2013 in Handschriftenproduktion tief in das neu christianisierte Skan-
Paderborn stattfand. Er setzt die gemeinsam vom Niedersäch- dinavien ausstrahlte, oder das karolingische Reichskloster Cor-
sischen Landesmuseum Hannover und dem Internationalen vey, Ort der Antikenrezeption und im Hohen Mittelalter einer
Sachsensymposion herausgegebene Reihe „Neue Studien zur der Ausgangspunkte der Missionierung Skandinaviens. Letzter
Sachsenforschung“ fort. Programmpunkt der Exkursion waren die im Lipperland gelege-
Das Thema des Symposions, „Dying Gods – Religious nen Externsteine, bedeutsam durch die vor Ort erhaltene Nach-
beliefs in northern and eastern Europe in the time of Chri- bildung des Heiligen Grabes zu Jerusalem, zu welchem auch
sianisation“, behandelte räumlich spezifische wie auch chro- ein überlebensgroßes Relief der Kreuzabnahme Christi gehört,
nologisch divergierende Phänomene des Übergangs von den und berüchtigt durch die Deutung als germanisches Heiligtum
gentilen Religionen zum Christentum in Nord- und Osteuropa. durch Nationalsozialisten und völkische Gruppierungen.
Die Beiträge gingen der Frage nach, welche Aussagen zu Den Druck des Konferenzbandes haben die Altertumskom-
den vorchristlichen Religionen getroffen werden können, zumal mission für Westfalen und die Ausstellungsgesellschaft Pa-
viele Quellenzeugnisse – zumindest diejenigen schriftlicher Art derborn finanziell getragen. Unser Dank gilt Beverly Hirschel
– die Ereignisse aus christlicher Sicht und oft auch aus großem für die redaktionelle Betreuung der englischen Beiträge sowie
zeitlichen Abstand in den Blick nehmen. In- bzw. Akkulturation Deborah Zarnke M.A., die sowohl die Tagung organisatorisch
stand im Mittelpunkt der Betrachtung, besaßen doch viele der begleitete als auch für Redaktion und Satz des vorliegenden
gentilen Verbände zu Beginn ihrer Missionierungsgeschichte Bandes verantwortlich war.
bereits Kontakt zur antiken, auch christlich geprägten Kultur, Wir möchten diesen Band dem Angedenken an Torsten
was wiederum nicht ohne Einfluss auf die paganen Glaubens- Capelle widmen, der im Juli 2014 verstorben ist. Nicht nur
vorstellungen blieb. Einen guten Ansatz zur Klärung dieser Fra- den beiden Herausgeberinnen, seinen Schülerinnen Christi-
gen bieten die archäologischen Quellen zu den weitreichenden ane Ruhmann und Vera Brieske, sondern auch den Kolle-
Kontakten und Verbindungen der Eliten und paganen Verbände. ginnen und Kollegen und der Institution des Sachsensym-
Die Vorträge des Symposions widmeten sich auch der Fra- posions war er stete Stütze und Inspiration. In Dankbarkeit
ge, in welchem Umfang sich für die paganen Religionen – de- erinnern wir uns an ihn und veröffentlichen in diesem Band
nen sowohl jegliche festgefügte Doktrin fremd als auch eine die letzte seiner großartigen Sachsensymposions-Zusam-
starke regionale Variationsbreite zu eigen war – übergreifende menfassungen sowie die Liste seiner wissenschaftichen Pu-
festgeschriebene Glaubensvorstellungen konstatieren lassen. blikationen zum Interessengebiet der Arbeitsgemeinschaft,
Einen weiteren Schwerpunkt der Betrachtung bildete die Fra- dem 1. Jahrtausend n. Chr. in Nord- und Mitteleuropa.
ge, inwieweit das sich ausdehnende Christentum nicht nur auf
die Bildwelt der paganen Religionen, sondern möglicherweise
auch auf die ihnen innewohnenden religiösen Überzeugun- Christiane Ruhmann
gen Einfluss nahm. Wurden durch den zunehmenden Kontakt Diözesanmuseum Paderborn
von paganer auf der einen und mediterran westlicher bzw.
östlicher Sphäre auf der anderen Seite nicht nur Bilder, son- Vera Brieske
dern auch Ideen transferiert und transponiert? Sind die in Altertumskommission für Westfalen
der älteren Forschung konstatierten deutlichen Unterschiede
zwischen paganer und christlicher Welt eher der einseitigen Babette Ludowici
Betrachtung der Schriftquellen geschuldet und zeigt sich in Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum Hannover, Arbeitsbereich „Sachsenforschung“
der materiellen Überlieferung möglicherweise ein anderes
Bild, nämlich dasjenige einer größeren Annäherung bzw. Be- Claus von Carnap-Bornheim
einflussung religiöser Vorstellungen auf beiden Seiten? Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen,
Vorsitzender des Internationalen Sachsensymposions
Die Exkursion führte die Teilnehmer des Sachsensympo-
sions zu archäologisch und historisch bedeutsamen Zen-

5
Inhalt

Lutz E. von Padberg


Von Heidenhunden und Herrscherglaube
Zur Darstellung von Heiden und Herrscherkonversionen in frühmittelalterlichen Quellen 9

Charlotte Behr
How widely were pre-Christian religious ideas shared in northern Europe? 15

Karen Høilund Nielsen


Endzeiterwartung – expecting the End of the World 23

Catherine Hills
Work boxes or reliquaries?
Small copper-alloy containers in seventh-century Anglo-Saxon graves 51

John Hines
Burial and Religion in pre-Christian Anglo-Saxon England 63

Christopher Scull
Chronology, Burial and Conversion: the Case of England in the 7th Century 73

Alexandra Pesch
Sterbende, überlebende und auswandernde Götter 85

Sarah Semple
The Pre-Christian Landscape in Anglo-Saxon England 101

Clifford M. Sofield
Anglo-Saxon Placed Deposits Before and During Christianization (5th–9th c.) 111

Paul Stevens
The Early Medieval Church in Ireland and its Impact on Transformations in the Irish Economy 121

Lars Larsson
Expressions of cosmology at the central place of Uppåkra, southern Sweden 145

Bertil Helgesson
An old ritual landscape and a new god – some Scanian examples 159

Barbara Yorke
The fate of otherworldly beings after the conversion of the Anglo-Saxons 167

Margrethe Watt
‘Christian’ gestures and fertility cult (?) reflected in the iconography of 6th century southern Scandinavia 177

6
Sten Tesch
A Lost World? Religious identity and burial practices during the introduction of Christianity in the Mälaren region,
Sweden 191

Gunilla Larsson
The Boat as a Symbol in a Changing Society 211

Michael Neiß
A Lost World? A re-evaluation of the boat grave at Årby in Turinge parish, Södermanland, Sweden 223

Anne-Sofie Gräslund
Runic monuments as reflections of the conversion of Scandinavia 233

Bartosz Kontny und Magdalena Mączyńska


Ein Kriegergrab aus der frühen Völkerwanderungszeit von Juszkowo in Nordpolen 241

Matthias Hardt
Gentilreligion und christliche Mission bei den Sorben (10.–12. Jahrhundert) 263

Ulrich Lehmann
Wurmbunte Klingen – Studies of pattern-welded swords in early medieval Westphalia using computerised x-ray
tomography 269

Christina Peek
Textile Botschaften? Zum Informationsgehalt textiler Artefakte und anderer organischer Materialien im frühmit-
telalterlichen Grabbefund 287

Annette Siegmüller und Christina Peek


Geliebt oder gefürchtet? Eine besondere Bestattung des 7. Jahrhunderts aus der Wurt Hessens, Stadt
Wilhelmshaven 297

Dieter Bischop
Ein Gräberfeld der späten Römischen Kaiserzeit bis frühen Völkerwanderungszeit in Bremerhaven-Lehe 309

Torsten Capelle
Final remarks and summary of the Sachsensymposion 2013 327

Prof. Dr. Dr. h.c. Torsten Capelle (1939–2014)


Schriften zum 1. Jahrtausend n. Chr. 331

7
8
Anglo-Saxon Placed Deposits Before and During Christianization (5th–9th c.)

Clifford M. Sofield

Despite references in written sources and place names, ar- modern sense of organized religion with prescribed rites, and
chaeological evidence for pre-Christian ritual and religious that the people making placed deposits probably did not per-
practice in Anglo-Saxon England is elusive. Whereas previ- ceive them as essentially different from other practices that
ously cemeteries and landscape studies have been our most we would now consider secular.
promising archaeological routes to accessing Anglo-Saxon Nevertheless, if placed deposits were thought to be ef-
traditional beliefs1, ‘placed’ deposits provide settlements with fective then they must have embodied, in their composition
a new opportunity to contribute in this area. As the name in- and context, elements of Anglo-Saxon worldviews (cf. BRÜCK
dicates, placed deposits contain material that appears to have 1999b). By examining patterns of placed deposits and the
been deliberately ‘placed’ in the ground, in contrast with ma- circumstances in which they were made, it is possible to learn
terial deposited through loss or casual discard (SOFIELD 2012, something about traditional beliefs, as well as the ritualized
17–18; see e.g. PRYOR et al. 1985, 292–293; GUTTMAN and LAST practices founded upon those beliefs. This paper investigates
2000; PROCTOR 2002). Placed deposition is a common practice how placed deposition in settlements articulated with two
worldwide and has been recognized periodically in settle- aspects of Anglo-Saxon religious practices described by early
ments of northwestern Europe from the Neolithic to the recent medieval writers: sacrifices and shrines. Taking as its time
past (e.g. RICHARDS and THOMAS 1984; BRÜCK 1999a; HILL 1995; frame the fifth to ninth centuries, this paper also investigates
FULFORD 2001; BEILKE-VOIGT 2007; CARLIE 2006; FALK 2006; MER- whether the conversion to Christianity affected placed deposi-
RIFIELD 1987), although the characteristics of placed deposits tion as it related to religious practices and traditional beliefs.
vary considerably across time and space, as do the purposes
they were meant to achieve. In Anglo-Saxon settlements, de-
posits identified as placed often consist of ordinary domestic Sacrifice and placed deposits
material – animal remains, pottery, loomweights and other
artefacts – in ordinary domestic features such as houses, pits Contemporary Christian writers report that animal sacrifice
and boundary ditches (HAMEROW 2006; 2012, 130–140; MOR- played a central role in Anglo-Saxon religious practice, but
RIS and JERVIS 2011; SOFIELD 2012). A recent study of early and they are chary with details. In his treatise on the pagan cal-
middle Anglo-Saxon rural settlements across England has endar, Bede tells us that November corresponds to ‘Blotmon-
identified 151 placed deposits from sixty-seven settlements ath’, the month of blood, slaughter, or sacrifice, in which the
(SOFIELD 2012), showing that although placed deposition was Anglo-Saxons dedicated the cattle that they slaughtered to
not an everyday occurrence, it was widely practised in Anglo- the gods (DTR xv; WILSON 1992, 35–36). Bede mentions sacri-
Saxon England2. fices in his entries for other months as well, but he provides no
Sometimes described as ‘special’ or ‘votive’, placed de- details beyond what was sacrificed or to which deity, in order
posits have commonly been attributed to ritual, sacrifice, to explain the names of the months. The late seventh-century
divination, and magic – practices also connected with ‘pagan laws of Wihtred of Kent issue injunctions against ‘sacrificing
religion’. On this basis Anglo-Saxon placed deposits might be to devils’ (IBID. 36–37) – a rather vague description. Conti-
expected to reveal quite a lot about pre-Christian ritual and nental Germanic groups are also reported throughout late
religious practices in England. Recent research, however, has Antiquity and the early medieval period to have conducted
moved beyond simplistic ‘ritual’ explanations toward more animal sacrifice, for divination among other purposes (DAVID-
nuanced interpretations of how placed deposition may have SON 1993, 90–95). Such accounts offer suspiciously generic
helped to mediate social networks and to structure settle- ideas as to the purposes of sacrifice. They give little or no
ments spatially and in time (e.g. BRÜCK 1999a; GERRITSEN 1999, information as to where sacrifices took place or what form
85–89; CHAPMAN 2000; GARROW 2007; MORRIS and JERVIS 2011). the rites took. In some cases they may say more about the
Rather than asking what placed deposits meant, it is more Roman or Christian imagination than actual Anglo-Saxon or
useful to ask what they were meant to achieve (SOFIELD 2012, Germanic religious practices. In discussing sacrifice, it is im-
194–197). It must now be accepted that in most cases placed portant for archaeologists not to be prisoners to the same
deposits probably do not represent ‘religious practices’ in the Roman and Judaeo-Christian preconceptions about ‘pagan’

111
religions as influenced Classical and early medieval Christian land (HOPE-TAYLOR 1977, 98–100). A deposit of animal bones,
commentators. This paper does not necessarily conceive of mainly cattle skulls, was found in and around a 2-m long pit
sacrifice as a rite of organized religion in the worship of cer- set against the eastern wall of building D2, just north of the
tain gods. Instead, it is possible to define sacrifice as ritualized doorway. The deposit appears to have been so massive that it
slaughter or destruction dedicated to achieving a specific, overflowed the pit, with bones stacked up above the surface
‘non-functional’ purpose or intention (cf. INSOLL 2011, 151). and leaning against the wall. Thin lenses of sand between
I use the term ‘non-functional’ with reservations because a undisturbed layers below the surface of the pit suggest that as
practice that is irrational within a modern scientific paradigm many as nine separate depositional events, each representing
could have been perfectly rational within the worldview of feasting on a large scale, had taken place before the pit be-
those carrying it out (BRÜCK 1999b). gan to overflow (IBID. 100). The building itself probably dated
If sacrifice, defined in this way, was a component of An- to the late sixth or early seventh century (SCULL 1991, 60).
glo-Saxon ritual practice, then it might be possible to detect Placed deposits en masse of animal bones that might de-
it – or accompanying practices – archaeologically. The act of rive from feasting activity have also been identified at docu-
sacrifice itself is difficult to pin down. Its essential characteris- mented Christian sites. At the monastic site of Hartlepool,
tic is destruction or slaughter (INSOLL 2011, 151), but animals County Durham, a pit backfilled in the mid-seventh century
are slaughtered for prosaic reasons as well, and most material containing twelve sheep skulls, split to obtain the brain, as
in the archaeological record is highly fragmented. In its ritu- well as disarticulated remains from at least twelve lambs,
alized formality, however, sacrifice may be accompanied by represents slaughter and consumption on a large scale (DAN-
component practices that can produce placed deposits. Two IELS 1988, 161; RACKHAM 1988, 197). Pit 394 at Eynsham
such practices are feasting and offerings. Abbey, Oxfordshire, which is also a known monastic site,
contained a placed deposit of animal bones en masse deriv-
ing from consumption that was not only large scale but also
Feasting high-status, judging from the range of species represented
(Fig. 1; HARDY et al. 2003, 45–46; MULVILLE 2003, 357–359).
Ritualized consumption sometimes accompanies sacrifice (HEN- The pit contained over 2,400 pieces of bone from all the
NINGER 1987, 7999–8000), and textual evidence suggests that main domestic animals plus deer, hares, fourteen species of
this was the case in Anglo-Saxon England. According to Bede, bird, oysters, and saltwater fish; among the remains were
Pope Gregory wrote in a letter of AD 601 that the English ‘are numerous skulls and articulated limbs. Altogether at least
accustomed to slaughter many cattle in sacrifice to demons’, ninety animals were represented in the assemblage, much of
and that instead they should be made to ‘slaughter [those] which was deposited in a single event dating to the earliest
animals for their own consumption, and to the praise of God’ monastic phase of the site in the seventh or eighth century
at Christian festivals such as saints’ days and church dedica- (IBID. 358). A massive (15 kg) placed deposit of animal bones
tions (HE, i.30). Gregory’s instructions imply that Anglo-Saxons featuring a similar range of species, but lacking articulated
feasted on the animals they sacrificed. This implication reso- bone groups, was recovered from pit F255 at Bloodmoor
nates with early medieval descriptions of Germanic sacrifices Hill, Carlton Colville, Suffolk (LUCY et al. 2009, 144, Tab.
on the Continent and in Scandinavia (DAVIDSON 1993, 90–92). 3.59). Bloodmoor Hill is not a documented monastic site:
Gregory’s instructions also make it clear that the Church was however, one of several possible interpretations of a dis-
content for this practice to continue within a Christian context. crete cemetery within the settlement that contained a high
Feasting is also prominent in Anglo-Saxon literary sources such proportion of female graves, some with higher-status grave
as Beowulf, where it is a vehicle for negotiating social relation- goods, was that it served a small female religious community
ships through the distribution of wealth and the taking and (SCULL 2009, 426). The cemetery and the pit both probably
reaffirming of oaths. In literary portrayals feasting is highly ritu- date to the later seventh century (LUCY et al. 2009, Fig. 6.37).
alized, with formalized components such as the passing of the These four placed deposits are perhaps the most striking
mead-cup, the presentation of gifts, public speeches, and reci- examples of probable feasting remains. It may be no coinci-
tations, in which the king, queen, warriors and bard play pre- dence that they all date to the turn of the seventh century or
scribed roles (BEOWULF ll. 612–641, 1020– 1055, 1063–1160; later. A few examples of animal bones deliberately deposited
cf. OWEN 1981, 62; POLLINGTON 2010, 102). en masse could date to the fifth or sixth centuries, for ex-
Over a dozen large, discrete deposits of animal bones, ap- ample, in SFBs 44 and 57 at West Stow and SFBs 5087 and
parently deliberately deposited en masse, have been identi- 8516 at Horcott Quarry (WEST 1985; HAYDEN et al. forthcom-
fied in early and middle Anglo-Saxon rural settlements (SOFIELD ing), but these deposits are much smaller than their seventh-
2012, Appendix B)3. One interpretation of these placed de- century counterparts and do not contain high-status material.
posits is that they derive from large-scale, communal feasting It seems that the placed deposition of feasting debris was
events, possibly sacrificial feasts. The largest of these placed a practice that truly began to flourish during the conversion
deposits was found at the royal site at Yeavering, Northumber- to Christianity. This was a period of intensifying social strati-

112
Figure 1. Section of pit 394 at Eynsham, Oxfordshire. Left: descriptions of upper (medium grey) and lower (dark grey) fills. Right: skulls and articulated bone
groups (after HARDY et al. 2003, Fig. 3.8, © Oxford Archaeology).

fication, which could have contributed to an escalation in Placed deposits representing probable offerings are well
feasting. Certainly the prominence of feasting equipment in attested in early and middle Anglo-Saxon rural settlements. To
princely burials such as Sutton Hoo (CARVER 2005) and Prit- begin with, nine placed deposits of articulated animal-bone
tlewell (HIRST 2004) underlines its importance as a basis for groups, including articulated limbs and spinal segments, from
authority among the emerging elite. If feasting was related cattle, sheep, and pigs have been identified in Anglo-Saxon
to ‘pagan’ beliefs, a greater investment in the practice could settlements (Sofield 2012, Appendix B). For a skeletal seg-
reflect the influence of the Christian religion, with its formal ment to remain articulated, butchery must have been aban-
rites and substantial churches (cf. BLAIR 2005, 52). The fact doned at an early stage, prior to the removal of the flesh.
that two possible placed deposits of feasting remains were Choosing not to exploit some of the meat, bone, and possibly
recorded from documented Christian sites at Hartlepool and hide of livestock animals clearly represented an economic sac-
Eynsham even raises the possibility that non-Christian feast- rifice. It is possible to imagine mundane reasons for parts of
ing influenced Christian traditions. animal carcasses to have gone unexploited (MORRIS and JERVIS
2011), but the apparently deliberate placement of the fifteen
deposits on the bases of Grubenhäuser (SFBs), pits, and ditch-
Offerings es, and in the postholes of disused buildings, suggests they
were intended to serve a particular purpose.
Another way in which sacrifice can be identified archaeologi- Some of these placed deposits of articulated bone groups
cally is through the placed deposition of offerings. An offering represented extremely costly economic sacrifices. One de-
can be defined as ‘the presentation of a gift’ (HENNINGER 1987, posit consisted of thirty-three articulated segments of fetal
7997; INSOLL 2011, 151). As with sacrifice, it is possible to piglets placed near the base of a Grubenhaus, SFB 1351, at
conceive of offerings dedicated not only to gods or deities Brooklands, Milton Keynes, along with a globular jar that was
but also to any ‘non-functional’ purpose or intention. Not all whole except for a hole drilled into its body (STANSBIE 2008,
sacrifices include making offerings (IBID. 151); but all offerings 20). The hole in the jar has been interpreted as ‘ritual killing’
that involve giving up something of (economic) value can be (BLINKHORN 2008, 46–47), perhaps indicating that the piglets,
regarded as ‘sacrifices’ in a mundane sense, if not in a reli- too, were ritually slaughtered. Similar placed deposits of artic-
gious sense (cf. HENNINGER 1987, 7997). ulated piglet remains, albeit on a smaller scale, were found in

113
building 7, another Grubenhaus, at Gamlingay, Cambridgesh- A similar interpretation could be offered for placed depos-
ire, and in an enclosure ditch at Third Drove, Gosberton its of animal skulls, discussed at the 63rd Sachsensymposion
Clough, Lincolnshire (ROBERTS 2005, 246, Tab. 23; CROWSON et (SOFIELD in press). At least thirteen such deposits, many con-
al. 2005, 24, 35, Fig. 8, Pl. 2), while articulated remains from taining cattle and/or horse skulls, were found at the base of
neonatal or yearling lambs appear to have been deliberately the final fill in long-used pits, including Grubenhaus pits. It
placed in a pit at Chopdike Drove, Gosberton Clough, and in was suggested that placed deposits of animal heads made
the final backfill of a ditch next to a Grubenhaus at Wharram during the closure of long-used pits could represent attempts
Percy, North Yorkshire (IBID., 77, Fig. 35; RICHARDS 1992, 20, to harness the animals’ animistic or totemic characteristics in
84–85). The tender meat of suckling pigs and lambs would order to mark, emphasize, or negotiate what may have been
have been a luxury for those who could afford not to maxi- seen as ‘liminal’ times (IBID.). The other parts of the carcasses
mize their meat yield by raising them into adulthood; yet in were not found, indicating they were butchered and fully ex-
these placed deposits large portions of their carcasses went ploited for meat (in the case of the cattle, if not the horses),
to waste. These were costly economic sacrifices indeed, and skin, and hide. The deliberate deposition of the skulls does
their deliberate placement suggests that they could have been not preclude the possibility that these animals were slaugh-
intended as offerings. tered for purely functional reasons. It is possible to imagine a
Other placed deposits of articulated skeletal segments scenario, however, in which the slaughter and butchery of the
represent more modest economic sacrifices. Pit 3663 at animals, perhaps an associated feast, and the deposition of
Catholme, Staffordshire, contained articulated segments of the skulls were all elements of a protracted, ritualized event
a right forelimb and left hindlimb of a cow, as well as a designed to access the animals’ animistic characteristics at
pair of articulated cow mandibles, all possibly from the same a liminal time. A similar combination of ritualized slaughter
animal (LOSCO-BRADLEY and KINSLEY 2002, 41). In this case only and feasting is thought to have occurred over a long period
part of the animal was left unexploited; the rest of the ani- at Hofstađir, Iceland, where at least twenty-three decapitated
mal’s meat was presumably consumed, and its bones and cattle skulls had apparently been displayed on the walls of
hide exploited for raw materials. Pit 3663 at Catholme was a monumental tenth-century structure (LUCAS and MCGOVERN
located at the extreme eastern edge of the site, just outside 2007).
the settlement boundary ditch. This was a long-standing Seven placed deposits of complete or nearly complete cat-
boundary, recut and renewed many times before the place- tle and sheep skeletons (SOFIELD 2012, Appendix B) could also
ment of this deposit in the seventh to ninth century (IBID. be considered offerings. Pit 6 at Cowdery’s Down, located just
20, Fig. 3.8). This placed deposit could have been part of outside the doorway of ground-level building C13 in the sixth
that process, an offering intended to reinforce or restore the or seventh-century great hall complex, contained an articu-
boundary. A segment of cattle spine found near the base of lated cow skeleton, complete but displaying cut marks con-
a Grubenhaus pit at Sutton Courtenay, Oxfordshire (formerly sistent with skinning and the removal of some meat from its
Berkshire), consisting of seven articulated thoracic vertebrae left forelimb (MALTBY 1983; MORRIS and JERVIS 2011, 76). The
and parts of the attached ribs (WESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY 2010, 19), cow was found halfway up the pit, lying on a surface of cob-
likewise illustrates how a small portion of an animal could be bles. This deposit represents the expenditure of a consider-
kept back for placed deposition while the rest of the carcass able quantity of meat, bone, and hide. It has been speculated
was exploited. This deposit would have been made shortly that butchery could have been abandoned because the ani-
after the destruction of the building, before the backfilling of mal was diseased (IBID.). Even if it was, the deposition of the
the pit (cf. TIPPER 2004). carcass could still represent an offering. The location of pit 6
These two placed deposits serve as reminders that offer- could indicate that the deposit was associated with the con-
ings and feasts are not mutually exclusive elements of sacri- struction of the building C13 (HAMEROW 2006, 26; MORRIS and
fice. The slaughter of even one large animal like a cow would JERVIS 2011, 76), or that it was intended to exercise some kind
have produced enough meat to warrant communal distribu- of agency over anyone using that doorway (SOFIELD in press).
tion, and there is no reason that could not have taken the Taken together, nearly thirty placed deposits of animal
form of a feast. The renewal of a settlement boundary ditch skulls articulated skeletal remains from domestic livestock
or the demolition of a building would probably have been a have been identified in early and middle Anglo-Saxon rural
communal event. If on such an occasion a small portion of settlements. Even if not all of these were offerings reserved
a cow carcass was reserved for placed deposition, the rest from feasting, they still represent a widespread practice. With
of the animal could have provided a feast for everyone who several examples from the fifth and sixth centuries, this prac-
participated. It is even possible to imagine the act of slaughter tice clearly originated in pre-Christian times. That it continued
itself playing an active role in the event: a sacrifice dedicated into the Christian period is attested by the presence of such
to the renewal of Catholme’s eastern boundary ditch or to placed deposits in seventh-to-ninth-century contexts, forex-
mark the destruction of the Grubenhaus at Sutton Courtenay ample at Catholme and Yarnton (LOSCO-BRADLEY and KINSLEY
(cf. SOFIELD in press). 2002, 41; BELL 2004, 183). The practice can even be seen at

114
documented Christian sites. The articulated limbs and skulls infant suffered a violent death. The animal skulls, on the other
in pit 394 at Eynsham have already been mentioned, while a hand, could be offerings from animals sacrificed at the time
horse skull was found at the base of a large eighth-century of their deaths. About half of a yearling lamb, possibly partly
post-pit at early monastic Hartlepool, having been deposited articulated, buried in the seventh or eighth century near an
immediately after the post had been removed and prior to the infant at Wharram Percy (RICHARDS 1992, 20, 84–85; PINTER-
pit’s backfill (DANIELS 1988, 181). It seems unlikely that the BELLOWS 1992, 71), could also represent a sacrificial offering.
nuns of Hartlepool were making offerings to demons. Rather, Interestingly, the lamb burial was surrounded by flecks of
this placed deposit shows that the long-standing tradition of amber and covered with an odd-looking spherical stone, sug-
burying the head of an animal in a disused settlement fea- gesting that it, not the infant, may have been the focus of the
ture was not necessarily at odds with the beliefs of professed placed deposit.
Christians. One placed deposit of human remains that post-dates the
conversion to Christianity is a female human skull placed face
down in pit 1073 at Cottam, East Yorkshire (RICHARDS 1999,
Human sacrifice 36, 93). Like the cattle and horse skulls discussed above, the
skull had been placed at the base of the final backfill of the
Writing in the late fifth century, Sidonius warns a friend to pit. Although a coin dated to the mid-ninth century was found
beware of Saxon pirates, who reportedly sacrificed every tenth at the top of the pit, the skull, which showed signs of weath-
captive to their gods (WILSON 1992, 27–28). Sidonius is not ering, was radiocarbon-dated to the late seventh or eighth
alone; from Tacitus in the first century AD to Adam of Bremen century (IBID., 92; DOBNEY et al. 1999, 85–86). The possibil-
in the eleventh, several writers record instances of human sac- ity that a long time elapsed between death and burial, plus
rifice among Germanic peoples (DAVIDSON 1988, 58–59; 1993, the condition of the skull, suggest it came from a disturbed
96–97). From an archaeological perspective, human sacrifice burial and/or was publicly displayed. There is no evidence the
is difficult to distinguish from other forms of violent death, woman was sacrificed. Given the resemblance of this depos-
or unusual funerary display. For example, a three-month-old it to placed deposits of cattle and horse skulls, however, it
child with fractured ribs and a woolen cord wrapped around seems likely that the human skull was deposited for a similar
its neck, buried beneath the hearth of a house near Wilhelms- purpose.
havn, Lower Saxony, was originally thought to have been both
strangled and stabbed through the heart; but a scientific rea-
nalysis of the skeleton found no corroborating traces on the Placed deposits and ritual structures
bones, and concluded the child’s death was probably natural
(BEILKE-VOIGT 2007, 399). In England unusual funerary treat- A small number of early and middle Anglo-Saxon structures
ment and violent death are well attested, especially in the have been interpreted as having overtly ritual or religious
execution cemeteries of the late Saxon period (REYNOLDS 2009), functions (BAIR 1995; HAMEROW 2012, 140–142). These struc-
but there are no unambiguous examples of human sacrifice. tures include buildings proposed as pre-Christian shrines and
A few placed deposits containing human remains along Christian churches, as well as free-standing posts. An associa-
with animal remains that might derive from sacrifice raise tion with human graves seems to be a major if not deciding
interesting questions, however. In a Grubenhaus at Horcott factor in identifying and interpreting ritual structures. Aside
Quarry, Gloucestershire, a human skull was placed face down from burials, however, there is little morphological, structural
amidst a large pile of animal long bones and mandibles or archaeological evidence to indicate what if any ritualized
(HAYDEN et al. forthcoming). The skull does not in itself consti- practices took place in or around these structures. If placed
tute proof of human sacrifice, or even violent death. It could deposits were connected with these structures, they might not
derive from a disturbed burial, or potentially from display of only corroborate their interpretation as ritual structures but
the body or skull after death – a practice consistent with, but also indicate how they were used.
not limited to, executions (REYNOLDS 2009, 165; SOFIELD 2015). A number of structures have been proposed as pre-Chris-
The mass of animal bones, however, could represent large- tian ‘shrines’. The existence of such structures is suspected
scale consumption, possibly the remains of a (sacrificial?) on the basis of textual evidence, such as Bede’s dramatic
feast. If so, then what role did the human skull play in the account of the chief priest Coifi desecrating the shrine at
placed deposit or in the events leading up to it? In pit α at Sut- Goodmanham (HE ii.13). John Blair has proposed a class of
ton Courtenay a woman and an infant were buried along with structures that might represent such shrines, namely square
the skulls of two cows and a horse. A layer of stamped earth post-built enclosures, often containing a central post or posts,
covered the infant, and a similar layer contained the animal and usually associated with human burials (BLAIR 1995). He
skulls, which were positioned behind the woman’s head (LEEDS was able to identify four of these square enclosures in settle-
1947, 86). Despite the peculiar arrangement of the burial, ments: two free-standing ones, at Yeavering and New Wintles
there is no evidence to suggest that either the woman or the Farm, Eynsham; and two annexed to Anglo-Saxon halls, A1 at

115
Cowdery’s Down and D2 at Yeavering (IBID., 18–19, Fig. 11). A pecially post E at the foot of the ‘wooden theatre’, also invite
possible fifth example may be seen annexed to a long timber comparison with Old English ‘stapol’ (Frankish ‘staffolus’),
hall at Chalton (CHAMPION 1977, 365, 368; HAMEROW 2012, 141 usually translated as a carved post or pillar and associated in
no. 23). Two circular settings of postholes with central pits at texts with royal proclamation and judgement (IBID.; BARNWELL
the early to middle Anglo-Saxon settlement at Black Bourton, 2005, 180–182) – actions which could have been highly ritu-
Oxfordshire, have also been proposed as possible shrines (GIL- alized. More recently, Blair has identified a number of place
BERT 2008, 152, 155–156, 157–158). names containing ‘stapol’ and ‘beam’ where he suggests the
Among these proposed ‘shrines’, however, only build- eponymous element may designate a ‘holy’ tree, a carved
ing D2 at Yeavering produced a placed deposit (other than post, or even a standing cross (BLAIR 2013).
human burials in associated cemeteries). This was the skull Possible placed deposits were associated with four of the
stack discussed earlier; and it was located not in the an- five free-standing posts at Yeavering. Post AX at Yeavering was
nexed square enclosure but against the eastern wall of the about 10 cm in diameter and stood less than a metre to the
main structure. In the original publication building D2 was east of the foot of grave AX, aligned with the east-west axis of
identified as a temple, partly because of the adjacent Western the ‘great hall’ (HOPE-TAYLOR 1977, 67, Fig. 25). After this post
Cemetery, but mostly on the evidence of this placed deposit had been removed, the posthole was partly packed with ani-
(HOPE-TAYLOR 1977, 244–245). The circularity of that reasoning mal bone, possibly a goat skull – to match the one in grave AX?
is only partly mitigated by Blair’s recognition of the signifi- – and covered with a flat piece of sandstone. The postholes for
cance of the square annex. It is not certain the building would posts BX, E, and the ‘great post’ outside the northwest corner
have been identified as a temple without the presence of the of building D2 were also found to contain decayed bone; in the
placed deposit. It is worth mentioning that one of the graves ‘great post’ the teeth of sheep or goat were identified (HOPE-
in the Western Cemetery crossed the ‘wall’ line of the annexed TAYLOR 1977, 259), possibly representing yet another skull. For
square enclosure. A crouched child, uniquely orientated with any amount of bone to have survived in Yeavering’s acidic soil,
its head to the east, occupied the eastern end of the grave, these deposits must originally have been substantial and/or
and a single ox tooth lay on the floor of the western end (IBID., densely packed. Notably, the four free-standing posts with pos-
102, Fig. 46 (a); BLAIR 1995, 18, Fig. 11). The unusual nature sible deposits were the ones that defined the east-west axis of
of this burial invites its interpretation as a placed deposit re- the settlement (IBID., Fig. 63). With their possible skull deposits,
lated to the building’s ritual function; alternatively, it could these posts call to mind pit A2072 at Hartlepool, in which, as
indicate a special status within the Western Cemetery. mentioned earlier, a horse skull was deposited at the base of a
Considering the small number of proposed shrines in An- post pit immediately after the removal of the post. Pit A2072
glo-Saxon settlements, it is perhaps not surprising that only stood alone in a yard bounded by three eighth-century build-
one produced a placed deposit other than human burials. ings (DANIELS 1988, 181, Fig. 26; 2007, Fig. 8.8). It was one of
What is more striking is the fact that at least one placed de- several large, deep post-pits at Hartlepool suggested to have
posit has been found in a proposed Christian church. A horse held a free-standing post or pillar, perhaps even a standing
skull and associated bones were buried beneath the threshold cross (DANIELS 2007, 72, 142).
leading into the chancel of the proposed church at Staunch
Meadow, Brandon. If the Brandon structure was a church,
then it is interesting that its Christian community did not Conclusion
perceive a contradiction in depositing horse remains inside a
church. It should also be mentioned that the ‘chancel’ was a This paper has identified placed deposits in early and middle
square annex, possibly including a truncated central posthole, Anglo-Saxon rural settlements that could have been made in
at the eastern end of the proposed church (CARR et al. 1988, the course of ritual or religious practices such as sacrifice. It
Fig. 2). This could be an example of one of Blair’s square en- has also assessed the relationship between placed deposits
closures in a Christian context. Another possible placed de- and proposed ‘ritual structures’ such as shrines, churches,
posit in a Christian church comes from Lichfield Cathedral, and free-standing posts, where ritual or religious practices
where it has been suggested that the ‘Lichfield Angel’, a frag- might have taken place.
mented stone carving found next to the proposed site of the Large discrete deposits of animal bones appear to represent
shrine of St Chad, may have been deliberately buried there in the placed deposition en masse of waste from large-scale con-
the ninth or tenth century (RODWELL et al. 2008, 56, 59). sumption. Ritualized feasting played a central role in early An-
Other settlement features thought to have had a ritual glo-Saxon social interaction, at least at an elite level, and may
or religious function are free-standing posts, particularly the also have been an element of Anglo-Saxon ritual or religious
ones at Yeavering. Blair cautiously connects these enigmatic practices. Meanwhile, articulated bone groups and skulls could
features with the cryptic ‘ermula’ at which Aldhelm, in a late represent portions reserved as ‘offerings’ from feasts and/or the
seventh-century letter, says the English worshipped the snake communal distribution of large animal carcasses. The possibil-
and the stag (BLAIR 1995, 2, 20). The posts at Yeavering, es- ity that the deliberate deposition of complete animals, even

116
ones that may have died of sickness or old age, could represent 1 In this article, the term ‘Anglo-Saxon’ is used to designate the material
offerings as well cannot be ignored. Based on their deposition- culture and the collective practices and beliefs of people living in Eng-
land during the study period (the mid-fifth to the ninth century).
al contexts, many placed deposits of possible offerings seem 2 This discussion is limited to placed deposits of materials that survive
to have been intended to achieve specific results, for example archaeologically. We are not able to measure the frequency with which
to renew settlement boundaries, to exercise control over door- other materials, such as wool, hides, milk, or blood, may have been
ways and entrances, or to negotiate ‘liminal times’ such as the deposited.
3 Descriptions of all placed deposits mentioned in this article may also
construction and destruction of buildings (SOFIELD in press). The be found in SOFIELD 2012, Appendix B. For the criteria used to identify
slaughter of the animals, the consumption of their flesh, and placed deposits, see SOFIELD 2012, 50–51, Tab. 4. There is insufficient
the act of deposition can perhaps all be understood as parts of space here to argue for the identification of individual placed deposits.
an extended, ritualized practice, conducted in order to achieve
a specific result, which could reasonably be called ‘sacrifice’.
Although placed deposits in Anglo-Saxon settlements do not Bibliography
include any certain examples of human sacrifice, the relation-
ship between human remains and animal remains in some BARNWELL 2005
P. S. Barnwell, Anglian Yeavering: a Continental perspective. In: P. Frod-
placed deposits demands further consideration. It is possible sham and C. O’Brien (eds.), Yeavering: people, power & place (Stroud 2005)
that human remains and animal remains in placed deposits 174–184.
were perceived to play similar roles (cf. SOFIELD 2015).
Perhaps the most important observation to be made about BEILKE-VOIGT 2007
I. Beilke-Voigt, Das “Opfer” im archäologischen Befund. Studien zu den
placed deposits associated with proposed shrines and free- sogenannten Bauopfern, kultischen Niederlegungen und Bestattungen in
standing posts is that there are so few of them. This is partly ur- und frühgeschichtlichen Siedlungen Norddeutschlands und Dänemarks.
because both placed deposits and proposed ritual structures Berliner archäologische Forschungen 4 (Rahden/Westf. 2007).
are rare. It is nevertheless striking that the overwhelming ma-
BELL 2004
jority of placed deposits in settlements were found not at ritu- C. Bell, Cresswell Field: Saxon settlement. In: G. Hey, Yarnton: Saxon and
al structures but at features we would be inclined to consider Medieval settlement and landscape. Results of excavations 1990–96.
secular: Grubenhäuser, pits, ditches (SOFIELD 2012, Fig. 5.8). In Thames Valley Landscapes Monograph 20 (Oxford 2004) 177–187.
light of this evidence, we need to open ourselves to new ideas
BEOWULF 1977
about the kinds of activities that took place in so-called secu- Beowulf: a dual-language edition (New York 1977).
lar structures. Conversely, the activities performed at shrines
and churches rarely involved placed deposition—or, at least, BLAIR 1995
none that is archaeologically visible. So even though placed J. Blair, Anglo-Saxon pagan shrines and their prototypes. Anglo-Saxon
Studies in Archaeology and History 8, 1995, 1–28.
deposition was a ritualized activity, it was one whose setting
was ordinarily domestic (cf. BRADLEY 2003; 2005), suggesting BLAIR 2005
that even sacrifices leading to placed deposits of feasting de- J. Blair, The Church in Anglo-Saxon Society (Oxford 2005).
bris and of offerings cannot be simply translated as ‘religious
BLAIR 2013
practice’ in the modern sense. J. Blair, Holy Beams: Anglo-Saxon cult sites and the place-name element
Finally, this paper has shown that placed deposits associ- bēam. In: M. D. J. Bintley/M. G. Shapland (eds.), Trees and Timber in the
ated with sacrifice and with ritual structures were made in An- Anglo-Saxon World (Oxford 2013) 186–210.
glo-Saxon settlements before, during, and after the conversion
BLINKHORN 2008
to Christianity. Even documented Christian sites have produced P. Blinkhorn, The Saxon pottery. In: D. Stansbie, Brooklands, Milton Keynes:
examples of such placed deposits. This reinforces the notion post-excavation assessment and updated project design. Unpublished re-
that traditions of placed deposition were not perceived to be port, Oxford Archaeology, 44–47.
in conflict with Christianity and could even be practised by a
BRADLEY 2003
religious community. Although the characteristics of placed R. Bradley, A life less ordinary: the ritualization of the domestic sphere in lat-
deposits reflect the Anglo-Saxon worldview and traditional be- er prehistoric Europe. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 13/1, 2003, 5–23.
liefs, placed deposits appear to have operated largely indepen-
dently of organized ‘religion’, either pre-Christian or Christian. BRADLEY 2005
R. Bradley, Ritual and Domestic Life in Prehistoric Europe (London 2005).

BRÜCK 1999a
Acknowledgements J. Brück, Houses, lifecycles and deposition on middle Bronze Age settle-
ments in southern England. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 65,
1999, 145–166.
I am grateful to Helena Hamerow and John Blair for their valu-
able comments on a draft of this article. I would also like to BRÜCK 1999b
thank the Provost and Fellows of the Queens’s College, Uni- J. Brück, Ritual and rationality: some problems of interpretation in Euro-
versity of Oxforf, for their generosity and support. pean archaeology. European Journal of Archaeology 2/3, 1999, 313–344.

117
BUTLER 2000 GARROW 2007
C. Butler, Saxon Settlement and Earlier Remains at Friars Oak, Hassocks, West D. Garrow, Placing pits: landscape occupation and depositional practice
Sussex. British Archaeological Reports, British Series 295 (Oxford 2000). during the Neolithic in East Anglia. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society
73, 2006, 1–24.
C ARLIE 2006
A. Carlie, Ancient building cults: aspects of ritual traditions in southern GERRITSEN 1999
Scandinavia. In: A. Andrén, K. Jennbert and C. Raudvere (eds.), Old Norse F. Gerritsen, To build and to abandon: the cultural biography of late prehis-
Religion in Long-Term Perspectives: origins, changes and interactions (Lund toric houses and farmsteads in the southern Netherlands. Archaeological
2006) 206–211. Dialogues 6, 1999, 78–97.

C ARR et al. 1988 GILBERT 2008


R. D. Carr, A. Tester and P. Murphy, The middle-Saxon settlement at Staunch D. Gilbert, Excavations at St Mary’s Church, Black Bourton, Oxfordshire:
Meadow, Brandon. Antiquity 62, 1988, 371–377. early, middle, and late Saxon activity. Oxoniensia 73, 2008, 147–160.

C ARVER 2005 GUTTMANN and L AST 2000


M. Carver, Sutton Hoo: a seventh-century princely burial ground and its E. B. A. Guttmann and J. Last, A late Bronze Age landscape at South Horn-
context (London 2005). church, Essex. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 66, 2000, 319–359.

CHAPMAN 2000 HAMEROW 2006


J. Chapman, Pit-digging and structured depositions in the Neolithic and H. Hamerow, ‘Special deposits’ in Anglo-Saxon settlements. Medieval Ar-
Copper Age. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 66, 2000, 61–87. chaeology 50, 2006, 1–30.

CHAMPION 1977 HAMEROW 2012


T. Champion, Chalton. Current Archaeology 59, 1977, 364–369. H. Hamerow, Rural Settlements and Society in Anglo-Saxon England (Ox-
ford 2012).
CROWSON et al. 2005
A. Crowson, T. Lane, K. Penn and D. Trimble, Anglo-Saxon Settlement on HARDY et al. 2003
the Siltland of Eastern England. Lincolnshire Archaeology and Heritage Re- A. Hardy, A. Dodd and G. D. Keevill, Ælfric’s Abbey: Excavations at Eynsham
ports Series 7 (Heckington 2005). Abbey, Oxfordshire 1989–1992. Oxford Archaeology Thames Valley Land-
scapes Monograph 16 (Oxford 2003).
DANIELS 1988
R. Daniels, The Anglo-Saxon monastery at Church Close, Hartlepool, Cleve- HAYDEN et al. forthcoming
land. Archaeological Journal 145, 1988, 158–210. C. Hayden et al., Horcott Quarry: Prehistoric, Roman and Anglo-Saxon set-
tlement and burial (forthcoming).
DANIELS 2007
R. Daniels, Anglo-Saxon Hartlepool and the Foundations of English Chris- HE
tianity: an archaeology of the Anglo-Saxon monastery. Tees Archaeology, Bede, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum. In: J. McClure and R. Collins
Monograph Series 3 (Hartlepool 2007). (eds.), The Ecclesiastical History of the English People. The Greater Chroni-
cle. Bede’s Letter to Egbert (Oxford 1994) 1–298.
DAVIDSON 1988
H. R. E. Davidson, Myths and Symbols in Pagan Europe: early Scandinavian HENNINGER 1987
and Celtic religions (Manchester 1988). J. Henninger, Sacrifice. In: L. Jones (ed.) Encyclopedia of Religion, xii ²(De-
troit 2005) 7997–8008.
DAVIDSON 1993
H. E. Davidson, The Lost Beliefs of Northern Europe (London 1993). HILL 1995
J. D. Hill, Ritual and Rubbish in the Iron Age of Wessex: a study on the for-
DOBNEY et al. 1999 mation of a specific archaeological record. British Archaeological Reports,
K. Dobney, D. Jaques and D. Brothwell, Assessment of the bone assemblage British Series 242 (Oxford 1995).
from COT93. In: J. D. Richards, Cottam: an Anglian and Anglo-Scandinavian
settlement on the Yorkshire Wolds. Archaeological Journal 156, 1999, 84–86. HIRST 2004
S. Hirst, The Prittlewell Prince (London 2004).
FALK 2006
A.-B. Falk, My home is my castle: protection against evil in medieval times. HOPE-TAYLOR 1977
In: A. Andrén, K. Jennbert and C. Raudvere (eds.), Old Norse Religion in B. Hope-Taylor, Yeavering: an Anglo-British centre of early Northumbria.
Long-Term Perspectives: origins, changes and interactions (Lund 2006) Department of the Environment, Archaeological Report 7 (London 1977).
200–205.
INSOLL 2011
DTR T. Insoll, Sacrifice. In: T. Insoll (ed.) Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology of
Bede, De temporum ratione. In: F. Wallis, Bede: The Reckoning of Time Ritual and Religion (Oxford 2011) 151–165.
(Liverpool 1999) 1–249.
LEEDS 1947
FULFORD 2001 E. T. Leeds, A Saxon village at Sutton Courtenay, Berkshire (third report).
M. Fulford, Links with the past: pervasive ‘ritual’ behaviour in Roman Brit- Archaeologia 92, 1947, 79–93.
ain. Britannia 32, 2001, 199–218.

118
LOSCO-BRADLEY and KINSLEY 2002 REYNOLDS 2009
S. Losco-Bradley and G. Kinsley, Catholme: an Anglo-Saxon settlement on A. Reynolds, Anglo-Saxon Deviant Burial Customs (Oxford 2009).
the Trent gravels in Staffordshire. Nottingham Studies in Archaeology 3
(Nottingham 2002). RICHARDS 1992
J. D. Richards, Sites 94 and 95. In: G. Milne and J. D. Richards, Wharram: a
LUCAS and MCGOVERN 2007 study of settlement on the Yorkshire Wolds, vii: Two Anglo-Saxon Buildings
G. Lucas and T. McGovern, Bloody slaughter: ritual decapitations and dis- and Associated Finds. York University Archaeological Publications 9 (York
play at the Viking settlement of Hofstađir, Iceland. European Journal of 1992) 82–85.
Archaeology 10, 2007, 7–30.
RICHARDS 1999
LUCY et al. 2009 J. D. Richards, Cottam: an Anglian and Anglo-Scandinavian settlement on
S. Lucy, J. Tipper and A. Dickens, The Anglo-Saxon Settlement and Ceme- the Yorkshire Wolds. Archaeological Journal 156, 1999, 1–110.
tery at Bloodmoor Hill, Carlton Colville, Suffolk. East Anglian Archaeology
Reports 131 (Cambridge 2009). RICHARDS and THOMAS 1984
C. Richards and J. Thomas, Ritual activity and structured deposition in Later
MALTBY 1983 Neolithic Wessex. In: R. Bradley/J. Gardiner (eds.), Neolithic Studies: a re-
M. Maltby, The animal bone. In: M. Millett, with S. James, Excavations at view of some current research. British Archaeological Reports, British Series
Cowdery’s Down, Basingstoke, Hampshire, 1978–81. Archaeological Jour- 133. Reading Studies in Archaeology 1 (Oxford 1984) 189–218.
nal 140, 1983, 258–259.
ROBERTS 2005
MERRIFIELD 1987 T. Roberts, Animal bone. In: J. Murray, with T. McDonald, Excavations at
R. Merrifield, The Archaeology of Ritual and Magic (London 1987). Station Road, Gamlingay, Cambridgeshire. Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archae-
ology and History 13, 2005, 246–248.
MILNE and RICHARDS 1992
G. Milne and J. D. Richards, Wharram: a study of settlement on the York- RODWELL et al. 2008
shire Wolds, vii: Two Anglo-Saxon Buildings and Associated Finds. York W. Rodwell, J. Hawkes, E. Howe and R. Cramp, The Lichfield Angel: a
University Archaeological Publications 9 (York 1992). spectacular Anglo-Saxon painted sculpture. Antiquaries Journal 88, 2008,
48–108.
MORRIS and JERVIS 2011
J. Morris and B. Jervis, What’s so special? A reinterpretation of Anglo-Saxon SCULL 1991
‘special deposits’. Medieval Archaeology 55, 2011, 66–81. C. Scull, Post-Roman phase I at Yeavering: a re-consideration. Medieval
Archaeology 35, 1991, 51–63.
MULVILLE 2003
J. Mulville, Phases 2a–2e: Anglo-Saxon occupation. In: A. Hardy, A. Dodd SCULL 2009
and G. D. Keevill, Ælfric’s Abbey: Excavations at Eynsham Abbey, Oxford- C. Scull, The human burials. In: S. Lucy, J. Tipper and A. Dickens, The Anglo-
shire 1989–1992. Oxford Archaeology Thames Valley Landscapes Mono- Saxon Settlement and Cemetery at Bloodmoor Hill, Carlton Colville, Suffolk.
graph 16 (Oxford 2003) 343–360. East Anglian Archaeology Report 131 (Cambridge 2009) 385–426.

OWEN 1981 SOFIELD 2012


G. R. Owen, Rites and Religions of the Anglo-Saxons (Newton Abbot 1981). C. M. Sofield, Placed deposits in early and middle Anglo-Saxon rural settle-
ments. Unpublished PhD. Thesis (University of Oxford 2012).
PINTER-BELLOWS 1992
S. Pinter-Bellows, The vertebrate remains from sites 94 and 95. In: G. Milne SOFIELD 2015
and J. D. Richards, Wharram: a study of settlement on the Yorkshire Wolds, C. M. Sofield, Living with the dead: human burials in Anglo-Saxon settle-
vii: Two Anglo-Saxon Buildings and Associated Finds. York University Ar- ment contexts. Archaeological Journal 2015.
chaeological Publications 9 (York 1992) 69–79. DOI: 10.1080/00665983.2015.1038688.

POLLINGTON 2010 SOFIELD in press


S. Pollington, The Meadhall: the feasting tradition in Anglo-Saxon England² C. M. Sofield, Thresholds and boundaries in the lives of settlements: An-
(Ely 2010). glo-Saxon placed deposits made at entrances and ‘liminal’ times. In: Pro-
ceedings of the 63rd Sachsensymposion, Durham. Neue Studien zur Sach-
PROCTOR 2002 senforschung (in press).
J. Proctor, Late Bronze Age/early Iron Age placed deposits from Westcroft
Road, Carshalton: their meaning and interpretation. Surrey Archaeologigal STANSBIE 2008
Collections 89, 2002, 65–103. D. Stansbie, Brooklands, Milton Keynes: post-excavation assessment and
updated project design. Unpublished report, Oxford Archaeology.
PRYOR et al. 1985
F. Pryor, C. French and M. Taylor, An interim report on excavations at Et- TIPPER 2004
ton, Maxey, Cambridgeshire, 1982–1984. Antiquaries Journal 65, 1985, J. Tipper, The Grubenhaus in Anglo-Saxon England: an analysis and inter-
275–311. pretation of the evidence from a most distinctive building type. Landscape
Research Centre Archaeological Monograph Series 2 (Yedingham 2004).
R ACKHAM 1988
J. Rackham, Animal bones. In: R. Daniels, The Anglo-Saxon monastery at WESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY 2010
Church Close, Hartlepool, Cleveland. Archaeological Journal 145, 1988, Wessex Archaeology, Sutton Courtenay, Oxfordshire: archaeological exca-
197–199. vation and assessment of results. Unpublished report, Wessex Archaeology.

119
WEST 1985
S. West, West Stow, the Anglo-Saxon Village. 2 vols. East Anglian Archae-
ology 24 (Ipswich 1985).

WILSON 1992
D. Wilson, Anglo-Saxon Paganism (London 1992).

Clifford M. Sofield
School of Archaeology
University of Oxford
UK Oxford, OX1 2PG
clifford.sofield@arch.ox.ac.uk

120