The Cultural Significance of Early Historic Terracotta Art of

West Bengal: An Ethnoarchaeological Approach

(A thesis submitted to Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute for the
award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Archaeology)

by
Anwita Dutta

Research Guide
Dr. Arati Deshpande-Mukherjee

Research Co-guide
Prof. V. S. Shinde

Department of Archaeology
Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute
(Declared as Deemed to be University under Section 3 of UGC Act 1956)
Pune – 411006

May 2013
 CERTIFICATE

Certified that the work incorporated in this thesis entitled as The Cultural
Significance of Early Historic Terracotta Art of West Bengal: An
Ethnoarchaeological Approach submitted by Anwita Dutta was carried out
by the student under our supervision. Such material as has been obtained
from other sources has been duly acknowledged in the thesis.

Dr. Arati Deshpande-Mukherjee Prof. V. S. Shinde

(Research Guide) (Research Co-guide)

Anwita Dutta
(Research Student)
Dedicated to my dearest Baba
and
in memories of my dearest Maa
“Civilization [culture], being a process of long and complex growth, can only be
thoroughly understood when studied through its entire range; that the past is continually
needed to explain the present, and the whole to explain the past.”

E. B. Tylor
 Contents

Page No.

List of Tables iv
List of Figures vi
Acknowledgements xii

Chapter – 1 Introduction 1-18

Brief History of Terracotta Art in India 3
Cultural Significance 16
Chapter – 2 Terracotta Art and Culture in West Bengal
A Review of Existing Literature 19-38
Descriptive Studies with Possible Interpretations 20
Description of Forms 22
Narrative Descriptions 25
Iconic and Secular Terracottas 26
Classification Issues, Categorisation, Time
Dimensions and Stylistic Analogy 26
History, Society and Terracotta:
Ethnographic and Ethnoarchaeological Works 29

Existing Gaps in Literature and the Present Concern 33

The Dimension of Space and
Gender and the Present Concern 34

Chapter – 3 Aims, Study Area and Methodology 39-61

Aims/Objectives 40
Study Area 41
Present Approach and Methodology 58
Techniques of Data Collection 59
Chapter – 4 Ancient Terracotta Art of West Bengal: A Note 62-109
Major Terracotta Art Forms of West Bengal 66
Ancient Terracotta Yielding Sites in West Bengal 69
Chandraketugarh 71

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Tamluk 82
Mangalkot 89
Pandu Rajar Dhibi 94
Bahiri 98
Bangarh 98
Baneswardanga 99
Bharatpur 100
Deulpota 101
Dihar 101
Dhosa 102
Kotasur 102
Nanur 103
Rajbaridanga 103
Pokhanna 104
Tilpi 104
Chapter – 5 Contemporary Terracotta Manufacture in
West Bengal: An Ethnographic Approach 110-167
Nature of Labour Force in Terracotta Manufacture 117
Contemporary Terracotta Forms and their Distributions 124
Techniques of Terracotta Manufacture 136
Source of Clay 136
Preparation of Clay 137
Actual Process of Making Terracotta Objects 139
Colouring Process 142
Decoration 144
Process of Firing 146
Tools Used in Terracotta Manufacture 146
Terracotta Marketing 155
Products and Markets 157

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Terracotta Markets in the Villages
and Adjacent Regions 157

Long Route Trading of Terracotta Items 164

Terracotta Markets in Tourist Places 165
Chapter – 6 Contemporary Terracotta Users:
Ethnography with Archaeological Possibilities 168-200
Terracotta Products and their Possible Usage 170
Folk Deities and Associations of Terracotta 172
Case – I: Natai-Chandi Puja 174
Case – II: Bastu Puja 181
Case – III: Manasa and Gramdevata Than 188
Chapter – 7 Relatedness of Forms and their Meanings:
Some Illustrations 201-218
Illustration 1: Serpent Forms 202
Illustration 2: Horse and Elephant and their Rider Forms 206
Illustration 3: Mother Forms 210
Illustration 4: Mother and Child Forms 212
Illustration 5: Bastu Puja and Associated Forms 214
Illustration 6: Demonic Figures 216
Chapter – 8 Interpretations and Conclusions 219-228
Continuity of Technique 220
Concept of Similarity and Change 220
Dimension of Gender 221
Dimension of Power 222
Different Dimensions of Space 223
Limitations and Future Prospect of the Work 227
Glossary of Local Bengali Terms 229
References 234

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 List of Tables

Page No.
Table no. 3.1 Names and divisions of the districts
of West Bengal 43
Table no. 3.2 District wise location of ancient
terracotta yielding sites of West Bengal 44
Table no. 3.3 Administrative location of the villages
under study 46
Table no. 4.1 Antiquities, other than terracotta reported
from Chandraketugarh 73
Table no. 4.2 List of terracotta materials recovered from excavations
and explorations at Chandraketugarh 75
Table no. 4.3 List of terracotta materials recovered from excavations
and explorations at Tamluk 84
Table no. 4.4 Cultural assemblages of Mangalkot 89

Table no. 4.5 Cultural assemblages of Pandu Rajar Dhibi 94

Table no. 5.1 Terracotta manufacturing villages under study 113

Table no. 5.2 Number of pottery and terracotta making

families with respect to the total number
of families in the villages 115
Table no. 5.3 Patterns of labour force in terracotta manufacturing
including the family and hired labours 118
Table no. 5.4 Percentage of children’s participation in
terracotta manufacturing 121

Table no. 5.5 Contemporary terracotta forms and their

distribution in the studied areas 127
Table no. 5.6 Source, price and mode of transportation of clay 137

Table no. 5.7 Additional substances mixed with the soil in the villages 138

Table no. 5.8 Different techniques of terracotta manufacturing used in

villages under study 140

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Table no. 5.9 Different types of moulds used in

villages under study 142
Table no. 5.10 Nature of colour used by the terracotta makers
in different villages under study 143
Table no. 5.11 Nature of decoration and tools used in the
villages under study 145
Table no. 5.12 Nature of market participation among the
villages studied 156
Table no. 5.13 Local and urban centre price difference 165

Table no. 6.1 Terracotta using villages under study 169

Table no. 6.2 Terracotta products and their possible usage 171

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 List of Figures

Page No.

Fig. 1.1 A hand modelled painted bull with prominent hump

from Kulli culture, early 3rd millennium BCE 13
Fig. 1.2 Hand modelled bull from Mature Harappan period from
Kalibangan 13
Fig. 1.3 A hand modelled female figure with fan-shaped
headdress from Mohenjodaro, 2300-2000 BCE 13
Fig. 1.4 A stylised Naga figure with human body and
snake hood from Patna, 400-200 BCE 13
Fig. 1.5 A handmade mother goddess figure with broad
headdress from Mauryan period from Mathura 14
Fig. 1.6 A plaque depicting Mithuna from Kausambi,
Sunga period, 2nd century BCE 14
Fig. 1.7 A female figure (probably deity) standing on a crouched
dward and its mould from Sunga period, Mathura 14
Fig. 1.8 A female head from Satavahana period, Paithan 14
Fig. 1.9 A standing dwarf (probably Yaksha) from Kushana
period, Mathura, c. 1st century CE 15
Fig. 1.10 A head of Siva from Gupta period, Kausambi,
c. 5th century CE 15
Fig. 1.11 A life size figure of the river goddess Ganga with her female
attendant from Gupta period Ahichchhatra 15
Fig. 3.1 The physical map of West Bengal 42
Fig. 3.2 The site of Chandraketugarh 45
Fig. 3.3 The site of Pandu Rajar Dhibi 45
Fig. 3.4 Map of West Bengal showing location of ancient terracotta
yielding sites and contemporary villages under study 48
Fig. 3.5 Village Sirishboni 56
Fig. 3.6 Village Dhagora 56
Fig. 3.7 Typical hut of a terracotta maker in Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala 57
Fig. 3.8 Village South Srirampur 57
Fig. 4.1 Map of West Bengal showing important
ancient terracotta yielding sites 70
Fig. 4.2 A male head with an asymmetrical turban,
1st to 3rd century CE 79
Fig. 4.3 Above: A hand modelled deer Below: A double
moulded bird (rattle), 1st to 3rd century CE 79
Fig. 4.4 A mould made bejewelled female figure with auspicious hairpins
on either side of her head, 2nd century BCE to 1st century CE 79
Fig. 4.5 A plaque depicting a female figure holding a child 80
Fig. 4.6 A double moulded grotesque Yaksha figure (rattle),
1st to 3rd century CE 80

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Fig. 4.7 A plaque depicting a birth giving mother,

1st century BCE to 3rd century CE 80
Fig. 4.8 A plaque depicting a winged female divinity standing on lotus,
1st century BCE to 1st century CE 80
Fig. 4.9 A plaque depicting an erotic couple (Mithuna),
1st to 3rd century CE 81
Fig. 4.10 A hand modelled mould having negative impression of a
female figure with auspicious hairpins on either side of the
head, 1st to 2nd century CE 81
Fig. 4.11 A plaque depicting a female divinity with auspicious
hairpins, 1st century BCE to 1st century CE 87
Fig. 4.12 A bejewelled female divinity with five auspicious hairpins,
2nd century BCE known as ‘Oxford Yakshi’ 87
Fig. 4.13 A double headed figure with a large ring above having
Roman affinity, Kushana period, 1st to 2nd century CE 88
Fig. 4.14 A seated figure of a boy having Hellenistic characteristics,
Kushana period, 1st to 2nd century CE 88
Fig. 4.15 A mould showing a winged figure,
Sunga Period 88
Fig. 4.16 A decorated wheeled ram (cart),
Kushana period 88
Fig. 4.17 A plaque depicting a female divinity with
auspicious hairpins and bicornate headgear, 2nd century
BCE to 1st century CE 92
Fig. 4.18 A hand modelled wheeled horse, 2nd century
BCE to 1st century CE 92
Fig. 4.19 A mould made drummer, 1st century BCE to
2nd century CE 92
Fig. 4.20 A head of camel, 1 st to 3rd entury CE 93
Fig. 4.21 An archaic head with pinched ears and nose,
1st to 3rd century CE 93
Fig. 4.22 A hand modelled male torso,
2nd to 1st millennium BCE 97
Fig. 4.23 A hand modelled Mother Goddess with
bird shaped face 97
Fig. 4.24 A hand modelled head with conical headdress,
1st to 2nd century CE 97
Fig. 4.25 A plaque depicting a musical scene where a male is
playing a lyre, 1st century BCE to 2nd century CE, Tilpi 105
Fig. 4.26A hand modelled wheeled ram (toy cart),
1st to 3rd century CE, Tilpi 105
Fig. 4.27 A hand modelled male head with curly hair
4th to 6th century CE, Dhosa 105
Fig. 4.28A hand modelled animal figure, Pokhanna 105

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Fig. 4.29 An ornamented seated female figure,

1st to 3rd century CE, Bangarh 106
Fig. 4.30 A hand modelled female torso on a wheel turned base,
4th to 6th century CE, Harinarayanpur 106
Fig. 4.31 A plaque depicting two riders on an elephant, 1st to 3rd
century CE, Harinarayanpur 106
Fig. 4.32 A hand modelled votive pedestal depicting footprints,
Post-Gupta period, Gosaba 106
Fig. 4.33 A hand modelled Mother Goddess adorned with
stamped girdle and applique necklace from Farakka 107
Fig. 4.34 A hand modelled female figure from Farakka 107
Fig. 4.35 A hollow female bust holding a snake
hood in her left hand, having wheel turned
base, 4th to 6th centuries CE, Panna 107
Fig. 4.36 A moulded head, 3rd to 6th century CE, Panna 107
Fig. 5.1 Map of West Bengal showing contemporary terracotta
manufacturing and using villages under study 112
Fig. 5.2The extent of pottery and terracotta manufacture in the villages 116
Fig. 5.3 Pattern of labour force among terracotta manufacturing families 119
Fig. 5.4 Family labour force and children’s participation
in pottery and terracotta manufacturing 122
Fig. 5.5 Contemporary terracotta forms and their distribution in
the studied area 129
Fig. 5.6 Simplistic horse and elephant from Panchmura 130
Fig. 5.7 Decorative horse and elephant from Panchmura 130
Fig. 5.8 Manasar chali/bari from Panchmura 130
Fig. 5.9 Manasar ghat from Bishnupur terracotta market 130
Fig. 5.10 God Krishna in front and a mould of Durga in the back from
Chaltaberia 130
Fig. 5.11 Local female and deities Raktabati Jarasandha from
Yashomantapur 130
Fig. 5.12 Contemporary archaic mother figure from local
market at South Srirampur 131
Fig. 5.13 Mother and child from Adityapur 131
Fig. 5.14 Decorative female model from Chalaberia 131
Fig. 5.15 Models of legends from Bolpur market 131
Fig. 5.16 Dolls from Bolpur fair (Poushmela) 132
Fig. 5.17 Ghat from Sanksahar-Nischintapur 132
Fig. 5.18 Marriage ghat from Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala 132
Fig. 5.19 Decorative pot and flower vase from Panchmura 132
Fig. 5.20 Perforated pot (sahasra jhar) from Sanksahar-Nischintapur 133
Fig. 5.21 Tulsi Mancha from Yashomantapur 133
Fig. 5.22 Pradip (simplistic) from Sanksahar-Nischintapur 133
Fig. 5.23 Multiple pradip (decorative) from Bishnupur terracotta market 133

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Fig. 5.24 Pradip stand from Sanksahar-Nischintapur 133

Fig. 5.25 Rajasthani models from Chaltaberia 134
Fig. 5.26 Stool (mora) from Shetpur-Palpara 134
Fig. 5.27 Egyptian pot from Shetpur-Palpara 134
Fig. 5.28 Musical instrument (baya) from Shetpur 134
Fig. 5.29 Bell from Makrampur 134
Fig. 5.30 Dhunuchi from Makrampur 135
Fig. 5.31 Toy cart and other toys from Devalaya 135
Fig. 5.32 Masks from Surul 135
Fig. 5.33 Plaques from Shetpur-Palpara 135
Fig. 5.34Ornaments from Bishnupur terracotta market 135
Fig. 5.35 Ganesha from Chaltaberia 135
Fig. 5.36 Lump of clay (back) and prepared clay (front) in Chaltaberia 148
Fig. 5.37 A person manufacturing terracotta items by hand in Panchmura 148
Fig. 5.38 Terracotta makers are engaged in filling up the plaster-of-Paris
moulds with clay to take positive impression in Chaltaberia 149
Fig. 5.39 A woman is using pitna on a mould for getting the shape of
a large vessel; a finished product is also visible in Tarangakhali 149
Fig. 5.40 Terracotta mould for preparing pradip in
Sanksahar-Nischintapur 150
Fig. 5.41 A man is preparing pradip stands by using wheeling
technique in Atghara-Palpara 150
Fig. 5.42 A man is decorating terracotta items with the help of a
pointed tool in Adityapur 151
Fig. 5.43 Preparation of natural colour in Panchmura 151
Fig. 5.44 A person is colouring a decorative pot with artificial colour by
using spray gun in Shetpur-Palpara 152
Fig. 5.45 Arrangement of terracotta items in kiln in Panchmura 152
Fig. 5.46 A closed kiln with clay covering on fire in Chaltaberia 153
Fig. 5.47 Fired objects in kiln before being taken out in Panchmura 153
Fig. 5.48 Some of the tools used in decoration of terracotta items
in Adityapur 154
Fig. 5.49 Bole and pitna used for giving shapes to terracotta
objects in Makrampur 154
Fig. 5.50 Nature of terracotta marketing among the studied villages 156
Fig. 5.51 Schematic representation of simple cycle of production and
distribution of terracotta items at Devalaya 159
Fig. 5.52 Schematic representation of complex production and
distribution system at Shetpur-Palpara 160
Fig. 5.53 Haats and patterns of participation in the haats among
the villages of Tarangakhali and Yashomantapur 161
Fig. 5.54 Patterns of market participation in Bankura 163
Fig. 5.55 Mechanism of long distance trade via middlemen 164
Fig. 5.56 Price difference between local and urban centres 165

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Fig. 6.1Above: terracotta offering at gramdevata than

and below: offering at Fullara Mata’s temple,
one of the mythical Sati’s pith at Birbhum 173
Fig. 6.2 Terracotta horse offering at a Vaishnava grave in Birbhum 173
Fig. 6.3 A schematic diagram of the arrangements
for Natai-Chandi (not to scale) 176
Fig. 6.4 Arrangements for Natai Chandi in South Srirampur 176
Fig. 6.5 A schematic diagram showing the spatial dimension of
Natai-Chandi (not to scale) 181
Fig. 6.6 Above: Bastu pujar ghat in its context, i.e. kept under tree
near a bushy space, below: Bastu pujar ghat after the ritual in
Atghara-Palpara 183
Fig. 6.7A schematic diagram showing the spatial arrangements for
Bastu puja in Atghara-Palpara (not to scale) 186
Fig. 6.8 Layout of Atghara-Palpara village locating positions used for
Bastu puja (not to scale) 187
Fig. 6.9 A mixed shrine near Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala 189
Fig. 6.10 A mixed shrine near Bishnupur, Bankura, left:
Gramdevata, centre: Shitala, right: Manasa 189
Fig. 6.11 Layout of Sirishboni village (not to scale) 190
Fig. 6.12 Layout of Moyna village (not to scale) 191
Fig. 6.13 Layout of Gangduari village (not to scale) 192
Fig. 6.14 Layout of Dhagora village (not to scale) 194
Fig. 6.15 Typical Jaher than at Laya's House in Dhagora 195
Fig. 6.16 Gramdevata than in Sirishboni village 196
Fig. 6.17Gramdevata than in Gangduari village 196
Fig. 6.18 Manasa than near Bishnupur, Bankura 197
Fig. 6.19 Manasa than in Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala 197
Fig. 6.20 Manasa than in Panchmura 198
Fig. 7.1Left: A serpentine figure from Chandraketugarh, Early
Historic period Right: A Nagi figure with splayed hips and
incised circlets from Pre-Mauryan period from Chandraketugarh 205
Fig. 7.2 Contemporary Manasar ghat 205
Fig. 7.3 Contemporary Manasar chali/bari 205
Fig. 7.4 Different Manasa forms with offering in contemporary
Manasa than near Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala 205
Fig. 7.5 Contemporary Manasa than at Panchmura 205
Fig. 7.6 An elephant figure from Chandraketugarh, 1st to 3rd century CE 207
Fig. 7.7A horse figure from Harinarayanpur, timeless variety 207
Fig. 7.8 Decorated wheeled horse from Chandraketugarh,
1st-2nd century CE 207
Fig. 7.9 Contemporary simplistic terracotta horse and elephant
figures from Bankura 207

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Fig. 7.10 Contemporary decorative terracotta horse and elephant

figures from Bankura 207
Fig. 7.11Horses and elephants offering at a sacred grove in
Sirishboni village, Paschim Medinipur 209
Fig. 7.12 An elephant rider from Chandraketugarh,
1st to 3rd century CE 209
Fig. 7.13 A contemporary horse rider from Devalaya 209
Fig. 7.14 A Mother Goddess from Harinarayanpur 211
Fig. 7.15 A Mother Goddess from Chandraketugarh 211
Fig. 7.16 Contemporary Natai-Chandi: The mother figure at Bardhaman 211
Fig. 7.17 A hand modelled Mother Goddess with bird shaped face
from Pandu Rajar Dhibi 211
Fig. 7.18 Mother and child figure from Chandraketugarh,
1st to 3rd century CE 213
Fig. 7.19 Contemporary mother and child figure from Adityapur 213
Fig. 7.20 Contemporary mother and child figure used in
Natai-Chandi puja in South Srirampur 213
Fig. 7.21 Paired ghat of Bastu puja, with moustache (left) representing the
male deity and without moustache (right) representing the female deity,
from Atghara-Palpara 215
Fig. 7.22 Present day clay idol of Dakkhin Ray with
tiger in front (right) and Banbibi (left) 215
Fig. 7.23 A terracotta plaque from Chandraketugarh, depicting male and
female deity riding on a tiger (c. 2nd century CE) 215
Fig. 7.24 A demonic figure from Chandraketugarh 1st to 3rd century CE 218
Fig. 7.25 Contemporary local village deities, Raktakarabi (left)
and Jarasandha (right) from Yashomantapur 218

xi
 Acknowledgements

First and foremost I am thankful to Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute,
Pune for giving me the opportunity to pursue this research work. I take this occasion to
convey my heartfelt gratitude to my Research Guide Dr. Arati Deshpande-Mukherjee and
Research Co-guide Prof. V. S. Shinde for their supervision, advice and encouragement in
every stage of my research. Their insightful suggestions have helped me in generating
new thoughts and carrying out my research successfully. Academic interactions with
them since my Masters have helped me in shaping my research career. I am also thankful
to them for keeping faith on me and for being extremely supportive during my days of
difficulties. Without their all time guidance and encouragement this thesis would not
have been possible.

Here I would earnestly like to thank Prof. S. R Walimbe for his guidance and support in
the initial stage of my research work. His presence in my first fieldwork provided me
with suitable direction for carrying out the study.

From the core of my heart I am thankful to my parents Shri Amir Kumar Dutta and Late
Mridula Dutta. Their love, warmth, constant support and inspiration have not only
oriented me towards my research work but also given me a platform and confidence
throughout to overcome all hurdles and face any challenge. It is for them that I have been
able to reach this stage of life today. I am running short of words to express my heartiest
feelings for them. I am also thankful to my father and mother in laws Shri Sanjay Nath
and Smt Sandhya Nath for their support and patience during the last stage of my work.

I am thankful to Indian Council of Historical Research, New Delhi for awarding me

Junior Research Fellowship which gave me the much required monetary support during
my research work.

I would like to express my heartiest gratitude to all the people in the villages where I
have carried out my ethnographic work. They have not only provided me with valuable
information about their craft tradition but also extended their full cooperation and help.

xii
Interactions with them was really fruitful in gaining in-depth understanding of their craft
tradition which otherwise would have been difficult.

I convey my sincere thank to all the members of the Centre for Archaeological Studies
and Training, Eastern India, Kolkata. I am extremely thankful to Kaushik da and Sharmi
di for their valuable comments and necessary suggestions.

My utmost thanks to Suchira di for her important suggestions, inspiration and academic
discussions which have proved extremely useful for my work. I am really grateful to her
for her help at any extreme moment. I am also grateful to Varada di for her valuable
suggestions and supportive words. In this context I also want to thank Sayan da and
Sharmistha di for their suggestions and all time encouragements.

My deepest gratitude goes to Dr. Gautam Sengupta for his intuitive suggestions at many
stages of the work. Personal communication with him has helped me to develop my
research ideas. I also want to offer my heartiest thank to Prof. D. K. Bhattacharya for his
valuable suggestions and academic help.

I would like to thank Dr. S. S. Biswas, Shri K. N. Dikshit and Shri O. P. Tandon from
Indian Archaeological Society, New Delhi for their valuable suggestions, encouragement
and hospitality. I am also thankful to other members of IAS, especially Kulbhushan
Mishra and Manjil Hazarika for their help in various aspects.

I am heartily indebted to Dr. Arnab Das of University of Calcutta, Ms. Priyadarsini

Sengupta of Bangabasi College and Dr. Subrata Sankar Bagchi of Bangabasi Evening
College for their academic assistance, inspirations and personal support throughout my
academic career. A simple thank would be inadequate for them.

I would like to give a special note of acknowledgements to different institutions,

museums and libraries for their help in various ways. I offer grateful thanks to the
authorities of Archaeological Survey of India, Anthropological Survey of India, Indian
Museum, Asutosh Museum, State Archaeological Museum, library of Asiatic Society,
library of CASTEI, library of Indian Museum, National Library in Kolkata; Acharya
Jogesh Chandra Purakriti Bhawan in Bishnupur; Archaeological Museum in Tamluk;

xiii
Sundarban Regional Museum in Baruipur; Library of IAS, library of National Museum in
New Delhi.

A special thank to Shri T. J. Baidya (ASI) for permitting me to stay in the Survey Guest
House in Bishnupur during my fieldwork. A special thank also goes to Dr. Kanchan
Mukhopadhyay (AnSI) for helping me to access the Survey library. A special thank also
deserves Shri Tushar Sarkar of Achrya Jogesh Chandra Purakriti Bhawan, Bishnupur for
extending his helpful hands whenever required. I also convey my thanks to Shri Dilip
Maite for providing me valuable information and showing me his personal collection of
ancient terracotta materials.

Personal discussion with Prof. Gopalkrishna Chakrabarti of University of Calcutta has

been really fruitful. I extend my heartiest gratitude to him. My deepest gratitude also goes
to Late Dr. Asok Datta in this regard.

I am obliged to Prof. B. C. Deotare, Head of the Department of Archaeology, Deccan

College, for extending his academic help. Whenever I went to him for his signature on
any official document, his smiling face and supportive words made me feel better.

I would like to sincerely thank my teachers in Deccan College especially Prof. R. K.

Mohanty, Prof. P. P. Joglekar, Dr. Shahida Ansari and Dr. Abhijit Dandekar for their
valuable comments and suggestions which have been helpful for the betterment of the
thesis. Prof. K. Paddayya’s teaching was helpful in developing my theoretical know-how.
I am also thankful to my other teachers Prof. S. N. Rajaguru, Dr. Gauri Lad, Dr. P. K.
Thomas, Prof. M. D. Kajale, Prof. V. D. Gogte, Prof. Sheila Mishra, Prof. Susma Deo,
Prof. V. Sathe for framing my academic career. Dr. Shanti Pappu and Dr. Veena Mushrif-
Tripathy’s encouragements have been helpful during the initial phase of my research
work.

I find it important to thank all the staff of the Library, Administrative section, Academic
section and Drawing section of Deccan College especially to Ms. Trupti More, Mr.
Suravase, Mr. Darve, Mr. Jadhav, Mrs. Bhagyashri Kamble, Ms. Pallavi Challare, Mr. C.
V. Joshi, Mrs. Hole, Mr. Kulkarni, Mr. Kute, Mr. Dighe and Mr. Phule for extending
their help in various ways.

xiv
The successful completion of this research would not have been possible without the help
and support of Bina, Kalyan, Moumita, Nabanita and Avijit. I am grateful to them for
accompanying me during my fieldwork. They have not only accompanied me but also
extended their every possible help whenever I faced any problem.

My list of acknowledgements will remain incomplete without mentioning my seniors and

friends. I am thankful to my seniors Madhulika di, Amrita di, Sudipa di and Nitu di for
their help, suggestions, encouragement and care throughout. I want to express my
heartfelt thanks to my friends in Deccan College. My friend Kanchana has extended her
friendship, affection and support in every possible way. Soumi’s voluntary help has made
it possible to finish my last moment work on time. The support, encouragement and
warmth of my friends Sharada, Gauri, Anagha, Jyothsna, Astha, Pair, Wiang, Sudha,
Oishi, Nisha, Shikha, Tosha, Shantanu, Kanti and Yogesh have made my life smooth and
fun-filled. I appreciate the way my friends have helped me during my days in Deccan
College.

I am really grateful to the Warden of Deccan College Ladies Hostel Mrs. Noorjahan
Pathan for her hospitality and care throughout my stay in Deccan College.

I take the pleasure to thank one of my closest friends Tamali who was there beside me in
every critical moments of my life. I am also grateful to my friend Shubha who has
inspired me a lot and gave me necessary suggestions. I wish to convey my heartiest
gratitude to my late grandmother and my uncles, aunts and cousins for their unconditional
love and care.

Finally, I owe my husband Suman for being beside me throughout. His warmth, support
and inspiration have not only given me a cheerful work atmosphere but also helped in
successful completion of my work.

All my gratitude and heartiest thanks to all of you,

Anwita Dutta.

xv
Chapter – 1

Introduction

1
Art is the outcome of human cognition and imagination and this creative process passes
through various stages of modification. It is not only the manifestation of human creative
skill but also the medium of communication and expression of their behaviour, emotions,
ideas and different aspects of life. Beginning from rock painting, which is categorized as
immovable art, humans have discovered various media of expressing their creative
impulse. Clay, in movable units, was one of them and became the most popular medium
of art since ancient times (Jayaswal and Kishna 1986). The profound availability of clay
and its easy-moulding nature has made it the most extensive medium of art. As clay
objects are fragile, to make them durable, people invented the process of firing them.

In its literary sense, the word „terracotta‟ (Italian terra-cotta and Latin terra-cocta) means
„baked earth‟ or „baked clay‟ (Oxford Dictionaries 2013). Clay is a dense, viscous
substance which consists of silica, generally mixed together with iron, lime, magnesia
and other colouring oxides. When mixed with water clay forms a tenacious substance that
can be modelled into different shapes. Generally clay is a fine-grained material which is
plastic when wet. It becomes rigid, stable and durable when it is dried and fired. Clay is
easy to manipulate and a well-levigated lump of clay can be easily shaped into different
art forms or sculptures using simple tools. The carved clay objects are first sun-dried and
then fired in a kiln generally up to 750-800 degree centigrade, though the firing
temperature and time duration of firing may vary considerably depending upon the size
and amount of the objects (Sengupta 2005). These fired clay objects develop a brownish-
red colour and are known as „terracotta‟ that are hard, porous and durable in nature.
Terracotta satisfies the creative urge of human beings and also meets their domestic and
aesthetic needs. Since, clay is considered as auspicious (earth = mother) terracotta objects
also fulfil the ritual purpose of a community.

Terracotta objects have been prepared and used by human beings from ancient time of
human history in the form of household objects, ritual objects, aesthetic objects and
sculptures. The pottery and votive figurines found from Egypt and Mesopotamia are
claimed to be among the earliest findings of terracotta (Sengupta 2005). Terracotta art
was prevalent in ancient Greece as early as 7th century BCE and throughout the Roman

2
Empire (Encyclopedia Britannica 2013a). India too has a long antiquity of terracotta
assemblages, reported from a large number of Harappan, Chalcolithic and Early Historic
sites. In recent times also several places of the country have notable terracotta traditions.
West Bengal is one of such states where a rich terracotta tradition is found. The Early
Historic period of the state is characterised by its fine terracotta art as evident from sites
such as Chandraketugarh, Tamluk, Mangalkot, Pandu Rajar Dhibi, etc. Various scholars
have attempted at studying them. In this work an attempt is made to understand the
cultural significance of Early Historic terracotta objects from West Bengal using an
ethnoarchaeological approach. This study has dealt with only terracotta moveable art
objects of both ancient and modern times.

Brief History of Terracotta Art in India:

The clay modelling tradition of Indian sub-continent dates back to the Aceramic
Neolithic period of Mehrgarh in Baluchistan. Five unbaked clay figurines representing
human and animal forms have been recovered from Period I of Mehrgarh dated to end of
7th millennium BCE (Jarrige 1975, 1981, Banerji 1994). The evidence of baked clay
animal figurines occurs for the first time in the Indian subcontinent from Period III of
Mehrgarh dated to c. 4000 BCE. The stylistic evolution of these terracotta figurines has
been noticed between Period IV and VII. Terracotta or baked clay human figurines occur
from Period IV onwards (Jarrige 1975, 1981, Allchin and Allchin 1982, Banerji 1994).
Terracotta animal and human figurines are found from various Pre-Harappan sites of
Kulli, Quetta, Zhob etc. in Baluchistan region (Stein 1931). The animal figures include
dog (from Mehrgarh), humped bull, bovine, wild pig, zebu, horse, monkey, ram (from
Kulli) and various types of birds, etc. Bull figures are found in large numbers from Mehi,
Kulli, Shahi Tump, etc. (Sankalia and Dhavalikar 1969) (see Fig. 1.1). Human figurines
include mostly naturalistic and also ornamented female forms. These archaic female
forms, mostly termed as Mother Goddess, in some cases have similarity with the findings
from Mundigak in Afghanistan (Agrawala 1984). However, the beginning of the art of
making figurines in clay in the Indian sub-continent in proto-historic period was mainly

3
confined to the western parts, particularly in Baluchistan, Seistan, Makran and Sindh
(Sankalia and Dhavalikar 1969, Banerji 1994, Tripathi and Srivastava 1994).

The terracotta tradition was continued in good measures during the urban phase of
Harappan civilization, which flourished between 2700 and 1750 BCE (Jayaswal and
Krishna 1986). A large number of human and animal figurines has been discovered at
Harappa (Vats 1974), Mohenjodaro (Mackay 1998 [1938]), Chanhudaro (Mackay 1943),
Lothal (Rao 1979), Kalibangan (Lal et al. 2003), Banawali (Bisht 1982) and other sites
(see also Dhavalikar 1977). The animal figurines were preliminarily hand modelled and
occurred almost in all the Harappan sites. In most cases the execution of their anatomy
was realistic. Most commonly represented animal was the bull (see Fig. 1.2). The
predominance of bull figures indicates that probably Indus Valley had a bull cult
(Sankalia and Dhavalikar 1969). Other animals include dog, elephant, monkey, buffalo,
ram, squirrel, pig, rhinoceros, hare, sheep, tiger, antelope, tortoise, etc. In addition, birds
such as pigeon, peacock, cock, dove, sparrow, parrot, duck, etc. also reflect the clay
modelling ability of the Harappan people (Mackay 1998 [1938]). The terracotta mould of
the ubiquitous bull from Mohenjodaro denotes that the cult status of the animal was
almost equal to that of the female deity of the ancient culture (Sengupta 2005). Harappan
female forms are similar to those of the earlier times and are less stylistic and archaic in
nature (Piggott 1949). Female forms are most common and they represent a variety of
poses such as doing household jobs, carrying basket full of breads, nursing and crawling
her child. Figurines with prominent breasts and broad hips, generally roundish and
adorned profusely with ornaments like head-dresses, necklaces, pendants, bangles, ear
ornaments, etc. are commonly found (Vats 1974) (see Fig. 4.3). According to Mackay
(1943) some female figurines are found holding their babies on their laps. These female
forms can be classified into three groups (Banerji 1994):

1) Mother Goddess, characterized by broad hips, prominent breasts, slender waist

and profusion of ornaments.
2) Pregnant woman, characterized by globular shape, prominent belly, pointed
breasts, clearly shown eyebrows and generally found in standing postures.

4
 3) Female forms without having any religious association. These forms are shown in
various poses engaged in different household activities.

Male figures are rare in Harappan culture. Some male forms are found from Harappa,
Mohenjodaro, Chanhudaro, Kalibangan, etc. The male forms are shown usually in seated
posture with arms either on or around the knees or joined in front in devotion. Standing
male forms are rare. The seating posture is mostly identified as yogic mudra. Some male
forms have curled beard, some are also adorned with ornaments (Sankalia & Dhavalikar
1969, Tripathi and Srivastava, 1994).

After the decline of Harappan civilization, several regional copper using agrarian cultures
emerged in the Indian sub-continent. The terracotta specimens obtained from Neolithic-
Chalcolithic horizons of South India, Chalcolithic cultures of Central India and Deccan,
the Late Harappan culture, Ochre Coloured Pottery (OCP) and Painted Grey Ware
cultural levels (PGW) were much simpler in style (Jayaswal and Krishna 1986). The
common animal of Chalcolithic cultures was bull. Ahar culture being the pioneer of this
form shows evolution of various forms of bull. Along with a few female forms the
occurrence of bull figurine in Malwa culture indicates the association of bull with the
Mother Goddess cult. Perhaps the most striking example of this association is found in
Jorwe phase where the female figurine is mounted on a bull. Hand modelled bull figures
were also found from the Neolithic culture of South India (Allchin 1960, Sankalia and
Dhavalikar 1969, Ansari and Dhavalikar 1975). Apart from bull other reported animal
figures include horse, camel, dog, lion, rhino, birds, etc. In case of human figurine,
Mother Goddess figures were predominant. The female figurines of Malwa culture are
primitive in style, crudely modelled and lack facial features. Female figures of Kayatha
III show slightly elevated breasts and incised eyes (Ansari and Dhavalikar 1975).
Navdatoli on the other hand reports two types of female forms, a) schematic figurines in
high relief and b) figurines with rounded hips and small projected limbs. The eyes and
lips are nail-punched (Sankalia 1971). Headless male figures also occur in few cases and
unbaked male clay figures characterised by course modelling, stumpy legs and arms and
a flat body are reported from Late Jorwe level at Inamgaon (Sankalia and Dhavalikar

5
1969). Ahar yields male figurines roughly modelled with short hands, block legs and
pointed or rounded heads. Interestingly this level rarely reports female forms. However,
with the decline of Harappan civilization and urban life, the terracotta making suffered
and terracotta objects of this period were represented by crude modelling, lack of
decoration and simplistic nature (Jayaswal and Krishna 1986, Banerji 1994).

People have relied on terracotta throughout the ages as the manifestation of their belief
system, aesthetic sense and overall existence. As discussed earlier, terracotta craft
developed the most in Harappan period. In post Harappan phase like the other cultural
materials terracotta too passed through degeneration in its form and style. 1000 BCE
onwards Gangetic plains became the most potential area and witnessed the emergence of
cities and formation of states. From 6th century BCE onwards Early Historic period in
India begins. After the gap of about one and a half millennia between the end of
Harappan cities and rise of the urban centres (Janapadas and Mahajanapadas) in the
Gangetic plain, terracotta tradition like many other art traditions, gradually gained
momentum (Jayaswal and Krishna 1986). Terracotta objects are found in great number
from the Ganga valley sites. The main centres were at Mathura in Surasena, Ahichchhatra
in Panchala, Kausambi in Vatsa, Rajghat in Kasi, Ghosi in east Kosala, Sravasti in north
Kosala, Buxar and Pataliputra in Magadha. The pre-NBPW (Northern Black Polished
Ware) deposit of central Ganga valley is distinguished by the occurrence of unique
female form with broad hips adorned with applique girdle (Banerji 1994). The NBPW
culture covers a span of almost six centuries from 7 th to 1st century BCE encompassing
pre-Mauryan, Mauryan and Sunga periods. The terracotta evidences of these periods are
distinct in style and technique (Dhavalikar 1999).

The pre-Mauryan (c. 6th to 4th century BCE) terracotta figures are primarily hand
modelled and represent both human and animal figures (Banerji 1994). The Mother
Goddess figurines, especially from Mathura, bear a dark grey slip. Their headdresses are
very complex with roundels. Animal figurines also have a grey slip. Naga figurines (also
referred to as Nagi and considered as female form), decorated with punched circles on the
body are recovered from the sites of eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar (Desai 1978),

6
probably associated with fertility cult (Sankalia and Dhavalikar 1969, Dhavalikar 1977,
1999) (See Fig. 1.4). The production of terracotta in this phase was comparatively
restricted than the later phases. Animal figures were more realistic in nature. Animal
forms were represented by bull, elephant, horse, ram, dog, deer, birds, etc. The
decorations on these figures include multiple incision, punched circlets, pinholes,
applique pellets, bands, etc. The notable features in terracotta of this phase are the
ornamented human forms and depiction of eyes, ears, and mouth either by applique or by
deep incision. The ornaments include headdresses, necklaces, anklets, etc. The human
figurines are characterized by female, male and a composite form of male and female.
Few of such composite forms remain unidentified due to their intermediate nature
(Dasgupta 1961, Banerji, 1994).

During the Mauryan period (c. 4th to 2nd century BCE) terracotta art showed improvement
in its style. The use of incisions, punches and applique pellets were common for
ornamentation of terracotta figurines from northern and western India. In general, violin-
shaped female forms, female with broad hips, anthropomorphic representation having
pinched nose, ram with twisted horns, etc. are important (Banerji 1994). Naga/Nagi
figures also continued in this period (Fig. 1.4) in several sites of middle Ganga valley
(Desai 1978). On the basis of the stylistic representation of human forms there were
certain centres which showed variety in form and style. For example, Bulandibagh, a
suburb of Patna (ancient Pataliputra), yielded a group of unique terracotta figures of
delicate beauty (Huntington 1985). There are evidences of dancing girls and boys, quite
large in size, and each of them is a complete figure in round. Their faces were made by
using moulds and the other parts were hand modelled. Both were then joined together.
Another centre of human figure was Buxar in Bihar. Their faces were also mould made
and bodies handmade. The most important feature of these figures is their complex
headdresses which look like elaborate turbans. The other centre was at Mathura. The
Mathura figurines, especially females, were treated with a grey or black slip. The most
noteworthy form is Mother Goddess with mould made face and handmade body. These
figures generally wear elaborate headdresses consisting of a number of rosettes bearing

7
stamped patterns. Their hips are broad and breasts are heavy emphasizing the fertility cult
(Dhavalikar 1977, 1999) (see Fig. 1.5).

In the final phase of NBPW, which is referred to as Sunga period (c. 2nd to 1st century
BCE), terracotta art received an upsurge in its refinement, modelling and treatment.
There was a sudden increase in the production of terracotta in this phase due to an
important change in manufacturing technique. Unlike the Mauryan phase (handmade face
and mould made body), Sunga terracottas were entirely pressed out of moulds
(Dhavalikar 1977) (see Fig. 1.7). Greater elaboration in ornamentation and decoration
was most important feature regarding terracotta manufacturing of this phase. In case of
decoration incision, applique pellets and punches became more common. Many new
forms appeared in this phase which included wide eyed female, female with leaf or
lozenge-shaped eyes, etc. Nagi figurines were also found in Sunga phase. Terracotta
animal motifs include elephant, bull, horse, ram, dog, deer, birds, etc. Another important
finding of this phase is terracotta plaques. These plaques were made out of a single mould
and were provided with a hole at the top for hanging (Banerji 1994). These plaques
mostly depict female and Mithuna and other religious figures. Stylistically Sunga
terracottas were similar to that of stone sculptures of the period. The centres of terracotta
manufacture were Kausambi, Rajghat, Bhita, Mathura, Vaishali, Tamluk, etc. A wing
deity found at Vaisali in Bihar was probably made out of a mould discovered at Tamluk
in West Bengal. This and similar other archaeological records indicate probably terracotta
figures were made at these centres and were exported to other places of the Sunga Empire
(Dhavalikar 1977). The Sunga period terracotta art executed young, beautiful and
ornamented women in full bloom of their youth. They were generally mould made,
ornamented with complex headdress consisting of a number of beaded bands, sometimes
with hair pins. These figures were also adorned with heavy necklaces composed of
multiple bead strings often contained eight auspicious symbols including swastika, goad,
pair of fish, etc., large ear studs or discs, numerous bangles and bracelets, bejeweled
waste girdles. The diaphanous lower garments of these female figurines showing genital
organ portray nudity which is probably connected to fertility cult (Dhavalikar 1977, 1999,
Huntington 1985). Another important and commonest motif of Sunga terracotta is

8
Mithuna or amorous couples (Dhavalikar 1977) (see Fig. 1.6). As Mithuna is a
reproductive couple these plaques reflect eternal love and fertility cult. The Mithuna
plaques are decorated with borders stamped with floral designs. Some secular and
mythological scenes depicted on plaques like man holding a peacock, scenes of spring
festival, picnic etc. are also important (Kala 1993). Religious motifs include
Gajalakshmi, Vasundhara etc. Durga also represented as Mahishamardini for the first
time during this period (Dhavalikar 1999, Singh 2006).

During the Satavahana rule (c. 2nd century BCE to 3rd century CE) in the region south of
the Vindhyan range, terracotta art flourished in its form and technique. Ter and Paithan in
Maharashtra, Kondapur and Amaravati in Andhra Pradesh were important centres of
terracotta manufacture. The terracotta making technique of Satavahana period was totally
different from the earlier ones as it produced figurines in a free standing condition which
were hollow inside. Two different moulds were used, one for the front another for the
back and these two portions were joined by a thin ribbon of clay. This double mould
technique was probably borrowed from the Roman Empire (Dhavalikar 1977, Desai
1978). There are evidences of Roman influence on human forms, such as a head from Ter
(Deshpande 1961, 1965). Plaques depicting nude headless female figures connected with
fertility probably show Graeco-Roman influence. Similarly a smiling boy from Nevasa
indicates Roman connections (Sankalia 1963, Sankalia and Dhavalikar 1969). The
Satavahana terracottas include male and female figures and heads, couples (Mithuna) and
animal figures (see e.g. Fig. 1.8). The woman with a parrot is a famous form. Both male
and female figures showing genital areas indicate their association with fertility cult.
Horse and elephant riders are also prominent forms (Dhavalikar 1999).

Kushana (c. 1st to 3rd century CE) terracottas are found throughout their empire. Two
main centres were Mathura in the north and Taxila in the north-west (Sankalia and
Dhavalikar 1969). Other important findspots of Kushana terracotta are Ahichchhatra and
Mathura (Agrawala 1965). The Kushana period reveals varied features in terracotta art
which reflect secular and social life. The male figures with head-gears indicating noble
men, Kushana soldiers, amorous couples, dwarfs, grotesques and musicians are the main

9
forms (see Fig. 1.9). Like stone sculptures Kushana terracottas also show the influence of
Graeco-Roman and Parthian tradition. The period also yields terracotta gods and
goddesses from different pantheons including Brahminical, Buddhist and the lesser ones
like Yakshas, Gandharvas and Kinnaras. Among the gods, there are examples of Siva,
Mahishamardini Durga, Suriya, Kartikeya and Sapta-matrikas. The Sun worship was
introduced by Sakas during this period. Hence these images have outside influence.
Hariti and Panchika of this period are among the huge size images, which is the most
famous example of Kushana Terracotta art. Siva-Parvati is another important form.
Votive tanks with a figure of Mother Goddess inside the enclosure are interpreted as
model shrines. A large number of terracotta heads are unearthed from different
excavations or as surface finds (Kala 1993). In general Kushana terracottas show crude
workmanship and moulding technique was almost neglected in this period (Dhavalikar
1977, 1999, Sengupta 2005, see also Agrawala 1965, Kala 1993).

The Gupta period (c. 3rd to 6th century CE), considered as the Golden Age of Indian
history, showed a sudden development in every sphere of human activity. Terracotta art
also gained greater perfection in its modelling. All the different techniques like single
mould, double mould, partly handmade and partly mould made and fully handmade were
employed. Some figurines of this period bear a red slip. Among the Gupta terracottas,
special mention deserves the life-size terracotta images which are comparable to the
contemporary stone sculpture and used for decorating temples (Desai 1978). The most
noteworthy examples of this kind are the life-size images of Ganga and Yamuna from
Ahichchhatra (Dhavalikar 1977, 1999, Kala 1993) (see Fig. 1.11). Like earlier phases
Gupta terracotta comprises of both religious and secular subjects. Religious images
include that of Siva, Parvati, Surya, Ganesha, Mahishamardini Durga, etc. (see Fig.
1.10). The depiction of Brahminical deities was more common in this phase as Guptas
were the staunch follower of Hinduism. Moulded heads of Siva and Parvati are one of the
shining examples of terracotta art of this phase (Agrawala 1947-48). Naigamesa, which
is either male or female having a goat like animal face, is one of the most important
characteristic figurines of Gupta levels in north Indian sites. Agrawala (1947-48)
connects Naigamesa with child birth. Large terracotta panels depicting mythological

10
stories of epics and Puranas are also found in great number (Agrawala 1965, Dhavalikar,
1999). Males, females, amorous couples, plaques showing scenes from daily life and a
large number of toys comprise the secular subjects of Gupta terracotta art (Dhavalikar
1977, 1999, Desai 1978, Jayaswal and Krishna 1986, Sengupta, 2005).

From the above discussion it can be said that though terracotta animal and human
figurines came into existence in Pre-Harappan cultures but terracotta making flourished
in the urban phase of Harappan culture i.e. in Mature Harappan period. Besides a wide
variety of animal figurines of which bull was the most common one, female forms mainly
Mother Goddess and pregnant women were also prominent. With the decline of
Harappan civilization, like many other crafts, terracotta art too suffered and became
cruder and stylistically simpler. Though certain forms disappeared, bull and Mother
Goddess images continued in Late Harappan and regional Chalcolithic cultures. In the
next phase of urbanization that is in c. 6th century BCE in pre-Mauryan phase when the
Janapadas and Mahajanapadas emerged, terracotta art gradually again reached its zenith
and continued through a process of development in all the different ruling phases of the
Early Historic period. A variety of animal figurines occurred throughout all the periods.
Human figures include both female and male forms. Up to pre-Mauryan phase images
were primarily hand modelled. Decorations were made by incision or punches.
Ornamented female and male figurines came into existence in the next phase. From
Mauryan period onwards moulds were being used for large scale production. This mould
technique was gradually evolved from partly mould made to fully mould made, single
mould to double mould technique. Ornamented female figures with headdresses,
necklaces, waste girdles, and other ornaments engaged in different activities became
common. Male and female forms showing genitals indicating fertility cult were important
forms during Sunga and Kushana period. Terracotta plaques depicting males, females
engaged in various activities and scenes from social life were significant findings from
different phases of ancient India. Images of different gods and goddesses from different
pantheon came into existence in Kushana period. Yaksha-Yakshi figures became
common. A large scale representation of Brahminical deities like Siva, Parvati, Surya,
Ganesha, Mahishamardini Durga, etc. was found in Gupta period. So we can see the

11
gradual development of terracotta making technique and continuity of certain forms
throughout Early Historic period.

In Post-Gupta period due to the rise of contesting regional powers and eventual advent of
Muslims in Medieval time a halt in terracotta art is noticed. The only exception is
Bengal1 where the brick temples adorned with terracotta panels continued to be
constructed (Dhavalikar 1999).

Some of the terracotta art forms from the above mentioned cultural periods are
represented in the following photographs.

1
In this thesis a number of times the term Bengal have been used. Here whenever Bengal is used, it means
undivided Bengal, i.e. incorporating both West Bengal and the East Bengal – now Bangladesh. Since the
partition is a much recent phenomenon in 1947, often while referring to the ancient materials the term
Bengal has been used.

12
Fig. 1.1 A hand modelled painted bull with prominent
hump from Kulli culture, early 3rd millennium
BCE (courtesy: Dhavalikar 1977)
Fig. 1.3 A hand modelled female figure with fan-
shaped headdress from Mohenjodaro, 2300-
2000 BCE (courtesy: Dhavalikar 1977)
Fig. 1.2 Hand modelled bull from Mature
Harappan period from Kalibangan
(courtesy: ASI 2012)
Fig. 1.4 A stylised Naga figure with
human body and snake hood
from Patna, 400-200 BCE
(courtesy: Dhavalikar 1977)
Fig. 1.3 A hand modelled female figure with fan-
shaped headdress from Mohenjodaro, 2300-
2000 BCE (courtesy: Dhavalikar, 1977)
13
Fig. 1.5 A handmade Mother Goddess figure with Fig. 1.6 A plaque depicting Mithuna from
broad headdress from Mauryan period Kausambi, Sunga period, 2nd century BCE
from Mathura (courtesy: ASI 2012) (courtesy: Dhavalikar 1977)

Fig. 1.7 A female figure (probably deity) standing Fig. 1.8 A female head from Satavahana period,
on a crouched dward and its mould from Paithan (courtesy: Dhavalikar 1977)
Sunga period, Mathura (courtesy: ASI
2012)

14
 Fig. 1.10 A head of Siva from Gupta period,
Fig. 1.9 A standing dwarf (probably Yaksha) Kausambi, c. 5th century CE
from Kushana period, Mathura, c. 1st (courtesy: Dhavalikar 1977)
century CE (courtesy: Dhavalikar 1977)

Fig. 1.11 A life size figure of the river goddess Ganga with her female attendant
from Gupta period, Ahichchhatra (courtesy: Dhavalikar 1977)

15
The present work considers the Early Historic terracottas of West Bengal mostly from
Pre-Mauryan, Mauryan, Sunga, Kushana and Gupta period. The profuse terracotta
findings of Bengal overshadow all other material remains of this region. The terracotta
objects depict various aspects of human life and culture – the people, animals, their
activities and the world around including human creations and ideas are represented in
distinct art forms. These art forms reveal the aesthetic sense of people in this region. The
cultic significance as suggested by Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty (2007) is
associated with several terracotta objects, which indicates their possible use in rituals.
Some of the important sites of this art in West Bengal are Chandraketugarh in North 24
Parganas, Tamluk in Purba Medinipur, Pandu Rajar Dhibi and Mongolkot in Bardhaman,
Dihar in Bankura, Tilpi, Harinarayanpur and Atghara in South 24 Parganas, Farakka and
Rajbaridanga in Murshidabad, etc.

The present endeavour to explore the cultural significance of terracotta art of West
Bengal includes a study of the ancient terracotta materials and ethnography on terracotta
making and using communities. For the purpose of conceptual clarity, it is important to
understand what is meant by the term cultural significance.

Cultural Significance:
Terracotta objects can be seen as a material having utilitarian, aesthetic and ritual
importance. In these senses the primary issue of interest in archaeology is to find out
cultural significance attached to these objects. While doing ethnoarchaeology on
terracotta objects it is important to recall the associated Processual and Post-processual
paradigms (Tilley 1989). Archaeologically, cultural significance is given to make sense
of potentially coherent assemblages of artifacts. Although the basic classification of
archaeological data into broad spatially and temporally coherent blocks is variously
termed as civilizations, traditions (Osborne 2008), groups, horizons (Phillips and Willey
1953; Willey and Phillips 1958), techno-complexes (Bar-Yosef and Zilhao 2006) and
style zones (Cunliffe 2005), they are part of the broad spectrum of archaeological cultures
(Pluciennik 1999). Quite plausibly this implies that for many archaeologists the culture is
a necessary methodological tool. Following Childe (1929) and Harris (1994)

16
archaeological culture includes types of remains ranging from pots to human use of space
in a recurring pattern. Gladwin and Gladwin (1934), McKern (1939), Lyman et al. (1997)
argue that archaeological culture should analyse the interrelationship between the
archaeological assemblages. For the understanding of archaeological culture by
employing ethnoarchaeology the use of ethnographic record and understanding of people,
their mind and interaction with material world formulate the counter part of Processual
archaeology – the Post-processual archaeology (Hodder 1982a, 1982b, 1982c). In order
to have a broader view of culture related to an artifact ethnoarchaeology is a solution to
archaeological methodological crisis.

Within post-modernism the dogma of mind‟s superiority over matter acknowledges

nature as a relevant aspect of social construction. A manifestation of natural as well as
social world is to be found in the material outputs of a society. As Gell (1998), Strathern
(1992) and Tilley (1999) argue that materiality embodies the form of personification of
material culture which is often reflection of the relationship between natural world and
social world mediated by material culture. In this way specific objects such as images and
symbols of gods can be empowered through various forms of rituals. In consequence
these material objects become loaded with culturally significant narratives and forms of
social relations (Appadurai 1986, Strathern 1992). Based on this perspective one can read
artifacts using ethnography to understand society and culture as a whole. Once we are
able to relate material culture, associated symbols and their institutions it is possible to
use theoretical discourse in anthropology and archaeology to generate analogical
arguments that can help in reflecting on social and cultural conditions in respect to time
(Strathern 1992, Gell 1998). These arguments are close to the work of Shanks (1999),
Treherne (1995) in their study of cultural construction of body, the self and their
embodied praxis. Similar line of argument was developed by Tilley (1999) in Metaphore
and Material Culture and by Renfrew, DeMarrais and Gosden (2004) in Rethinking
Materiality: The Engagement of Mind with Material World. Quite clearly such an
approach of exploring material world to understand the cultural significance expands the
interpretative focus to the meaning of larger social milieu. Therefore, present work takes
terracotta art as a key material manifestation of early human life ways and with the help

17
of ethnographic experience it attempts to provide possible ways to reflect on the cultural
significance of terracotta art objects.

18
 Chapter - 2

Terracotta Art and Culture in West

Bengal: A Review of Existing
Literature

19
West Bengal is a lucrative region for studying terracottas as it has a long, rich and a
continuous presence of terracotta art from ancient times up to present day. At present
some communities, mostly kumors (by caste pot makers), from different parts of West
Bengal are engaged in making terracotta objects.

Despite the profuse occurrence of terracotta art objects from several archaeological sites
virtually overshadowing all other aspects of material culture in West Bengal, systematic
attempts to catalogue and classify the findings have been limited (Sengupta, Roy
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007). Sima Roy Chowdhury (2002) states, although
terracotta must not be treated as a minor antiquity in Bengal, but even today along with
ivory and wood carvings it is treated as such. Calcutta University‟s Asutosh Museum felt
a need of preserving rural art heritage under Rural Art Survey Scheme and collected
several terracotta materials. In consequence it becomes “one of the greatest depositories
of the Indian Folk-arts” (Bhattacharya 2002:175). Systematic cataloguing, analysis and
presenting such a huge collection can bring new perspectives to the study of these
materials (Bhattacharya 2002, Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007).
Gautam Sengupta (1995) argues that it is important to incorporate spatial dimension,
historical context and a better method of content analysis to do justice to the rich
terracotta tradition of West Bengal. In the following section an attempt is made to present
the available literature related to terracotta art of West Bengal and other literatures which
are found significant for the present work.

Descriptive Studies with Possible Interpretations:

Various scholars use different ways of clubbing up the terracotta materials reported from
various sites. These studies are mostly description of the findings or categorisation or in
some cases analysis with respect to a particular issue. Some are only isolated reports of
particular terracotta forms found from a particular site in a descriptive manner. Among
the descriptive studies one of the earliest studies was done by G. S. Dutt in 1938. He gave
an exhaustive description of temple terracottas in Bengal and argued that one can divide
terracotta art into two divisions, 1) figure sculpture and 2) sculpture in relation to temple

20
architecture. S. P. Ghosh (1986, 1987) worked on both artistic and architectural part of
terracottas from Nadia district of West Bengal, which dealt with the history of the art,
their antiquity, materials used, techniques of making and thematic range. S. S. Biswas‟
(1981) Terracotta art of Bengal represents a culmination of different types and forms of
artistic expressions on terracotta. He argues that several explorations and a few
excavations in Bengal open a window of opportunity to study not only the forms and
features of artistic expressions but also the social background of such expressions.
Beginning with a brief description of the major terracotta yielding sites of Bengal he
gives detailed description of different forms. P. K. Mandal (1987) in his Interpretations
of Terracottas from Tamralipta provides detailed study on the terracotta specimens
preserved in the Tamralipta Museum and Research Centre, Tamluk and also some of the
private collections. Apart from discussing the manufacturing technique and themes he
gives a detailed trait wise classification of the specimens in different cultural periods in
tabular format. Sharmi Chakraborty (2000), in her doctoral thesis Chandraketugarh: A
Cultural and Archaeological Study, gave a detailed description of the terracotta figurines
and plaques yielded from Chandraketugarh and housed in different museums and private
collections and also classified them. Arputha Rani Sengupta (2005) has dealt with the
terracotta temples of Bishnupur in Bankura district of West Bengal. By tracing the origin
of the terracotta temples she demonstrated the cult and religious value of the terracotta art
in ancient times and in present context. She described various techniques of making
terracotta plaques. By studying the contents of the terracotta reliefs from the temples she
showed that the variations in the plaques covering the walls, vaults, domes and archways
were meant to glorify the gods and the Malla kings of Bishnupur. More recently,
Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty in 2007 have published a comprehensive
catalogue with detailed description and photographs of terracotta materials preserved in
State Archaeological Museum, West Bengal, discovered mostly from the site of
Chandraketugarh. Several specimens from Harinarayanpur, Mangalkot, Deulpota,
Tamluk, Bangarh, Natsal, Pandu Rajar Dhibi, Farakka, Tilpi, etc. have also been covered
in their book.

21
Description of Forms:
A review of available literature focusing on description shows that several scholars have
given thick descriptions of certain forms with the aim to aid to the identification of the
forms. One of such descriptive studies was done by P. C. Dasgupta (1958). With an
exhaustive description of some of the important figures from Tamluk he argued for the
analogies in art forms of the site with other terracotta yielding sites of Bengal. He also
noted the relatedness of Sunga style with stone depictions of Bharut, Sanchi, Bodh Gaya
and Bhaja. Graeco-Roman influences on terracotta art forms were also clearly noted.
Similar kind of work on terracotta materials of Chandraketugarh was done by the same
scholar in 1959. He illustrated several Early Historic terracotta forms from
Chandraketugarh and also compared certain forms with corresponding north Indian
terracotta art forms (Das Gupta 1959). Several scholars have attempted to describe the
terracotta forms found from different sites. Toy-carts, being important findings from
Chandraketugarh, Bautze (1989) focused on various seated figurines in the toy-cart and
argued that it is difficult to correlate with exact gods and goddesses of Hindu mythology.
With a descriptive study of such toy-carts he argued that the paucity of archaeological
records made it difficult to identify the actual use of such carts. Mukherji (1991) gave a
detailed description of 18 terracotta forms found from different important terracotta
yielding sites of West Bengal, housed in State Archaeological Museum, West Bengal.
Gautam Sengupta (1992) reported the presence of Pala period terracotta plaques from two
sites viz. Bairhatta in South Dinajpur and Jagjivanpur in Malda districts of West Bengal.
Enamul Haque (2001) provided a detailed illustrative description of 963 terracotta
specimens from Chandraketugarh. Jana (2002) gave a description of terracotta specimens
from the site of Mangalkot.

One of the most concentrated areas of descriptive studies is that of erotic terracotta and
concept of fertility. Erotic terracottas especially the Mithuna figures occupy an important
place in the study of history of art forms in India (see Dasgupta 1961). With the
descriptive study of major forms of erotic expressions found in Bengal terracotta during

22
Sunga to Gupta period, housed in Asutosh Museum and Indian Museum, Kolkata
Chakrabarti and Glantz (1971-72) argued that:

(a) Due to the absence of erotic forms of terracotta from middle and upper Ganga
basin, it may be suggested that the core area of distribution of these forms is
located in lower Ganga basin.
(b) The variety of Mithuna pose indicates that systematic body of erotic knowledge
was prevalent in lower Ganga valley which is an important socio-historical issue.
(c) The similarity in art forms between Khajuraho reliefs and Bengal terracottas
signifies continuity of Indian erotic iconography.
(d) The continuity of erotic art forms demands causation, which requires
iconographic data.

As Briffault (1927) and Bhattacharya (1971) showed fertility rites in agriculture have sex
as an important component, one may say Lower Bengal had similar agriculture related
fertility rites. With the beginning of civilization this knowledge got systematized and
incorporated within the fabric of the civilized society in a sophisticated form.

Therefore these forms represent linear continuity of erotic forms for more than thousand
years. Rita Dutta (2006-2007) studied several erotic plaques from Chandraketugarh in the
collection of Indian Museum and concluded that these plaques were associated with the
conceptions of Siva and Sakti, Purush and Prakriti. She noted that “this branch of
knowledge was quite well known in the Lower Bengal several centuries before the
emergence of Vatsayana” (Dutta 2006-2007: 179). Sengupta (1993-1994) gave a
descriptive account of a unique plaque with two heavily ornamented female figures in
round from Mangalkot. He tried to situate the position of the plaque in reference to
Bharhut and Mathura. However, he argued that the form represented was “ultimately
rooted to Central Indian Deccanese idiom, transmitted through the Mathura tradition”
(Sengupta, 1993-94: 214). Sarkar (2008) in reference to the stylistically grouping of
terracotta materials on the basis of iconography and regional distinctions focused on the
various forms of fertility representation. This descriptive study presented a list of
different fertility forms such as mother and child, lady with parrot, panchachuda Yakshi

23
etc. to strengthen the argument that the archaic forms of human fertility continued
through ages and the fertility right related performances were quite ancient.

Since, a variety of winged figures occupy an important position in Chandraketugarh‟s

findings several scholars have given descriptive account of such figures. Haque (1997)
gave a description of 24 such figurines. Other studies on winged figures placed these
figures in association with solar ideas and prosperity (Mukherjee 1981-82), Surya and Sri
(Saraswati 1962), Mayadevi and Lakshmi (Coomaraswamy 1927), Moon God (Pal 1986).
Gourisankar De (2008-2009) by citing several examples of winged figures from
Harinarayanpur, Chandraketugarh and Tamluk argued that Indian artists were exposed to
foreign impact most commonly with that of Greece and Mesopotemia. The presence of a
male winged figure with embroidered turban, necklace, armlet, bangle and ornament
encircling the neck according to him “most probably represent Kamadevta – the God of
Love” (De 2008-2009: 62).

Citing examples of inscriptions found in pots, pitchers and lamps from Chandraketugarh,
De (1996) with a descriptive study showed that there was migration of communities from
north-west India to Lower Bengal. He further stated that pottery and terracotta items
represented a) lifeways of people, b) popular myths, especially epic, churning of the
ocean, aquatic and marine life and motifs. These indicate high level of artistic activities in
ancient Bengal.

Rita Datta (1991) gave a descriptive account of certain female and also male figures from
Farakka which are housed in State Archaeological Museum, Kolkata. She concluded that
fan-shaped headdress of these figures with vertical scratches were typical to that of
Kushana period and the associated finds from the habitational deposit also confirmed a
Kushana affiliation. These figures also showed similarity with two figures found from
Period III of Pandu Rajar Dhibi. Similar attempt has also been made by Banerjee (1993-
1994).

Religious affinity of the terracotta materials have been done by Mukherjee (1996). He
studied several figurines, plaques and seals from different sites of West Bengal to show

24
Bengal‟s association with Buddhism. Taking material evidences from sites like Tamluk,
Tilda, Chandraketugarh, and Karnasuvarna, he argued that evidences such as Vihara,
Stupa, Buddha head, Jataka scenes, Bodhisattava figures and heads, Torana, seated
Buddha, suggested a strong influence of Buddhism in West Bengal. King Ashoka, Fa-
Hien, and Hiuen-Tsang were also influential over Bengal culture. P. C. Dasgupta (1958)
also mentioned about the similar influences through the study of terracotta art forms and
plaques from Tamluk.

Narrative Descriptions:
Narratives or organization of language into a structure is an important source for
understanding events, time sequence and historical context (Sedgwick 2004). As
narratives are important source of information, these are studied with much care.
Gourisankar De (2001) argued that stories and narratives represented one of the major
forms of entertainment available to human beings. Writing down such stories and visual
representations form integrated part of the material culture. He found Chandraketugarh as
one of the most important examples of terracotta art depicting narratives from Ramayana,
Hitopodesha, Jataka, Panchatantra, etc. He divided the stories into a) flood myth, b)
Ramayana scenes, c) Jataka tales, d) scenes from drama, e) current legends and f) scenes
from daily life.

S.S. Biswas (1981) mentioned many of such scenes found in terracotta items. Subhradeep
De (1999) gave emphasis on the terracotta depiction of daily life of the ancient people.
There are examples of plaques indicating rural life, farming culture, processions, etc.,
there by showing images of daily life. Evidences such as terracotta figurines and plaques
depicting male and female dancers, musicians and musical instruments from
Chandraketugarh reflect contemporary life in palace, village, forest or garden and street
(De and De 2000).

25
Iconic and Secular Terracottas:
With some elaborations of the history of terracotta and ceramics in India, Ray (1996)
gave a descriptive account of the ceramics and particularly terracottas found from the six
identifiable phases of the site of Mangalkot, located in Bardhaman district of West
Bengal. She argued that the terracotta artists of Mangalkot began to produce secular and
artistic figurines along with so-called „ageless‟ types.

For Ray (1996: 32), Kushana period terracotta represented a new category of “demand-
patronage complex”. The dresses, draperies and physical feature showed the influence of
foreign art. The use of moulds and hand-modelling together generated a new kind of art
idiom creating imageries in accordance with the changing pattern of life. The two types,
first, generalized style and second, more concerned with precision of particular details,
occurred hand in hand. The period also showed the dominance of the iconic (images of
gods and goddesses) over the aniconic representations. She notes that the changes in
imaginative conception in iconic and secular traditions indicate historical-social-cultural
changes in India during Kushana period.

Classification Issues, Categorisation, Time

Dimensions and Stylistic Analogy:
Early Historic terracotta plaques and figurines are considered as time signifier. Art
Historians depended primarily on stylistic analogy – “a method where an object‟s
temporal position is determined by comparing it with stylistically similar objects
recovered from excavated sites in various parts of India” (Roy Chowdhury 2002: 13).
Perhaps one of the most exhaustive attempts to understand terracotta in terms of
historical development was by Arundhati Banerji (1994) which began with pre-Harappa
continued through Harappa, Post Harappa upto early NBPW phase.

Several scholars have worked on the time dimensions, stylistic analysis and classification
related issues of terracotta art. One of the earliest classifications was given by Kramrisch
in 1939. She placed Indian terracottas into two major divisions, first, the timeless or

26
ageless types and second, timed variations. Through her study of contemporary and
historical terracottas of Bengal and Bihar she argued that there were certain terracotta
forms, mostly used for ritualistic purpose, have almost remained unchanged over time
and space. There were other forms which have changed through time in consequence of
local adaptations. She stressed on the functional attributes of the terracotta in a particular
social context. She argued that the ageless or timeless types were generally handmade
where as timed variations were essentially mould made. These two types occurred
parallel both in past and in recent times (Kramrisch 1939). Later on, Coomaraswamy in
1956 classified the art forms into a) Popular art and b) High art. He argued that in India
there was an existence of two kinds of artistic expression, marga or highway on the one
hand and desi or byway on the other. More recently Bhattacharya (2002) argued for the
importance of combining Kramrisch‟s and Coomarawamy‟s approaches. He found that
ageless type suggested by Kramrisch in 1939 had something to do with the popular art
forms which were still continuing today and were mostly desi or popular form. The high
art form changed over time. Citing examples of Krishnanagar clay toys, which were
realist in form and influenced by Europe, Bhattacharya (2002) suggested that they
represented the high end forms of contemporary Bengal art and hence it was the timed
variation.

There is a general absence of scientific dating of terracottas of Bengal (Saraswati 1962).

Saraswati (1962) argued for a possible use of two methods of dating, first, stylistic
analogy with stone sculpture and second, dating on the basis of evolution of terracotta
technology. Based on an assumption that style progressed in a unilinear manner, N. R.
Ray (1975) argued that stylistic analogy could be used as a method of dating. Harley
(1986) on stylistic ground argued that terracotta stylistically followed the patterns in
stone. However, for Roy Chowdhury (2002:16) “it is further assumed that terracotta
would follow the same pattern of stylistic evolution as seen in stone sculpture, thereby,
completely disregarding its independent existence.” Furthermore, she stated that although
there are instances of similar stylistic evolution of terracotta and stone sculpture, but
these two media had different attributes, problems and functions in the society.
Associated inscribed antiquities and architectural remains played an important role in

27
dating terracotta artifacts (Dasgupta 1961). Earlier studies were style centric evolutionary
or chronological work based on analogical framework with contemporary stone
sculptures. Terracottas have been dated on the basis of stylistic analogy, comparing them
with contemporary terracottas from other Ganga valley sites, like Kausambi, Pataliputra,
Vaisali and Mathura.

An important attempt to classify the terracotta findings from the site of Chandraketugarh
was made by Roy Chowdhury (1995-96). She classified the terracotta findings on the
basis of themes and motifs. She saw themes as a more abstract concept than motifs which
were generally specific, repeated and concrete forms of manifestation. She classified
Chandraketugarh‟s terracottas into seven categories on the basis of themes and with each
category there could be several motifs. For example, within the thematic category of
„Divine and Semi Divine Creatures‟ there were motifs like Sri Laksmi, the lady with
weapons as hair pins and her variations, Aditi Uttanapad or Lajja-Gauri, Winged
figurines, etc.

S.S. Biswas (1981) divided the ancient terracotta forms of Bengal into seven categories,
viz. Divinities, Toys and animal figurines, Narrative Plaques, Erotic motifs, Bird and
plants on plaques, Seals and sealings, Decorations and motifs on pottery. Within these
broad categories several sub-types were also described. Sharmi Chakraborty (2000)
classified the Chandraketugarh terracotta into three main categories: i) Terracotta
plaques which she again divided into eight sub-categories on the basis of their thematic
depiction, ii) Double moulded male and female figurines and iii) A variety of animal
figurines and plaques depicting various animals. Enamul Haque (2001) in a more recent
study of terracotta materials from Chandraketugarh categorised the materials into 123
types which indicated bewildering variety of the terracotta art forms of the site.

S. K. Mukherjee (2002) carried out a descriptive work stating the history of terracotta art
of West Bengal from Chalcolithic up to post-Gupta period. His study was based on
stylistic comparison with the stone sculptures of recognized periods and analogy with
known or published terracotta findings from different recognized sites. In few cases he
also made comparison with contemporary forms. In this work he tried to describe the

28
distinguished stylistic features of terracottas of different periods and also the continuity of
certain features. His study aimed at to determine the chronology and typology of the
terracotta art of West Bengal.

Bautze (1995) gave a different way of classifying north Indian terracotta materials in
terms of locations. Adopting an open-ended methodology based on visual traits which
essentially took iconographic reference and a comparison with stone sculpture which
assigned materials to three major sites, viz. Mathura, Kausambi and Chandraketugarh.

More recently Roy Chowdhury (2002) argued that stone and terracotta followed two
different patterns of stylistic evolution in Mathura. Therefore it was important to ask how
accurate would it be if we date terracotta from southern Bengal on the basis of formal
affinity to stone sculptures of another site. Citing numerous examples from sites like
Vaisali, Sonpur, Champa having comparable styles with Chandraketugarh complex, Roy
Chowdhury suggested that similar styles might occur in different time periods. She
further showed inconsistencies in stratigraphic evidences at different sites like
Chandraketugarh and Hadipur. Clubbing these evidences she argued that it was difficult
to determine a unidirectional path for evolution of style in a society. Therefore it was
unwise to date any terracotta material on the basis of stylistic analogy.

One of the major cataloguing in recent times was done by Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and
Chakraborty (2007). They classified the early historical terracottas housed in State
Archaeological Museum, West Bengal, in to six categories, viz. a) Divine and Semi-
Divine, b) Mithuna and Mithuna Plaques, c) Animal Riders, d) Plaques with Narrative
Content, e) Plaques and Figurines of Animals and f) Miscellaneous, which facilitated
their descriptive work.

History, Society and Terracotta: Ethnographic

and Ethnoarchaeological Works
The classification issues are far from being resolved. However, scholars recognized the
immense possibility of using terracotta materials for reconstructing the lifeways of

29
ancient people. Perhaps one of the earliest mentions of the possibility of using terracotta
materials for explaining dimensions of past society was by Nihar Ranjan Ray. Ray (1980)
in his Chandraketugarh, A Port City in Ancient Bengal, its Art and Archaeology, asked
for the possible functional relations of terracotta plaques and social system. Whether
these were manifestations of Urbanism? Whether we could link these plaques with cult?
Although these questions have remained unanswered, nevertheless these have left several
puzzles that were yet to be solved. S.S. Biswas (1981: 111) argued “…In the perspective
of an ancient tradition and changing style through epochs these terracottas eloquently
compliment the culture… They indeed provide a valuable source of material needed for
reconstructing some of the forgotten chapters of the socio-cultural history of the country.
The ethnic groups, their daily life, their costumes, jewellery, headdress, etc., the
architectural designs, the mode of conveyance and other aspects as revealed in this art are
manifestly important.” There are ranges of studies in this area.

An extensive ethnographic documentation of the terracotta craft tradition of Bihar and

Eastern Uttar Pradesh was carried out by Jayaswal (1984, 1989); Jayaswal and Krishna
(1986); Jayaswal, Krishna and Pant (1986). In their exhaustive work they examined the
distribution of terracotta forms and styles, geographical factors, and location of the
centres. They described the manufacturing technique of these terracottas produced by the
contemporary potter communities from the middle Ganga valley in detail. They also
classified the terracotta figurines from the area into three categories: ritualistic, decorative
and toys for children. Elephant, horse and tiger are the predominant animal figurines
produced in that area. These were offered in different ritual ceremonies though the use of
tiger was limited to the small area of Gorakhpur. They referred to the terracotta of
„Nauranga style‟ which is represented by stylized horse, elephant, tiger, camel and
rhinoceros. Jayaswal (1989) found continuity in technique of manufacture, stylisation and
ritual use. She pointed to the difficulties in tracing the continuity of supply chain of
terracotta materials and argued for possibilities in tracing the continuities of ritual use of
terracotta materials as manifested in different thans (sacred groves). Later on Vidula
Jayaswal (1990) argued that Indian terracotta art has been studied with an attempt to
identify and classify. Comparatively little attempt has been made to understand issues

30
like manufacturing process, mechanics of dispersal and origin and spread of new styles.
She suggested for a possibility of the use ethnographic materials to study such issues.
Using ethnographic references from 150 pottery/terracotta making centres she argued that
morphological parallels between the ancient clay figurines and ethnographic forms could
help understanding the skills and the motivations behind the stylistic change. In a more
recent paper Jayaswal (2002) gave a detailed description of the ritual use of
contemporary terracotta art forms exchanged through jajmani system. She found that
elephants with a variety of art forms were attached with various rituals in Bihar. The
variation in art form was so prominent that she classified art forms into several divisions
based on their place of origin. At the eastern part of Uttar Pradesh, north of River Ganga
cluster of terracotta elephants in sacred groves are notable.

In West Bengal ethnographic work on terracotta craft has been extensively done by
Dipankar Ghosh (2002a) which focused on the variety of art forms, documentation of the
technique of manufacture and distribution of terracotta manufacturing centres throughout
the state. Scholars like Mukherjee (1971) studied the terracotta craft of Panchmura a
famous terracotta manufacturing centre in Bankura. Ghosh (2002b) studied the aspects of
terracotta Tulsi mancha in Medinipur. Mukhopadhyay (1999) studied the dialectics of
folk art and high art in West Bengal. Shaw (2011) gave a detailed study of the
manufacturing technique of terracotta horses in Bankura. Satpathi (2011) probed on the
problems faced by the terracotta craft makers of Panchmura in Bankura.

Kakoli Sinha (2008) in her Genesis of dolls and toys focused on a) a brief history of the
continuation of dolls and toys in West Bengal, b) contemporary status of dolls and toys in
rural and urban context and c) life of the doll and toy makers. She argued that apart from
the classical divisions of the dolls and toys as timeless and timed variations and religious
or secular usage, one could focus on the rural and urban differences as well. While clay
toys in urban centres were un-burnt, glossy and represented realist forms such as
Rabindranath Tagore, Subhas Chandra Bose, Adam and Eve, clearly aspects of urban life,
rural clay toys were burnt, thereby, increasing their longevity. Citing examples of regions
like Krishnanagar and Kalighat producing materials for urban folks and Bankura that of

31
rural people she indicated the difference in form has a demand base. Hence, the
Krishnanagar and Kalighat artists making dolls and toys for urban life focused on realist
forms matching urban needs. However, she also mentioned the possibility of change in
taste as burnt terracotta ornaments were becoming increasingly popular among urban
ladies. In an ethnographic description of the life of the doll makers she represented the
supply chain of raw materials through river ways and argued that the lack of proper
marketing and canvassing were the reasons for distressed status of the artists who made
these items.

D. K. Bhattacharya (1989) carried out ethnographic study on the use of terracotta objects
in Manasa cult among the Bauris who lived in Bankura district of West Bengal close to
Bengal-Bihar border. Besides the main object of veneration made on terracotta known as
Manasa ghat they used stylized terracotta horse and elephant figurines as part of the
ritual. He pointed out the historical reasons for the choice of these particular animal
figurines by the Bauris. He argued that the present day terracotta worship among them
was purely a historical development and a result of political, socio-economic changes in
the society. Therefore, these symbols should not merely be treated as a symbol of power
but one should also look into their historical background and trace why these symbolic
images were chosen for a particular cult. Bidhan Biswas (2002) studied Manasa cult and
the use of terracotta materials in pleasing the deity in several places of West Bengal.
Sacred groves being an important space of terracotta use have been studied thoroughly by
Malhotra et al. (2001).

Gangopadhyay (2002) argued that archaeologists emphasized more on terracotta

materials for their form to be used for making time brackets. As the studies over
emphasized on forms, it resulted in the absence of studies contextualizing terracotta
materials in their social process especially the space. He argues that many excavations
did not speak for the context. Instead forms were taken to be the main clue for
interpreting their meaning. This tendency, according to him was dangerous as this
approach especially in archaeology where we saw these objects at their final stage of
deposition could not look into the processes by which these have gone through. These

32
processes were culturally significant and carried meaning without which we would be
unable to get a complete understanding of these objects. Gangopadhyay argued that here
laid the importance of ethnoarchaeology. Through his ethnographic study of the use of
terracotta in villages of Bishnupur in Bankura, he carried out a detailed study of the
location of the village shrines and patterns of terracotta use. He showed that:

a) Terracotta objects were patterned according to the patterns of human behaviour

b) Symbolic association of pitchers with womb as these were offered only to the
female deities, hence, patterns of terracotta use were gendered.
c) Terracotta materials were not always cult specific, but at times they were gender
specific.
d) Offering votive objects was not a ritual per se rather their deposition in shrines
marked that a ritual had taken place and also marked the space.
e) The location of shrines was also culturally important in marking village boundary.

Therefore Gangopadhyay concluded that forms were not the only criteria for
understanding the symbolic realm of a society. One should note the entire social process
through ethnographic study and archaeological interpretations required horizontal
excavations. In a more recent continuation of his previous work with detailed study of the
scripts associated with Manasa, its symbolic meaning and associated terracotta objects
from past and present, Gangopadhyay (2006) argues that there are evidences to show the
use of terracotta figurines in the ritual observance of serpent-goddess.

Existing Gaps in Literature and the Present

Concern:
The earlier studies are mostly limited to documentations, descriptions and classifications
of terracotta items which fail to see the presence of non-material aspects of human
society and culture linked to the apparent material presence of terracotta. The review of
the works indicates the potential of ethnographic data in amplifying archaeological
interpretations. More such works are needed for deeper understanding of the rich
terracotta traditions of West Bengal. The review indicates first, that most of the studies

33
focus on the site of Chandraketugarh (Sengupta, Roy Chowdury and Chakraborty 2007),
second, there is no consensus in the possible methods of classification so far, third, most
of the scholars opt for descriptive approach of various kinds, and finally, studies of
explanatory or analytical potential are less and lack specificity. These indicate an existing
problem in approaching terracotta in its socio-cultural context.

Present work ethnographically explores terracotta manufacturing techniques, patterns of

marketing and usage. While studying the patterns of terracotta use the study focuses on
the hitherto understudied spatial and gender dimension associated with the ritual use of
terracotta in West Bengal.

The Dimension of Space and Gender and the Present

Concern:
Kroll and Price (1991) argue that spatial analysis of archaeological remains is as old as
the discipline itself. The argument gains support primarily from the spatial concern
during different excavations of archaeological sites since the beginning of so called
modern archaeology and at a more substantive level from the approaches of Scandinavian
traditions where the spatial arrangements of artifacts, features and architectures were
documented within a functional framework. This in turn gives rise to the increasing focus
on systematic analysis of artifacts in spatial context which is the cornerstone of
Processual era in archaeology (Trigger 1989).

The explicit use of spatial analysis in archaeology calls for a conjunction of functional
approach with archaeology pioneered by scholar like Clark (1954) in Europe and Willey
(1948) in North America. Meanwhile Walter Taylor (1948) with his conjunctive
approach in archaeology seeks a detailed study of material as well as ecological
evidences recovered from archaeological sites. Studying the spatial patterning of artifacts
as systems to understand past societies‟ systems has been the prime mover. Willey (1953)
explores the settlement, environment and socio-cultural systems over time in Viru Valley
in Peru. Willey and Sabloff (1993) examine the relationship between the spatial
patterning of settlements in particular ecological background. Along with the space

34
studies there is a significant rise in approaching cross cultural generalizations in terms of
understanding of past behaviours and modern ethnographic observations.

Lewis Binford‟s (1968:27) “laws of cultural dynamics” which includes

ethnoarchaeological observations about the spatial patterning of artefacts, throws light on
the regularities between past and present societies. In his famous Willow smoke and dog’s
tails: Hunter-gather settlement systems and archaeological site formation (Binford 1980)
he collects data based on ethnographic observations of various hunter-gatherer groups to
explain spatial patterning in the archaeological records. Scholars like Carol Kramer
(1979), Nicolas David (1971) and Susan Kent (1983) worked on similar issues of spatial
organization of present societies and their archaeological relevance. Flannery‟s (1976)
edited volume The Early Mesoamerican Village represents a complete devotion to the
analysis of settlement patterns and systems and organizations of households. Throughout
the Processual era settlement studies increasingly become ecologically driven. Sanders et
al. (1979) for example in The Basin of Mexico: Ecological Processes in the Evolution of
a Civilization, stress the symbiosis between ecological process, cultural evolution and
settlement study. One of the more enduring emphases of Processual archaeology in the
1960s and 1970s on space study is that of household archaeology. With Flannery‟s
influence Steadman (1996) notes that early work in household archaeology has a
Mesoamerican association. 1970s see a spur of quantitative approach in spatial analysis
advocated principally by David Clarke (1977) and his students including Hodder and
Orton (1976).

With the rise of Post-processual archaeology scholars like Ashmore (2002) argue the
relevance of such an approach in analyzing past cultures. Patterson (1986) questioned the
normative assumptions made by the Processualists and began to examine aspects of
human behaviour in a less deterministic way. Scholars begin to focus on intangible
aspects of human culture including ideology, power relations and social structures in past
societies (Hodder 1984, Leone 1986, Shanks and Tilley 1987a, 1987b). These studies
tend to focus on the socio-cultural implications of spatial relations in past societies. With

35
the development of Post-processual archaeology the intangible aspects gained central
stage in archaeological analysis of space.

With the philosophical and methodological background provided by Henri Lefebvre

especially in his The Production of Space (1991) space is now seen as the site of ongoing
interactions of social relations which is a process of production. His triad spatial model a)
the conceived dimension which is the material manifestation of ideas associated with
designing of a space, b) perceived dimension – the functional association of space or the
patterns of space use and c) lived space – symbolic values associated with spatial
practice, becomes an important source of inspirations. For Elden (2004) lived space is
Lefebvrian middle range between absolute idealism, i.e. the conceived space and absolute
materialism, i.e. perceived space. Similarly several anthropological literature is
increasingly devoted to ethnographic location of voice (Appadurai 1988), politicized,
culturally relative, historically specific, local and multiple socially constructive nature of
space (Rodman 1992), self and body in space (Richardson 1982), gendered space
(Ardener 1993, Bourdieu 1973, Humphrey 1974, Massey 1994, Rosaldo 1974, 1980).

Soja‟s (1996) third space echoing Lefebvre‟s lived space can be used as a tool to
understand the constructs, symbols and cognition of contemporary people. A hint of
archaeological work along this line is provided by Shanks and Tilley (1987a) in their
substantial (experiential) and abstract (measured) time which sees incorporation of space
into the body of time.

As Post-processual archaeology tends to focus more on the intangible aspects and space
is considered to be one of the tangible site to read them, several scholars sought to
analyse the built environment constructed by past people in order to reveal social, cultural
and ideological aspects of past buildings and cities. Scholars like Blanton (1994), Hodder
(1984), Martin (2001), and Trigger (1990) inspired by anthropologists and cultural
geographers such as Amos Rapoport (1968, 1982, 1990), Lawrence and Low (1990),
Hiller (1996), Hanson (1998) exemplify the tradition. Bruce Trigger (2003) analyses
urban landscapes of cities in early civilizations and monumental architectures to focus on
the nature of power in early civilizations. The very nature of power continues to maintain

36
urban landscapes till date. Similarly Smith (2003) discusses the idealization and
realization of power through urban landscapes of ancient Mesopotamian cities. Similar
works by Wendy Ashmore (1991, 1992) echoes the archaeological study of intangibles
which in turn is a way of studying space advocated by scholars like Lefebvre. Hodder
(1982b), Shanks and Tilley (1987a) note through their ethnoarchaeological studies that
material culture is meaningfully constituted by social cultural factors and in turn
influences culture as well (David and Kramer 2001). David and Kramer‟s (2001)
ethnoarchaeological discussion on the gendered spaces exemplify these new ways of
incorporating Post-processual approaches to spatial organization.

The concept of gender and its possible implication in analysing archaeological materials,
especially the spatial aspect has been understudied. Early in the development of
landscape archaeology, historical archaeologists have analyzed how vernacular
landscapes were shaped by class or race, but failed to consider gender (Kelso 1995,
Zierden 1996). Few others use archaeological concept of landscape to include culturally
shaped lands and what was previously called settlement patterns – the arrangement and
cultural relationships among buildings constructed on or into landscapes such as
cityscapes (Mrozowski and Beaudry 1990, Sandweiss 1996). However, only one of these
cityscape studies analyzed gender power dynamics (Spencer-Wood 1987). One of the
principal issues for the archaeological discipline, more broadly, is the gender-marking of
activities that once took place in the material conditions, now represented by the
archaeological record (Allison 2006). Much work has been carried out in different
branches of archaeology to engender the past. However, there are criticisms on the direct
use of feminist theory in archaeology (Engelstad 1999). Although Shelby Brown
(1997:14) notes that “classical archaeologists continue to avoid feminist theory” a
growing concern for the use of concept of gender is noted in current archaeological
practices (e.g., Bacus et al. 1993; Gilchrist 1999).

While ancient terracotta materials are studied from the perspective of forms,
classifications and a few ethnoarchaeological endeavours, this leaves the important Post-
processual issues of intangible aspects of terracotta in the broader perspective of cultural

37
significance and their possible continuity. With these newer insights on gender and space
there is an opening of studying terracotta not only from the perspective of its forms,
techniques of manufacture and evidences from archaeological sites but also study of the
intangible aspects of terracotta usage in broader social-cultural space.

38
 Chapter – 3

Aims, Study Area and Methodology

39
As discussed earlier, in this work terracotta is seen as one of the important material
expressions of past and present people reflecting different interrelated facets of culture
which can be understood through a study on multidimensional aspects of terracotta.
Before presenting the research findings and interpretations it is important to elucidate the
aims, study area and methodology of the present work.

Aims/Objectives:
The present work attempts to understand different aspects of present day terracotta craft
to throw light on ancient terracotta tradition of West Bengal. The major aims of the work
consist of the following:

i) To understand the technological aspect related to terracotta making including

source and preparation of clay, different techniques of making the objects,
firing technique, colouring, decoration and rituals (prohibitions and
prescriptions) associated with different stages of manufacture.

ii) To understand the economic aspect of terracotta craft with a special emphasis
on terracotta supply chain from makers to users and patterns of distribution
having regional and ritual effects.

iii) To explore associated symbols through oral histories and myths in order to
better interpret symbolic significance and intangible aspects of past terracotta.

iv) To examine patterns of terracotta usage to understand the ritual and social
attributes through ages.

v) To understand the spatial orientation of terracotta usage to explore the

production of space having hints of symbolic continuity of space.

vi) To study the similarities in art forms between past and present terracotta to
trace the possible continuity in art forms.

These insights help in forming arguments to reflect on the past.

40
Study Area:
The present research has been carried out at different districts of West Bengal, a state in
the eastern region of India. With current population of over 91 million inhabitants it is the
fourth-most populous states of the nation (Census of India, World Gazetteer 2013). The
state is surrounded by the countries of Nepal and Bhutan in north and Bangladesh in the
east. Other states like Orissa, Jharkhand and Bihar formulate the eastern border. At the
north-eastern part states of Sikkim and Assam mark the border. Kolkata (formerly
Calcutta) is the state capital. West Bengal encompasses two broad natural regions: the
Gangetic Plain in the south and the sub-Himalayan and Himalayan area in the north,
hence the state is stretched from Himalaya in the north to the Bay of Bengal in the south
with an area of 88,752 square km (Census of India 2011). The Terai region separates
Himalayan region from the rest. There is an old landscape, most prominently manifested
in Rarh region which intervenes between the Gangetic delta in the east and the western
plateau and high lands (Sarkar 2004). The elevation of the plain increases slowly toward
the west; the rise is most marked near the Chota Nagpur plateau of neighbouring
Jharkhand. At the south, Sundarbans formulate the mangrove forested region of the
Gangetic delta, and there is also a small stretch of sea coast. The Gangetic Plain contains
fertile alluvial soil deposited by the River Ganga and its tributaries and distributaries.
There are numerous marshes and shallow lakes formed out of dead river courses. Indeed,
the Ganga, which now runs through the narrow middle section of the state before entering
Bangladesh, has been moving steadily eastward for centuries; very little of its water now
goes to the sea via the western distributaries known as Bhagirathi, the northern stretch
and Hooghly, the southern stretch (Encyclopedia Britannica 2013b). Other important
rivers of the state are Mayurakshi, Ajay, Rupnarayan, Silai, Kasai, etc. (Fig. 3.1).

41
Fig. 3.1 The physical map of West Bengal (courtesy: Macmillion School Atlas 2005)

42
The state is subdivided into nineteen districts each having separate administrative
headquarters. The nineteen districts are grouped into three divisions. Following table
shows the three groups and names of the districts falling under such divisions.

Table no. 3.1 Names and divisions of the districts of West Bengal

Bardhaman Division Jalpaiguri Division Presidency Division

 Bankura  Koch Bihar  Howrah

 Bardhaman  Darjeeling  Kolkata
 Birbhum  Jalpaiguri  Murshidabad
 Hugli  Malda  Nadia
 Purulia
 Uttar Dinajpur  North 24 Parganas
 Purba Medinipur
 Paschim Medinipur  Dakshin Dinajpur  South 24 Parganas

Districts like Koch Bihar, Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri, Uttar Dinajpur, Dakshin Dinajpur and
Malda are located at the northern part of the state. Southern Bengal includes the rest of
the districts.

For the present work available terracotta materials from important Early Historic
terracotta yielding sites of the state are considered. These are listed below:

43
Table no. 3.2 District wise location of ancient terracotta yielding sites of West Bengal

Name of the districts Name of the sites

North 24 Parganas Chandraketugarh

South 24 Parganas Deulpota, Dhosa, Tilpi, Atghara, Gosaba,

Harinarayanpur

Purba Medinipur Tamluk, Natsal

Paschim Medinipur Panna, Tilda

Bankura Dihar, Pokhanna

Birbhum Bahiri, Kotasur, Nanur

Bardhaman Mangalkot, Pandu Rajar Dhibi,

Baneswardanga, Bharatpur

Murshidabad Rajbaridanga, Farakka

Maldah Mahanad

Dakshin Dinajpur Bangarh

Following are some of the photographs of the ancient terracotta yielding sites of West
Bengal.

44
Fig. 3.2 The site of Chandraketugarh

Fig. 3.3 The site of Pandu Rajar Dhibi

45
For the ethnographic study, terracotta making and using communities have been studied
from 17 villages located in seven districts of West Bengal. The following table represents
the administrative location of the villages studied.

Table no. 3.3 Administrative location of the villages under study

District Block Municipality Gram Panchayat Village name

North 24 Deganga – Berachampa - II Devalaya

pgs
Deganga – Sohai- Shetpur Shetpur-Palpara

Barasat - I – Duttapukur - II Chaltaberia

South 24 Baruipur – Madarat Atghara-Palpara

pgs
Bhangar - I – Sanksahar Sanksahar-Nischintapur

Purba Sahid – Kakharda Yashomantapur

Medinipur Matangini
Raghunathpur - I Tarangakhali

Paschim Garbeta - II – Goaltor Moyna

Medinpur
Sirishboni

Gangduari

Bankura Taldangra – Panchmura Panchmura

– Sonamukhi – Sonamukhi-
Satyapirtala

Khatra – Gorabari Dhagora

Birbhum Bolpur- – Ruppur Surul

Sriniketan
– Kankalitala Adityapur

– Bolpur – Makrampur

Bardhaman Purbasthali - I – Srirampur South Srirampur

For the selection of villages, primary emphasis has been given to the terracotta
manufacturing villages adjacent to the major terracotta yielding sites. Villages from

46
famous terracotta manufacturing districts, such as Bankura and Birbhum, are taken into
consideration. Emphasis is also given to study the villages where terracotta has
significant role in different rituals. Fig. 3.4 shows the location of ancient terracotta
yielding sites and the contemporary villages under study.

47
Fig. 3.4 Map of West Bengal showing location of ancient terracotta yielding sites and contemporary
villages under study

48
It is important to have an understanding of the background of the villages in order to get a
comprehensive picture of the context in which ethnography has been carried out. Details
such as the setting, ethnic composition, and settlement pattern are given in the following
way.

Villages in North 24 Parganas:

The studied villages of North 24 Parganas district are Devalaya, Shetpur-Palpara and
Chaltaberia. Among these three villages the first two fall under Deganga Block and the
last one under Barasat-I Block.

Devalaya (22° 41′ 36″ N, 88° 41′ 17″ E) is a small village in Berachampa-II Gram
Panchayat. It is a single caste village. They are all Kumor by caste. Earlier all the families
of the village used to manufacture pottery and terracotta objects. At present, due to
economic need they are involved in other occupations. Only 52 families among the 155
families are still engaged in pottery making which is their primary occupation and only
one family in the whole village is making terracotta objects in parallel with pottery (see
Table no. 5.2). Interestingly here the female members of the family are involved in the
actual making process of the terracotta objects and male members act as their helpers.
However, firing is done by the male members. They mainly produce terracotta toy
objects in small amount. Some of the families own farm land. Settlement pattern of the
village includes both linear and cluster types. All the families are staying in huts, made
out of mud and straw sometimes with tiled roof.

Shetpur-Palpara (22° 46′ 58″ N, 88° 34′ 14″ E) is a large, single-caste village situated
within Sohai-Shetpur Gram Panchayat. It is one of the sections (para) of the whole
Shetpur region. Though the entire population of Shetpur-Palpara is Kumor by caste, at
present only 68 families are engaged in pottery making as their primary occupation and
two families are involved in terracotta making (see Table no. 5.2). Terracotta making is
the primary occupation for these two families. Most of the families own farm land. A

49
small river nearby is known as Vidyadhari. The village is prosperous compared to the
other villages of the region. There is a Kali temple situated at the entrance of the village.
The settlement pattern is of both linear and cluster type. Though the village has houses
made out of concrete but some of the families are unable to built concrete houses due to
their economic crisis and are still staying in mud houses.

Chaltaberia (22° 46′ 06″ N, 88° 32′ 23″ E) is a medium-sized village in Duttapukur-II
Gram Panchayat. It is a single-caste village having 232 families. They are Kumor by
caste. Their predecessors were traditional terracotta makers in Bangladesh. They
migrated to India during mid 1900s because of political turmoil. At present 193 families
are manufacturing a huge variety of decorative terracotta items (see Table no. 5.2).
Pottery has also been manufactured by most of the families (220) though terracotta
making is the primary occupation for many of them. Chaltaberia can be viewed as a
terracotta manufacturing unit, situated close to the urban market of Kolkata. The village
shows cluster type of settlement pattern. Most of the families are economically well off to
have a concrete house, though some of them are still staying in mud huts.

Villages in South 24 Parganas:

Two villages of South 24 Parganas district are Atghara-Palpara and Sanksahar-

Nischintapur. The former falls under Baruipur Block and the latter falls under Bhangar-I
Block.

Atghara-Palpara (22° 21′ 31″ N, 88° 25′ 54″ E) is a large, multi-caste and multi-
occupational village in Madarat Gram Panchayat. It is one of the four sections (para) of
the whole Atghara region. Besides Kumor, the village consists of other castes like
Brahmin, Kayastha, Banik, Tanti and Scheduled Castes. Among 418 families of the
village, only 32 families are potter and terracotta maker by occupation (see Table no.
5.2). Pottery manufacture is their primary occupation. Side by side they prepare a few
terracotta objects which are used in rituals. The village shows a linear pattern of
settlement. Most of the households are made of mud though a few concrete houses are
also noticed. There is a temple of different deities and a primary school at the end of the

50
village and almost at the junction of four sections (para). The villagers perform a special
ceremonial ritual known as Bastu puja.

Sanksahar-Nischintapur (22° 30′ 36″ N, 88° 36′ 47″ E) is a large, single-caste and
multi-occupational village situated within Sanksahar Gram Panchayat. Thay are Kumor
by caste. Among 332 families only 37 families are presently engaged in pottery making
(see Table no. 5.2). They also make small amount of terracotta items used for ritual
purposes such as pradips and gahts. Terracotta making is their secondary occupation.
Earlier all the families of the village were potters by occupation. They were traditional
potters but at present most of them have shifted to other occupations. Cluster type of
settlement pattern is noticed in this village. The houses are built of mud and brick tiles
(tali). Few families have their own farm land.

Villages of Purba Medinipur:

Villages of Purba Medinipur include Yashomantapur and Tarangakhali; both of them are
situated under Sahid Matangini Block.

Yashomantapur (22° 18′ 21″ N, 87° 54′ 19″ E) is a large, multi-caste and multi-
occupational village, falls under Kakharda Gram Panchayat. Among 318 families only 15
families are occupationally potter and they are all Kumor (potter) by caste. Only 6
families among the 15 potter families are involved in terracotta making which is their
secondary occupation (see Table no. 5.2). They make terracotta objects including the
images of local gods and goddesses used for ritual purposes. They also make clay idols of
different gods and goddess like Kali, Durga, Lakshmi, Kartikeya and so on. Other castes
include Brahmin, Karmakar, Banik and Scheduled Castes. There is a small Shitala temple
at the centre of the village. Some of the families have their own farm land. Linear and
cluster both types of settlement pattern are noticed in this village. Houses are mostly
made of mud.

Tarangakhali (22° 20′ 11″ N, 87° 52′ 16″ E) is a medium-sized, multi-caste and multi
occupational village. It falls under Raghunathpur-I Gram Panchayat. Among 283 families

51
staying in the village, 51 families are potters by occupation. They are all Kumor by caste.
Only 14 families among the potters are involved in terracotta manufacturing though
pottery making is their primary occupation (see Table no. 5.2). They prepare small
amount of terracotta objects mostly used for marriage and other rituals. The village
consists of different castes such as Kumor, Karmakar, Tanti, Brahmin, Kayastha,
Scheduled Castes etc. Some of the families have their own farm land. The village has two
sections (para). Both linear and cluster pattern of settlement are noticed. Most of the
houses are built out of mud with a few exceptions of concrete houses.

Villages in Paschim Medinipur:

The studied villages in Paschim Medinipur are located in Goaltor Gram Panchayat under
Garbeta – II Block nearby Tamal River. The villages are located within forested region.
Apart from Sirishboni (22° 42′ 25″ N, 87° 10′ 22″ E) which is a tribal village inhabited
by Santals, the other villages, like Gangduari (22° 42′ 30″ N, 87° 10′ 47″ E) and Moyna
(22° 42′ 38″ N, 87° 10′ 22″ E) are multi-ethnic. In Moyna apart from Santals two castes
Teli and Bagal are found. Gangduari includes Brahmins, Kurmi-Mahato, Teli and Bagal
as castes and Santals as tribe. Sirishboni village follows linear pattern of settlement
beside main alleyway, however there are also clusters. Both Gangduari and Moyna
follow clusters of settlements primarily based on caste. All the villages have mud-built
huts.

Villages in Bankura:

Three villages are studied in Bankura, of which Panchmura and Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala

fall under Taldangra Block and Dhagora falls under Khatra Block.

Panchmura (22° 57′ 57″ N, 87° 09′ 47″ E) is a multi-caste village situated in Panchmura
Gram panchayat. It is a medium-sized village and 21.43% of the total number of families
is involved in terracotta making (see Table no. 5.2). They are essentially Kumor
(traditionally pot makers by caste occupation) by caste. The other castes include
Brahmin, Kayastha, Tantubay (traditional weavers), Mahishya and scheduled castes (SC).

52
Panchmura is very famous for its terracotta tradition. Kumors make various terracotta
items in large scale. Terracotta making is their primary occupation though some of the
families make pottery side by side. The other castes of the village are involved in
different occupations. This village follows linear and cluster settlement patterns. It has
both mud-built huts and concrete houses.

Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala (23° 18′ 11″ N, 87° 24′ 56″ E), the other village in Taldangra
Block, is situated under the Sonamukhi Municipality. Sonamukhi is a large village
consists of four sections (tala or para). Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala is one of them. Only nine
families of Satyapirtala are involved in terracotta making (see Table no. 5.2). It is a multi-
ethnic and multi-occupational village. Though majority of the population is Hindu of
different castes, the village incorporates Muslim populations as well. Tribal population
such as few Santal families are also staying at end portion of the village. The nearby
small river is named as Shali. A temple of Hindu deities and a Muslim pir are located at
the junction of four para or sections. Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala bears cluster type of
settlement pattern. The village has mostly mud-built huts; some of the concrete
constructions can also be seen.

Both the villages of Taldangra Block have Manasa than (sacred grove of Manasa) at the
boundary or at the end of the villages.

Dhagora (22° 58′ 31″ N, 86° 46′ 59″ E) is a considerably small village. The village is
located beside the Kangsabati river dam, and hence has a history of displacement. Santals
and Bhumijs are two tribes occupying the village. The sacred groves (thans) of village
deities, Santal God Marangburu and Manasa have been displaced because of
construction of the dam. Among the two sacred groves one is located near the entrance of
the village and another one is located beside the Kangsabati dam, which is build after the
land was acquired by the government for the construction of the dam. Santals here have
given up their traditional occupation of hunting in post independence era. Due to the lack
of irrigation, farming is not profitable. However, they supplement their income by
fishing. Several families sustain by earning daily wage. Often hunting small animals like
rats and wild hens and collection of non-wood forest product provide valuable addition to

53
their sustenance. The settlement pattern follows both linear and cluster and each of the
houses are mud-built.

Villages in Birbhum:

The studied villages Surul, Adityapur and Makrampur fall under Bolpur-Sriniketan
Block. These villages are situated close to the bank of the river Ajay.

Surul (23° 39′ 55″ N, 87° 39′ 58″ E) is a small village with 177 families of which only
22 families are terracotta makers (see Table no. 5.2). Terracotta manufacture is primary
occupation for most of them. It is a multi-caste village consists of Brahmin, Kayastha,
Karmakar, Banik, Kumor and other castes. Though most of the terracotta makers are
traditional Kumor by caste but some of them are from other castes too. They have come
to this occupation due to the demand of terracotta items in nearby Bolpur market. They
make mostly decorative terracotta objects. The village is multi-occupational by nature.
The settlement pattern include mostly linear pattern but some clusters are also noticed.
There are both mud-built huts and concrete houses.

Adityapur (23° 42′ 33″ N, 87° 42′ 29″ E) is a medium-sized, multi-caste village, located
within Kankalitala Gram Panchayat. Though most of the population is Kumor by caste,
few other castes like Karmakar, Pramanik, Tanti etc are also staying. Among 262
families, 143 families‟ primary occupation is pottery manufacture. At present 29 families
are involved in terracotta making (see Table no. 5.2). They prepare mainly terracotta
dolls, toys and some decorative items. Though majority of them are Kumor by caste, few
other castes are involved in this occupation as there is a market demand for these objects
at present. Besides a few exceptions, terracotta making is their secondary occupation.
Cluster type of settlement pattern is noticed in this village and all the families are staying
in mud-built huts.

Makrampur (23° 39′ 36″ N, 87° 41′ 49″ E) is a large, multi-caste and multi-occupational
village, situated under Bolpur Municipality. Among 646 families 58 are involved in
pottery making as their primary occupation. They are Kumor by caste among them only
19 families are presently making terracotta objects besides pottery (see Table no. 5.2).

54
These terracotta objects are mostly used in different rituals including marriage. The
village has mainly linear settlement pattern, however, few clusters are also seen. Some
houses are made of concrete but most of them are mud constructions.

Village in Bardhaman:

South Srirampur (23° 23′ 51″ N, 88° 21′ 09″ E) is located very close to the river
Bhagirathi, at Nadia-Bardhaman border and beside an old seasonal channel of Bhagirathi
known as Muri ganga. The village is multi-ethnic and multi-occupational in nature. South
Srirampur falls under Srirampur Gram Panchayat of Purbasthali – I Block in Bardhaman
District. There are Brahmins of various types with caste hierarchies, Kapali (Vaishyas in
the four Varna system), Scheduled Caste (SC) Pramanik (traditional hair dresser), Bagdis
and Scheduled Tribe (ST) Santals are the major categories of people. Cluster pattern of
settlement is found in South Srirampur. Most of the families are staying in houses made
of concrete and very few are still staying in mud houses due to their poor economic
condition. There is a Radha-Krishna temple located at the north-western side of the
village.

Following are photographs of some of the studied villages.

55
Fig. 3.5 Village Sirishboni

Fig. 3.6 Village Dhagora

56
Fig. 3.7 Typical hut of a terracotta maker in Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala

Fig. 3.8 Village South Srirampur

57
Present Approach and Methodology:
To carry out this work, with an aim of forming arguments to reflect on the past an
ethnoarchaeological approach has been taken.

As Richard Gould defined, ethnoarchaeology is the use of ethnographic observations of

contemporary societies to explain patterning of cultural remains in the archaeological
record (Gould 1996). Various approaches and theories have been developed by various
scholars while doing their respective researches. With the theoretical development of
cultural ecology by Julian Steward, environmental factors became an important
parameter for archaeological analyses. R. Ascher in 1961, through his concept of „New
Analogy‟, argued that archaeologists should draw analogies between present and past
only from cultures that adapted to similar environments in similar ways. In favour of this
approach Patty Jo Watson (1979a, 1979b) argued for the role of ethnographic analogues
as a source of hypotheses for archaeological testing. Most radical explanations in the field
of ethnoarchaeology based on recognition of „anomalies‟ have been developed by
Richard Gould and John Yellen (1987). Through their study on !Kung San and Ngatatjara
aborigines of Kalahari desert on the use of house hold space they argued that
archaeological record based on similar kinds of cultures can be manipulated by different
environments in different ways. Therefore, one can generate hypotheses based on
comparative differences between known ethnographic societies where cultural and
ecological variables can be studied. Furthermore, these hypotheses can be tested
wherever such variables are observed in the archaeological records.

Ethnoarchaeology advocates two major approaches, first, Direct Historical Approach

which argues that specific parallels can be drawn from present to past if preferably there
are indigenous people living near the site (Steward 1942). It is generally presumed that
the tribal people are the descendants of the earlier primitive social groups and among
rural folks many ancient customs and traditions survive in an unadulterated form
(Dhavalikar 1983). Often historical accounts play a significant role to draw the continuity
from past to present. Second is General Comparative Approach, where the source of
analogue is not a direct evolutionary descendant of the archaeological subject. Hence, it

58
refers to broad cross-cultural correlations throughout prehistory (Lyman and O‟Brien,
2001).

The present work is based on ethnographic analogies, which involve comparison and
correlation of data from the past and present. Both the above mentioned approaches are
pragmatically used in the study.

Techniques of Data Collection:

The methodologies of the present work involve intensive ethnography in different
villages and also the study of ancient terracotta materials reported from different sites in
West Bengal.

Ethnographic work has been carried out in above mentioned 17 villages (Table no. 3.3) in
search of the communities who are engaged in making and using terracotta art objects
traditionally.

Data collection from the contemporary terracotta makers and users involves ethnographic
techniques such as –

a) Direct observation and observation in a way involving participation.

b) Interviewing pragmatically in non-structured and/or semi-structured and/or
structured format.
c) Focus Group discussions

Present work uses a combination of different ethnographic techniques. Here, observation

is taken as a technique of collecting impressions of the world using all of one‟s senses,
especially looking and listening, in a systematic and purposeful way to learn about the
phenomenon of interest. Although frequently employed on its own, observational
research is often used with other methods such as interviewing and document analysis (as
advocated by Baker 2006, McKechnie 2008a). Qualitative observational research
attempts to capture life as experienced by the research participants rather than through
categories that have been predetermined by the researcher. The present work often takes
inspirations from Participant Observation – the characteristic method of anthropologist.

59
Participant observation is characterized by emergent design involving a variety of
methods including direct observation of human behaviour and the physical features of
settings, informal interviewing and document analysis (McKechnie 2008b).

Although initially the work depended more on observation and documentation of the
observed things and ideas, as the work progressed it became more dependent on various
forms of interaction with people. Primarily unstructured interview has been used with an
attempt to understand the nature of issues associated with the research question (as
advocated by Roulston 2008). Unstructured interviews in qualitative research involve
asking relatively open-ended questions to research participants in order to discover their
perceptions on the topic of interest (Firmin 2008). Frequent interactions with the
informants result in an increasing comfort between the researcher and research
participants. The comfort, often termed as rapport (Morgan and Guevara 2008), was
needed for the present work to understand the essential nature of terracotta usage in the
socio-cultural milieu. These interactions with the research participants also paved the way
in selecting people for arranging Focus Group Discussions and for selecting key
informants.

The defining element of focus groups is the use of the participants‟ discussion as a form
of data collection. In particular, there is no requirement to reach consensus or produce a
decision, instead, it is the participants‟ conversation about the topic facilitated by the
researcher. By bringing together people who share a similar background, focus groups
create the opportunity for participants to engage in meaningful conversations about the
topics that researcher wishes to understand (Morgan 2008).

A combination of repeated observation and interactions helped in understanding the

production, distribution and usage of terracotta. It was required to do semi-structured and
structured interviews in order to gain a step-by-step understanding of the detailed
technique of terracotta manufacture.

Observation also helped in preparing different layouts including the village layout and
layout of different worships related to terracotta use. However, unstructured and semi-

60
structured interviews with villagers accelerated the process of layout preparation. Focus
group discussions, unstructured and semi-structured interviews with open-ended
questions were useful in unearthing the myths and symbols associated with ritual use of
terracotta. Key-informant in-depth interview has helped in clarifying certain belief
systems which are otherwise unknown to other villagers. For taking base data regarding
economic and demographic aspect of the villages a structured set of questions, i.e. a
questionnaire was used.

For the study of ancient terracotta materials, visits to different excavated terracotta
yielding sites have been useful to understand the settings. It has also helped to find out
adjacent contemporary terracotta making villages.

Observation and photographic documentation (wherever permitted) of the ancient

terracotta materials of West Bengal has been done by making repeated visits to different
museums like the Indian Museum, Kolkata, Asutosh Museum, University of Calcutta,
Kolkata, State Archaeological Museum, Kolkata and some regional museums like
Acharya Jogesh Chandra Purakriti Bhawan, Bishnupur, Archaeological Museum,
Tamluk, Sundarban Regional Museum, Baruipur. Study of various private collections, for
example at Berachampa collection of Mr. Dilip Maite, has been useful.

All the previous works including, published books and research papers as well as
unpublished works such as doctoral thesis and masters‟ dissertations on different aspects
of the terracotta art of West Bengal have been taken into consideration.

61
 Chapter – 4

Ancient Terracotta Art of West

Bengal: A Note

62
Though ancient Bengal is mentioned as Vanga, Vangala, Suhma and other names in
ancient literatures, little account of the political and economic life of ancient Bengal
people can be known from the Buddhist and Jain texts, foreign accounts, the Arthasastra
and other texts (see Majumdar 1943). The history of Bengal‟s past has been known from
different archaeological explorations and excavations. The earliest excavated site is
Bangarh (1938-39 to 1940-41) and consequently the sites like Birbhanpur,
Chandraketugarh, Tamluk, Ballal Dhipi, Rajbaridanga, Bharatpur, Mangalkot, Dihar and
others were excavated.

Various archaeological explorations and excavations have proved the occurrence of a rich
cultural history of Bengal since Lower Palaeolithic up to Medieval period. The
palaeolithic sites are mostly confined to the south-western part of the state covering
districts like Purulia, Bankura, Bardhaman, Birbhum, Purba and Paschim Medinipur
(Roychoudhury 2009). There are 175 reported Palaeolithic find-spots so far in West
Bengal (Chattopadhyaya, Sengupta and Chakrabarty 2005).Mesolithic sites are spread
mainly over the Western plateau of the state including districts of Purulia, Bankura,
Birbhum, Paschim Medinipur and Bardhaman. There are 333 reported find-spots for
microlithic artifacts so far. The most important and the only excavated site yielding
microliths till date is Birbhanpur in Bardhaman district (Chattopadhyaya, Sengupta and
Chakrabarty 2005). The Neolithic artefacts are mostly found in the foothills of Himalaya.
However, in Western plateau Neolithic artefacts are reported in association with
microliths. There are 70 find-spots reported so far yielding Neolithic artifacts
(Chattopadhyaya, Sengupta and Chakrabarty 2005, Roychoudhury 2009). The
Chalcolithic period in West Bengal began around 2nd millennium BCE and continued up
to c. 400 BCE (Roychoudhury 2009).

The Chalcolithic sites are located in the districts of Bankura, Bardhaman, Birbhum and
parts of Purba and Paschim Medinipur. Due to the presence of iron objects and rare
presence of copper arifacts in most of the sites there is controversy regarding the
identification of Chalcolithic sites and for Chattopadhyaya, Sengupta and Chakrabarty

63
(2005) this phase should be labelled as Black-and-Red Ware culture. They mention that
there are total 84 find-spots yielding Black-and-Red Ware so far in West Bengal.

The Early Historic period gave rise to several large settlements mostly in the southern
part of West Bengal (Lower Bengal) especially in the coastal areas. The term Early
Historic period in Bengal can be assigned to the time period approximately between
middle of 1st millennium BCE to 500 CE (Roychoudhury 2009). The urbanisation in
Bengal probably started in Mauryan period (Chakraborty 2000). Northern part of West
Bengal also witnessed an urban phase. One of the important sites in northern part of the
state is Bangarh (see Goswami 1948) in Dakshin Dinajpur district which yields a cultural
sequence from Early Historic to Medieval times. The important sites situated in the
coastal regions of southern West Bengal are Chndraketugarh (in North 24 Parganas) and
Tamluk (in Purba Medinipur). Other important excavated sites are Mangalkot, Pokhanna,
Kotasur, Rajbaridanga etc. There are several explored sites like Atghara, Harinarayanpur,
Natsal and others which have yielded important information. From the material evidences
of different excavated sites, Mauryan, Sunga, Kushana and Gupta periods can be defined.
The material culture revealed from these Early Historic sites though varies but has certain
general attributes. Ceramic assemblage generally includes Northen Black Polished Ware,
Black Slipped Ware, Rouletted Ware etc. Punch marked and cast copper coins are
important findings. Bone and ivory objects, terracotta seals and sealings, beads of semi
precious stones, copper and iron objects, terracotta figurines and plaques etc. comprise a
rich material culture in this phase (Roychoudhury 2009). The material culture revealed
from various sites indicates their close resemblance with the corresponding north Indian
sites. The contact with Roman world can be attributed from the findings like Rouletted
ware, gold-foil beads, double handled amphora, terracotta and other materials
(Chakraborty 2000). One of the important aspects of ancient Bengal‟s material culture
was its terracotta art.

West Bengal is very famous for its Early Historic terracotta art. There is a prolific
presence of terracotta art in the state starting from Chalcolithic period and continuing up
to Post-Gupta period. As mentioned earlier, even in Medieval time when the other parts

64
of the country was lacking this art, Bengal showed evidences of brick temples decorated
with terracotta panels (Dhavalikar 1999). The easy availability of clay in the riverine
plains of Bengal might be one of the reasons for its enriched terracotta tradition
(Mukherjee 2002). Another plausible reason was the easy-moulding nature of clay and
the scarcity of stone in Bengal.

Different academic bodies excavated different sites which revealed a variety of terracotta
objects from stratified contexts. Among the important terracotta yielding sites,
Chnadraketugarh and Bangarh were excavated by the Ashutosh Museum of Indian Art,
University of Calcutta; Tamluk was excavated by the Archaeological Survey of India
(Eastern Circle); Pandu Rajar Dhibi and Tilpi were excavated by the Directorate of
Archaeology and Museum, Government of West Bengal; Mangalkot and Rajbaridanga
were excavated by the Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta; recently
Mangalkot was also excavated by the Centre for Archaeological Studies and Training
Eastern India, Kolkata. Except some new find-spots, 35 terracotta yielding sites have
been reported from the state and among them 16 sites have so far been excavated
(Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007).

However, assigning date to the Early Historic terracotta art of West Bengal is
problematic. Most of the terracotta materials are recovered through explorations or
accidental discoveries. Lack of proper reports and absolute dates are also responsible for
this problem. Hence, determining a chronological framework of the terracotta is difficult
(Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007). As stylistically there is a close
correspondence between ancient terracotta art of Bengal and stone sculptures from other
parts of India (Saraswati 1962, Dhavalikar 1977), one can determine the relative time
frame of Bengal terracotta through „stylistic analogy‟ which means comparing the
terracottas with stylistically similar stone sculptures recovered from the different
excavated sites of the country (Roy Chowdhury 2002). As Bengal lacks stone sculptures
from Early Historic period, the comparison has been done with the stone sculptures and
with terracottas from the northern Indian sites such as Ahichchhatra, Kaushambi, Sanchi,
Bharhut, Mathura, and others (Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007).

65
Therefore, although West Bengal has a large amount of terracotta evidences, there is a
persisting problem related to their dating.

Major Terracotta Art Forms of West Bengal:

The rich assemblage of West Bengal terracotta art forms can broadly be categorized as
figurines in round and plaques. Figurines in round consist of human figures both male
and female and a variety of animal figures. Female figurines mostly include Mother
Goddess and mother and child figures. Male figures were also prevalent. Male and
female heads are also found. Plaques were most numerous among the terracotta findings
of Early Historic Bengal. As plaques were mould made these were manufactured in large
scale. A wide range of motifs were depicted on these plaques. These can be divided into
several categories on the basis of their thematic depiction. Other terracotta forms include
toys, rattles, toy carts, animal riders, ornaments like beads, pendants etc. Among the
terracotta female forms of West Bengal most common are the Mother Goddess, mother
and child and the lady with auspicious hairpins commonly denoted as Panchachuda or
Yakshi or Apsara. The most common male forms are pot bellied grotesque figures termed
as Yaksha or Gana or Kubera.

Given below is a list of major categories of terracotta art forms reported from different
Early Historic sites of West Bengal, inspired by the classifications of S. S. Biswas (1981),
Sharmi Chakraborty (2000), Sima Roy Chowdhury (1995-96), and Gautam Sengupta,
Sima Roy Chowdhury and Sharmi Chackraborty (2007).

1. Figurines in round:
These are generally hand modelled or double moulded (made with the help of two
moulds). Sometimes the use of wheel was also found. Following categories
represent the figurines in round.

a. Mother Goddess:
Female figures having broad hips, heavy breasts and narrow waists.
Mother Goddess figurines are mostly „timeless‟ with simplistic features.

66
 Sometimes the facial resemblances of these figurines with animals or birds
are seen.

b. Mother and Child:

Female figure carrying a child in her arms.

c. Toys, Rattles and Wheeled Figurines:

A large number of animal and bird and other figures served as toys
including toy carts.

Rattles are mostly double moulded figures, having small stones or

terracotta beads for producing rattling sound while shaken. These are
mostly represented by animals or birds or pot-bellied semi-divine figures.

Wheeled figurines generally represented by bejewelled animals including

ram, horse, elephant, etc. and semi-divine or mythical beings. These
figurines have two holes at the bottom, providing space to attach wheels.

d. Animal Figures:
A wide variety of animal figures are represented which includes horse,
elephant, humped bull, goat, cow, deer, etc. and a variety of birds.

e. Animal Rider:
Male or female figures or sometimes both riding on animal mostly
represented by horse and elephant.

f. Divine and Semi-Divine Figurines:

Represented by mostly Kubera or Yaksha, which is a pot bellied man
wearing a turban or crown and Naga or Nagi figurines – terracotta hooded
snake often described as having half human and half snake features.

g. Male and Female head:

Different male and female heads with details of facial expressions,
sometimes with headdress have been reported.

67
2. Plaques:
These are generally mould made. Following categories represent the plaques.

a. Mother Goddess:
Mother Goddesses mostly of „timed variation‟ are depicted in terracotta
plaques.

b. Mother and Child:

Plaques depicting a female figure with a child in different postures.

c. Divine and Semi-Divine Plaques:

Includes female figurines with elaborate headdress with auspicious
hairpins as weapons often termed as Apsara, Yakshini/Yakshi or
Panchachuda. Winged figures both male and females and divine male
figures termed as Yakshas are also reported.

d. Narrative Plaques:
Most of the narratives depict contemporary local oral traditions, Buddhist
Jatakas, etc.

e. Plaques depicting Daily Life:

Daily life scenes like harvesting, hunting, music and dance, etc. are found.

f. Erotic and Amorous Plaques:

Plaques depicting sexual scenes termed as Mithuna and amorous couple
termed as Dampati.

g. Plaques with Animals

Different animal figures like horse, elephant, bull, rhino etc. are reported.

h. Plaques depicting Animal Rider:

Plaques showing an animal like horse or elephant or tiger or unidentified
animal with male or female or both riders.

68
 i. Plaques depicting Human Figures:
There are evidences of plaques portraying single female figure, female
figure with attendants and also male figures in different postures.

Beside these categories of art objects evidences of seals and sealings sometimes with
artistic depictions and terracotta ornaments such as beads, bangles, ear studs etc. are also
reported from various sites.

Ancient Terracotta Yielding Sites in West Bengal:

The Early Historic terracotta yielding sites of West Bengal are located throughout the
districts of Lower Bengal with a few exceptions. Besides the excavated sites there are
several other explored and accidental find-spots. Among them Farakka (IAR 1975-76,
1976-77) in Murshidabad; Atghara (IAR 1956-57, 1957-58), Gosaba (Sengupta, Roy
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007), Harinarayanpur (IAR 1955-56 to 1964-65 and 1971-
72) in South 24 Parganas; Mahanad (trial excavation, ASI-AR 1934-35) in Hugli; Natsal
(Datta 1997) in Purba Medinipur; Panna (IAR 1957-58 1958-59), Tilda (trial excavation
by University of Calcutta, IAR: 1954-55) in Paschim Medinipur are worth mentioning.
These explored sites have significant terracotta findings with potential for future
excavations to further enrich the terracotta assemblages of West Bengal. Following map
of the state (Fig. 4.1) shows important terracotta yielding sites.

69
Fig. 4.1 Map of West Bengal showing important ancient terracotta yielding sites

70
The excavated sites of West Bengal offer huge terracotta evidences from different
cultural phases of Early Historic period. In the following brief descriptions of each of the
16 excavated sites of the state are given.

Chandraketugarh
(22° 41′ N, 88° 42′ E; District: North 24 Parganas)

The site is located about 37 km or 23 miles north-east of Kolkata under Deganga Police
station near Berachampa in North 24 Parganas district. The name Chandraketugarh is
associated with the Medieval mythical king „Chandraketur garh‟ which means the fort of
the Medieval King Chandraketu (De & De, 2004 and Shri Dilip Maite in personal
communication). The site covers an area of three square kilometres and consists of
villages such as Deulia or Devalaya, Berachampa, Shinger Ati, Hadipur, Shanpukur,
Jhikra, etc. (Biswas 1981, Ghosh 1989, Roy Chowdhury 1995-96, Haque 1996, Sengupta,
Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007). The site is situated in the alluvial delta of lower
Bengal and is adjacent to the dying stream of Vidyadhari, once a large and important
branch of the river Bhagirathi. The presence of palaeo-channels suggests that the site was
positioned on the river bank (IAR 1955-56, Haque 1996, Chakraborty 2002; Sengupta,
Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007). The excavations yield evidences to prove that
the site was an ancient flourishing port city (De and De 2004).

The site was first visited by A. L. Longhurst in 1907. He recovered early historical
pottery and bricks (ASI-AR 1922-23). After that the site was explored for several times
by R. D. Banerji, K. D. Datta, P. C. Dasgupta and D. P. Ghosh respectably. The site was
rich in surface findings and was eventually subjected to excavation for a period of 11
years. The excavation was conducted by the Asutosh Museum of the University of
Calcutta firstly under Shri K. G. Goswami from 1955-56 to 1962-63 then under Shri C.
R. Roy Chaudhury from 1961-62 to 1962-63 then jointly under Shri D. P. Ghosh and Shri
C. R. Roy Chaudhury in 1963-64 and lastly again under Shri C. R. Roy Chaudhury from
1964-65 to 1966-67 (IAR 1956-57 to 1967-68). Under the direction of Bimal
Bandyopadhyay the Excavation Branch-IV, Bhubaneswar of the Survey undertook
extensive exploration and excavation, reported in IAR (2000-2001). Total five mounds of

71
the site area namely, Chandraketugarh (Berachampa), Khana-Mihirer Dhipi, Itkhola,
Noongola, Hadipur were excavated. Following the excavation reports published in Indian
Archaeology: A Review, and the review articles published by different scholars, a
comprehensive division of the cultural periods as given by Enamul Haque (1996) is cited
below:

Period I : Pre-Maurya (c. 600BCE – 300 BCE)

Period II : Maurya (c. 300BCE – 200 BCE)

Period III : Sunga (c. 200 BCE – 50 CE)

Period IV : Kushana (c. 50 CE – 300 CE)

Period V : Gupta (c. 300 CE – 500 CE)

Period VI : Post-Gupta (c. 500 CE – 750 CE)

Period VII : Pala-Chandra-Sena (c. 750 CE – 1250 CE)

In the absence of a concise report of the excavation, it is difficult to place the antiquities
of Chandraketugarh in a uniform way. However, a general account of the antiquities is
given below.

The site is very rich in its terracotta findings. Other antiquities include pottery, coins,
beads, bangles, bone and antler artifacts, seals and sealings, some ivory figurines and
plaques, steatite casket, some metal artifacts, etc. Following table (Table no. 4.1) gives an
account of different antiquities, other than terracotta, found from the site.

72
Table no. 4.1 Antiquities, other than terracotta reported from Chandraketugarh

Antiquities Materials/ Forms

Pottery Wares: Northern Black Polished Ware, Black

Ware, Grey Ware, Grey Ware of Coarse variety
with paintings, Red Ware, Rouletted Ware,
Buff Ware, Buff Ware with Coarse fabric.

Pottery Forms: Dish with externally grooved

rim, everted rim, incurved rim and convex
base, round base, concentric groves on the
inner base; Bowl with high neck, convex sided
bowls; Pottery with stamped designs, miniature
and large sized pots; Lipped basin; Stamped
vase, narrow necked cylindrical vase, hollow
bottomed ritualistic vase with a flared-up base
and a long narrow neck and decorated with
plant motifs; Spouted cups; Plain and decorated
jars, narrow necked jars; Globular vessels.

Coins Silver and copper punch-marked coins,

uninscribed caste copper coins, Gupta silver
coins.

Beads Materials: Semi-precious stones like agate,

carnelian, quartz crystal, garnet, jasper,
chalcedony, etc; Ivory; Glass; Terracotta.

Bangles Materials: Ivory; Shell; Terracotta

Ear Stud Materials: Terracotta

Bone and Antler Artifacts Forms: bone artefacts include points, stylus,
awls, dice, beads and combs. Antler artifacts
include arrowheads.

Seals and Sealings Terracotta seals and sealings sometimes with

Sunga, Brahmi and Gupta inscriptions.

Metal Implements Materials: Copper; Iron.

Items: wire, awls, nail, knife, arrowhead,

sickle, rod, etc.

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Structural Remains:

The structures from Early Historic period include wattle and daub houses with mud
floors, rampart and moats. The houses were made from wood, bamboo and tiles with mud
walls. Baked bricks were used in Gupta period. The mound known as Khana-Mihirer
Dhipi in the northern sector of the site was subjected to detailed excavations. It revealed a
polygonal brick temple complex probably dated to Gupta Period (IAR 1957-58).
However, Saraswati (1976) on the basis of its plan, architecture and developed form of
the plinth ascribed it to the Pala period. The temple is facing north and measuring 19.20
square meters with 4.26 meter long projections on three sides and a vestibule attached to
the temple on the north side. A deep pit lined with rubbed bricks with obliquely
decreasing sides and a paved floor at the bottom has also been recovered (IAR 1963-64,
Ghosh 1989, Chakrabarti, Goswami and Chattopadhyay 1994). From Itkhola Period II, a
drain made out of terracotta, built of pipes each measuring 2.3 feet in length and 6.5 inch
in diameter has been reported.

Terracotta Materials:

Consecutive excavations and explorations at Chandraketugarh unearthed a large number

of terracotta figurines and plaques assigned to periods including Maurya, Sunga, Kushana
and Gupta. The concentration of terracotta plaques is considerably high among the
findings. The following (Table no. 4.2) is an attempt to compile major terracotta findings
of the site and their brief descriptions collected from several volumes of Indian
Archaeology: A Review, Eamul Haque (1996, 2001) and Mukherjee (1991).

74
Table no. 4.2 List of terracotta materials recovered from excavations and explorations at
Chandraketugarh

Year of Location Period Items

Excavation

1956 – 57 Berachampa IV (probably Fragmented human figurines

Kushana)

1957 – 58 Berachampa V A two-legged armless terracotta figurine with

pinched head, round eyes, five horizontal lines,
one on throat and two below, and rows of circles
indented on the body is possibly associated to a
serpent-deity,

Khana- II (Early Terracotta plaques of couples or Mithunas.

Mihirer Gupta)
Dhipi

1958 – 59 Khana- I (Pre Terracottas with Kushana characteristics.

Mihirer Temple)
Dhipi
III (Gupta(?) Fragments of terracotta moulds

1959 – 60 Khana- V (Gupta) Terracotta female figurines with detailed

Mihirer decorations.
Dhipi
VI (Late Terracotta plaques of animals and erotic human
Gupta) figures.

Itkhola VI (Sunga- Mithuna and female figures

Kushana)

1960 – 61 Khana- I (Pre- A circular terracotta plaque having three pairs of

Mihirer Temple) erotic figures.
Dhipi
II (Pre- Terracotta Yakshi
Temple)

IV (Gupta) Terracotta birds and rattles.

V (Late Terracotta spindle whorl.

Gupta or
Post Gupta)

1961 – 62 Khana- II (c. 6th to A fragmentary terracotta chariot drawn by two

Mihirer 3rd century headless animals.
Dhipi BCE)

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 Year of Location Period Items
Excavation

III Terracotta toy-cart showing a human figure,

probably god Indra mounted on elephant Airvata
is found. An exquisitely-executed female figure in
a dancing-pose and other animal (elephant etc.)
chariots.

IV (c. 2nd to Animal (deer) chariot and a handmade archaic

1st century Mother Goddess.
BCE)

1962 – 63 Khana- II (c. 2nd to Terracotta human figurines and other objects.
Mihirer 1st century
Dhipi BCE)

III (c. 1st to Exquisitely moulded terracotta figurines showing

3rd century elaborate coiffure and drapery, and an erotic
CE) plaque.

IV (4th to 6th Terracotta animals and animal heads.

century CE)

1963 – 64 Khana- III A unique terracotta plaque representing a richly

Mihirer adorned dancing male figure
Dhipi
IV Terracottas of the typically Gupta period, a
unique piece in the round with applied eye-
balls, pinched-up nose and ears and outspread
ornamented short hands shown up to the waist is
an important find.

Itkhola II Terracotta plaques

III (1st to 3rd Headless terracotta Naga figure; bird-rattle; and

century CE) ram toy cart.

IV (4th to 6th Terracottas (not specifically mentioned)

century CE)

1965 – 66 Khana- Gupta Period Some Terracottas (not specifically mentioned)

Mihirer
Dhipi

Itkhola I Terracotta (not specifically mentioned)

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 Year of Location Period Items
Excavation

III Terracotta figurines of bewildering variety

(Kushana)

Noongola II Beautiful and unique terracotta figurines including

toy cart showing a demon chewing a cobra and
holding an elephant for the next item on his menu;
and winged elephant toy cart.

Hadipur III Beautiful terracotta figurines including a female

holding a pair of fish an elephant rattle and
terracotta balls

1966 – 67 Khana- II (Sunga) Some unique terracotta figurines are reported. A

Mihirer seated ruler in the round bedecked with jewellery
Dhipi and a headless dancing figure in the round is an
important find.

III Terracotta tablets having various themes

(Kushana)

1967 – 68 Berachampa Terracottas (not specifically mentioned)

(only
exploration)

Chandraketugarh represents the major terracotta assemblage of West Bengal. The

terracotta materials reported from the site are presently housed in different museums and
private collections. The unique terracotta forms as cited by Roy Chowdhury (1995-96)
are plaques depicting birth giving mother (Fig. 4.7) variously termed as Aditi Uttanapad
(Kramrisch 1956) or Lajja Gauri (Banerjea 1956, Sankalia 1960). Although Female
figurines with five hairpins as weapons on one side of their heads have been reported
from various Ganga Valley sites like Mathura (Agrawala 1936), Kausambi (Sharma
1960), Ahichchhatra (Agrawala 1947-48), Vaisali (Sinha and Roy 1969), etc. but similar
figurines having five or six hairpins on both side of their heads are unique in
Chadraketugarh (Roy Chowdhury 1995-96) (Fig. 4.4, 4.10). Gourisankar De (2003)
relates a variety of art motifs like Svastika, Lotus, Conch, Chatra (Parasol), Chakra
(wheel), etc. with Vedic symbols and argues that ancient Chandraketugarh was
predominated by Brahminical faith. Other important features are depictions of popular

77
stories or narratives on plaques, erotic plaques (Fig. 4.9) variety of wheeled animal
figures, winged figures (Fig. 4.8) and a variety of headgears (asymmetrical turbans) for
both male and female figures (Fig. 4.2). On stylistic and thematic ground these terracottas
are comparable to those from the north Indian (middle Ganga valley) sites like Kausambi
(Sharma 1960), Ahichchhatra (Agrawala 1947-48) Sravasti (Sinha 1967), Vaisali (Sinha
and Roy 1969) etc. It also shows close resemblance to the findings from Tamluk. A
plaque depicting Roman armour and a soldier with a Roman kilt indicates the Roman
influence. This can also be inferred from the head-gears and drapery of the terracotta
figures. The presence of owl carts from Chandrketugarh can be served as an indication of
Greek contact as owl is a symbol of Goddess Athena (Chakraborty 2000). Ghosh (2002)
and Sattar (2004-2005) site an example of terracotta sealing depicting a nude bearded
male figure seated on a rock in a reclining position comparable to Indo-Greek and
Bactrian coinage where Herakles seats on a rock with his club either on the stone or on
his knee. De and De (2004) argued that the foreign contacts with the site were most
probably indirect as no Roman coins are reported from the site so far. It is important to
note that drawing conclusive chronology from Chandraketugarh terracotta is difficult
(Sharma 2002) as Chakraborty (2000) mentions that there is no true Kushana terracotta
from the site rather the site represents somewhat developed form of Sunga terracottas.

Following photographs represent some of the terracotta art forms from Chandraketugarh.

78
Fig. 4.2 A male head with an asymmetrical
turban, 1st to 3rd century CE
(courtesy: Roy Chowdhury 1995-
96)

Fig. 4.3 Above: A hand modelled deer

(courtesy: Sengupta, Roy
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)

Below: A double moulded bird

(rattle), 1st to 3rd century CE
(courtesy: Roy Chowdhury 1995-
96)

Fig. 4.4 A mould made bejewelled female figure with auspicious hairpins on
either side of her head, 2nd century BCE to 1st century CE (courtesy:
Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)

79
 Fig. 4.5 A plaque depicting a female
figure holding a child (courtesy:
Roy Chowdhury 1995-96)
Fig. 4.7 A plaque depicting a birth giving mother, 1st century
BCE to 3rd century CE (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)
Fig. 4.6 A double moulded grotesque Yaksha figure
(rattle), 1st to 3rd century CE (courtesy:
Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty
2007)
Fig. 4.8 A plaque depicting a winged female
divinity standing on lotus, 1st century
BCE to 1st century CE (courtesy:
Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury,
Chakraborty 2007)
80
 Fig. 4.9 A plaque depicting an erotic couple (Mithuna), 1st to 3rd century CE
(courtesy: Roy Chowdhury 1995-96)

Fig. 4.10 A hand modelled mould having negative impression of a female figure with
auspicious hairpins on either side of the head, 1st to 2nd century CE (courtesy:
Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)

81
Tamluk
(22° 18′ N, 87° 56′ E; District: Purba Medinipur)

Tamluk is a district head-quarter located on the right bank of the river Rupnarayan, a
tributary of the river Hooghly. At present the river has receded about two kilometres to
the east of Tamluk (Mandal 1987). The site is identified with the ancient Tamralipta, one
of the greatest sea ports of India in ancient times. It is also mentioned in literature as a
great emporium and seat of learning (IAR 1954-55). Pali and Sanskrit texts referred to
Tamluk under a number of synonyms such as Tamralipta, Damalipti, Tamtralipi,
Tamraliptika or Velakula. The works of Plini (1 st century CE) and Ptolemy (2nd century
CE) mention the port as Taluctae and Tamalites respectively. Hiuen Tsang calls it Tan-
mo-lih-ti (Mandal 1987).

Cultural Sequence:

The site was first explored by Archaeological Survey of India and the importance of its
antiquities was published in 1920-21. It was excavated for the first time by T. N.
Ramachandran in 1940 (Ramachandran 1951). The Archaeological Survey of India
(Eastern Circle) took up the site for excavation in 1954-55 under Shri M. N. Deshpande
(IAR 1954-55). A small scale excavation was again carried out by the Survey in 1973-74
under Shri Susanta Mukherjee (IAR 1973-74). These excavations and several
explorations by the Survey and Tamralipta Museum and Research Centre, Tamluk
brought to light a variety of antiquities predominated by terracotta. However, it is
important to note that only a few terracotta materials are coming from stratigraphic
contexts (Mukherjee 1991). The cultural sequence of the site as given in IAR (1954-55
and 1973-74) is as follows:

Period I (Neolithic and pre-NBPW): Characterized by Neolithic celts and ill-fired pottery
(IAR: 1954-55), mostly Grey Ware (Ghosh 1989). Evidences of Black-and-Red Ware
were recovered from pre-NBPW horizon which indicates the possible occurrence of
Chalcolithic culture in the area (IAR: 1973-74). Other important findings of this period
were tiny polished stone celts and a variety of bone tools.

82
Period II (c. 3rd to 2nd century BCE): Characterized by the use of Northern Black Polished
Ware, typical terracotta figurines of this time, cast copper coins and pottery bearing close
affinity to contemporary northern India. Remains of a burnt floor, made of rammed brick
grits, with a number of post-holes were also recovered from this period.

Period III (c. 1st to 2nd century CE): Marked by the occurrence of incurved bowls of Red
Ware and a number of terracotta objects of the Sunga period. Banded agate beads were
also found from this period. Presence of terracotta sprinklers and profuse occurrence of
Rouletted ware suggest the trade contacts of Tamluk with the Roman World (IAR 1954-
55). A brick-built stepped tank, a ring-well and a soak-pit ware exposed from this period.
The structural remains comprised of a series of hearths on a floor rammed with brick grits
(IAR 1973-74).

Period IV (c. 3rd to 4th century CE): Characterized by some terracottas showing Kushana
and Gupta influence. One of the noteworthy findings is an excellent terracotta figurine
(only the lower part found), characterized by graceful modelling and transparent drapery
of the early Gupta age. This period is also marked by the presence of Rouletted and Red
Polished Wares, indicating maritime trade-contact with the Roman world (IAR 1973-74).

The subsequent history of the site could not be reconstructed due to the disturbed nature
of the area. However, the sporadic finds of sculptures by the local people indicate the
existence of Post-Gupta or Pala and Sena periods (IAR 1954-55, Ghosh 1989, Sengupta,
Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007).

Terracotta Materials:

The site presents a rich terracotta assemblage from its different cultural phases. The
terracotta figurines and plaques recovered from Maurya, Sunga, Kushana periods are
stylistically akin to those of other Early Historic sites of Bengal. One of the most
exclusive specimens form Tamluk is popularly known as „Oxford Yakshi‟ coming from
Sunga period. This specimen is now preserved in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford
(Dasgupta 1958, Dhavalikar 1977, Biwas 1981).

83
There is no such generally agreed typological classification of the terracotta materials of
Tamluk. Following P. K. Mandal‟s (1987) Interpretation of Terracottas from Tamralipta,
the major forms found from different periods of Tamluk as represented in terracotta
figurines and plaques are given below (Table no. 4.3).

Table no. 4.3 List of terracotta materials recovered from excavations and explorations at
Tamluk

Form Description

Image of Lakshmi Female figure, mostly represented on plaques,

associated with full-blown floral motifs
especially lotus.

Yaksha, Kuvera Male figures both in round and on plaques,

mostly pot-bellied, bejewelled and holding
some object such as a nidhi or a rope etc.

Yakshini Female figures both in round and on plaques,

heavily bejewelled showing developed breasts,
narrow waists and heavy buttocks, depicting
exclusively feminine beauty and charm
(Banerjea 1974). These female figures are
shown with elaborate headdresses having hair-
pins.

Devine and Semi-divine Includes winged figures and figures with rider,
hooded snake etc.

Image of Buddha and other Buddhist Themes Image of Buddha in Dharmachakrapravartana

mudra or Dhyana mudra or Buddha head in
round or on plaques also depicting certain
Buddhist symbols like representation of Stupa,
Chakra etc. Plaques representing Buddhist
such as Jataka stories are also common.

Plaques depicting Epic Stories Few evidences showing certain episodes from
Ramayana.

Terracotta Sealings Sealings influenced by Buddhist images.

Dampati Plaques depicting amorous couples.

Individual Male and Female Figures Male and female figures are represented in
different postures

Plaques with Musical Instruments Plaques depicting men or women playing

musical instrument.

84
Form Description

Wheeled Animal Figures Mostly head of ram with wheels at the bottom.

Toy Cart and other Toy Objects Fragments of terracotta toy cart and wheels and
a variety of animal or bird figurines used as
rattles.

Plaques with Social Scenes Plaques depicting village scenes, agricultural

scenes, musical scenes etc.

Plaques with Animal Figure Animal motifs include horse, elephant, tiger,
ram, ass, bull, tortoise, boar, birds etc.

Mother Goddess and other Cult Objects „Ageless‟ type of female figurines with
projected breasts and a beautifully executed
terracotta phallus probably associated with
fertility cult.

Other Objects and Plaques Represents a repertoire of unidentified figures

and plaques with varied scenes.

The highest percentage of male figure occurred in the Kushna period and the use of
ornaments i.e. ornamented figures were maximum in Sunga period. For Dhavalikar
(1977), the terracotta plaques of Kushana period generally show crude workmanship than
the Sunga period plaques. The most graceful form of an ornamented female divinity of
Sunga style is represented by the famous „Oxford Figurine‟ (Das Gupta 1975), commonly
known as „Oxford Yakshi’ (Fig. 4.12) which is presently housed in Ashmolean Museun,
University of Oxford, United Kingdom. Stella Kramrisch identified the figurine with
Apsara Panchachuda of Mahabharata who came out during the churning of ocean. On
the other hand Johnston (1942) identified the figurine with Goddess Maya – the divinity
of the Egyptian Papyrus which was probably mentioned as Goddess Maya in the
Saundarananda Kavya of Asvaghosha (Das Gupta 1975). Terracotta art forms of Tamluk
show typical Sunga-Kushana art in Bengal having analogies with corresponding forms
found in sites like Bangarh, Pokhanna, Chandraketugarh, Atghara and Harinarayanpur.
The narrative plaques assigned to Sunga period show similarity with stone depictions of
Bharhut, Sanchi, Bodh-Gaya and Bhaja (Dasgupta 1958). Some of the forms from
Tamluk show Graeco-Roman affinity. Evidences such as double headed helmeted figure

85
(large ring above) with sharply divided chins, large eyebrows from Tamluk, according to
Dasgupta (1958), are closely resembled to the Roman War God Janus. However, features
like tilaks on foreheads and fish-like eyes are possible “Indianisation” (Fig. 4.13)
(Dagupta 1958: 31). Perhaps the site is important not only because of the graceful forms
of the Yakshas and Yakshinis, qualities and quantities of several narrative plaques,
plaques depicting Jataka stories and Buddha and Bodhisattva figures, but also because of
the “emergence of an incomprehensible emotion and pleasing individuality of different
human forms” (Dasgupta 1958: 21, Roy Chowdhury 1995-96).

Following photographs represent some of the terracotta art forms from Tamluk.

86
 Fig. 4.11 A plaque depicting a female divinity with auspicious hairpins, 1st
century BCE to 1st century CE (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury
and Chakraborty 2007)

Fig. 4.12A bejewelled female divinity with five auspicious hairpins, 2nd
century BCE known as „Oxford Yakshi‟ (courtesy: Biswas 1981)

87
 Fig. 4.14 A seated figure of a boy having
Fig. 4.13 A double headed figure with a Hellenistic characteristics, Kushana
large ring above having Roman period, 1st to 2nd century CE (courtesy:
affinity, Kushana period, 1st to 2nd Dasgupta 1958)
century CE (courtesy: Dasgupta
1958)

Fig. 4.16 A decorated wheeled ram (cart),

Kushana period (courtesy:
Fig. 4.15 A mould showing a winged figure,
Dasgupta 1958)
Sunga Period, (courtesy: Dasgupta
1958)

88
Mangalkot
(23° 32′ N, 87° 54′ E; District: Bardhaman)

Mangalkot is a large prosperous village, located on the eastern bank of the river Kunur,
44 km north of Bardhaman town and one kilometre south from the confluence of the
Ajay and Kunur. It is an important archaeological site of West Bengal having a
continuous cultural sequence from Chalcolithic (c. 12th century BCE) up to post-Gupta
(c. 7th century CE) period. Excavated remains from the mound Kachharidanga indicates
that the site was occupied in Medieval and even in Modern period (IAR 1986-87, 1987-
88, 1988-89, 1989-90, Ray 1989). The site was excavated by the Department of
Archaeology, University of Calcutta, Kolkata from 1986 to 1989. Three mounds locally
known as Vikramadityer Dhibi (Sarkaridanga), Manumiyar danga and Kachharidanga
have been excavated. More recently the site has again been excavated in 2009-10 by the
Centre for Archaeological Studies and Training Eastern India, Kolkata (Roychoudhury
and Rajaguru 2010). The following (Table no. 4.4) is the compilation of the excavated
materials as reported by IAR 1986-87 to 1989-90, Ray 1989, 1996, Ray and Mukherjee
1992, Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007 and Mukherjee 1991):

Table no. 4.4 Cultural assemblages of Mangalkot

Period Cultural Materials

Period I: Chalcolithic Pottery: predominantly Black-and-Red Ware,

other wares include Tan, Chocolate and Red
(1200-600 BCE) Wares. Some of these are painted in white or
black.

Terracotta: Archaic Mother Goddess,

generalized animal forms.

Other evidences: Plenty of bone tools; beads,

iron implements including iron chunks and
slags, few copper bangles and copper slags,
wattle and daub construction.

89
Period Cultural Materials

Period II: Transitional phase
Chalcolithic and Early Historic
(600-300 BCE)
between Pottery: few Black-and-Red Ware of coarser
variety. Red Ware, Grey Ware, Brown Ware,
Black Polished Ware.
Terracotta: Typical star shaped terracotta,
stylised animal forms.

Other evidences: Bone tools, profuse iron

implements, wattle and daub houses.

Period III: Maurya-Sunga (c. 300BCE to 1st Pottery: Few pieces of Northern Black Polished
Century BCE) Ware, Grey Ware, Black Polished Ware.

Terracotta: Large number of terracotta beads,

studs, discs, stamps etc., terracotta toy cart,
animal and human figurines, terracotta bull
with punched designs, and terracotta female
heads of typical Mauryan headdresses, mould
made plaques, an elephant with punched
marks, timed varieties of Sunga terracottas
including mould, plaques showing heavily
jeweled female head of Vrksaka types and a
group of female figures, typical Panchachuda
Yakshini.

Other evidences: beads of semi-precious stones

like quartz, agate, carnelian, and also of glass,
shell. Punched marked coins, caste copper
coins, seals, bangles, amulets, lockets, evidence
of mud floor rammed with potsherds.

Period IV: Kushana. (1st-2nd Century CE to 3rd Pottery: Typical Red Polished Kushana
century CE). ceramics, characteristics shape includes footed
bowel, panhandles, sprinklers, spouted jars, etc.
few potsherds with stamped designs.

Terracotta: Terracotta human figures with

foreign influence, Yakshini, typical terracotta
plaques showing human head, Naigamesa
types showing a stylized human body with
animal face, mother and child.

Other evidences: caste coins, copper objects,

iron nails, beads of various types, ring wells
made off terracotta and bricks. Burnt brick
structures with floor of rammed brickbats, sand
and lime. Part of granary was also exposed.

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Period Cultural Materials

Period V Gupta (400 CE to 600 CE) Pottery: Red Polished Ware with moulded
designs, Grey Ware.

Terracotta: Fine terracotta figures and plaques

showing sensitive rendering of flesh; terracotta
heads and a beautiful image of Kartikeya are
the important findings of this phase.

Other evidences: large number of seals, copper

and bronze artifacts like rings, bangles, rods,
beads of semiprecious stones, and terracotta.
Terracotta images of typical Gupta
characterises, terracotta seals with Gupta
Brahmi characters.

Period VI Post-Gupta. A much disturbed period. Ruins of brick

structures have been recovered.

A large number of terracotta art objects were recovered from Mangalkot. These include a
wide variety of human and animal figurines. All the terracottas from period I and II are
handmade. Mould made figures emerged from period III onwards. Double mould
technique was also known to the people of Mangalkot (Ray and Mukherjee 1992).

Ray (1996) argues that the terracotta artists of Mangalkot used to produce secular (see
Fig 4.19) and artistic figurines. Forms like Yakshini (Fig. 4.17), Vrksaka appear in artistic
mood having more details along with so called „ageless‟ types which are of more
generalized style. For Ray, Kushana period terracotta indicates a new category of
“demand-patronage complex” (Ray 1996:32). This period shows the influence of foreign
art idioms in case of dresses, draperies and physical features. The period also shows the
dominance of the iconic (gods and goddesses figures) over the aniconic representations.
In Ray‟s opinion, “the changes in imaginative conception from the earlier period, in the
iconic and secular traditions should not have been possible without historical-social-
cultural changes that India went through during Kushana period” (Ray 1996: 32).

Following figures represent some of the forms reported from the site.

91
Fig. 4.17 A plaque depicting a female divinity with Fig. 4.18 A hand modelled wheeled horse, 2nd century BCE
auspicious hairpins and bicornate headgear, 2nd to 1st century CE (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy
century BCE to 1st century CE (courtesy: Sengupta, Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)
Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)

Fig. 4.19 A mould made drummer, 1st century BCE to 2nd century CE
(courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)

92
 Fig. 4.20 A head of camel, 1st to 3rd entury CE (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)

Fig. 4.21 An archaic head with pinched ears and nose, 1st to 3rd century CE (courtesy:
Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)

93
Pandu Rajar Dhibi
(23° 35′ 02″ N, 87° 39′ E; District: Bardhaman)

The site is located in the village Panduk on the southern bank of the river Ajay, about 10
km from the Bhedia railway-station in Bardhaman district. The mound is locally known
as Pandu Rajar Dhibi as it is associated with the legendary king Pandu (Ghosh 1989). In
1961 the Directorate of Archaeology and Museum, Government of West Bengal carried
out trial excavation at the site and microliths, sherds of the Black-and-Red Ware and
shiny black painted Red Ware sherds and other antiquities were recovered. Large scale
excavations were undertaken from 1962 to 1965 and in 1984-85 by the Directorate of
Archaeology and Museum, Government of West Bengal under Shri P. C. Dasgupta and
Shri S. C. Mukherjee respectively. The excavations revealed a cultural sequence of five
periods. The cultural assemblages of these periods are given below (after IAR 1961-62,
1962-63, 1963-64, 1964-65 and 1984-85, Das Gupta 1964, Ghosh 1989, and Sengupta,
Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007):

Table no. 4.5 Cultural assemblages of Pandu Rajar Dhibi

Cultural Period Cultural Assemblages

Period I Black-and-Red Ware mostly coarse handmade

variety, few stone tools, a single bone point.
c. 1600 to 1400 BCE Floor of muram (granular laterite), Gray Ware
showing the impression of husks of cultivated
paddy. Pale Red Ware decorated with, hatched
chord design. Evidence of burials.

Period II (Chalcolithic) Black-and-Red Ware with geometric designs.

Storage jars, lota, long necked jar, etc. of Red
c. 1200 to 900 BCE
Ware. Copper pin and knife, rings and bangles,
mortars, terracotta and stone beads, ground
tools, microliths. Bone tools like awls, points,
harpoons and arrowheads. Beads of
semiprecious stones sometimes with etched
designs. Terracotta handmade female figurines.
Animal bones are also reported. Evidence of
burials.

94
Cultural Period Cultural Assemblages

Period III (Iron Age) Most of the pottery types of this period are a
continuation of earlier style with slight
c. 900 to 600 BCE variations. Continuation of Black and Red
Ware, Painted Black Slipped Ware, iron
implements, unique leaf shaped arrowhead
with mid-rib in copper. Bangles, rings and
trinkets of copper, bone arrowheads with tangs,
microliths, beads of semiprecious stones, etc as
in earlier period. Terracotta stamped seals and
figurines of Mother Goddess with splayed hips
and figurines with beak-heads and pin-hole
decorations.

Period IV (Early Historic) Ceramic assemblage includes Northern Black

Polished Ware, Black Ware, Red Ware and
c. 600 to 300 BCE Grey Ware, Black-on-Red Ware, stamped
pottery etc. Other artifacts include bone tools,
iron implements, stone terracotta beads, stone
celts, pestles, gold bead, copper ornaments,
Brick build houses with brick paved floors. A
gold coin of Kanishka-I recovered from the
surface.

Period V Grey Ware, Black Polished Ware N.B. P. and

Red Polished Ware; iron objects; Bone objects;
c. 200 BCE to 2nd century CE terracotta heads and figurines.

Remains of a Medieval structure, probably of a shrine, and several early Medieval stone
sculptures of Brahminical and Buddhist deities have been noticed in a place lying about
50 meters to the east of the mound (IAR 1984-85).

Among the terracotta evidences from the site, beak-headed Mother Goddess with pin-
hole decorations and having large breasts and splayed hips were found from Period III
(Fig. 4.23). From Trench no. 7A of this period two hollow terracotta heads were
unearthed with a short iron sword of cut-and-thrust type (Das Gupta 1964). These
terracotta heads have long nose, large appliqued eyes, protuberant chin which are unusual
features of Indian art. According to P. C. Das Gupta, the conical helmet of one of the
figures resembles that of Hittite head-gears (Fig. 4.24). He further concludes that these

95
terracotta heads from Pandu Rajar Dhibi can be comparable with long-nosed terracotta
heads excavated from Tell-el-Ashdod in Palestine (Das Gupta 1964).

Following are some of the terracotta figurines from Pandu Rajar Dhibi.

96
 Fig. 4.22 A hand modelled male torso, 2nd to 1st millennium BCE
(courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)

Fig. 4.23 A hand modelled Mother Goddess with Fig. 4.24 A hand modelled head with conical
bird shaped face (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy headdress, 1st to 2nd century CE (courtesy:
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007) Biswas 1981)

97
Although sites like Chandraketugarh, Tamluk, Mangalkot and Pandu Rajar Dhibi have
been extensively studied sites, there are other excavated sites which yield valuable
information regarding terracotta art. In the following section important findings from
these other sites are discussed.

Bahiri
(22° 38′ N, 87° 46′ E; District: Birbhum)

The site was excavated in 1981 by Dr. D. K. Chakrabarti and J. Hassan of University of
Delhi. Three periods were identified. Period I (1000 BCE to 500 BCE) incorporates
Black-and-Red Ware, evidences of iron smelting, semiprecious stones, igneous rocks,
pottery, terracotta heads of animals, etc. Period II (500 BCE to 200 BCE) consists of Red
Ware with a few Black Slipped and Grey Ware of fine fabric. Evidence of iron smelting
continues. A few bone tools, terracotta Yakshini head of Sunga period, a terracotta
elephant, etc. are found. Period III (4th to 6th century CE) includes a „buffish‟ and ill fired
pottery. A massive burnt brick foundation has been unearthed which is perhaps
associated with Buddhist monastic complex (IAR 1971-72, Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury
and Chakraborty 2007).

Bangarh
(25° 27′ 10 N, 88° 32′ E; District: Dakshin Dinajpur)

The site is located about 45 km south of Balurghat town on the eastern bank of river
Punarbhava. The Site is referred to as Nagara in the early Indian literature such as Vayu
Purana. Mentions of the site are also found in Brihat-Samhita. According to a local
tradition Bana is associated with the seat of the Asura king which is represented by this
fortified city (Biswas 1981). It was excavated from 1938-39 to 1940-41 by the University
of Calcutta under Shri K. G. Goswami. There are large numbers of mounds in and around
the locality. Excavation revealed five occupation levels (strata) dating from 3 rd century
BCE to Medieval times (Goswami 1948). Stratum – V is the lowest and earliest which
yields a ring well, stone beads, silver punch marked and copper caste coins, Northern
Black Polished Ware, and terracotta figurines. Stratum – IV belongs to Sunga period. It

98
yields silver and copper punch marked coins, uninscribed cast copper coins. It also
exposes a wall and a pit. Grey Ware, Red Slipped Ware, Polished Black Ware, beads of
semiprecious stones are found. Terracotta plaques with female figurines, Yakshini,
Mother Goddess, toys, terracotta sealings with early Brahmi legends are also recovered
(Mukherjee 1991). Stratum – III dated to Gupta period shows structures of wall and
houses (Goswami 1948). Pottery includes sherds of Red and Buff Ware. The decoration
with a conventional lotus alternating with conch shell and flower is a distinct feature.
This period also yields Goddess Lakshmi standing on lotus, male figure on horse in
motion, moulded plaques depicting various animals prominently elephants and monkey
(Mukherjee 1991). Iron implements, stone beads, terracotta human and animal figurines
are other important findings (Ghosh 1989). Stratum – II assigned to Pala period revealed
residential structures, with lime and mortar floor. Potteries with stamped designs
terracotta human and animal figurines, ivory stick, copper and iron implements, stone
beads, etc. are the important findings. Another important finding of this period is that of
seated Ganesha (Mukherjee 1991). From Stratum – I structures of Muslim period is
found. More recently Archaeological Survey of India, Kolkata Circle in 2008-09 has
carried out an excavation which revealed five periods. Various kinds of pottery, terracotta
Ganesha and other terracotta objects, ivory awl, beads of various stones and terracotta,
bangles of glass and terracotta, etc. are found. In recent excavation terracotta assemblages
of boat (Period I), games-man (Period II), plaques (Period III), seals, animal figurines,
plaques, mould (Period IV), female figurines (Period IV) are reported (Baidya and Maity
2010).

Baneswardanga
(23° 24′ N, 87° 59′ E; District: Bardhaman)

The site is situated on the bank of Brahmani river, a tributary of the Bhagirathi. It was
excavated by the Directorate of Archaeology and Museums under P. C. Dasgupta in 1974
(IAR 1975-76, 1976-77). Four mounds have been excavated so far. The site reveals five
periods and at the top of the mound there is a temple of Baneswar Siva built at around
18th century. Period I assigned to Chalcolithic period reveals microliths, bone tools and

99
potsherds of Red Ware, Painted Black Polished Ware and Black-and-Red Ware. Period II
yields microliths, copper objects, bone tools, stone beads, terracotta seals, animal
figurines, etc. Ceramic tradition remains to be same as the earlier period. Period III
includes microliths, copper and iron artifacts, beads and ceramic assemblage similar to
earlier period. Period IV assigned to Early Historic period incorporates Red Polished
Ware, Grey Ware and Black Slipped Ware. Stamped pottery and terracotta objects, etc.
are important findings. Period V is assigned to Medieval period (Chattopadhyaya,
Sengupta and Chakrabarty 2005, Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007). It is
important to note that apart from some conical cups and beads of terracotta, a mutilated
figure of an elephant, and a sealing the terracotta materials are rare in the site (Mukherji
1993-1994).

Bharatpur
(23° 24′ 45 N, 87° 27′ 15 E; District: Bardhaman)

The site is situated on the bank of river Damodar. It was excavated by the Archaeological
Survey of India (Eastern Circle) and University of Burdwan from 1972 to 1974.
Excavation reveals four cultural periods from Chalcolithic to Late Historical period with
intervals. Period I of late Chalcolithic phase yields handmade coarse Red Ware, Black
and Red Ware, black painted and white painted Red Ware. Other artifacts include
microliths, copper objects, bone tools, ground celts, steatite beads etc. Period II is marked
by the emergence of iron implements, ceramic tradition of the earlier period continues
with a degeneration in fabric. Upper level of this period yields Northern Black Polished
Ware, Black Slipped Ware and Chocolate Ware. Other objects include microliths, copper
ring, beads of steatite and terracotta, etc. Period III assigned to late Gupta phase
distinguished by the presence of a burnt brick structure. Period IV dated to Pala period,
exposed remains of a Buddhist stupa of fine brick work in square plan of pancharatha
type. Five stone images of seated Buddha in bhumi-sparsha mudra which used to adorn
the niches are noteworthy (IAR 1972-73, 1973-74, 1974-75, Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury
and Chakraborty 2007).

100
Deulpota
(22° 13′ 35‟‟ N, 88° 11′ 30‟‟ E; District: South 24 Parganas)

The site is located on the bank of the river Hooghly. It was explored for several times
(IAR 1963-64, 1964-65 and 1972-73) and excavated by the Directorate of Archaeology
and Museum, West Bengal. The site yields Northern Black Polished Ware, beads of
semiprecious stones and glass, silver punch marked coins, and uninscribed cast copper
coins, etc. Among the terracotta fins plaques depicting female figure and toy carts of
Sunga style, Yakshini figures, Gajalakshmi plaque, Gupta and Post-Gupta terracottas are
worth mentioning. Ceramic assemblage incorporates Grey and Red Ware. This is a
multicultural site and has a structural mound of early Medieval period (Chakrabarti,
Goswami and Chattopadhyay 1994, Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007).

Dihar
(23° 07′ N, 87° 21′ E; District: Bankura)

The site is situated in the Damodar-Darakeswar river valley. The Department of

Archaeology, University of Calcutta from 1983 to 1984 and in 1991 conducted
excavation at the site. More recently in 2008-09 Department of Archaeology, University
of Calcutta has carried out small scale excavations at four mounds. Continuous habitation
has been exposed which is divided into two cultural periods. Period I which is assigned to
Chalcolithic period, includes structural remains, ceramic assemblage including Red
Ware, Black Ware, Black and Red Ware, Black Polished Ware, Cream Ware and Grey
Ware, lithic industry predominated by microliths, bone tools and some copper artifacts,
etc. Period II, which is assigned to Early Historic period, yields pottery of Red Ware,
Black Ware, Black and Red Ware, Grey Ware and Northern Black Polished Ware. Other
artifacts include caste copper coins, beads of semiprecious stone, etc. (IAR 1983-84,
1984-85 and 1993-94, Pal 1992, Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007).
Terracotta objects are rare in the site. Only a few game objects and animal figurines are
found which are attributed to Early Historic period (Pal 1992). In the recent excavation
(2008-09) it is reported that the terracotta objects in large quantities are found from all
the four mounds. These objects include both hand modelled human and animal figurines

101
including female torso, animal figures with star-shaped head, etc. Apart from the art
objects spindle whorls, beads, skin rubbers, ear-studs, terracotta lamps, crucibles, game
objects, etc. are also found (Chattopadhyay, Acharya and Bandyopadhyay 2010).

Dhosa
(22° 14′ N, 88° 34′ E; District: South 24 Parganas)

The site is situated on the bank of River Piyali and was excavated by Directorate of
Archaeology and Museum, West Bengal in 2006. Structural remains of 5 th-6th century
CE, inscribed tiles, terracotta sealings, figurines, plaques, bone points, beads of semi-
precious stones, terracotta balls, iron objects, uninscribed cast copper coins are major
findings. Red Ware, Dull Red Ware, Grey Ware, Dark Grey Ware and Black and Red
Ware constitute major ceramic industry (Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty
2007).

Kotasur
(23° 57′ N, 87° 45′ E; District: Birbhum)

The site is situated on the flood plain of the River Mayurakshi. It was excavated by the
Department of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Visva Bharati
University under the supervision of N. C. Ghosh from 1986 to 1988. There are five
cultural periods. Period I is characterized by Northern Black Polished Ware, beads of
terracotta and stone, iron objects, etc. Period II yields Red Ware of Sunga age. It is
marked by the occurrence of moulded terracotta female figurines. Pottery includes plain
Red Ware. Period III consists of Red Ware of Kushana age. A fortification wall of burnt
brick is noted from this period. Period IV belongs to Gupta and later age probably 4 th to
8th century CE and Period V shows Pala features. A construction identified as
embankment against flood water has been noticed in Period V (IAR 1986-87, 1987-88,
Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury, Chakraborty 2007).

102
Nanur
(23° 42′ N, 87° 52′ E; District: Birbhum)

The site is situated on the flood plain of the river Ajay. The site has been explored and
excavated by various institutions viz. University of Calcutta in 1945-46 (Goswami 1950)
the mound named as Chandidas, the same mound by Asutosh Museum in 1960-61
(Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007), and also by the Archaeological
Survey of India, Eastern Circle in 1963-64 (IAR 1963-64). Excavation reveals that the
site had been in occupation from Proto-historic through Early Historic, including
Medieval, to Modern times. Terracotta findings of the site include a female torso of 3rd to
4th century CE, Late Gupta female figures in akimbo, terracotta heads of 10 th century CE,
beads and bangles. Other artifacts consist of shell bangles, iron nails, beads of agate,
carnelian, etc.; different ceramic shapes of Red Ware, Grey Ware, Black Polished Ware
(Goswami 1950, IAR 1963-64, Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007).

Rajbaridanga
(24° 03′ N, 88° 12′ E; District: Murshidabad)

The site is associated with ancient city of Karnasuvarna. The site is adjacent to the river
Bhagirathi. It was excavated by the Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta
from 1962 to 1967. There are three mounds viz. Rakshasi Danga, Sannyasi Danga and
Rajbari Danga. Excavation reveals three cultural phases from 2 nd-3rd century CE to 12th-
13th century CE. Period I yielded crude and plain pottery; Period II is represented by the
presence of inscribed seals and polished sherds; Period III is marked by the absence of
inscribed seals (IAR 1962-63, 1963-64, 1964-65, 1966-67, 1968-69, 1971-72). Terracotta
seals with Dharmachakra symbol have been reported from the site. Lo-to-mo-chi vihara
which is mentioned by Hiuen Tsang is identified with the structural complex revealed
from the site. Few hand modelled animal figures (2nd-3rd-4th century CE), a female head
with fan shaped headdress of Gupta period (5th-6th century CE), terracotta plaques, stucco
figurines, beads, etc. are some of the important findings. Amita Ray (1986) notes that
stucco figurines including Bodhisattvas and the Buddha and female heads are found in

103
stratigraphic context dated to 5th-6th centuries to 8th-9th centuries CE. Ceramic
assemblage includes Grey Ware, Black Ware and Orange Ware. Other artifacts consist of
votive stupa, bronze figurines, discs, golden ring, iron implements, ivory, etc (Biswas
1981, Das 1968, Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007).

Pokhanna
(23° 24′ 30” N, 87° 22′ 30”E; District: Bankura)

The site is situated on the bank of the river Damodar. It was excavated by the University
of Calcutta. It yields Chalcolithic phase characterized by Black and Red Ware and mud
floors with post holes. This phase is followed by an Early Historic phase. Terracotta
findings from this site consist of Mother Goddess with splayed a hip which resembles
Pre-Mauryan type, terracotta figurine of an Apsara wearing a coiffure decorated with a
disc like medallion (IAR 1965-66, 1966-67, 1977-78, Biswas 1981, Sengupta, Roy
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007).

Tilpi
(22° 13′ 40” N, 88° 33′ 55”E; District: South 24 Parganas)

Located on the bank of the river Piyali, the site was excavated by the Directorate of
Archaeology and Museum, West Bengal in 2005-2006 and 2006-2007. Some structural
remains are revealed. Pottery with Black Ware and Red Ware sometimes bearing basket
impressions and ornamental designs has been reported. Terracotta plaques depicting
female figure in Sunga style, toy carts depicting elephant, ram, divine figures, a moulded
figurine of elephant have been recovered. Another mould made elephant with a flower at
the end of its trunk is noteworthy (Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007).

Following photographs (Fig. 4.25 to 4.36) represent some of the important terracotta
findings from the sites discussed in the above section.

104
Fig. 4.25 A plaque depicting a musical scene where a
male is playing a lyre, 1st century BCE to 2nd
century CE, Tilpi (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy
Fig. 4.26 A hand modelled wheeled ram (toy cart), 1st to
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)
3rd century CE, Tilpi (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)

Fig. 4.27 A hand modelled male head with curly hair 4th Fig. 4.28 A hand modelled animal figure, Pokhanna
to 6th century CE, Dhosa (courtesy: Sengupta, (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and
Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007) Chakraborty 2007)

105
Fig. 4.29 An ornamented seated female figure, 1st to 3rd
century CE, Bangarh (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)
Fig. 4.32 A hand modelled votive pedestal
Fig. 4.31 A plaque depicting two riders on an
elephant, 1st to 3rd century CE,
Harinarayanpur (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)
Fig. 4.30 A hand modelled female torso on a
wheel turned base, 4th to 6th century
CE, Harinarayanpur (courtesy:
Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and
Chakraborty 2007)
depicting footprints, Post-Gupta period,
Gosaba (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)
106
 Fig. 4.34 A hand modelled female figure from
Farakka (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)
Fig. 4.33 A hand modelled Mother Goddess adorned
with stamped girdle and applique necklace
from Farakka (courtesy: Biswas 1981)

Fig. 4.35A hollow female bust holding a snake

Fig. 4.36 A moulded head, 3rd to 6th century CE,
hood in her left hand, having wheel turned
Panna (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy
base, 4th to 6th centuries CE, Panna
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)
(courtesy: Biswas 1981, Sengupta, Roy
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)

107
From the above discussion it is clear that West Bengal is an important centre of terracotta
art objects which shows a continuous presence throughout the Early Historic period.
Although, a large amount of materials are collected from surface, several materials within
stratified context are also been recovered from different excavations. The evidence of
terracotta in West Bengal dates back to Chalcolithic period, revealed from a few hand
modelled figures from Pandu Rajar Dhibi and Mangalkot (Mukherjee 1991). Typical
Mauryan terracotta materials comparable to known evidences from sites of Uttar Pradesh
and Bihar are few from stratified contexts in West Bengal and restricted to sites like
Chandraketugarh, Tamluk and Mangalkot. Most of the Mauryan terracottas like female
heads with bicornate headgears, female figures with elaborate coiffures having circular
medallions, animal figures, etc. are surface finds. In Sunga-Kushana period, the terracotta
production increased and consequently a large number of terracottas are reported from
different sites. Most common forms of Sunga terracotta are plaques depicting heavily
jewelled female forms termed as Yakshini, and erotic plaques. A variety of forms
including secular, divine and semi-divine characterize Kushana terracotta. One of the
important forms of this period is the toy-carts (wheeled animals) with decorations. The
depiction of Buddhist Jataka stories on the plaques are also important findings of Sunga-
Kushana period (Mukherji 1991). The number of terracotta figures in Gupta period is less
compared to the earlier phase. Terracotta plaques found from this period show a wide
range of subjects and were mostly used for decorating the panels in the temples (see
Mukherji 1991). However, it is important to note that Gupta period forms are more
naturalistic (Biswas 1981, Mukherjee 1991).

The study of ancient terracotta art of West Bengal can reflect on several aspects, first, the
major terracotta yielding sites are located in Lower Bengal. The most important sites for
terracotta art such as Chandraketugarh, Tamluk, Mangalkot, Pandu Rajar Dhibi are
located in the southern districts of West Bengal which were important urban centres
and/or port cities in Early Historic period. Second, northern districts of the state have
only a few sporadic terracotta finds from Jalpaiguri, Uttar Dinajpur, Malda, Dakshin
Dinajpur, Koch Bihar, and Darjeeling. However, no comprehensive study of these
materials has been done so far (Bhattacharya 2004-2005). Third, from the large amount

108
of terracotta materials and the presence of mould and figures which were produced from
that mould in the sites like Chandraketugarh, Tamluk it can be attributed that these were
manufacturing sites. Fourth, the terracotta art objects of ancient West Bengal can be
comparable to the terracotta materials of the corroborative periods from the middle
Ganga valley sites like Kausambi, Ahichchhatra, Mathura, Sravasti, Vaisali, and others.
From this great similarity we can say that there was a connection between north India and
Bengal. Fifth, terracotta evidences of West Bengal show certain outside influences,
mostly Graeco-Roman, which indicates contact of Bengal with outer world. Suchandra
Ghosh (2002) argues that Chandraketugarh and Tamluk might have regular commercial
as well as cultural contacts between Gandhara in the north-west and coastal West Bengal
in the Early Historic period. The Gandharan art style which is influenced by Hellenistic
elements can be seen in the terracotta findings of Gangetic West Bengal (Ghosh 2002).
Sattar (2004-2005) notes the presence of Hellenistic elements as evidenced from female
and male figures wearing Greek tunic discovered from Tamluk and Chandraketugarh. To
illustrate further she gives examples of many female forms on plaques and in round
which show Graeco-Roman influence. Sixth, for the manufacturing of terracotta materials
hand modelling and mould techniques were common. Double mould technique is noticed
in Kushana period terracottas (Dhavalikar 1977). Wheel turned terracotta exemplified by
elephants are also noticed. Often a combination of different techniques is evidenced.
Forms having a wheel turned base are reported from several sites (e.g. Fig. 4.35). Use of
slip is not common in West Bengal terracottas. In case of firing the actual process is
unknown as the evidence of kiln has so far not been reported. However, for a thorough
understanding of the technique of terracotta manufacture ethnographic study on terracotta
manufacturing community is important (Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty
2007).

109
 Chapter – 5

Contemporary Terracotta
Manufacture in West Bengal: An
Ethnographic Approach

110
The work involves ethnographic study among the terracotta manufacturing and using
communities from 17 villages of seven districts of West Bengal. The ethnography is done
with fourfold aims first, an emphasis is given on process of terracotta manufacture,
second the documentation of forms that are produced, third the ways of marketing them
and finally the use of terracotta materials. Following map shows the distribution of the
villages under study (Fig. 5.1).

111
Fig. 5.1 Map of West Bengal showing contemporary terracotta manufacturing and using
villages under study

112
Among the 17 villages 12 villages are both terracotta manufacturers and users and five
villages are only users. This chapter aims at understanding the terracotta manufacturing
process and terracotta forms, hence, it is restricted to the study of 12 villages where
terracotta is regularly manufactured. The detail of the sample of terracotta manufacturers
is given in Table no. 5.1.

Table no. 5.1 Terracotta manufacturing villages under study

District Block Municipality Gram Panchayat Village name

North 24 pgs Deganga – Berachampa - II Devalaya

Deganga – Sohai- Shetpur Shetpur-Palpara

Barasat - I – Duttapukur - II Chaltaberia

South 24 pgs Baruipur – Madarat Atghara-Palpara

Bhangar - I – Sanksahar Sanksahar-

Nischintapur

Purba Medinipur Sahid – Kakharda Yashomantapur

Matangini
Raghunathpur - I Tarangakhali

Bankura Taldangra – Panchmura Panchmura

– Sonamukhi – Sonamukhi-
Satyapirtala

Birbhum Bolpur- – Ruppur Surul

Sriniketan
– Kankalitala Adityapur

– Bolpur – Makrampur

Each of these villages has terracotta manufacturing communities. It is important to

understand the village population and the extent of terracotta manufacturing among them.
Here it may be noted that since, in most of the villages pottery and terracotta are
manufactured in parallel by same families it is important to understand different
numerical dimension of pottery manufacture along with terracotta. In order to do so

113
pottery and terracotta manufacture in comparison to the total population of the village is
done. Following table and diagram shows the extent of such activities in the villages.

114
 Table no. 5.2 Number of pottery and terracotta making families with respect to the total number of families in the villages

District Village Name Total no. Pottery % with Families % of Terracotta

of Making respect to involved in Maker with
Families Families Total Terracotta respect to Total
Families of Making no. of Families
the Village
North 24 Devalaya 155 52 33.55 1 0.65
pgs Shetpur-Palpara 301 68 22.59 2 0.66
Chaltaberia 232 220 94.83 193 83.19
South 24 Atghara-Palpara 418 32 7.66 32 7.66
pgs Sanksahar- 332 37 11.14 37 11.14
Nischintapur
Purba Yashomantapur 318 15 4.72 6 1.89
Medinipu Tarangakhali 283 51 18.02 14 4.95
r
Bankura Panchmura 224 53 23.66 48 21.43
Sonamukhi- 287 15 5.23 9 3.14
Satyapirtala
Birbhum Surul 177 37 20.90 22 12.43
Adityapur 262 143 54.58 29 11.07
Makrampur 646 58 8.98 19 2.94
Total 3635 781 21.49 412 11.33

115
 700

600

500

400

300
Total no. of families
200
Pottery making families
100
Families involved in Terracotta making
0
Shetpur-

Surul
Atghara-

Adityapur
Panchmura

Makrampur
Sonamukhi-
Devalaya

Nischintapur

Yashomantapur
Palpara
Chaltaberia

Satyapirtala
Tarangakhali
Palpara

Sanksahar-

North 24 pgs South 24 pgs Purba Bankura Birbhum

Medinipur

Fig. 5.2 The extent of pottery and terracotta manufacture in the villages

116
Table no. 5.2 and Fig. 5.2 show that people with traditional pottery and terracotta making
occupations are considerably less with respect to total number of families in the villages.
It is seen that only 21.49% of the families in the studied villages are involved in pottery
manufacture. Furthermore, only 11.33% of the families are terracotta makers, even in the
villages where large number of people belongs to the caste Kumor. An interesting
exception is Chaltaberia where 83.19% of people are involved in terracotta making and
94.83% are involved in pottery making. This is possible because Chaltaberia is a cluster
of pottery and terracotta making activities. The families are small entrepreneurs and are
connected with regional, national and international markets. Two villages of South 24
Parganas, Atghara-Palpara and Sanksahar-Nischintapur, where each of the pottery
making families manufacture terracotta items indicate the regional demands of terracotta.
Villages of Bankura also show the similar trend.

Nature of Labour Force in Terracotta

Manufacture:
During the fieldwork terracotta manufacture is seen as a family based occupation. In
open-ended interviews, research participants emphasize on the involvement of each of the
family members in terracotta manufacture. From these findings, certain questions arise, a)
whether terracotta manufacture is family based? b) To what extent family members
participate in this work? c) Whether this reflects community sentiment of preserving the
tradition of terracotta manufacture? The last question involves a detailed investigation on
the nature of tradition perseverance. However, before going to that part, it is important to
see the nature of labour force in terracotta manufacture.

117
Table no. 5.3 Patterns of labour force in terracotta manufacturing including the family and hired labours

District Village Name Terracotta No. of No. of Total Family Hiered Total % Hiered
Making Males Females Labour Labour Labour Labour
Families Engaged Engaged Force Force Force
North 24 Devalaya 1 1 2 3 0 3 0
pgs Shetpur-Palpara 2 4 0 4 3 7 42.86
Chaltaberia 193 363 309 672 318 990 32.12
South 24 Atghara- 32 69 54 123 7 130 5.38
pgs Palpara
Sanksahar- 37 75 61 136 16 152 10.53
Nischintapur
Purba Yashomantapur 6 15 7 22 0 22 0
Medinip Tarangakhali 14 38 25 63 1 64 1.56
ur
Bankura Panchmura 48 66 57 123 10 133 7.52
Sonamukhi- 9 22 17 39 0 39 0
Satyapirtala
Birbhum Surul 22 46 36 82 16 98 16.33
Adityapur 29 49 49 98 2 100 2
Makrampur 19 41 21 62 7 69 10.14
Total 412 789 641 1430 380 1810 20.99

118
Fig. 5.3 Pattern of labour force among terracotta manufacturing families

119
Table no. 5.3 and Fig. 5.3 show that percentage of hired labour force is considerably low
(only 20.99% of the total labour force). Places like Devalaya, Yashomantapur and
Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala terracotta makers do not employ outside labour force at all.
Participation of women in a variety of stages of terracotta manufacture further shows that
terracotta manufacture is primarily a family based occupation. However, in other places,
especially where the hired labour force is involved in transporting and preparing the soil
and transporting the finished goods, they are usually not involved in actual manufacture
of terracotta. Therefore, there is a conscious attempt to reduce the outside labours. This
shows the tendency of preserving caste occupation.

Children‟s involvement is an important phenomenon. Involving children of the family in

many phases of the terracotta manufacture is seen. Additionally, during the fieldwork, on
several occasions it is seen that children are given the freedom to experiment with their
own forms of clay modelling. Following table gives an overview of the extent of
children‟s involvement in terracotta manufacturing.

120
 Table no. 5.4 Percentage of children‟s participation in terracotta manufacturing

District Village Total Family Children's % of

Name Labour Force Involvement Children in
in Terracotta in Terracotta Terracotta
North 24 Devalaya 3 1 33.33
pgs Shetpur- 7 2 28.57
Palpara
Chaltaberia 672 209 31.10
South 24 Atghara- 123 34 27.64
pgs Palpara
Sanksahar- 136 23 16.91
Nischintapur
Purba Yashomantap 22 13 59.09
Medinipur ur
Tarangakhali 63 17 26.98
Bankura Panchmura 123 58 47.15
Sonamukhi- 39 17 43.59
Satyapirtala
Birbhum Surul 82 28 34.15
Adityapur 98 37 37.76
Makrampur 62 26 41.94
Total 1430 466 32.59

121
700

600

500

400

300
Total family labour force in terracotta
200
Children's involvement in terracotta

100

0
Shetpur-

Surul
Atghara-

Adityapur
Panchmura

Makrampur
Sonamukhi-
Devalaya

Nischintapur

Yashomantapur
Palpara
Chaltaberia

Satyapirtala
Tarangakhali
Palpara

Sanksahar-

North 24 pgs South 24 pgs Purba Medinipur Bankura Birbhum

Fig. 5.4 Family labour force and children‟s participation in pottery and terracotta manufacturing

122
Table no. 5.4 and Fig. 5.4 indicate the fact that a significant percentage of total family
labour force is children. Initially they are given easier duties, like removing impurities
from the clay, or helping at various stages of manufacture. There is conscious attempt to
make them learn, as apart from their regular educational activities at schools they are
asked for helping their family. Furthermore, since, clay modelling is fun filled activity for
a child; their wilful engagement is also seen during the work.

123
Contemporary Terracotta Forms and their
Distributions:
During the fieldwork, several terracotta forms are found. There is a huge variation in
types reported from different villages. Following is a detailed list of types found in
studied villages.

Devalaya:

Items include toys like pots, bowls, unun (oven), spoon, bucket, jar, mortar and pestle
(shil nora), ghats small and simplistic male and female dolls, toy carts, horse riders
served as toy carts.

Shetpur-Palpara:

The most common types they prepare are – large and small flower vases, Egyptian pots,
Pradip, lamp shades, musical instruments such as tabla, models of legends and idols of
different Hindu deities, other aesthetic objects like Rajasthani models.

Some of the special types are – Terracotta tables, chairs, terracotta tiles or plaques
depicting a variety of images, frame of bed etc. These are only made on the basis of
demand.

Chaltaberia:

Flower vases, candle stands, Pradip, plaques or tiles depicting various images, Hindu
gods and goddesses especially Ganesha, Durga, small and large decorative female
figures, incense stand, horse, elephant and many other decorative objects. All are mould
made, no use of wheel.

Atghara-Palpara:

Different terracotta ghats (dwar ghat, debi ghat, baran chhoba), Pradip, Pradip stand
(Dipasan), Dhunuchi, Sahasra jhar, Bastu pujar ghat.

124
Sanksahar-Nischintapur:

Different types of terracotta ghats (debi ghat, dwar ghat/darko) used in ritual and
religious purposes, Kolke, Pradip, Sahasra jhar, oil burning pot used in ritual purposes
(Telporar Patro), Pradip stand, small pots of different shapes used in ritual purposes or
as toys for children.

Yashomantapur:

Terrracotta figures of different local gods and goddeses (Jarasandha, Raktabati, Shitala),
terracotta Tulsi mancha, pradip, ghats.

Tarangakhali:

Ghats, marriage ghats, chalnara, male and female dolls.

Panchmura:

Horse and elephant both simplistic and decorated, Manasa chali/bari, Manasa ghat, tiles
or plaques depicting various images, figurines of Hindu gods and goddesses, mother and
child and other male and female figurines.

Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala:

Elephants, Horses, Manasa chali/bari, Manasa ghat, marriage ghats, Tusu khola, dolls,
different musical instruments like Dugi, Khol, Madal, Tasa, flower vases, Multiple
Pradip in a single stand.

Surul:

Diffent types of masks and large flower vases and some other decorative objects.

Adityapur:

Different types of decorative objects like – small figurines including mother and child,
Ganesha in different postures, pen stand, ashtray, bells, different female figurines in
different postures, small clay dolls used in aesthetic purposes.

125
Makrampur:

Pradip, ghats, Bell, Dhunuchi, and Pen stand.

Some of the important terracotta forms are given from Fig. 5.6 to 5. 35.

126
Table no. 5.5 Contemporary terracotta forms and their distribution in the studied areas

Sl. Forms No. of % to the Names of the villages

No villages total village
1 Horse and Elephant (simplistic) 2 16.67 Panchmura, Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala
2 Horse and Elephant (decorated) 3 25 Chaltaberia, Panchmura, Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala
3 Manasa Chali/Bari 2 16.67 Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala, Panchmura
4 Manasa Ghat 2 16.67 Panchmura, Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala
5 Idols Hindu Gods and Goddesses 4 33.33 Shetpur-Palpara, Chaltaberia, Adityapur, Panchmura
6 Figurines of Local Gods and 4 33.33 Panchmura, Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala, Atghara, Yashomantapur
Goddesses
7 Mother Figure 2 16.67 Panchmura, Adityapur
8 Mother and Child 2 16.67 Panchmura, Adityapur
9 Decorative Male and Female 2 16.67 Chaltaberia, Panchmura
Models including Erotic
10 Models of Legends 1 8.33 Shetpur-Palpara
11 Male and Female Dolls 4 33.33 Panchmura, Adityapur, Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala, Devalaya
12 Ghats 6 50 Tarangakhali, Makrampur, Sanksahar-Nischintapur, Atghara-
Palpara, Devalaya, Yashomantapur
13 Marriage Ghats 5 41.67 Panchmura, Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala, Tarangakhali, Makrampur,
Yashomantapur
14 Decorative Pots 4 33.33 Panchmura, Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala, Tarangakhali, Makrampur,
15 Perforated Ritualistic Pot 2 16.67 Sanksahar-Nischintapur, Atghara-Palpara
16 Local Musical Instruments 1 8.33 Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala
17 Other Musical Instruments 1 8.33 Shetpur-Palpara
18 Bell 2 16.67 Adityapur, Makrampur
19 Tusu Khola 1 8.33 Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala
20 Flower Vase 3 25 Sonamukhi-Satyapirtalam, Shetpur-Palpara, Chaltaberia,
21 Tulsi Mancha 1 8.33 Yashomantapur,

127
Sl. Forms No. of % to the Names of the villages
No villages total village
22 Pradip (Simplistic) 4 33.33 Sanksahar-Nischintapur, Shetpur-Palpara, Atghara-Palpara,
Yashomantapur
23 Multiple Pradip 2 16.67 Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala, Makrampur
24 Pradip Stand 2 16.67 Sanksahar-Nischintapur, Atghara-Palpara
25 Decorative Pradip 2 16.67 Sethpur-Palpara, Chaltaberia
26 Ornaments 1 8.33 Panchmura
27 Rajasthani Models 2 16.67 Shetpur-Palpara, Chaltaberia
28 Terracotta Furnitures 1 8.33 Shetpur-Palpara
29 Incense Stand 2 16.67 Chaltaberia, Sanksahar-Nischintapur
30 Egyptian Pots 1 8.33 Shetpur-Palpara
31 Dhunuchi 2 16.67 Makrampur, Atghara-Palpara,
32 Toy Cart 1 8.33 Devalaya
33 Toys 1 8.33 Devalaya
34 Masks 1 8.33 Sururl
35 Plaques or Tiles 3 25.00 Shetpur-Palpara, Chaltaberia, Panchmura
36 Other Decorative Objects 7 58.33 Surul, Chaltabaria, Sethpur-Palpara, Panchmura, Adityapur,
Sanksahar-Nischintapur, Makrampur,
Total no. of villages 12

128
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Fig. 5.5 Contemporary terracotta forms and their distribution in the studied area
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No. of villages

129
Fig. 5.6 Simplistic horse and elephant from Panchmura

Fig. 5.7 Decorative horse and elephant from Panchmura

Fig. 5.8 Manasa chali/bari from Panchmura Fig. 5.9 Manasa ghat from Bishnupur terracotta market

Fig. 5.11 Local female and deities Raktabati

Fig. 5.10 God Krishna in front and a mould of Jarasandha from Yashomantapur
Durga in the back from Chaltaberia
130
Fig. 5.12 Contemporary archaic
mother figure from local Fig. 5.13 Mother and child from
market at South Srirampur Adityapur

Fig. 5.15 Models of legends from Bolpur market

Fig. 5.14Decorative female model
from Chalaberia

131
Fig. 5.16 Dolls from Bolpur fair
(Poushmela) Fig. 5.17 Ghat from Sanksahar-
Nischintapur

Fig. 5.19 Decorative pot and flower

vase from Panchmura
Fig. 5.18 Marriage ghat from
Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala

132
Fig. 5.20 Perforated pot (sahasra jhar)
from Sanksahar-Nischintapur
Fig. 5.21 Tulsi mancha from
Yashomantapur

Fig. 5.22 Pradip (simplistic) from

Sanksahar-Nischintapur

Fig. 5.24 Pradip stand from

Fig. 5.23 Multiple pradip (decorative) from Sanksahar-Nischintapur
Bishnupur terracotta market

133
Fig. 5.25 Rajasthani models from Chaltaberia

Fig. 5.26 Stool (mora) from

Shetpur-Palpara

Fig. 5.27 Egyptian pot from Shetpur-

Palpara

Fig. 5.28 Musical instrument Fig. 5.29 Bell from Makrampur

(baya) from Shetpur
Palpara

134
 Fig. 5.30 Dhunuchi from Makrampur Fig. 5.31 Toy cart and other toys from Devalaya

Fig. 5.32 Masks from Surul

Fig. 5.33 Plaques from Shetpur-Palpara

Fig. 5.35 Ganesha from Chaltaberia

Fig. 5.34 Ornaments from Bishnupur terracotta
market

135
Techniques of Terracotta Manufacture:
Terracotta manufacturing is one of the important crafts of West Bengal. As already been noted
profuse availability of suitable clay and its plastic, easy-moulding nature might be one of the
reasons for which terracotta holds a significant position in West Bengal‟s art and craft. Clay is
also considered as sacred as it is symbolically related to fertility cult and mother earth. The
terracotta manufacture requires certain step-by-step process. A detailed study on the process of
terracotta manufacture has been done. In the following section these stages are discussed.

Source of Clay:
The clay used for terracotta making in most of the villages is locally known as Entel mati. The
soil is sticky and clayey in nature with considerably less sand content and has more plasticity.
Being compact it can bear more heat. In Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala, Makrampur and Adityapur Do-
aansh mati is used. In Do-aansh mati the sand and mud content of the soil is almost equal. So
there is no need to add sand in case of this soil.

The clay is purchased by the terracotta makers from agents who collect it from the bank of the
local rivers or from nearby places where desired clay is available in ample amount. Vidyadhari in
case of Shetpur-Palpara; from the land of co-operatives or from their own land in case of
Panchmura; Canning, a near by place, in Chaltaberia; nearby farming grounds in case of
Devalaya and in case of Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala from the bank of the nearby river named Shali.
In Makrampur and Adityapur, clay is bought from farming fields which are located on the bank
of the river Ajay; in case of Sankshahor-Nischintapur, Tarangakhali, Atghara-Palpara, clay is
brought from the nearby farming field, they buy clay from the farmers at the rate of Rs.1/- per
small basket. However, they have to pay about Rs. 300/- to the owner who allows them to bring
the soil.

In most cases the clay is purchased: 1 big basket (baro chubri) – Rs. 6-7/- (Swetpur, Devalaya,
Atghara-Palpara), 1 tractor or 1 bullock cart – Rs. 300/- (in Panchmura). 1 bullock cart that is 100
taal (lump) of clay is Rs. 100/- i.e. 1 taal (lump) of clay is Rs. 1/- (Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala). 1
van of clay i.e. 40-45 small baskets (jhuri) is Rs. 30-35/- (in Shankshahor-Nischintapur). Rs. 1/-
per small basket (jhuri) in case of Tarangakhali, Atghara-Palpara. One tractor clay is bought in
Rs. 400-500/- (in Makrampur and Adityapur). 1 truck of clay is bought in Rs. 6000/- (in

136
Chaltaberia). In case of other villages the rate is more or less same. Following table (Table no.
5.6) gives sources, price and transportation of clay in the studied villages.

Table no. 5.6 Source, price and mode of transportation of clay

Village Name Source of Clay Rate Mode of

Transportation
Devalaya Nearby farming Rs. 6 – 7/- per big Van
ground basket
Shetpur-Palpara Bank of Vidyadhari Rs. 6 – 7/- per big Tractor and Van
River basket
Chaltaberia Nearby place Rs. 6000/- per truck Truck and van
Atghara-Palpara Nearby farming field Rs. 1/- per small Van
basket
Sanksahar-Nischintapur Nearby farming field Rs. 30 – 35/- per Van
van
Yashomantapur Nearby area Rs. 1.5/- per small Van
basket
Tarangakhali Nearby farming field Rs. 1/- per small Van
basket
Panchmura Land of Co-operative Rs. 300/- per Bullock cart and Van
/ from own land tractor/ bullock cart
Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala Bank of Shali river Rs. 1/- per lump of Bullock cart and Van
clay
Surul Nearby area Rs. 1.5/- per small Van
basket
Adityapur Farming field at bank Rs. 400 – 500/- per Tractor and Van
of river Ajay tractor
Makrampur Farming field at bank Rs. 400 – 500/- per Tractor and Van
of river Ajay tractor

Preparation of Clay:
The unprocessed clay which is brought from different sources has to be processed and
prepared for the actual manufacturing. Firstly, the soil is cut into small pieces with the
help of spade. Then two small buckets (balti) of water is mixed with one medium sized
basket (majhari chubri) of mud. The proportion varies from village to village according
to the texture of the soil. In some cases there is no measurement as such, water is added
as required. The preparation of clay is mostly done in the courtyard of the house or
outside the house in an open space (Fig. 5.36).

137
Roots, kankars and other impurities of the clay are taken out with the help of a thin sheet of
bamboo (sieve like) called chata or chachna in local term. This process is locally known as Nek
kara. In Panchmura and Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala the impurities are removed by hand.

Sand is added and mixed with the soil in Chaltaberia, Arghara-Palpara, Tarangakhali,
Panchmura and Surul where Entel mati is used for terracotta manufacture in which sand
content is very low. The reason of using sand as told by the terracotta makers of
Panchmura is that sand contains silica that prevents the products from cracking or
bursting at the time of firing. However, not all villages where this soil is used add sand.
The research participants argue whether or not to use sand depends on regional variation
of soil and also the nature of firing. In the villages where Do-aansh mati is used, no
additional sand is mixed as this type of soil itself contains sand. In Sonamukhi-
Satyapirtala ash is added and mixed with the soil. Brick-dust (surki) is added in Shetpur-
Palpara. No additional substance is added in Devalaya, Shankshahor-Nischintapur,
Makrampur and Adityapur. Following table (Table no. 5.7) represents the nature of
additional substances added to soil by the villagers.

Table no. 5.7 Additional substances mixed with the soil in the villages

Villages Additional substances added to soil

Devalaya None
Shetpur-Palpara Brick-dust
Chaltaberia Sand
Atghara-Palpara Sand
Sanksahar-Nischintapur None
Yashomantapur None
Tarangakhali Sand
Panchmura Sand
Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala Ash
Surul Sand
Adityapur None
Makrampur None

The soil is then mixed by feet for two hours or so. This levigation process is locally
known as „Tal kara‟. On average 10-12 baskets (chubri) of mud are taken out for
preparation at a time.

138
Actual Process of Making Terracotta Objects:
It is commonly observed that the techniques of manufacturing terracotta objects depend
on the nature of products and the amount of production. The manufacturing process can
be divided broadly into three categories: 1) Handmade, 2) Dice or Mould made, 3) Wheel
made. Often it is seen that terracotta makers employ a combination of different
techniques (Table no. 5.8). Their workplace is located inside the house, either the
courtyard or in a separate room.

139
Table no. 5.8 Different techniques of terracotta manufacturing used in villages under study

Village Hand Dice or Wheel Partly Hand Partly Hand Partly

Made Mould Made Made Partly Made Partly Mould Made
Made Mould Wheel Made Partly
Made Wheel Made
Devalaya √ √
Shetpur-Palpara √ √
Chaltaberia √ √
Atghara-Palpara √ √ √
Sanksahar- √ √ √
Nischintapur
Yashomantapur √
Tarangakhali √ √
Panchmura √ √ √ √
Sonamukhi- √ √ √
Satyapirtala
Surul √ √ √
Adityapur √
Makrampur √ √

The details of the three processes of terracotta manufacturing are given below.

1. Handmade:
The prepared clay is given desired shape and form by hand. Larger shapes are
given with the help of thumb and palm while smaller shapes and fine retouching
is added with the help of figures (Fig. 5.37). Often they use sticks having sharp
end for decorating the objects. While preparing large sized handmade terracotta
objects as in case of Shetpur-Palpara, the prepared clay is kept in 4-5 lumps. Each
lump is given a flat and circular shape by a pestle (bole) made out of stone. Then
the flat rounded clay is modelled into desired forms by beating the clay with the
help of bole for giving support to the clay and pitna made of wood for beating the
clay and then by hand.

2. Dice or Mould Made:

Moulds or dices are used especially if a particular form is made in large scale,
after that finishing is done by hand. There are moulds made clay, terracotta and
plaster of Paris. In Tarangakhali, a different type of mould is used for producing

140
big globular ghats. The base with body of these items is made with the help of
moulds. In this case the moulds are made out of clay and these are placed
permanently on the courtyard of their huts. The mould is first beaten with a
wooden pitna. Extra sand (larger grain sized) is sprinkled on it. Then a thick
coating of the prepared clay is given according to the shape of the moulds and this
is again beaten by the pitna to get the desired shape (Fig. 5.39). The base with
body is prepared like this and the rim is prepared by hand and the final retouch is
also done by hand. Small pradips are often seen as mould made (Fig. 5.40).
Terracotta plaques are mostly made out of moulds of Plaster of Paris or terracotta.
Firstly the designs are carved out on the moulds (negative impression). Then the
mould is filled up with clay and when dried the clay (plaque) receives the design
of the mould as positive impression (Fig. 5.38). In Chaltaberia and Shetpur-
Palpara double-mould technique is used to give the terracotta figures a roundish,
three dimensional effect. In this technique two moulds are used, one for the front
portion another for the back. After the production of front and back portions of
the desired object these two portions are joined together by adding extra clay. The
nature of moulds varies between villages. Following table (Table no. 5.9)
summarises the different moulds used in different villages.

141
 Table no. 5.9 Different types of moulds used in villages under study

Villages Types of mould

Devalaya Terracotta
Shetpur-Palpara Plaster of Paris
Chaltaberia Plaster of Paris
Atghara-palpara Terracotta
Sanksahar-Nischintapur Terracotta
Tarangakhali Clay
Panchmura Plaster of Paris, Terracotta

3. Wheel Made:
Objects are made on single wheel. It has a disc on the superior side on which the
terracotta object is thrown and a pivot and socket helps revolving the wheel. It is
turned anti-clockwise by means of hand or with the help of a stick (Fig. 5.41).
Both spoked and non-spoked wheels are used. Wheel made terracotta objects
always have hand retouching. In Panchmura the basic frames of the objects such
as horses and elephants are made part by part in wheel and then the spare parts are
joined together by adding extra clay. In case of Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala horses
and elephants are made into seven spare parts by wheel and then they are joined
together with extra clay. In most of the villages terracotta ghats are wheel made.
Some objects like Manasa ghat and Bastu pujar ghat require both wheel and
hand-modelling.

Colouring Process:
Mainly two types of colouring agents are used by the terracotta makers, 1) natural colour
and 2) artificial colour. Only in few cases they use both of these types (Table no. 5.10)
according to the nature of objects prepared. The following table shows the nature of
colouring agents used in the studied villages:

142
Table no. 5.10 Nature of colour used by the terracotta makers in different villages under study

Village Natural Chemical Natural and Chemical None

Colour Colour both

Devalaya √

Shetpur-Palpara √

Chaltaberia √

Atghara-Palpara √

Sanksahar- √
Nischintapur

Yashomantapur √ √

Tarangakhali √

Panchmura √

Sonamukhi- √
Satyapirtala

Surul √

Adityapur √

Makrampur √

1) Natural Colour:
Two types of clay are used as natural colours: Gad (yellowish) and Banak (reddish). The
colour from Gad and Banak are prepared by a precipitation process (Fig. 5.43). Gad mati
and Banak mati are brought from either nearby river side or they buy these at Rs. 5/- to
6/- per kg. from the local vendors. Gad and Banak are processed separately but in the
similar way. Both are first liquefied by mixing with water in separate pots and then are
kept for 10-15 days. After that the water from the top is carefully removed and the
precipitated material is used as colour. In some villages Gad is called as Holud (yellow)
Banak. In Devalaya and Makrampur Ela mati which gives a reddish orange colour is
used. It costs around Rs. 10/- per kg.

143
Colouring is done before firing. In Panchmura and Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala, objects are
given three coatings or wash of colour before firing: two coatings of Gad (yellowish) and
one coating of Banak (reddish). After firing the objects get a bright red colour. Some
objects are burnished to increase their aesthetic beauty. A mixture of lac (gala) and spirit
is given as a polish by a piece of cloth in that case after firing. In the villages where Gad
is not used, only two coatings of Banak are given. Where Banak is not used only two
coatings of Gad are given. Where Ela mati is used as colouring agent, two coatings are
given. In few occasions no colour is given, objects are directly burnt to get reddish brown
(terracotta) colour. The terracotta objects which are black in colour are prepared with the
help of a special firing technique. This involves firing in closed condition in which black
colour is generated as a result of carbon accumulation in reducing condition. In
Panchmura and Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala, while getting a black colour, one coating of Gad
is given before firing.

2) Artificial Colour:
In the villages where artificial colour is used, they buy the colours at the rate of Rs. 600/-
to 1500/- per kg., from nearby city or town market. Other agents required for colouring
are – Spirit (Rs. 50/- per litre), Lac (Rs. 300/- per kg) and Primer (white).

In this case objects are coloured after firing. The most common colours they use are
different shades of red, yellow and brown. Firstly the objects are given a coating of
primer, then spirit and lac (gala) are mixed with the colour and two coatings of that
mixture are given to the terracotta object. In Shetpur-Palpara and Chaltaberia spray guns
are used for colouring large objects (Fig. 5.44).

Decoration:
Terracotta objects are decorated with the help of different tools like sticks, pointed iron
rods locally known as boki, knives and even the caps and nibs of pen. This is done just
after the shaping of the objects when the clay remains soft. The designs are of three types,
a) reliefs, b) engraved or incised or etched designs, and d) paintings. The first two

144
categories of decorations are done before firing and the third category, i.e. paintings are
executed after firing. It is seen that in case of handmade and wheel made objects reliefs
are created by adding extra clay and minutely decorated by hand. Incised or etched
designs are curved by using sticks, pointed iron rods, knives, etc. (Fig. 5.42). Paintings
are made by poster colours using brushes. The motifs vary greatly. The most common
motifs are – female figures, erotic scenes, floral and faunal motifs, motifs of trees, leafs,
motifs of Hindu gods and goddesses, depiction of stories from Hindu epics, rituals,
scenes from daily life, etc.

Details of nature of decoration in the studied villages is summarised in the following way
(Table no. 5.11).

Table no. 5.11 Nature of decoration and tools used in the villages under study

Villages Nature of decoration Implements used

Devalaya Etching Sticks
Shetpur-Palpara Relief, etching and engravings Iron rods (boki),
Pointed knives
Chaltaberia Reliefs, engravings, etching Sticks, iron rods.
Atghara-Palpara Painted decoration, etching Poster colour and brush,
pointed sticks
Sanksahar-Nischintapur Minimum etching Pointed sticks
Yashomantapur Etching Pointed sticks
Tarangakhali Minimum etching Pointed sticks
Panchmura Reliefs and engraving, etching Iron rods with pointed
ends, sharpened sticks,
knives and a variety of
moulds
Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala Engravings, etching Iron rods with pointed
ends, sharpened sticks,
knives and a variety of
moulds
Surul Painting, Engraving, Etching Iron rods with pointed
ends, Pen nibs, pen
caps, sharpened sticks.
Adityapur Engraving and Etching Iron rods with pointed
ends, Pen nibs, pen
caps, sharpened sticks.
Makrampur Engraving and Etching Sticks

145
Process of Firing:
Firing process commonly involves a proper arrangement of finished products, firing
agents and creation of holes in the kiln to provide ventilation. Firing is done in closed
kilns, locally termed as Pon, Poyan or Bhati. Kiln is located outside of the house in a
separate place. Each family involved in terracotta making has either their own kiln or two
or three families share a common kiln.

Before firing the terracotta objects are sun dried. These sun dried objects are then
carefully arranged in the kiln in layers. At the bottom of the kiln, bricks are placed at
certain distance, on the top of which terracotta materials are placed. The gap between
bricks provides base ventilation and also helps in placing fire woods. Dry straw is given
between each layer to provide buffer and aid to the fire. In Chaltaberia, between each
layers fire wood is kept primarily to provide direct fire on the products. Depending on the
size of kiln layers vary. On the top of the arrangements a layer of broken pots are given
which gives the support to the outer layer of kiln. On the top of the broken pots a layer of
straw is given which is then covered with mud. At intervals on the entire mud covering
holes are made for ventilation. At the bottom of the kiln an opening is kept for setting the
fire. A variation of the process is found for the objects which are aimed to get a black
colour. These objects require a closed firing condition; hence, the holes here are closed
by mud which results in their black colour through accumulation of carbon on the
objects.

At Shetpur-Palpara, the clay objects are burnt up to 24 hours in low heat and after that for
8 hours at about 800˚c - 900˚c temperature. At Chaltaberia the terracotta objects are burnt
in low heat for 2 days continuously and then up to 600˚c temperature for 12-14 hours.
Other villages follow more or less same pattern of firing (Fig. 5.45, 5.46, 5.47).

Tools Used in Terracotta Manufacture:

The entire process of terracotta manufacture requires several tools. Spade (kodal) is used
for initial cutting of soil. Sieve-like thin sheet of bamboo (chata) is used for taking out

146
the impurities of the clay. For shaping and beating of the clay in order to give its desired
shape bole and pitna is used. Wheel of both spoked and non-spoked variety is used to
wheeling. Single and double moulds of plaster of Paris and terracotta are used in
moulding technique. For designing sharp and pointed implements including sticks, iron
rods (boki), pen nibs, knives, etc. and for painting brushes are used. For colouring cloth,
cotton, and sometimes spray gun, etc. are used (see Fig. 5.38, 5.40, 5.44, 5.48, 5.49).

147
Fig. 5.36 Lump of clay (back) and prepared clay (front) in Chaltaberia

Fig. 5.37 A person manufacturing terracotta items by hand in Panchmura

148
Fig. 5.38 Terracotta makers are engaged in filling up the plaster-of-Paris moulds
with clay to take positive impression in Chaltaberia

Fig. 5.39 A woman is using pitna on a mould for getting the shape of a large vessel; a
finished product is also visible in Tarangakhali
149
 Fig. 5.40 Terracotta mould for preparing pradip in Sanksahar-Nischintapur

Fig. 5.41 A man is preparing pradip stands by using wheeling technique in Atghara-Palpara

150
Fig. 5.42 A man is decorating terracotta items with the help of a pointed tool in
Adityapur

Fig. 5.43 Preparation of natural colour in Panchmura

151
Fig. 5.44 A person is colouring a decorative pot with artificial colour by using spray gun in Shetpur-Palpara

Fig. 5.45 Arrangement of terracotta items in kiln in Panchmura

152
Fig. 5.46 A closed kiln with clay covering on fire in Chaltaberia

Fig. 5.47 Fired objects in kiln before being taken out in Panchmura

153
Fig. 5.48 Some of the tools used in decoration of terracotta items in Adityapur

Fig. 5.49 Bole and pitna used for giving shapes to terracotta objects in Makrampur

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Terracotta Marketing:
After the firing of the products terracotta materials are sold at different markets. There
are also instances of direct purchase of terracotta items from the terracotta making
villages. Terracotta marketing ranges from selling of the products at local haats (bi-
weekly markets) to regional, national and also international markets and craft fairs. A
detailed study has been done on the marketing mechanism of terracotta products.
Following is a tabular representation of the nature of marketing and extent of terracotta
distribution in the villages under study (Table no. 5.12, Fig. 5.50).

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Table no. 5.12 Nature of market participation among the villages studied

Village name Local haats/ Regional Nationalised Export to Craft and

markets haats and export international other fairs
markets markets

Devalaya √ √

Shetpur- √ √ √ √
Palpara

Chaltaberia √ √ √ √

Atghara- √ √
Palpara

Sanksahar- √ √
Nischintapur

Yashomantapur √ √

Tarangakhali √ √

Panchmura √ √ √ √ √

Sonamukhi- √ √
Satyapirtala

Surul √ √ √ √ √

Adityapur √ √ √

Makrampur √ √

Fig. 5.50 Nature of terracotta marketing among the studied villages

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Apart from a few villages the nature and extent of distribution is still mostly restricted to
local and regional markets (Table no. 5.12 and Fig. 5.50). Marketing of the terracotta
products includes several steps, first, making a division of products, i.e. which is to be
sold in local and regional markets and which is to be sold in national and international
markets, second, packing of products, third, nature of transportation and finally, the
pricing of products.

Products and Markets:

Products are divided on the basis of the nature and extent of decoration, popular forms
according to the market demand. For example, the simplistic forms of horses and
elephants are used in local rituals and hence have a local demand, therefore these are sold
locally. Horses and elephants with elaborate decorations are mostly sold in national
markets and different fairs in urban centres. An urban demand has been generated for
Manasa related items. Items like terracotta ornaments and decorative items are gaining
increasing urban attention and are sold in regional markets, fairs and urban centres.
Places like Shetpur-Palpara, Chaltaberia and Panchmura not only export to major national
cities like Kolkata, Delhi, Mumbai, Goa, Chennai, Pune, and Raipur but also to countries
like Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri-Lanka. A detailed study of the terracotta markets in
villages, several tourist places and also in the city of Kolkata is carried out.

Terracotta Markets in the Villages and Adjacent Regions:

Ethnographic work has been done on the local markets associated with the villages under
study. Each of the villages has their local ways of terracotta production and distribution
cycles. Following is the ethnographic description of cases of terracotta marketing
strategies at local levels.

Strategies in North 24 Parganas:

Devalaya: The selling of products is done at local haats. The selling becomes manifold
in Charak mela, which takes place during Bengali Chaitra sankranti (middle of April).
The fair continues from middle of March to middle of April. Throughout the year
terracotta production is considerably limited to cater the local demands. During winter

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and late winter the rate of production rises in order to cater the consumers at the Charak
mela. The regular selling of products is done at one of the large haats, known as Amtala
haat which takes place Monday and Friday. Because of single haat participation, the
production and distribution pattern follow a simple cycle (Fig. 5.51).

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 Fig. 5.51 Schematic representation of simple cycle of production and distribution of
terracotta items at Devalaya

Shetpur-Palpara: The products are sold in local haats regularly. However, the main
economic boom of the terracotta makers comes from the aesthetic products sold in urban
centres of Kolkata, Mumbai and Chennai of India and Dhaka of Bangladesh. However,
for selling the products in the urban centre the terracotta makers, except in a few cases,
depend on a group of middlemen who purchase the products at low cost. These are then
transported to the urban centres to be sold to traders who then sell it to the urban
consumers. They also participate in handicraft fairs which take place in Kolkata. At the
time of fair, they concentrate more on producing artistic items typically having urban
demand.

Terracotta makers from Shetpur-Palpara participate in several regional haats including

Goshaipur haat on Wednesday and Saturday, Harikhola haat on Sunday and Tuesday and
Padmapukur haat on Tuesday and Saturday. Their production and distribution process is
considerably complex (Fig. 5.52).

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 Finished products Finished products
go to Goshaipur go to Goshaipur
haat (Wednesday) haat (Saturday)
and Harikhola and Harikhola
haat (Tuesday) haat (Sunday) and
and Padmapukur Padmapukur haat
haat (Tuesday) (Saturday)

Fig. 5.52 Schematic representation of complex production and distribution system

at Shetpur-Palpara

Chalataberia: Chaltaberia represents a terracotta and pottery production unit. Their

products are sold in different markets of national and international level. Their
distribution pattern includes a group of middlemen which means the terracotta makers
lack direct contact to the market. Only a few families are regular participants of the
regional markets and sell products at Kadamgachi haat on Tuesday and Saturday. The
production cycle of Chaltaberia roughly follows the complex model of Shetpur-Palpara
(Fig. 5.52).

Strategies in South 24 Parganas:

Atghara-Palpara: There is a seasonal demand for certain forms of terracotta materials
such as Bastu pujar ghat. In the season, i.e. during January and February it is seen that
there is a rise in informal economy surrounding the daily markets of Baruipur like
Atghara Bazar, Baruipur Sarkar Bazar and Champahati Bazar. However, on regular basis

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the terracotta items are sold at Surajpur haat on Monday and Thursday. The production
cycle is as found in Devalaya (Fig. 5.51). There is a complex supply chain which
develops a few days before Bastu puja which includes producers, procurers, transporters,
and sellers.

Sanksahar-Nischintapur: Terracotta products are sold at Sonakhali haat on Tuesday

and Saturday. The simple production cycle follows roughly Fig. 5.51.

Strategies in Purba Medinipur:

Tarangakhali and Yashomantapur: Terracotta makers of both these villages follow a
pattern of participation to a couple of local haats, viz. Ramtarak haat on Monday and
Thursday and Uttar Narikelda Bazaar on Monday and Friday. While people from
Yashomantapur attend both the haats, i.e. Ramtarak haat on Monday and Uttar Narikelda
Bazaar on Friday, people from Tarangalhali attend only Ramtarak haat (Fig. 5.53).

Tarangahali Yashomantapur

Monday Thursday Friday

Ramtarak haat Uttar Narikelda Bazaar

Fig. 5.53 Haats and patterns of participation in the haats among the villages of Tarangakhali and
Yashomantapur

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Strategies in Bankura:
Panchmura: The products are regularly sold at local and regional haats by the potters
themselves, whereas their sale at different urban centres of the country and also in abroad
depends on several middlemen for procuring and transporting the terracotta items. Most
of the terracotta makers participate in a local haat at Panchmura on Saturday and
Monday. Besides Panchmura haat they also participate in Taldangra haat especially
during the festive seasons. Several families participate in handicraft fairs which take
place in Kolkata. The “Panchmura Potters‟ Society” established in 2005-06 provides
support for marketing of the artistic terracotta materials to urban markets. Furthermore,
the Department of Cottage and Small-scale Industry, Government of West Bengal is also
trying to arrange for packaging, transportation and marketing of the materials. However,
many of the families have temporary stalls at popular tourist destinations at Bishnupur,
Mukutmanipur, Bolpur and nearby Industrial centre at Durgapur where they sell a range
of well-liked items including large and decorated horses and elephants. There is a rise of
incoming consumers from urban centres which include both the whole sellers, casual and
occasional buyers (see fig. 5.54).

Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala: Terracotta makers sell their products regularly at Ranpur haat

on Sunday and Thursday. Some of the families have stalls at Ranpur bazaar where they
sell their products daily. A few families have stalls at nearby tourist spot of Bishnupur
(Fig. 5.54).

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 Fig. 5.54 Patterns of market participation in Bankura

Strategies in Birbhum:
The three terracotta manufacturing villages viz. Surul, Adityapur and Makrampur sell
terracotta items in stalls at Bolpur and also in Bahiri haat on Monday and Friday and
Debagram Bazaar which runs everyday. The cycle of terracotta manufacture and
marketing follows simple cycle (Fig. 5.51). There are several stalls near the Visvabharati
University where terracotta materials from these villages are regularly sold. Some of the
families have stalls and the rest supplies materials via middlemen. Additionally there are
also several permanent shops in and around Bolpur town which make regular sale of
terracotta items. Surul has connections with urban centres like Kolkata, Mumbai, Delhi,
etc. Terracotta makers from this village also participate in handicraft fairs.

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Long Route Trading of Terracotta Items:
There is an increasing trend of long route marketing of terracotta items. Villages like
Sethpur-Palpara, Panchmura and Chaltaberia regularly exports items to several cities like
Kolkata, Delhi, Mumbai, Chennai, Pune, Goa, etc. and also to several cities of other
countries like Bangladesh, Nepal, Mayanmar and Sri-Lanka. Only a few families have
developed direct connections to the markets of such cities in India. None of the terracotta
makers have direct linkage to the cities abroad. There are primarily two means of long
route trading, first, the direct contacts and second, via a number of middlemen. There are
local transporters who purchase the items, bear the transportation cost from the village to
the urban centres and get money from urban middlemen cum sellers. The urban
middlemen cum sellers sell items to shop owners and also make personal sales (Fig.
5.55).

Fig. 5.55 Mechanism of long distance trade via middlemen

With the involvement of middlemen there is a stark price difference. Following table and
figure (Table no. 5.13 and Fig. 5.56) represents price difference of a few items at
manufacturers‟ local selling place and at Kolkata.

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Table no. 5.13 Local and urban centre price difference

Products Average Local Price Average Urban Price Percentage of Price

(Rs.) at Kolkata (Rs.) Hike

Large horses 600 900 50%

Large elephants 650 1000 53.84%

Manasa Chali 680 1100 61.76%

Dolls of various types 100 250 150%

Small dolls, pen stand, 10 35 150%

vase, small horses etc.

Terracotta plaques 2000 4000 100%

Average local price (Rs.) Average urban price at Kolkata (Rs.)

4000

2000

1000 1100
900
600 650 680
100 250
10 35

Large horses Large elephants Manasa Chali Dolls of various Small dolls, pen Terracotta plaques
types stand, etc.

Fig. 5.56 Price difference between local and urban centres

Terracotta Markets in Tourist Places:

Terracotta markets have significantly developed in several tourist places in Bankura and
Birbhum and also in urban markets of Kolkata. The markets are formed near to famous
places where a lot of people make visits. A study has been carried out to understand the

165
nature of terracotta items and their potential customers at Bishnupur, a famous historical
place for tourists and at Mukutmanipur near the famous dam in Bankura and at
Shantiniketan in Birbhum.

Markets in Bishnupur and Mukutmanipur: At Bishnupur there is a separate place

called “terracotta market” where several stalls are set up. At Mukutmanipur several
temporary stalls near the entrance to the dam represent the terracotta market. The
terracotta materials range from tiny dolls, ornaments to giant horses, elephants and
Manasa chali, etc. There is a complete absence of simple forms of terracotta horses and
elephants which are most popular in the local haats. Each day the market remains open
from morning to evening but the pace quickens during the weekends. Attendance to the
fair remains considerably high in winter season when the number of tourist is
considerably high. In order to serve all economic classes the price ranges from Rs. 10/- to
Rs. 4000/-.

Markets in Shantiniketan: Shantiniketan (Bolpur) represents another important centre

of marketing of terracotta items. While there are several permanent stalls at the entrance
of Visvabharati University, the number of stalls increases significantly during festive
seasons. For example, in Poushmela apart from local terracotta stalls a number of
temporary stall holders from outside bring terracotta items from Bankura.

Terracotta markets of Kolkata: Kolkata represents one of the major centres of

terracotta consumption. The range of items includes small dolls and ornaments to large
horses and elephants, tiles or plaques, furniture, and other decorative items. The formal
market of terracotta involves a number of government sponsored and government stores
for promotion of handicrafts. More recently there is a trend of selling terracotta items at
shopping malls, and gift shops. Outside of this formal market there is a substantive
development of informal economy based on regular selling of small terracotta items.
Three of the major centres of such informal sector participation in terracotta items are
Gariahat market in south, Hatibagan market in north and near Rabindrasadan-Nandan
area. The most conspicuous items are terracotta ornaments which are gaining immense
popularity among the womenfolk of the city. Along with these items there are small and

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miniature terracotta dolls, pen stands, lamps, etc. The events such as Kolkata Book Fair
also show significant number of flying hawkers selling terracotta items. Handicraft fair
also instigates a rapid rise of availability of terracotta items not only inside the fair-stalls
but also outside of the fair area by a number of hawkers.

After marketing of the products these items fulfil a variety of purposes. Next chapter
gives a detailed study of the use of contemporary terracotta materials.

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 Chapter – 6

Contemporary Terracotta Users:

Ethnography with Archaeological
Possibilities

168
As already mentioned present ethnographic study has been carried out in 17 villages to
understand the contemporary terracotta usage pattern. The administrative location of the
studied villages is given in Table no. 6.1.

Table no. 6.1 Terracotta using villages under study

Categories District Block Municipality Gram Village name

Panchayat

North 24 Deganga – Berachampa - II Devalaya

pgs
Deganga – Sohai- Shetpur Shetpur-
Palpara

Barasat - I – Duttapukur - II Chaltaberia

South 24 Baruipur – Madarat Atghara-

Terracotta manufacturers and users

pgs Palpara

Bhangar - I – Sanksahar Sanksahar-

Nischintapur

Purba Sahid – Kakharda Yashomantapur

Medinipur Matangini
Raghunathpur - I Tarangakhali

Bankura Taldangra – Panchmura Panchmura

Sonamukhi – Sonamukhi-
Satyapirtala

Birbhum Bolpur- – Ruppur Surul

Sriniketan
– Kankalitala Adityapur

Bolpur – Makrampur

Paschim Garbeta - II – Goaltor Moyna

Medinipur
Sirishboni
Terracotta users

Gangduari

Bankura Khatra – Gorabari Dhagora

Bardhaman Purbasthali - I – Srirampur South

Srirampur

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Terracotta Products and their Possible Usage:
According to the patterns of terracotta use in the studied villages, it can be broadly
divided into three categories, first, the ritual use, second, aesthetic use, third, domestic
use in play purpose.

The aesthetic use of terracotta items is most popular in urban and semi-urban places.
Common form of aesthetic use of terracotta items is a variety of ornaments. Pendants,
earrings, necklaces, and bangles with various designs are regularly used by girls and
women. These are sold at good price in regular markets, fairs and different government
sponsored shops in urban, semi-urban and tourist places. There are evidences of
promoting the marketing of such handicrafts by different Non Government Organisations
and Self Help Groups.

Terracotta tiles and furniture are increasingly becoming popular in urban centres.
Manufacturers of such items report that people from distant places come to make direct
purchase of such items. As already noted, there is an elaborate chain of marketing in
operation. Order based supply is also notable. Terracotta tiles, terracotta furniture are
commonly used as aesthetic items.

Forms such as large decorative horses, elephants, Manasa chali/bari along with others
like pen stands, incense stands, conchs, flower vases, table lamps, decorative male and
female forms, wall hanging decorative plaques, etc. are regularly used in aesthetic
purpose. These are sold in different fairs and markets and have considerable demand
among the urban folks.

A variety of forms like different ghats, Manasa related forms, horses and elephants,
terracotta plaques with divinities, local gods and goddess, etc. are used in a variety of
rituals.

Different toys such as mortar and pestle, small animal forms, oven, toy carts, and dolls
are regularly used in domestic play purpose by children. This is essentially a rural use of
such items and is always sold locally.

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Following table (Table no. 6.2) represents the use of different contemporary forms.

Table no. 6.2 Terracotta products and their possible usage

Sl. Forms Use of Terracotta Items

no.
1 Horse and Elephant 1. Used as offerings to sacred groves like Manasa than,
(simplistic) Garamdevata than, Jaher than.
2. Horses have also been offered as tokens of thanks
2 Horse and Elephant giving, on the tombs of Muslim pirs (saints).
(decorated) 3. Decorated varieties are now kept in urban dwellings for
aesthetic purpose
3 Manasa Chali/Bari Rituals associated with Manasa and also aesthetic purpose

4 Manasa Ghat Ritual purpose

5 Idols Hindu Gods and
Goddesses Ritual and aesthetic purpose
6 Figurines of Local Gods
and Goddesses
7 Mother Figure For local rituals
8 Mother and Child Aesthetic purposes, archaic ones are used in local rituals

9 Decorative Male and

Female Models including
Erotic Aesthetic purpose
10 Models of Legends
11 Male and Female Dolls Aesthetic and play purpose
12 Ghats Ritual purpose
13 Marriage Ghats Marriage rituals
14 Decorative Pots Performance of marriage rituals and other aesthetic purpose
15 Perforated Ritualistic Pot Ritual purpose
16 Local Musical Instruments Ritual and music purposes
17 Other Musical Instruments Music and aesthetic purposes
18 Bell Ritual and aesthetic purpose
19 Tusu Khola Related to local tribal ritual
20 Flower Vase Aesthetic purpose
21 Tulsi Mancha Ritual purpose
22 Pradip (simplistic) Ritual purpose
23 Multiple Pradip Ritual and aesthetic purpose
24 Pradip Stand Ritual and aesthetic purpose
25 Decorative Pradip
26 Ornaments Aesthetic purpose
27 Rajasthani Models
28 Terracotta Furniture Aesthetic and functional purpose

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Sl. Forms Use of Terracotta Items
no.
29 Incense Stand Ritual and aesthetic purpose
30 Egyptian Pots Aesthetic purpose
31 Dhunuchi Ritual purpose
32 Toy Cart Play purpose
33 Toys
34 Masks Aesthetic purpose
35 Plaques or Tiles Ritual and aesthetic purpose
36 Other Decorative Objects Aesthetic and functional purpose

In the present work the main focus has been on the ritual use terracotta items. In the
following section ritualistic use and importance of terracotta materials in rituals are
discussed which has the potential to reflect on the past.

Folk Deities and Associations of Terracotta:

Rural West Bengal has a variety of local gods and goddesses. They cannot be assigned to
“high god” category of pan-Indian Brahmanical forms of Hinduism. These are regional
deities and associated with villages and towns. There are clear overlaps between tribal
and Hindu, Hinduised deities. The variety of deities includes not only variant forms of
popular Goddess like Kali but also village gods or Gramadevatas and spirits or angry
ghosts. June McDaniel (2004) identifies four major features viz. regionalism,
pragmatism, human personality and variation of forms of folk deities of West Bengal.
The deities represent great deal of variations even between neighbouring villages. Deities
and their symbols also vary significantly. One Chandi gives children and fulfils wishes,
another Chandi cures. Another major factor is a dilution of traditional caste boundaries.
Many folk deities are associated with terracotta items.

Terracotta items are most conspicuously associated with manat, i.e. wishes. Villagers‟
narratives include the pre-manat and post-manat terracotta offerings. The association of
terracotta is not only found in local places of worshipping but also in famous temples (see
Fig. 6.1). There are evidences of terracotta horse offering in the Vaishnava graves as well
(Fig. 6.2).

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Fig. 6.1 Above: terracotta offering at Gramdevata than place and below: offering at Fullara
Mata‟s temple, one of the mythical Sati’s pith at Birbhum

Fig. 6.2 Terracotta horse offering at a Vaishnava grave in Birbhum

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In the following section three case studies representing three folk deities are presented for
better understanding of the ritual use of terracotta items.

Case – I: Natai-Chandi Puja

Natai-Chandi is a variant of Chandi – who is worshipped in different forms at different
places. Present work is done at South Srirampur village, in Purbasthali-I block,
Bardhaman district of West Bengal. According to Chandi Mangal Kavya she is
worshipped by tribal people and is a folk goddess and village housewife (McDaniel
2004). Although, in some cases people worship unbaked idol of a mother and child, but
mostly people worship the same form in terracotta which is often accompanied by
terracotta horses and elephants, in villages of Paschim Medinipur. There is gender
dimension of Chandi as well. For example, Natai-Chandi is exclusively worshipped by
housewives and unmarried girls.

Arrangements for Natai-Chandi: The worship is performed at several local places of

Bardhaman, Paschim Medinipur and even in some pockets at Kolkata during each of the
Sundays according to the Bengali calendar month Agrahayan (middle of November to
middle of December). One of the weeks is skipped to abide by the taboo during
menstruation and compensation is given by making the items double on the last Sunday
of the month. It is required to perform at an open space, usually at the courtyard.
However, in city it is now performed inside the home. The worship requires a
transformation of the existing space with archaic clay/ terracotta mother figure and a son
which is to be kept at one side of the miniature pond. At the opposite side a ghat is kept.
The worship needs 14 Chempu leaves, (Colocasia esculenta), trident grass heads, and
seven salted pan cakes and seven non salted pan cakes to be placed on a banana leaf.
Usually several women makes same offerings separately at one place. A narrator,
exclusively a woman narrates and demonstrates the myth with the help of the figures and
the pond (Fig. 6. 3 and 6.4). The narration continues for a considerable time and at the
end part of the narrative the son is kept in the middle of the pond and washed with raw
milk which signifies the end of the story. After the story gets over each of the devotees
gives one fold ‘ulu’ (a particular sound produced by the Hindu women in auspicious

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religious occasions). Both the sound and visual denotes the end of the performance and
each of the women takes one cake, goes to a separate place in dark and makes a wish.
There is no bar in participation in the puja, people from any caste position can
participate. Except the menstruation bar there is no other taboo in participation.

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Fig. 6.3 A schematic diagram of the arrangements for Natai-Chandi (not to scale)

Fig. 6.4 Arrangements for Nata-Chandi in South Srirampur

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The Narrative Myth Associated with Natai-Chandi:

The story starts with a mention of two big merchants (saodagar) Dhanapati (a person
with wealth) and Lakhkhapati (owner of hundred thousand). Dhanapati loses his wife and
has to remarry with one son and a daughter because of social pressure. His new wife
gives birth to another girl and a boy. Since the death of his first wife and even after his
remarriage he stopped going for long route trading primarily to ensure proper care of his
elder daughter and son. However, because of economic reasons after several years he has
to go for the trade. Before going to the trade he instructs local shop-keepers and others to
feed his elder children if they are not properly cared for and that he will repay after his
return. After Dhanapati goes to trade the step mother buys the children a pair of goats and
instructs to pasture and not to come back before it is dawn. Her logic is to make her own
children look better by keeping them at home and feeding them properly. Initially her
step children are taken care of by the local shop keepers but later on with surveillance by
her own children she asks the shop-keepers to stop feeding them as she will not repay if
Dhanapati doesn‟t come back. The boy and the girl not called for a lunch by any of the
shop-keepers. Later they discover a fruit giving tree and start eating the fruits. Once again
their step-mother discovers it and asks the tree not to feed them with good fruits
otherwise she will cut it down. With a servant she applies cow‟s saliva and ash at the root
of the tree and tells it to yield fruits with beautiful outside and ashy inside. When the girl
and the boy come under the tree they find all the fruits are fallen on ground and having
bad smelly ashy inside.

The story is elaborated by citing similar examples of atrocity and magical power of the
step mother which involves a number of shop-keepers and trees. Because of similar
events once the boy and the girl do not get any food and go to sleep for quite a long time.
They wake up to find their pair of goats is missing. Because of the fear of being beaten
up by their step mother they decide not to go back home. It was twilight and they keep
narrating their grief and are desperately wising for their father‟s return. While
approaching a small hamlet they hear the sound of one fold ‘ulu’. They enter into the
house compound to find out the occasion is Natai-Chandi puja – the worshipping of

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Goddess Natai-Chandi. They come to know that with this offering one can recover lost
treasures and relatives. The girl performs the ritual of preparing baked rice which forms a
kind of local rice cake (chitai pithe) and makes wish for a return of her father and the pair
of goats. In the night they sleep at a corner of that house. They wake up with the sound of
their goats. When they leave the house they hear that some big merchant has come back
with loads of wealth, a groom for his daughter and gifts for everybody.

They are excited and spellbound with the immediate response to their wishes. On the
river bank they find out that it is indeed their father. Back home, their step mother
dramatically portrays her sadness of losing her step children, however, with assurance of
inaction against her from Dhanapati she stops. Meanwhile Dhanapati announces the
marriage of his elder daughter with the son of Lakhkhapati. On the wedding night she
hears one fold ‘ulu’ associated with Natai-Chandi. She cries out with the fear of
discontinuing the offering. Mother Natai-Chandi slaps her and tells her to do
performances as there are materials available at a corner of the home. Her husband asks
about the performance and puts a lump of clay into a water bearing pot used for ritual
bath to the newly wedded couple. He tells that if that lump of clay turns into a lump of
gold he will allow her to continue the performance. She prays towards Natai-Chandi with
sheer disbelief and fear that a lump of clay cannot turn into gold. Next morning while
taking the ritual bath they find out a lump of gold. After the ceremony the girl cruises
with her husband towards her in-law‟s place. In the middle of the river her husband asks
her to pack all her ornaments and keep it inside the jewellery box as there is a threat of
river pirates. As the girl keep all her ornaments to the box, her husband throws it to the
river and tells if she gets the box back he will accept the power of Goddess Natai-Chandi.
The girl prays to the Goddess. On reception ceremony her father-in-law, Lakhkhapati is
unable to arrange for fish for the guests as fishermen fail to make any big catch. The girl
tells Lakhkhapati to search at the mid-river. The fishermen find a giant fish. She is then
ordered to cut the fish into pieces. This is a real challenge and once again she prays to the
Goddess and gets advice just to touch the fish and the cutter. She follows the instruction
and the fish is cut into pieces and inside the fish she gets her ornament box. She wears all
the ornaments and comes back. After a year she gives birth to a baby boy. The

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annaprashan ceremony (giving first rice to the child at age of six months) is organised
and Lakhkhapati dugs up a pond but cannot get water. It is a social prestige of digging up
a pond and not getting water. Lakhkhapati prays to his god and is ordered to cut his
grandson as offering. While he is broken down his son sacrifices his own son – the bay
boy and gets water to the pond. Meanwhile Goddess Natai-Chandi appears in front of the
girl and slaps her for being inattentive towards her son. She informs that her son is
sacrificed and that she has kept the bones and flesh of the body beside the newly dug up
pond so that she can get back her son alive. The girl cries and rushes to the place to join
bones, fleshes and gets her child back. When she is coming back with the child several
local infertile women claims the child. It is decided that whoever can give breast milk to
the mouth of the child from one side of the pond to another side will get him. The girl can
do that and wins the last battle of her life. When she is asked about the factors that helps
her throughout her life she publicises the worship of Natai-Chandi.

Gender, Power and Spatial Dimension in Natai-Chandi:

The associated myth of the puja represents binary of strength and weakness, good and
evil, male and female. The male figure is shown as insensitive, sceptical and workaholic.
The girl who eventually gets the central position in the story faces many challenges from
her step mother‟s ill treatment which is almost portrayed as some form of witchcraft and
then from her husband and his family. Each of the characters represent typical male
chauvinism and the goddess is ultimately a protection giving figure who doesn‟t
challenge the existing social order but shows ways to cope with them. Furthermore, while
the high god asks for a sacrifice of the girl‟s son Natai-Chandi keeps his body alive
which challenges the power of the so called Brahminical high gods. The most prominent
gender discrimination is represented by a complete ban on males to narrate the myth and
perform the ritual.

The spatial dimension of the puja represents a-three-layer division, first, space of
demonstration, arrangement of which is strictly prescribed and maintained. The second
layer is the space for offering where items are prescribed but arrangements are not. The
third layer is the space for narration where nothing is specified and complete freedom in

179
terms of absolute absence of taboos related to food intake, caste bar, priest participation,
etc. excepting a ban on performance during menstruation. The three layered space is open
and outside of the domicile but within the courtyard which ensures encapsulation of the
performance within the homestead. Usually two corners are kept for women to make
wishes and eat the pan cake alone in darkness (Fig. 6.5).

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 Fig. 6.5 A schematic diagram showing the spatial dimension of Natai-Chandi (not to scale)

Case – II: Bastu Puja

Bastu puja is common in West Bengal, performed as a part of agricultural ritual. This
puja in a different form is seen in the southern most areas of West Bengal. The present
ethnographic study on Bastu puja has been done in the village Atghara-Palpara (South 24
Parganas) adjacent to the ancient terracotta yielding site of Atghara (see Fig. 3.4). Beside
the studied village of Atghara-Palpara, Bastu puja is also performed in other rural parts of
South 24 Parganas district such as Baruipur, Sonarpur, Canning, Gosaba, Kulpi etc. and


A part of this case study has been published by the author, see Dutta (2010).

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also in Howrah district of West Bengal. Etymologically Bastu means home or residence.
It is locally believed that this puja brings prosperity and protects the household from evil.

Before going into the detail of Bastu puja it is important to understand the location of
Atghara-Palpara which is significant for the puja. The village is situated in southern part
of West Bengal close to the forested region of Sundarbans (see Fig. 5.1 and Fig. 3.1).

Arrangements for Bastu puja:

According to the villagers, Bastu puja takes place on the first day of the Bengali month
Magh (January-February). A pair of ghat is worshipped in this puja. These ghats serve as
the icons of the deities. As a custom, on the day of puja the paired ghats are placed under
a tree, generally Phonimanasa (Euphorbia neriifolia). Throughout the year these are kept
under the tree and next year old ones are replaced by a new pair of ghat. At the puja
space Brahmin priests perform the rituals.

Both the ghats of every pair have two elements: lower – the actual ghat portion kept
upside down and upper – a leaf-like portion. The actual ghat portion is prepared in wheel
and the leaf-like portion is handmade or mould made. These two portions are joined by
applying clay coating and then these are fired in kiln. After firing, the painted motifs are
executed on both the portions. The leaf-like portion is basically the crown of the god.
Floral designs are painted on this leaf-like portion. On the front side of the actual ghat
portion the facial features of the deities are drawn. Among these two ghats one is male
and the other is female. The male have moustache in his face. This is the only feature to
distinguish the male and female deity (Fig. 6.6).

As told by the villagers, both baked and unbaked ghats can be worshipped. However,
nowadays Bastu pujar ghats are worshipped after baking. Atghara-Palpara can be said as
the manufacturing centre of the Bastu pujar ghat for nearby regions.

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Fig. 6.6 Above: Bastu pujar ghat in its context, i.e. kept under tree near a bushy space, below:
Bastu pujar ghat after the ritual in Atghara-Palpara

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The Associated Myth and Oral History of the Puja:

As the age-old local story goes, Madan Rai, the then Jamindar (landlord) of Baruipur
(near Atghara-Palpara, South 24 Parganas) was clearing the forest of that area. One day
while trying to destroy a beehive on a Dalim (Punica granatum) tree, he was bitten by
bees but could not break it. That night Dakkhineswar / Dakkhin Ray (the tiger god, also
the lord of south) came in his dream and told him not to destroy the forest and to make a
temple under the Dalim tree. Understanding the message Madan Rai stopped clearing the
forest and a temple was built for worshipping Dakkhin Ray. Before going into forest,
people used to worship Dakkhin Ray and Banbibi (the goddess of the forest) to protect
them from the dangers of the forest. Later on Baba Dakkhin Ray and Banbibi became the
local deities in the area and their images started to be worshipped. The ghat with
moustache symbolizes Dakkhin Ray and without moustache symbolizes Banbibi.
Through time, as the purpose changed, people started worshipping these two gods for the
well being of the household. The ghat with moustache supposedly Dakkhin Ray became
Narayana and the ghat without moustache supposedly Banbibi became Lakshmi. These
two deities were worshipped ceremoniously to protect the household from evil and it was
later named as Bastu Puja, which has been continued in present days.

Identification of Bastu Puja with Bara Thhakurer Puja:

In some places Bastu puja is called Bara thhakurer puja, though both are ritualistically
same in nature. A pair of ghat with facial features and with leaf-like crowning elements is
worshipped. The floral motifs which are depicted on the crown portion symbolize the
forested environment.

There are different opinions regarding the identification of Bara thhakur. The term Bara
generally means ghat. But in South 24 Parganas, Bara is commonly identified with the
detached head of Dakkhin Ray, the „tiger god‟ (Basu 1998). He is believed to be the
protector of tigers in the forest, who appears in the disguise of a tiger to attack human
beings. Hence earlier people used to worship him before going into the forest to save
them from the danger of the forest by satisfying the god of tigers. Banbibi, the guardian

184
deity and protector of the forests, is also worshipped for protection against the attacks
from the tigers or other animals in the forest and to ensure a safe return from the jungle.
People used to worship these two deities together in pair before entering the forest. At
present in Sundarbans (the forested region in the southern most part of West Bengal)
these two gods are still worshipped. In other parts of South 24 Parganas district especially
in the neighbouring areas of Sundarbans this cult is being continued but through time and
space it has changed its form, meaning and purpose.

The mention of Dakkhin Ray’s detached head (Bara) is found in Bengali literature of the
seventeenth century. The epic poem ‘Ray Mangal’, composed by the Medieval poet
Krishnaram Das in 1686, concerns a conflict between a tiger god named Dakhin Ray and
a Muslim named Badi‟Ghazi Khan. The name Dakkhin Ray itself means the “King of the
South,” or Lower Bengal. Hence, the tiger god was a sovereign deity of the Sundarban
forest (Bhattacharyya 1947: 49-50). The war between Dakkhin Ray and Badi‟Ghazi Khan
took place to establish the power and authority in that region. In the war Badi‟Ghazi khan
defeated Dakkhin Ray by cutting off his head. Thus people started worshipping the
detached head as a symbol of Dakkhin Ray (Basu 1998). Many scholars seem to believe
that Bara worship considerably predates the Ray Mangal Kavya (Montgomery 2008).

The Spatial Dimension of Bastu Puja:

As already mentioned the word Bastu means home or residence, it signifies the domestic
space. The present form of the puja which is a Hinduised version of the earlier Banbibi-
Dakkhin Ray symbolically tells the story of increasing human encroachment of forested
region. As the earlier Banbibi and Dakhkhin Ray concept loses its significance with the
gradual disappearance of forests the puja gets attached with the symbols of prosperity
and wellbeing of the family or household – the Bastu. However, in Sundarban region the
worship of Dakhkhin Ray and Banbibi is still in practice. The arrangements of the puja
carry several spatial dimensions reflecting on historical association with forest. First, it is
important to note the location and orientation of paired ghats as these are faced north and
devotees face towards south. South being the forested region of Sundarbans indicates the
symbolic association of the worship with forest. Second, the earlier forest association is

185
still symbolically attached as the place for the puja is still purposely chosen under the
Phonimanasa tree just beside the entrance to any bushy space. The bushy space is a
miniature jungle and hence the worship continues to bridge domestic space with wild
space (Fig. 6.7).

Fig. 6.7 A schematic diagram showing the spatial arrangements for Bastu puja in Atghara-Palpara
(not to scale)

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Fig. 6.8 Layout of Atghara-Palpara village locating positions used for Bastu puja (not to scale)

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The layout of Atghara village (Fig. 6.8) suggests the location of Bastu puja takes place
mostly at the border area between the house and outside. Location wise, the spatial
attributes of Bastu puja might also indicate the boundaries between the domestic space
and non-domestic space.

Case – III: Manasa and Gramdevata Than

Among the studied villages of Paschim Medinipur and Bankura the most evidential
terracotta use is associated with sacred groves recurrently linked to Manasa and
Gramdevata. Gramdevata includes a variety of different local gods, village spirits and
more popular goddesses like Shitala and Chandi. These shrines are always accompanied
by terracotta horses, elephants of a variety of sizes, and various forms of Manasa cult.
Similar use of terracotta objects as votive offerings is also found in different parts of
Gujarat (Shah 1985) and in Eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar (Jayaswal and Krishna
1986). Often these shrines represent a mix of religious traditions including the
Brahminical „high‟ God like Siva and Hinduised traditions like Shitala, Chandi and
Manasa. goddesses like Shitala and Chandi are most often represented by stones having
Sindur (vermillion) marks, Siva is frequently represented by a trident and Manasa is
represented by Manasa chali/bari and Manasa ghat, which is decorated with several
serpent motifs. Following figure (Fig. 6.9 and 6.10) shows the mix of different traditions
in sacred groves at Bankura.

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 Fig. 6.9 A mixed shrine near Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala

Fig. 6.10 A mixed shrine near Bishnupur, Bankura, left: Gramdevata, centre: Shitala, right: Manasa

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Villages and their Sacred Groves in Paschim Medinipur: A detailed study on the
sacred groves of three villages in Paschim Medinipur is undertaken. The shrines for
Gramdevata and Manasa are found to be located at the margins of the villages. The three
villages are a) Sirishboni – a Santal, i.e. tribal village, b) Moyna – a multiethnic village
constituting of the tribal group Santal, and Scheduled Caste groups like Bagal and Teli,
and c) Gangduari village which consists of tribal group Santal, Scheduled Caste groups
like Bagal, Teli, Kurmi and Mahato and also a few Brahmin families. The layouts of the
three villages and locations of shrines are discussed below:

Fig. 6.11 Layout of Sirishboni village (not to scale)

Sirishboni has three shrines, one at the western side within a small jungle where the
village road meets with the major metalled road. At the western side two separate shrines
are located, one is the place exclusively for Manasa and another one is for the
Gramdevata (Fig. 6.23). At the southern end between the jungle and the village lies
another relatively smaller shrine of Manasa. Another large shrine is located at the eastern

190
corner of the village where the village ends at a pond and the jungle begins (Fig. 6.11).
Several terracotta horses and elephants of a variety of size are offered. Beside each of the
shrines these terracotta figurines are disposed.

Fig. 6.12 Layout of Moyna village (not to scale)

Village Moyna represents clear caste wise settlement pattern. It has three Manasa thans.
One Manasa than is located at the southern corner where the village connects to the main
road. This shrine is located within a small jungle. The two others are located at the north-
western and northern corner of the village where the village ends and jungle begins.
Several small terracotta offerings are made (Fig. 6.12).

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 Fig. 6.13 Layout of Gangduari village (not to scale)

Gangduari village represents caste wise settlement pattern. Santals occupy the furthest
position from the main road connection of the village. There are three Manasa thans
located at the entrance, within the jungle and at the north-eastern corner of the village
(Fig. 6.17). At the entrance, beside the Manasa than there is a shrine of Gramdevata.
Many terracotta horses and elephants are offered at these shrines. The Gramdevata space
is also known as Vairav than which is linked to Hindu God Siva (Fig. 6.13).

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Villages and their Sacred Groves in Bankura: In Bankura, the study has been done in
Panchmura, Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala and Dhagora. Each of the three villages like
Paschim Medinipur has sacred groves located at the village margins (Fig. 6.19, 6.20).
While Panchmura is a multi caste village and Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala is multiethnic
village, Dhagora represents an example of multi-tribe village. The sacred grove,
especially the Gramdevata occupies an important position in each of the villages. In
different occasions including the major festivals and life cycle ceremonies people make
terracotta offerings. The association of Siva is most prominently manifested among the
Bhumijs. The Laya – the village headman belonging to Santal in Dhagora also has strong
association with Siva (Fig. 6.15). The shrine represents a typical case of tribal people
following Hindu rituals. The Gramdevata shrine of Dhagora has been relocated within
last few decades because of the displacement of other neighbouring villages for the
construction of Kangsabati river barrage. Both Santals and Bhumijs see their traditional
God Marangburu as Gramdevata. In consequence of construction of the river barrage
they have relocated one of the village shrines towards the south western part of the
barrage, which according to the villagers represent south western boundary of the village.
Therefore, the shrine in a sense incorporates a large portion of the river barrage within
their understanding of the village boundary (Fig. 6.14).

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Fig. 6.14 Layout of Dhagora village (not to scale)

194
Fig. 6.15 Typical Jaher than at Laya's House in Dhagora

195
Fig. 6.16 Gramdevata than in Sirishboni village

Fig. 6.17Gramdevata than in Gangduari village

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Fig. 6.18 Manasa than near Bishnupur, Bankura

Fig. 6.19 Manasa than in Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala

197
Fig. 6.20 Manasa than in Panchmura

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The Oral Story and Myths Associated with Shrines:

There are inconsistent versions of the symbols and beliefs associated with the shrines. Villagers'
ideas associated with these shrines include the following:

a. Shrines are associated with the ancestral spirits. They are pleased by the terracotta
offerings and seasonal pujas. In a group discussion one of the elderly Santal informants
from Sirishboni narrates that the horses and elephants become alive in the dark and they
carry the village ancestral spirits to drive off evil spirits from the village. The placement
of shrines is also an important event. As the group discussion reveals the shrines were
placed at the beginning of the settlement, when for the first time people came to settle
down at that place. Another one is placed at the end of the settlement. There were
elaborate rituals of carrying the shrine stones and terracotta horses and elephants to the
place. Any lifecycle rituals therefore involves a visit and offerings at both the Manasa
than and Gramdevata.
b. A different version of the importance of the horse and elephant offerings is found in
Dhagora village. Here from a group discussion involving village headman (Laya) and
other important persons like Chakmajhi (second next to Laya in village traditional
political hierarchy) it was revealed that villagers make terracotta horse and elephant
offerings to facilitate the movement of Marangburu who rides on horses or elephants to
move within and at the margins of the village. Often Marangburu seize the body of
Chakmajhi or others. He can foretell future of the village and show the right direction
whenever the village is in crisis.
c. In Panchmura village, it is believed that sacrificial rituals previously used to incorporate
real horses and elephants. Through the passage of time, this sacrifice became symbolic
and now being represented by terracotta horses and elephants.
d. Shrines are frequently attached to the demarcation of the village boundary. People from
both Moyna and Gangduari shows the association of protection giving forces with the
shrines.
e. There is an association of worshipping the power of the nature and therefore the shrines
are strategically located within the jungle or at the margin of the village and jungle
boundary.

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The Spatial Dimension of Sacred Groves in Paschim Medinipur and Bankura:

There is a clear spatial dimension of shrines. It is exclusively located at the boundaries of the
villages. One can associate the village boundary and the location of shrines; hence the shrines
indicate boundaries and margins of the village. A careful look at the location will also reveal the
fact that each of these village shrines are either placed within or at the margin between village
and jungle/ crop field/ water pool. The shrines do indicate the binary understanding of the world,
i.e., wild/domestic, settlement/jungle, known/unknown, etc. Moreover, these locations indicate
the space of activities having social and cultural significance. The strategic location of Manasa
thans at the juncture of settlement and jungle represents worshiping of the protector from snakes
at the beginning of the space where chances of their encounter rises. There is a spatial dimension
of terracotta disposal from the groves. For example, in Sirishboni Santals go for a procession in
each year to collect all the previously used terracotta offerings from other shrines and carry them
to the main shrine at the end of the village to dispose them.

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 Chapter – 7

Relatedness of Forms and their

Meanings: Some Illustrations

201
Terracotta art of West Bengal represents changing features in style, and technique when
viewed from a historical perspective. The major terracotta forms from important
terracotta yielding sites of West Bengal, which have already been discussed, show certain
consistent features regarding the representation of forms and themes. The ethnographic
study reveals that the present day terracotta manufacturing technique bears close
resemblance to the past techniques in many respects such as the use of single and double
moulds and wheels along with hand modelling which is confirmed through
archaeological findings. It is observed that the terracotta forms, their stylistic elements
and their meanings have changed through time according to the needs of the present day
society and culture. However some of the contemporary forms retain similar features
with the ancient ones. Mostly the „timeless‟ variety which has been continued through
ages such as Mother Goddess, serpent forms, etc. are still manufactured and used by the
present day communities. In some cases it is seen that the apparent shapes of the forms
may change but the associated meanings remain same. Some of these examples are
illustrated below.

Illustration 1: Serpent Forms

Fig 7.1 represents two images of stylised serpentine figures, an archaic form and a form
with circlet designs from Chandrakteugarh. The figures are possibly hand modelled and
resemble those with Naga or Nagi figures from middle Ganga valley sites like Buxar,
Patuliputra, Sonpur, Vaisali, Champa, Rajgir in Bihar and Kausambi, Mathura, Sravasti,
Atranjikhera, in Uttar Pradesh (Banerji 2006-2007, Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and
Chakraborty 2007, see also Dhavalikar 1977). This type of serpentine figures with or
without incised circlet decorations in half human and half snake form are found from
Early Historic sites of West Bengal especially from Chandraketugarh and Tamluk. The
splayed hips of these figures indicate their probable association with fertility cult as in
case of other Naga and Nagi figures of the country (Dhavalikar 1977, 1999, Sengupta,
Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007).

Fig. 7.2 and 7.3 represent contemporary Manasa ghat and Manasa chali/bari from the
village Panchmura. These are manufactured by a combination of mould, wheel and hand

202
modelling. These forms are kept in sacred groves (than). The villagers under study do not
worship Manasa idols. These are the symbolic representations of the deity. However, in
urban places of West Bengal clay idols of Manasa have been enshrined in small temple-
like structures. Manasa is rigorously worshipped in rural West Bengal especially in the
months of Jaistha (May-June), Ashar (June-July), Shraban (July-August) which ends in
the month of Ashwin (September-October), however, the worship can be done in any time
of the year. Manasa symbolizes the snake goddess who protects and cures the villagers
from snake bites. Manasa thans are always located at the boundary of the village and the
border of the entrance to the forest or jungle. Sometimes it is located within the forested
area. Arundhati Banerji (2006-2007) mentions the prevalence of snake goddess worship
in Eastern India as a protecting image which drives away evil spirits and protects the
household. Manasa is also related to fertility cult as snake symbolises the male genital
organ since they produces numerous eggs at a time (Ghosh 2002a). Initially Manasa was
a folk deity but Manasa Mangal Kavya (possibly the earliest version belongs to 13th
century, however, the available text according to Gangopadhyay (2006) is dated to 16 th
century written by Vijaygupta) tells us the story of her acceptance within the so called
Hindu „high‟ or Brahminic tradition. In urban areas she is worshipped as a goddess of
prosperity, protector and child birth.

Fig. 7.4 and 7.5 represent Manasa than in the village Sonamukhi-Satyapirtala and
Panchmura in Bankura with the offerings of horses and elephants of different size and
style. This is part of Manasa cult where people ritualistically offer these terracotta
materials as a token of devotion and fulfilment of wish and also as token for wish
making. These may also act as a symbolic representation of the earlier sacrificial ritual.
These materials range from much simplistic forms to highly decorative forms. These
figures always bear marks of vermilion (sindur). Horses and elephants are historically
associated to the symbol of power and status. The choice of horse and elephant as the
token of offering might also have some regional reasons (Bhattacharya 1989).

The practice of serpent worship in India is very old (Banerjea 1956) and can be dated
back to the Neolithic period as evidenced from the excavations in Bihar (Dhavalikar

203
1977). Naga figures in Mohenjodaro sealings prove the existence of a serpent cult in
Harappan times (Biswas 1981). The mention of snake gods and serpent worship was also
prevalent in ancient Indian literatures. For example, Atharva Veda gives the names of
some snake gods; Mahabharata mentions about Nagaraja Takshaka; Buddhist tradition
also mentions about Naga cult (Biswas 1981). Medieval period also witnesses the
worship of snake goddess in Bihar and Bengal (Bhattacharya 2006-2007). Evidences of
image of snake goddess are reported by Enamul Haque (1975) from Bengal. This
indicates that there is continuity in serpent cult through ages which is practised in present
day in the form of Manasa.

204
Fig. 7.1 Left: A serpentine figure from
Chandraketugarh, Early Historic period
Fig. 7.2 Contemporary Manasa ghat
(courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and
Chakraborty 2007)

Right: A Nagi figure with splayed hips and

incised circlets from Pre-Mauryan period
from Chandraketugarh (courtesy Banerji
2006-07)

Fig. 7.4 Different Manasa forms with offering in

contemporary Manasa than near Sonamukhi-
Satyapirtala

Fig. 7.3 Contemporary Manasa chali/bari

Fig. 7.5 Contemporary Manasa than at Panchmura

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Illustration 2: Horse and Elephant and their Rider Forms
Fig. 7.6 represents a naturalistic elephant figure from Chandraketugarh, Fig. 7.7 and 7.8
show a stylized horse figure of „timeless‟ variety from Harinarayanpur and an
ornamented, realistic horse figure from Chandraketugarh respectively.

Fig 7.9 and 7.10 represent contemporary simplistic and ornamented horse and elephant
figures from Bankura respectively. Such stylized and realistic horse and elephant figures
are also found from the Early Historic levels of middle Ganga valley.

In ancient times, horses and elephants were universally attached to the kingly affairs. It is
well known that ancient Indian kings used to keep horses and elephants which were used
in their military campaigns. Kings often travelled on elephants in ceremonial processions.
Thus horses and elephants were considered as a symbol of royal authority. A terracotta
seal from Chandraketugarh depicting a horse on a ship indicates that horses might serve
as an item of maritime trade in Bengal (Chakravarti 1992).

Thus it is evident that horses and elephants played significant roles in the life of ancient
Bengal people. In present day also apart from their ritualistic use, the decorative
terracotta horses and elephants serve as a status symbol. Economically affluent families
buy these decorative and large sized horses and elephants which are either used as
aesthetic objects in urban setting or as the objects for offering in rituals in rural setting.

206
 Fig. 7.7 A horse figure from
Fig. 7.6 An elephant figure from Harinarayanpur, timeless variety
Chandraketugarh, 1st to 3rd century (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy
CE (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)

Fig. 7.8 Decorated wheeled horse from Chandraketugarh, 1st-2nd century CE

(courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)

Fig. 7.9 Contemporary simplistic terracotta Fig. 7.10 Contemporary decorative

horse and elephant figures from terracotta horse and elephant
Bankura figures from Bankura 207
Fig. 7.11 shows offering of horses and elephants in a sacred grove. These are offered at a
Gramdeveta than in Sirishboni village, Paschim Medinipur.

Fig 7.12 represents a male figure sitting on the back of an elephant, found from the Early
Historic period of Chandraketugarh. This type of figures in round and plaques depicting
horse and elephant riders are also evidenced from other sites. A sin rubber depicting a
female horse rider (probably a divinity) with a whip in her right hand, reins of the horse
in the other hand and a sword strapped to her waist is found from Mangalkot (Sengupta,
Roy Chowdhury and Charkraborty 2007, see also Mukherji 1991).

Fig 7.13 demonstrates a contemporary wheeled figure, a man riding on a horse. These are
manufactured in the village Devalaya nearby to the Early Historic site of
Chandraketugarh. These are mostly used as play objects – a toy cart, by the local village
children.

The local myth as noted from Sirishboni village visualizes horse and elephants of the
sacred groves as the carriers of village ancestral spirits. As discussed earlier they believe
that the ancestral spirits i.e. benevolent spirits ride on the horses and elephants which are
offered at the groves and drive away the evil spirits from the village. Similarly in
Dhagora the offering of horse and elephant is associated with the spirit of Marangburu –
the Santal god who protects the village. Therefore the evidences of horse and elephant
riders from the ancient sites should not always be understood as representing the symbol
of royal affairs but these can also be associated with the aspects of village life like village
ancestral spirits and local tribal god, hence, having ritual significance. Similar ritual
significance related to the concept of the contemporary horse rider forms is also noticed
among the tribals of Gujarat (Shah 1985) and among the Gonds of Madhya Pradesh (Dr.
Arati Deshpande-Mukherjee and Soumi Sengupta in personal communication).

208
Fig. 7.11 Horses and elephants offering at a sacred grove in
Sirishboni village, Paschim Medinipur Fig. 7.12 An elephant rider from
Chandraketugarh, 1st to 3rd century
CE (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)

Fig. 7.13 A contemporary horse rider from

Devalaya

209
Illustration 3: Mother Forms
Fig. 7.14 and 7.15 represent typical Mother Goddess figurines of „timeless‟ variety from
the Early Historic period of Harinarayanpur and Chandraketugarh respectively. These are
hand modelled having archaic appearance. Fig 7.16 shows a contemporary hand
modelled mother figure with appliqued eyes used in Natai-Chandi puja at Bardhaman
district of West Bengal. The ritual is also performed in Paschim Medinipur and sub-urban
regions near Kolkata.

Mother Goddess figurines are historically associated with fertility cult. In present
research the contemporary mother figure of Natai-Chandi explicates an alternative
interpretation. As already discussed in the earlier chapter, the myth related to Natai-
Chandi reflects the mother figure as a symbol of a tortured woman in a male-chauvinist
society who does not challenge but finds way to survive in the existing social orders by
performing Natai brata. Here the mother figure is associated with gender rather than
fertility cult.

Fig. 7.17 represents an archaic hand modelled Mother Goddess figure from Pandu Rajar
Dhibi. The figure has a bird like face – a form quite common among the timeless variety
(Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakrabarti 2007). Hindu literary tradition mentions
about a similar form known as Bagala having a head of a crane. Bagala, the Sakta deity,
is included in the Mahavidyas which are a group of ten goddesses, a Medieval
iconographic and mythological expression of Mahadevi theology. Mahavidyas are more
frequently considered as ten forms of Sati (Kinsley 1987).

Above mentioned two examples may be served as alternative interpretations to the

archaic female figures which are generally termed as Mother Goddess. These examples
further show that generalising any archaic female form as Mother Goddess to attach with
fertility can be misleading.

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Fig. 7.14 A Mother Goddess from Fig. 7.15A Mother Goddess from
Harinarayanpur (courtesy: Chandraketugarh (courtesy:
Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and
Chakraborty 2007) Chakraborty 2007)

Fig. 7.17 A hand modelled Mother Goddess with

Fig. 7.16 Contemporary Natai-Chandi: The
bird shaped face from Pandu Rajar
mother figure at Bardhaman
Dhibi (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)

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Illustration 4: Mother and Child Forms
Fig 7.18 demonstrates a plaque from Chandraketugarh depicting a mother holding a child
in her arms in high relief. The mother is heavily bejewelled with an elaborate turban
placed on one side of her head.

Fig 7.19 represents a contemporary mother and child figure, manufactured in village
Adityapur. These are served as dolls or play items for the children of the nearby villages
and also as aesthetic item to the urban and semi-urban people. These are found in large
number in the terracotta market of Bolpur and in different craft fairs.

Fig 7.20 shows a mother and child figure used as the objects of worship in Natai-Chandi
puja. The myth regarding this mother and child figure exhibits the affection of the mother
to her child (son) and symbolises her as a protector and saviour of the child from the
malevolent eyes.

These findings indicate the ritual use of mother and child forms along with the use in
aesthetic and play purpose.

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Fig. 7.18 Mother and child figure from Fig. 7.19 Contemporary mother and child
Chandraketugarh, 1st to 3rd century figure from Adityapur
CE (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)

Fig. 7.20 Contemporary mother and child figure used in

Natai-Chandi puja in South Srirampur

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Illustration 5: Bastu Puja and Associated Forms
Fig 7.21 shows the contemporary terracotta paired ghats from Atghara-Palpara, the left
one with moustache represents the male and the right one represents the female. These
ghats are worshipped in Bastu puja as symbolic image of deities. According to the local
myth these can be compared with the detached heads of Dakkhin Ray, the tiger god and
Banbibi, the goddess of forest (Bara = detached head of Dakkhin Ray). At present these
are locally worshipped for the protection and prosperity of households (Bastu = home)
and these ghats are perceived as Hindu „high‟ God Narayana and Goddess Lakshmi
respectively. The change in meaning and Brahminization of these forms can be derived
from the local story of Atghara-Palapara, though the forms still retain the concept of
Dakkhin Ray and Banbibi in respect to their facial features, the decoration of crown
portion with floral motifs and spatial aspects associated with the worship (see Fig. 6.6,
6.7) as discussed previously.

Fig. 7.22 represents the present day clay idols of Dakkhin Ray and Banbibi worshipped in
the forested region of Sundarbans. The present-day idol of Dakkhin Ray is represented as
dressed like a king with moustache and beard (in some cases beard in not present but
moustache is present in all the cases). He is holding a mace in his left hand. In more
recent times he is also seen having a gun in his hand. Beside or in front or behind him a
tiger is placed. On the other hand, the image of Banbibi looks like a typical Hindu
goddess with seated posture and Abhaya mudra.

Fig 7.23 shows a plaque from the Early Historic period of Chandraketugarh depicting a
male deity holding a sword and a shield. He is accompanied by a female deity. They are
riding on a tiger and are shown underneath a two-tired temple like structure topped by a
finial (Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007). Similar figure with spotted
tiger from the site is also reported (Biswas 1981). The divine couple is identified as
Dakkhin Ray and his consort (Biswas 1981).

These findings are significant in this context as it shows that the cult of tiger god might
be prevalent in Lower Bengal as early as 2nd century CE.

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Fig. 7.21 Paired ghat of Bastu puja, with Fig. 7.22 Present day clay idol of Dakkhin Ray with
moustache (left) representing the male tiger in front (right) and Banbibi (left)
deity and without moustache (right)
representing the female deity, from
Atghara-Palpara

Fig. 7.23 A terracotta plaque from Chandraketugarh, depicting male and female deity riding on
a tiger (c. 2nd century CE) (courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty
2007)

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Illustration 6: Demonic Figures
Fig 7.24 represents a plaque depicting a demonic male figure almost in round from
Chadraketugarh with broad nose and mischievous facial expression. He is wearing
earrings and a short lion-cloth. This has been manufactured in double mould technique. A
group of figures representing pot-bellied, grotesque men wearing turban or crown are
found from important Early Historic sites of West Bengal. These figures show ugly facial
expressions sometimes with wide open mouth with large teeth jutting out. These are
broadly termed as Yakshas. Similar figures have been found from several Early Historic
sites of northern India such as Ahichchhatra, Mathura and Sonkh (Sengupta, Roy
Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007, see also Dhavalikar 1977). Mentions of the term
Yaksha are found in ancient literatures, for example Atharva Veda identifies the Yakshas
as Itarajanah which means „other folk‟. Similarly Mahabharata refers to the Yakshas,
Yakshinis and Rakshasas as being worshipped by the „Rajasik’ class. In Buddhist texts
Yakshas are often regarded as teachers of good morals and guardian spirits. Jain literature
mentions about Yakshas and Yakshis as Devas (Coomaraswamy 1971, Biswas 1981).
This type of figures is also termed as Kubera. Kubera is sometimes considered as the
chief of all Yakshas. In Satapatha Brahmana Kubera is seen as a Rakshasa and the lord
of robbers (Coomaraswamy 1971). There is controversy regarding the identification of
Yaksha and Rakshasa. Though they are seen having common origin, but, for
Coomaraswamy (1971) Yakshsas associated with Kubera are Kindly and Rakshasas are
bloodthirsty.

Fig 7.25 shows contemporary handmade terracotta figures (heads) of Raktabati and
Jarasandha from the village Yashomantapur. These are local gods worshipped by the
villagers for their well-being. Raktabati is a female deity, demonic in nature. It is
believed that she drinks the blood of the people who do not worship her. So the villagers
worship her for their safety and security. Jarasandha is a male deity and also demonic in
nature. His mouth is wide open with large teeth coming out from the mouth. „Jara’ or
„Jwara’ in Bengali means ill-health. He is locally believed to be the deity who protects
the villagers from life taking diseases. Those who do not worship him cannot be cured.

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Jara is identified by Stutley (2006) as a demoness, capable of assuming different forms.
Those who worship her are blessed with prosperity and those who do not are cursed with
poverty (Stutley 2006). A demon goddess named „Jara’ is also mentioned in ancient
literature. In Mahabharata „Jara’ is mentioned as one of the Matrikas. She is described as
a village goddess who feeds on flesh and blood. She combines the two half children, who
were given birth by two sisters, into a whole being. When she gives the whole child to the
King of the region, the King in return ordered the people of the region to worship
goddess „Jara’ in great honour (Kinsley 1987).

Therefore, it can be said that the concepts associated with demonic figures can have local
ritual significance and can be served as local gods and goddesses both of benevolent and
malevolent type.

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Fig. 7.24A demonic figure from Chandraketugarh 1st to 3rd century CE
(courtesy: Sengupta, Roy Chowdhury and Chakraborty 2007)

Fig. 7.25 Contemporary local village deities, Raktakarabi (left) and

Jarasandha (right) from Yashomantapur

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 Chapter – 8

Interpretations and Conclusions

219
The terracotta tradition of West Bengal has a complex and multilayered significance. The
study reflects that contemporary terracotta manufacture and usage have a potential to
throw light on the past. In concluding the present work, it is important to point out the
explanatory capacity of the terracotta art while viewed in context of their usage. There
are different dimensions of contemporary terracotta use which reveal the so called
intangible aspects of human social world which are relevant to interpret archaeological
data and understand the continuity. In West Bengal lack of horizontal excavation of
terracotta yielding sites has made it difficult to establish direct linkage. Nevertheless the
patterns of usage, oral histories, myths, spatial and cognitive dimensions associated with
present day terracotta objects might help in interpreting archaeological records.

The study reveals several important dimensions of terracotta materials. Following is a

discussion of such dimensions.

Continuity of Technique:
As already been noted terracotta manufacturing technique shows continuity. In fact, an
initiative to change the existing firing technique in Panchmura by Indian Institute of
Technology, Kharagpur has been failed (Satpathi 2011) which reflects a strong
perseverance of earlier technique. Manufacturing techniques like hand modelling, use of
single and double moulds and wheel have been continuing from ancient times up to the
present. As suggested from the archaeological findings even the combination of these
techniques, which is commonly used by contemporary terracotta makers, were also used
in the past.

Concept of Similarity and Change:

The study of relatedness of forms and their meanings shows that serpent forms (Naga or
Nagi) were quite common not only in ancient Bengal but also in other parts of India.
Ethnographic evidence also suggests that a prominent serpent god cult in the form of
Manasa, especially the Manasa than occupies an important position in rural West
Bengal. It may be inferred that there is a continuity of serpent worship since Early
Historic period up to present day in West Bengal. In Bastu puja it is seen that forms have

220
changed over time but the symbolic meanings associated to the forms have continued,
which suggests that in case of ethnoarchaeological studies only looking for the
similarities of forms can be misleading. Similar forms might not come from
archaeological evidences but through oral narratives and textual references valuable
interpretations might come. Similarly the various myths and local stories associated with
the horse and elephant and their rider forms, mother figures and mother and child forms,
and such other kinds might serve alternative interpretations and can add important
information to the similar archaeological findings regarding the continuity and change of
forms and their associated symbolic meanings.

Dimension of Gender:
The ethnographic study shows that starting with the terracotta making to terracotta use
there is a clear association of gender with terracotta. Women are banned from doing the
wheelwork and setting fire to the kiln. Although the production cycle is family based and
include high women participation (see Table no. 5.3) the restriction of women in
production stages like wheelwork and firing indicates the underlying patriarchy.
Furthermore, the symbolic association of wheeling and firing with reproduction and
fertility puts the ritual ban reflecting male control over production.

Terracotta usage has a clear gender association with not only the forms, but also in the
space associated to the usage. Most explicit portrayal of gendered dimension of terracotta
is found in Natai-Chandi. While the oral narrative portrays men‟s dominance, women‟s
weakness and goddess‟s protective image helping women to cope with the men
dominated society, the spatial division, participation and associated terracotta figurine
represents an effeminate ambience. The myth related to Natai-Chandi is demonstrated
with the help of a typical archaic form of female with projected breasts and an archaic
child form. While, the mother form much plausibly resembles the so called Mother
Goddess, ethnographic data links the usage with gender. Remembering Kaushik
Gangopadhyay (2002) the present findings also suggest that terracotta objects do have
gender specificity. It is important to refer to Roberts (1993) that gender, being a social
construct, is not inherent in archaeological data. Therefore, it is difficult to assign

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gendered dimension with any material keeping in mind that gender relations are
historically specific. Following Whitley (1998) we cannot make objective reconstruction
of past and therefore the gendered dimension, like any other dimension is an alternative
way of interpreting archaeological data.

Dimension of Power:
Terracotta manufacturing pattern in terms of taboo on women and terracotta usage in
terms of votive offerings, oral myths and spatial arrangements reflect the dimension of
power. The caste alignment, reluctance to teach the actual techniques of terracotta
manufacture to people outside the caste boundary, involving children in the production
procedure indicate strong caste perseverance. Only 20.99% of the total labour (see Table
no. 5.3) is hired and are mostly involved in carrying and preparing the soil, also storing
and packing of finished products. Making terracotta items and firing are exclusively
restricted to the caste people. This perseverance not only reflects the dimension of power
associated to knowledge but also the mechanism of continuity of forms, designs and
techniques. To put in Michael Foucault‟s term “power is employed through a net-like
organization” (Foucault 1980:98). Here the caste perseverance and knowledge
restrictions indicate the operations of such net-like organisation. Control over knowledge
reinforces the control over economy. Referring to Thomas Wartenberg (1990) power is
always mediated by social alignments and that “To be an alignment, however, the
coordinated practices of these social agents need to be comprehensive enough that the
social agent facing the alignment encounters that alignment as having control over certain
things that she might either need or desire. ...The concept of a social alignment thus
provides a way of understanding the “field” that constitutes a situated power relationship
as a power relationship” (Wartenberg 1990:150). While the knowledge restrictions
indicate the operation of such a field and has the key to an archaeological understanding
of continuity of forms, designs and techniques detailed study on the terracotta usage gives
more clear idea of the operations of Wartenberg‟s “field” of power.

There are aspects of submission to supernatural power, spiritual power, and the power of
unknown in the sacred groves studied. One of the major aspects of caste and the pattern

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of economic power is manifested in size, and decoration of the offerings at the sacred
groves. Since, horses and elephants historically indicate status symbols, more decoration
in the terracotta horses and elephants signify more power and higher status. The
conception which connects horses and elephants with elegance is still continuing. Horse
riders although is commonly attributable to the power and status, however, the oral
narratives collected from different villages suggest these riders may be associated with
benevolent village ancestral spirits. Therefore, on one hand these offerings indicate
existing village hierarchy and on the other hand conceptually the myth links the
association of supernatural beings, power and forces. The settlement pattern in villages of
Paschim Medinipur reflects caste wise clusters. These findings can be linked to the work
of Bruce Trigger (2003), Wendy Ashmore (1991, 1992), Ashmore and Sabloff (2002)
which suggests city planning as being constituted by, and constituting, the nature of
power in early civilizations. The size and decoration of terracotta offerings can be said
to demonstrate the nature of unequal distribution of power in the villages. Therefore, this
association of offerings at sacred groves with the existing hierarchy of the village life
indicates a possible source of interpreting terracotta materials from the purview of power
dynamics. As Clark and Parry (1990:290) have noted, “archaeologists commonly rely on
the presence of craft specialization to infer aspects of cultural complexity” it can be said
that the references of present day organization of settlements and their manifestation
through the material usage, like terracotta can reflect on the several intangible social-
cultural dimensions of such complexity. However, the reflection on the past with similar
approach is only possible if similar archaeological evidences are found.

Different Dimensions of Space:

While Christopher Tilley (1994) focuses on the idea of space as a cultural and social
construction, Thomas (1993, 1998, 2001) focuses on the people‟s perspective for
conceptualizing their understanding and action within a given environment, there is a
possibility of understanding mythical, functional, social, physical and cognitive
dimensions of space (as advocated by Bender 1993, Tuan 1977). This dimension has the
potential to unearth the ways in which societies make sense of the space. Terracotta usage

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pattern calls for a detailed and often complex and multilayered understanding of people‟s
sense of space. The three case studies represent deep-seated conceptions of space and
spatial practice. Studying the spatial aspect of terracotta usage requires an engagement
with the physical dimension of the space, i.e. the location of activities and also with the
functions and actions associated with the use of the space. Both these dimensions then
demand the study of symbolic dimensions associated with the space, in a manner closer
to the theoretical position advocated by Henry Lefebvre (1991).

In each of the three cases an elaborate „production‟ of space takes place before the ritual
performances. Here the use of the term production is intentional, as it is seen that the
space is „produced‟ through arrangements of materials and organizing activities which is
constructed or created or rearranged to reinforce the symbols.

Gendered and Layered Space: Natai-Chandi represents a gendered spatial association

and radical freedom in performance compared to strictly prescribed format of
arrangements at the space for demonstration. Apart from the gendered dimensions
discussed above which primarily concentrates on the archaic form, there is a clear gender
association with the space, especially in terms of the freedom otherwise unavailable in a
patriarchal society, enjoyed by the women folk in the space, and a sense of privacy in
making wishes by them. The complete ban of men from taking any role in the rituals and
performance encapsulates and segregates the space from an otherwise patriarchal system.
The analysis of oral story not only suggests the women‟s challenging existence in a
patriarchal space, but also ritually projects the importance of acceptance and tolerance.

The physical dimension of the space associated to Natai-Chandi represents three layers
with a range of freedom where the spectators and worshippers enjoy highest freedom but
arrangements has to be made in existing template. This radicalization of performance
represents a binary of open and closed system. The location is also important, as
traditionally the performance must take place in an open space but within the domestics.
Therefore, within strictly men dominated space a separate space is „produced‟ for
women, which calls for a double layer of space: first, a free space for women and second,
a closed space controlled by the men encapsulating the free space. This radicalism is also

224
reflected in the story which gives enough power to the deity to help a weak woman to
cope with the patriarchal society but she does not encourage her to challenge or alter the
existing system.

The actions follow the same radical opposition. Actions must involve the exhibition of
narratives by washing the son with milk and preparing pan-cakes but the other things
including the length of the story, decorations and participations, wish making depends on
the performer herself. Symbolic dimension associated with the space indicates the binary
of autonomy/restrictions, self-indulgence/self-restriction, and
empowerment/powerlessness.

Spatial Dimension of Boundary and Markers: Both the Bastu puja and sacred groves
spatially represent dimensions of boundary between known/unknown, domestic/wild,
controlled/uncontrolled. These dimensions are manifested in the arrangements of the
space for Bastu puja which shows a trichotomy: a space attributable to known, domestic
and controlled in opposition to a space unknown, wild and beyond control. Between
these two extremes a space acts as a mediator – the space for Bastu puja. Similar
trichotomy is also noticed in the spatial orientation of sacred groves of Manasa and
Gramdevata.

The physical dimension of the Bastu puja includes the courtyard and production of space
including the location of Bastu pujar ghats, space for offerings, space for Brahmin priest
and lastly the space for devotees. The last three spaces associated within the idea of
domestics. The changeover of symbolism associated with the deities is parallel to the
change in space. A transformation of forest into a place of habitation results in an
alteration to the signification of the deities, which transforms Banbibi into Lakshmi and
Dakshin Ray into Narayana. The essential nature of the ritual especially the selection of
the place nevertheless represents the earlier symbols as the ghats are placed at a juncture
between the domestic space and forested space – now represented by the bushy space
and/or the Phonimanasa tree.

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Similarly location of sacred groves in the villages represents an intermediate space
between the same dichotomies. The strategic location and often association of elaborate
rituals with the establishment of sacred groves mark the boundaries. The most prominent
boundary is that of village boundary, the boundary where known space ends. The
production of sacred space in the boundary has functional values, for example, it reminds
where the known ends and unknown begins and therefore makes people alert. The
symbolic association of village spirit, spirit of the deceased and persistence of good
spirits which drive away the evils manifest the great binary of good and evil. The
terracotta offerings are therefore, markers of the ritual space and should not be seen
solely from the perspectives of power and beliefs associated with spirit carriers.

Terracottas as markers become clearer when one sees the customs of their disposals. The
old terracotta offerings are not destroyed, rather they are kept immediately beside the
sacred groves, which mark the past performances and keep the memories alive. This is
also apparent in case of the disposal of Bastu pujar ghats. These are kept in the place
throughout the year where worship has been done. In consequence, these places bear the
mark of the rituals and hence continue to mark the boundaries. Sacred groves entail a
relatively permanent construction – the space that continues to be marked as different
because of the presence of the stones, terracottas and regular worships. However, Bastu
puja being temporary in nature (as the worship takes place once in a year), because of its
nature of disposal, fulfils similar functions of reminding the boundaries.

In sum the spatial dimension associated to the terracotta usage include the physical
arrangement of terracotta materials in culturally meaningful locations. The functional
values associated with these locations include marking boundaries, making people alert
about boundaries, social cohesion, sacredness, etc. Symbolically these markings and
associated sacredness represent the linkages between larger cosmos with known and
limited cosmos as they occupy a space between past and present (hence, the place for
ancestral spirits), natural and supernatural arenas.

The huge body of growing literature in the social and cultural dimension of space centres
around the core concept that all cultures classify and distinguish space based on social

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rules including gender, status, age, kinship, sacredness, ethnicity, etc (e.g. Barth 1969,
Bourdier and AlSayyad 1989, Clarke 1977, Hodder 1989, Ingersoll and Bronitsky 1987,
Joyce and Gillespie 2000, Kent 1990, Stark 1998). One of the primary means of such
classification is to define boundaries whether tangible or intangible, culturally
constructed or naturally occurring. The primary compartments are then again subdivided.
However, these spatial structures are constantly negotiated, imposed and contested.
Social theorists like Anthony Giddens (1984) in his structuration theory sees all structures
and boundaries as both the media for and the results of social practices fundamentally
based on rules and custom. Therefore, space provides a medium through which social
relations are continually regenerated. Similarly Bourdieu‟s (1977) practice based social
theory emphasizes the importance of social action in spatial production. These theories
suggest taking the spatial organization as a site of constant contestation and change. Such
change in symbolic meaning attributes is seen in the Bastu puja. However, what is more
subtle is an understanding that although there may be similarities in forms between past
and present, but making direct inferences based solely on the similarities should not be
the only way of seeing the past. However, these ethnographic data not only give better
and refined dimensions of interpreting archaeological data, but also reflect the multiple
dimensions associated with terracotta usage.

Limitations and Future Prospect of the Work:

Though West Bengal with its rich terracotta assemblage both in past and present provides
a lucrative opportunity to study the social and cultural significance of the craft, there are
several constrains which make it difficult to work on. First, a huge amount of ancient
materials are coming from surface finds and as such no further information is available
regarding its chronology. Furthermore, lack of horizontal excavations in West Bengal
makes it really difficult to understand the contextual association of the terracotta
materials. Second, a large portion of the materials that have been unearthed are not
accessible. Only a few and selective materials are displayed in different museums. Third,
excepting a few sites like Bangarh, Pandu Rajar Dhibi and Rajbaridanga, comprehensive
excavation reports of other important terracotta yielding sites are not available. A

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researcher has to depend on few published papers on the excavated materials and reports
in Indian Archaeology: A Review. Fourth, there are disagreements regarding the
identification of certain forms and their chronology.

In this context, however, if more detailed horizontal excavations are carried out at
different sites with undisturbed context more information on the nature of terracotta use
in the past can be known. When this knowledge is available, ethnographic data will
enrich the possible interpretations of terracotta materials. For example, a high
concentration of terracotta objects in a site could possibly reveal the continuity of thans
or sacred groves. An evidence of such high concentration of terracotta sheep is found
from Gupta Period levels at Rajghat (Prakash 1985). However, because of high
disturbance in one of the mounds of Dihar in Bankura whether Gramdevata than is in
continuity could not be established (Chattopadhyay and Acharya 2010). Whether present
attributes to Gramdevata or related sacred groves have parallel to these findings would
certainly depend on more such findings. Meanwhile, it is extremely important to
document the existing oral narratives as people are fast loosing these narratives with the
effect of rapid urban growth and spread of electronic media. With the loss of these
narratives related to the use of terracotta objects archaeologists would certainly loose
valuable resources to better understand the past.

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Glossary of Local Bengali Terms:

Anna prasan: First rice giving ceremony of a child at the age of six
months

Agrahayan: Eighth month of Bengali calendar, middle of November to

middle of December

Ashar: Third month of Bengali calendar, middle of June to middle

of July

Ashwin: Sixth month of Bengali calendar, middle of September to

middle of October

Balti: Bucket

Banak Mati: Reddish soil used as natural colouring agent

Banbibi: Goddess of forest

Baran Chhoba: Pot used in marriage rituals

Bara: Detached head of Dakshin Ray, the tiger god

Baro Chubri: Big basket

Bastu Puja: A ritual associated with agriculture in West Bengal

Bastu Pujar Ghat: Pitcher used in Bastu Puja

Boki: Pointed iron rod

Bole: Support giving stone used in terracotta manufacture

Chak Majhi: Second next to village headman in Santal traditional

political system

Chalnara: Large pot used making ritual offerings

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Charak Mela: Fair which takes place during the end of Bengali year
associated to Siva

Chata/Chachna: Sieve like thin sheet of bamboo

Chaitra Sankranti: Last day of the Bengali Calendar year, middle of April

Chandi: Goddess of wrath often with multiple meanings associated

with various local forms

Chitai Pithe: Pan cake made of rice

Chubri: Basket

Dakkineswar/Dakkhin Ray: The lord of south, also the tiger god

Darko/dwar ghat: Pitcher used in household rituals

Debi ghat: Pritcher used in worship

Do-aansh mati: Soil with equal sand and mud content

Dhunuchi: Incense-pot

Dipasan: Lamp stand

Dugi: Smaller form of tabor

Ela Mati: Reddish-orange soil used as natural colouring agent

Entel Mati: Clayey soil having less sand content

Gad Mati: Yellowish clay used as a natural colouring agent

Gala: Lac

Ghat(s): Pitcher

Gramdevata: Any local village God and village spirit

Haat: Bi-weekly market

Jaherthan: Sacred grove for Santal God

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Jaistha: Second month of the Bengali calendar, middle of May to
middle of June

Jarasandha: Local village God

Jhuri: Small basket

Khol: Musical instrument having two sound producing ends

Kodal: Spade

Kolke: Bowl of hookah

Kumor: Traditional clay workers by caste in West Bengal

Laya: Village headman in Santal traditional political system

Madal: Local tribal drum

Magh: Tenth month of Bengali calendar year (January-February)

Majhari chubri: Medium sized basket

Manasa: Goddess associated with serpent cult

Manasa Chali/Bari: A form represented by several serpent hoods and a few

integrated figurines used in ritual purpose

Manasa Ghat: Pitcher accompanied by serpent hoods

Manat: Vow

Marangburu: A Santal God

Natai-Chandi: A variation of Goddess Chandi

Nek kara: Removal of impurities from clay

Para: Locality

Phonimanasa: Cactus tree (Euphorbia neriifolia) having ritual significance in

West Bengal

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Pitna: Wooden club used in beating clay in terracotta manufacture

Pon/Poyan/Bhati: Kiln

Poush Mela: Fair takes place in Shantiniketan, Birbhum during middle

of December to middle of January

Pradip: Lamp used in rituals

Puja: Worship

Raktabati: Local village Goddess

Sahasra jhar: Perforated pot

Shil nora: Mortar and pestle

Shitala: Local village Goddess

Shraban: Fourth month of Bengali calendar, middle of July to middle

of August

Sindur: Vermillion

Surki: Brick-dust

Taal: Lump

Tabla: Tabor (musical instrument)

Tali: Terracotta roof tiles

Tal Kara: Clay levigation process

Tasa: Local small drum (musical instrument)

Telporar Patro: Small pot for burning of oil used in rituals

Thakur: Deity

Than: Sacred grove

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Tulsi mancha: A sacred platform to keep and worship the Tulsi tree
(Ocimum tenuiflorum)

Tushu Khola: Terracotta form used in tribal rituals

Ulu: A sound uttered by women in different rituals

Unun: Oven

Vairav: Local village God – often seen as a form of Siva

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References:

Agrawala, Prithvi K. 1984. Goddesses in Ancient India. New Delhi: Abhinav.

Agrawala Vasudeva S. 1936. “Mathura Terracottas”. Journal of the United Provinces

Historical Society 9 (2): 6-38.

Agrawala, Vasudeva S. 1947-48. “The Terracotta Figurines of Ahichachatra, District

Bareilly, U.P.” Ancient India 4: 104-179.

Agrawala, Vasudeva S. 1965. Indian Art. Varanasi: Prithivi Prakashan.

Allchin, Bridget, and Raymond Allchin. 1982. The Rise of Civilization in India and
Pakistan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Allchin, Frank R. 1960. Piklihal Excavations. Hyderabad: Andhra Pradesh Government

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