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TAGJAPANESE MILITARY ADMINISTRATION

ENTRIES24 Total

August 31, 1945, Friday

AUG 31, 459:48 PM
I have been asked many times how the Japanese financed themselves during their regime.

They came here bringing with them Japanese military notes. It can be assumed for certain that those notes are not
backed by reserves. There is nothing behind it except the backing of the Japanese government. As a matter of fact,
they are not currency or money. They are in reality requisition slips. Instead of forcing the Filipinos to give them
food, equipment and materials, they found this indirect and less painful way of attaining their wishes. At the
beginning the circulation of the currency of the Commonwealth was allowed. Following the economic law that bad
money drives away good money, the latter soon disappeared in the market. Later, the Japanese made the
circulation of the currency of the Commonwealth illegal. Those caught exchanging military notes for Commonwealth
notes were taken to Ft. Santiago and punished for committing a hostile act.

The Japanese government then established the Southern Development Bank. They did not use the two Japanese
banks, the Yokohama Specie Bank and the Taiwan Bank, except that the Taiwan Bank was used to liquidate the
American and other foreign banks. As a matter of fact, the Southern Development Bank was not a bank but acted
as a branch here of the Japanese Government Treasury. It was given the sole power of note issue. All the military
notes were distributed through it. I had numerous discussions with the Japanese as to the nature of these notes.
They have always insisted that they were Southern Development Bank notes, whereas I always maintained that
they were Japanese Government notes. I did not feel it proper for the Philippine Government to deal with a private
bank.

The Japanese, unlike the Americans, practically made the countries occupied by them defray all the expenses of
their Army. They did this by means of the issuance of military notes. I also have no doubt about this as I happened
to see the Japanese Government budget. In the statement of income, there was included what was called
Contribution of the Southern Islands. (I was not sure what they called it, but I am sure that there were billions — 17
billion as I remember — provided as income from the Southern Islands.) As there was no direct request for funds,
necessarily they must come from the proceeds of the military notes. They cannot ask for direct contribution
because nobody or very few would give. This was shown when subscriptions were opened for the Philippines to
buy and donate an airplane to Japan. Very little was collected and the project was stopped. It would not have been
possible to collect a sufficient amount to buy even a small airplane unless force was used, as was done in many
cases. As a matter of fact, those military notes were no more, no less than requisition slips. The whole financing of
the Japanese, including the expenses of the Army and Navy and what they called war development companies,
was exclusively handled by the Southern Development Bank.

This bank made every effort to exercise all the powers of a Central Bank and of a clearinghouse. It insisted that all
the other banks deposit their funds with it, especially the reserves of the banks. I opposed this very strongly. I was
willing to stake even my life to uphold my view. All the bank managers naturally were afraid to have any sort of
issue with the Japanese. I told them that they need not assume any responsibility. I gave them orders not to deposit
with the Southern Development Bank without my express authority and order. At that time, there were already on
deposit in the Southern Development Bank funds of the different banks amounting to about 1000,000,000 pesos.
About three-fourth or four-fifth of the funds belonged to the Philippine National Bank.
It must be stated in this connection that at the beginning I had no supervision over the Philippine National Bank.
Supervision was being exercised by Malacañan. The reason was that the P.N.B. was a government corporation
and Malacañan was in charge of all national companies. Later, I found out that it was Executive Secretary Pedro
Sabido who was handling P.N.B matters. Even after his appointment as Minister of the new Department of
Economic Affairs, he attempted to continue exercising the powers; as a matter of fact, after his appointment, he
became even more insistent. He contented that the supervision of the Philippine National Bank properly belonged
to his department since the bank was a government corporation and his department was in charge of all
government corporations. He further contended that the Department of Economic Affairs should control the
Philippine National Bank to enable it to realize the purpose for which it was established and also to facilitate the
financing of the national companies.

Finally, he contended that, under the law, the Secretary of Finance is already the head of the bank, and it is not
proper nor advisable for the Secretary of Finance to be also the Supervisor; otherwise; the Secretary of Finance
would be supervising himself. I refused to devote much time and words to the discussion which was academic. So
far as I was concerned, the argument I emphasized was that I found it impossible to supervise the banking and
financing business unless all the banks were under me. Supervision over the P.N.B. was especially necessary
since at least 70% of banking transactions in Manila was handled by the Philippine National Bank. I concluded in a
memorandum to Pres. Laurel that if he decided to deny my request, I would strongly recommend that the
supervision over all banks be transferred to the Ministry of Economic Affairs. After due consideration, the President
told me that he fully agreed with me and he would immediately issue an order accordingly.

Days and weeks passed, the order did not come. I found out that the Minister of Economic Affairs was very
insistent. So the President decided to submit it to the Council of State composed of Chief Justice Ramon Avanceña
as President, and Don Miguel Unson, Don Pedro Aunario, Don Rafael Corpus, Don Ramon Fernandez and Don
Jose Paez. The Council considered the matter very thoroughly and even heard the arguments of Minister Sabido.
The President, and this was confirmed later by Don Miguel Unson and Don Rafael Corpus, advised that the Council
upon preposition of Don Miguel Unson, decided unanimously in my favor. He assured me that he would issue the
order forthwith.

Days passed; weeks passed, no order came. I decided to prepare the order myself and give it personally to the
President. It was not signed and issued. I prepared another and left it with the President. After a few days, I asked
him about it. He was surprised that I had not received it yet. I prepared another and this time I did not leave
Malacañan without the President’s signature.

After the President signed the order, I immediately called Mr. Carmona, President of the P.N.B.. I must first state
that under the order, I had all the powers of the Board of Directors of the Bank. I asked him about the deposits. He
told me that he had submitted the matter to Malacañan and that no objection had been expressed on the part of
Malacañan to the existing arrangement. When I asked for a written authority, he advised that he had not received
any and that his experience was that he got no action from Malacañan on matters taken up by him, or at least
action was delayed for weeks and even months.

I asked him to explain how he happened to have such a large deposit in the Southern Development Bank. He
answered that from the very beginning the military people as well as the Manager of the Southern Development
Bank requested him and even ordered him to deposit all excess funds of P.N.B., or funds not needed for ordinary
daily transactions, with the Southern Development Bank. Pressure was used so that he had to make some deposit,
but he assured me that it was far from what he could have deposited.

The Japanese reorganized the clearing house. Under the new system, all clearing balances were kept by the
Southern Development Bank. There was no liquidation and the funds could be withdrawn only when the
corresponding bank needed funds. So the deposit of P.N.B. in the Southern Development Bank increased
everyday. This was also true as regards the other banks, Bank of the Philippine Islands and Bank of Commerce.
They were also being required to make deposits. They said that they had to conform unless they wished their banks
closed and their officers accused of a hostile act. I ordered them not to deposit. When they expressed fear, I told
them that they should tell the Japanese that, per my order, they had to secure my approval. I also told them to
withdraw their balances in the clearing house from the Southern Development Bank.

Mr. Hariguti Takahashi and the Manager of the Southern Development Bank came to me to request me to authorize
the deposits. I flatly refused. This is one of many similar incidents I had with the Japanese. One instance was when
a large Japanese sugar concern wanted to acquire the Philippine Refining Co., which was owned by the
government and practically had the monopoly of sugar refining in the Philippines. An official of the company was
told that an unfavorable recommendation from him would be interpreted as a hostile act. I told him to tell the
Japanese to talk to me. The Japanese never came to see me. Another instance was when the Japanese Army
proposed that the Textile Department of the National Development Company be constituted into a separate
company and recapitalized with equal participation of the Philippine and Japanese governments. The participation
was later changed to 40% for the Japanese and 60% for the Filipinos. I was made to understand that the plan had
already been agreed upon by somebody in Malacañan. I prepared a memorandum strongly opposing the plan. The
reason I gave was that the National Development Company, as any other national companies, was formed not for
profit but rather to carry out national economic policies. Another time was when Colonel Utsonomiya, later
promoted to General, approached me to ask me to allow the importation of opium. I told him that the laws prohibited
the importation of opium and penalized its sale. Twice the Colonel approached me. I maintained my position. When
it came to protecting our people and their rights, I ignored consequences absolutely.

In connection with the banks, a Japanese officer came to see me. He said that it had been reported to them that in
the Ministry of Finance, there was somebody who was anti-Japanese and always worked against them. I knew it
was merely a ruse. I answered that I assume responsibility for anything done in the Ministry of Finance.

Mr. Carmona wisely did his best to attain our purpose without unnecessary exposition. Carmona was so capable
and prudent that he was able to withdraw a very good portion of the deposit and to maintain the deposit at a very
low level.

My views and actions were fully reported to the President and he approved.

I had many other incidents. During a bombing raid, a boat loaded with military notes was blown up and all along
Malate and Ermita, it rained notes. They were picked up by the people and spent. The Japanese who had the serial
numbers of the notes prohibited the circulation. I protested on the grounds that the notes were already in the hands
of innocent persons. For instance, there was Mrs. Mariquita de Ocampo who sold her furniture for 7,000 pesos as
she needed the money. Afterwards, nobody would accept her money. What fault had she committed? Finally, the
notes were accepted.
The Japanese wanted the administration to be self-supporting. They themselves prepared and imposed the
approval of tax laws. From the beginning, my plan was not to change our tax laws; not to burden the people with
more taxes than what they had to pay before the war. But how do we finance the government? Of course I had to
make it look like I was trying to increase the income by means of assistance of our people. So I did not object to the
increase in the income tax law, although I insisted that low incomes not be taxed and larger incomes not be taxed
as heavily as in other counties. This is also the reason why I sold an amount of bonds instead from where I
proposed to get the money.

Even during the time of the Commission, we borrowed money from the Army, It reached the amount of
₱23,000,000. During the Republic, I secured a credit of over ₱100,000,000 from the Bank of Japan, about
₱50,000,000 of which I got through the Southern Development Bank. When I submitted it to the Cabinet, there was
some opposition. I did not argue, but after the meeting I explained to Minister Osias who was the one strongly
opposed that my purpose was to charge to the Japanese as much of our expenses as possible. The Japanese
Army after the establishment of the Philippine Republic tried to collect our previous indebtedness of ₱23,000,000. I
declined on the ground that the Executive Commission was a mere instrumentality of the Japanese Administration.
The amount was never paid.

Returning to inflation, I could do nothing as the Japanese did not want to give any power which would enable me to
do something. I thought and thought about what to do until I came up with the idea of establishing a Central Bank if
I could get the Japanese to approve my conditions. Some of them were: (1) That the Central Bank shall have the
sole power of issue of notes. With this I meant to curb the unbridled issue of notes by the Japanese and the
unlimited grant of credits to Japanese companies. (2) That the Ministry of Finance shall have jurisdiction and power
of supervision over the Japanese banks. I demanded this most important power to control large credits given by the
Japanese banks to Japanese companies and nationals. (3) That the Central Bank shall be the depository of the
reserves of the other banks. And (4) That the Central Bank shall handle the clearing house balances.

The Japanese were opposed to my plan at the beginning, but in view of the fact that we were a Republic and they
therefore could not openly deprive us of the right to exercise powers belonging to all independent states, they
changed their tactics. They instead did their best to delay the establishment of the bank. They put up all kinds of
objections and suggested many modifications. They wished preferential treatment or at least equal treatment for
Japanese banks. I could not of course accept this. Mr. Haraguti, while I was speaking before the National Assembly
about the establishment of a Central Bank, sent me a memorandum. I got the impression that he was opposed to it
or wanted to delay it. I immediately suspended the proceedings and charged that Mr. Haraguti was out of line. He
immediately saw me and tried to explain that such was not his intention. I know English well, I believe, and I had no
doubt that my interpretation was correct.

The bill was approved by the Assembly but upon the request of Speaker Aquino a provision was inserted to it so
that the establishment of a Central Bank would depend upon the promulgation order by the President. Aquino at the
beginning was strongly opposed to the bank; later, he withdrew his objection but was evidently not interested in its
establishment. However, the Japanese had not given up. We had no facilities here for the printing of notes and this
had to be done in Japan. We prepared the necessary designs. We were told that all the printing presses were busy
printing notes for other countries and that they could not begin making delivery until May, I believe of 1945. I went
to Japan where I made every effort to expedite it but in vain. I was told that the delivery had to be periodic and the
 amounts for each period could not be very much. The matter remained in that state until hostilities in the Philippines
began.

Another reason why I wanted the Central Bank was that I did not want to have a shortage of notes. We had a
terrible crisis about the first months of 1944 because the ships used for transporting the notes were probably sunk
or blown. The Japanese banks had no more available notes and the Southern Development Bank had only about
₱10,000,000 in notes of 10, 20 and 50 centavos. The Japanese banks suspended payment, and there was a run in
all the banks as the public feared that the banks had no more funds. The Japanese banks, including the Southern
Development Bank, wanted to get the notes of the Filipino banks. I refused to authorize the Filipino banks to loan
their funds to the Japanese banks. I also instructed the Manager of the Philippine National Bank to withdraw a part
of its deposit from the Southern Development Bank. We were all very much worried. Stoppage of payment of banks
would paralyze business. All demands for withdrawal in Filipino banks were met. The Philippine National Bank,
however, had to offer notes in small denominations. Generally, those wishing to withdraw big amounts desisted as
the package of the money would be quite bulky. After a few days, shipment of notes came and the crisis passed.
Because of this, I inquired about machines and materials in the Philippines that could be used in case of shortage
of notes. We could print here but in limited quantities.

*****

We heard on the radio that Truman had said that the Philippines might have her independence in 4 or 5 months.
This means that we may have our independence by next January. I welcome it; I want to have it right now. We
would have been spared the loss of billions of pesos and thousands of lives if only people ceased to be mentors of
other people.

This means the election will have to be held soon. We may not even be able to take part in the elections. Until we
are cleared, we cannot be of much service.

According to the radio, Ambassador Vargas was found in Tokyo and he is a very worried man. He was generally
criticized for having been very weak with the Japanese. We were aware of it and we thought him a useless man
and an incapable executive. But after we reflected, it may well be that under the circumstances, he did what would
be of the greatest benefit to the people. Supposing that instead of getting the confidence of the known murderers,
the Japanese, he had fought and defied them. He becomes a hero. But he sacrificed his country for w would have
meant direct or almost direct rule by the Japanese. Instead of 200,000 dead, we probably would have had to mourn
the loss of millions of our countrymen. Vargas has done much for our country.

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LEAVE A COMMENT

July 9, 1945 Monday

JUL 9, 451:19 PM
I notice in the papers that many questions are arising as a result of the Japanese occupation. Some of them are the
following: (1) Bank deposits during the Japanese regime; (2) Japanese military notes (“Mickey Mouse” money); (3)
Real estate transactions during said regime.
All deposits during the Japanese regime have nullified. This is of course a necessary consequence of the fact that
the Japanese military notes have been declared worthless. Such action for the present is entirely justified. If bank
deposits during the Japanese regime are recognized, no bank will be able to open. They will have to be declared
bankrupt unless the government assumes responsibility for such deposits, which is of course impossible. The
military notes, of course, have to be declared worthless because there is no reason for them and they were issued
by the enemy. The United States and Philippine governments cannot be made responsible for them. They have to
be outlawed. These military notes are not really money or currency. They were really only a means of requisitioning
Filipino materials. It was the equivalent of the Japanese confiscating the food and other materials belonging to the
Filipinos without compensation. But at the same time, the Japanese, by order, declared them legal tender — refusal
to accept was considered a hostile act punishable with a heavy penalty. We therefore, against our will, had to
recognize them as legal currency. They were used in all transactions. In the meanwhile, the circulation of Philippine
Commonwealth money was strictly prohibited. Anybody circulating them or even possessing them was arrested and
punished. The Japanese had spies to detect those violating the prohibition.

I do not believe though that the so-called Mickey Mouse money problem is permanently dead. I think after the war,
discussion of that subject would have to ensue. The Japanese have circulated here over a billion. Where are they?
The rich, the influential, the intelligent do not have them. As they knew what would become of those notes, they
disposed of all that they had. So where did they go? They must have gone somewhere since they were not
destroyed. I suspect that they went to the masses — to the laborers, small merchants, producers and vendors
especially the small ones like those who produced and sold “camote”, “casava”, vegetables, etc. They must
possess quite a big amount. They worked hard for their money. When normalcy is resumed, they will demand that
the notes be recognized or be given some value. I do not believe they will stop their demand until they get
something. I believe they will get something. Even now in Congress, a resolution was introduced to register this
kind of money and try to get payment from Japan. I am sure it will be taken up in the peace conference. I suggest
that proceeds from the sale of Japanese properties and holdings be applied to the payment of these military notes.
After the war, Japan will not be in a position to pay. So I believe that the United States Government or the
Philippine Government will pay even a small portion. There is a precedent for this. Belgium was in the same
situation as the Philippines after the First World War, although the German marks circulated in Belgium went down
in value and afterwards became worthless. The Belgium government assumed responsibility and paid a portion of
those marks at a rate which I do not remember just now.

However, in recognizing these military notes in whole or in part, the necessary economic measures must be taken
to avoid inflation. The release of such a big amount necessarily will cause inflation. Furthermore, the government
cannot afford to pay at one time and if it has to borrow money, it will need also a big amount for amortization and
interest. What should be done is to make an accurate and scientific readjustment in the circulation. Nobody knows
how much Japanese military notes have been circulated in the Philippines. Notwithstanding all my efforts, I could
not ascertain it. I believe, however, it is not as much as I originally thought. The military notes circulated only in
Manila and some provinces in Luzon. In the South, with the exception of Davao and inside the cities of Cebu, Iloilo
and Bacolod, they did not circulate at all. A good portion of those notes had been destroyed. My estimate now is
that there is only over a billion. The way to find out is to have them registered. Supposing it is one billion, I would
pay immediately 5% or about ₱50,000,000. The rest or ₱950,000,000 I would divide into 40 parts each part to be
paid in installments every year. Each installment would be ₱23,750,000. I believe that this amount can be absorbed
by the natural increase in our production. This is just an example. The installments may be paid every five years if
 so desired. There should be three provisions: (1) That the periods may be shortened, if the finances of the
government and the development of production — agriculture, industry and commerce — so warrant; (2) That the
bonds are negotiable; and (3) That if the finances of the government so permit, the bonds may be redeemed sooner
at a discount the amount of which shall depend upon the maturity of the bond. In other words, if for instance, a bond
will mature in 30 years, after a period of five years the government may purchase them if offered by the holders at
25% or 50% of the face value of the bonds as may be decided upon.

But I say this must be considered after the complete termination of the war. While the war is still going on, it is
natural that the Japanese money be declared worthless. One advantage of the postponement is that, if we get
anything from Japan by way of an indemnity or by confiscation of their holdings in the Philippines, such amount will
eliminate or at least lighten the burden that may be imposed the government.

Another point is, if we declare the Japanese notes worthless forever, it may relieve Japan from the obligation of
providing for them as part of the indemnity.

It is reported that Pres. Osmeña sent a message to Congress recommending a solution to the problem of
indebtedness incurred before the war paid during the Japanese occupation. The recommendation of his advisers,
as I remember it, is the following: (1) Declare all payments invalid; (2) Declare all payments valid; (3) Revalue the
payment made in accordance with the rate of exchange between the Philippine peso and the military note at the
time of the payment. I do not understand why the government should meddle in a strictly private affair as this one.
Furthermore, I doubt whether payments made could legally be declared illegal. It will be an epso facto law. As to
the revaluation, this will involve many complications. Everything may as well be left for the courts to decide.

LEAVE A COMMENT

June 26, 1945, Tuesday

JUN 27, 457:53 AM
It may be asked: If the conduct of the Japanese is as reported above why did we serve in the Japanese regime and
later in the Philippine Republic?

I had good reasons for not accepting any position in the Japanese regime. Aside from my past relations with
America and the Americans, and the position I had held with the Philippine government which would make my
acceptance of any position under the Japanese regime improper, I had plans which I could carry out only as a
private citizen. I was Director of Marsman & Co. and President and Vice President of various Marsman enterprises,
like the Coco Grove Mining Co., Marsman Trading, Insular Drug, Cardinal Insurance, Marsman Lumber, etc.
Immediately before the war, Marsman & Co. further expanded its enterprises, by buying American Hardware and
the Food and other departments of Pacific Commercial Co. There were also many new industries and businesses
planned. Such was the condition of Marsman & Co. when the war broke out.

The offices of the Marsman enterprises were in the Marsman Building at the Port Area. It was right next to military
objectives. From the second day of the war, Manila Bay was bombed including the Port Area. A favorite target was
Pier 7, considered the longest in the world, located probably less than 100 meters from our building. Bombing
continued almost everyday until the day before the entry into Manila of the Japanese Army on January 2, 1942.
I used to go to the office regularly although I did not have to. Employees were dismissed after 11:00 a.m. as it was
noted that air raids commenced after that hour; nevertheless, I and other executives would remain in our offices
and continue working as if nothing was happening. The bombs fell around the building. It might have been a military
target as Admiral Hart, the Head of the American Asiatic Fleet, and the Navy General Staff had their headquarters
in the Marsman Building. We had somebody in the building watch for Japanese planes and sound the alarm. We
would all run down to the air raid shelters whenever he gives the signal; and when the planes were overhead, we
would all lie down, cover our ears and open our mouths. I used to sit next to Admiral Hart in the air raid shelter
located in the first story under the stairs. The building was also surrounded by layers of sandbags. Luckily, the
building was never hit. There was only one bomb that fell behind the building about five yards away. All the
windows of the building were shattered. I found several shrapnels inside my office which was on the 4th floor from
which I got a good view of the pier.

In my house, we built no shelter at all. We used to hide on the first floor on both sides of the stairs which was
located at the very center of the house. We lined the walls with sandbags and placed boards and many other things
on the second floor directly above us. No bombs fell near us but we could hear the detonation very well so that at
times, they sounded like they fell just next door to us. We save planes dive down and drop bombs on Nichols Field.

I never go out during an air raid. But I was caught in the streets twice when this occured. The first time I was luckily
in front of the Bay View Hotel, a nine story reinforced concrete building. It seemed to be a safe place. The bombs
fell in the bay near the hotel. The second time, I was in real danger. A special meeting of the Chamber of Mines
was called and generally, either Vice President Ohnick or myself attended. We had agreec that Mr. Ohnick would
attend that morning. The meeting was a special one called to discuss a very important matter concerning the
mining industry. At the last hour, Mr. Ohnick decided not to attend and I had to rush to the meeting at the Pacific
Building. This was the 27th of December, 1941. The meeting was hurriedly held and adjourned. I had sent my
chauffeur to the bank to get some money and when after the meeting my automobile was not back, I had to borrow
the automobile of the attorney of the company, Mr. Amando Velilla. I forgot to give directions to Mr. Velilla’s
chauffeur not to pass through Intramuros (the Walled City) to go to Escolta but to go on to Padre Burgos St. outside
Port Area. He drove through Intramuros, across the Malecon Drive and the air raid sirens sounded. Following
instructions, we had to leave the car and seek shelter in the Myer’s Building. I entered a small compartment which
had been converted into a very poorly built shelter. There were other people there, but they did not know me.
Bombs fell all around. I heard the sound of an airplane which seemed to be flying very low. The moment I heard the
sound I hit the floor, closed my eyes, covered my ears, and opened my mouth. Forthwith, I heard something heavy
drop; then the building shook as the bomb exploded. The building was hit and shrapnel flew all around. When I
dove, those around me laughed; they thought it was funny. I came through unscathed while many of the people
around me were hurt. It was indeed a very narrow escape, but my satisfaction was that it happened while
performing a duty for the company which had extricated me from financial difficulties. The Myer’s Building caught
fire and burned down. The experience made me very cautious.

The City of Manila had already been declared an open city; nevertheless, the Japanese planes continued dropping
bombs. To protect people residing in the nearby municipalities, like Pasay, San Juan, Caloocan, these were also
included in the open city.

It was on December 28, 1941 when Japanese planes bombed the Treasury Building and the Philippines
Herald offices located in a building on the other side of the former moat and wall around Intramuros, about opposite
the Legislative Building. We were then having caucuses of both the members of the Senate and House to agree on
the organization. When the siren sounded we ran to the shelter in the cellar. We were in the shelter until after three
o’clock without anything to eat. It was very hot and crowded inside. The Herald had just written a strong editorial
against the Japanese. It was also the time that the Church of Sto. Domingo and the Letran College were destroyed.
In connection with the advance of the Japanese and the occupation of Manila, it was in the morning of the 8th of
December that the war began. I remember the date very well as that is the feast day of my hometown, Taal,
Batangas, and we were about to leave that morning for Taal when we heard the news in the radio about the attack
on Pearl Harbor. A few minutes afterwards we heard the bombing of Baguio. At 12:30 p.m. the bombing of Clark
Field was reported and at 3 o’clock that same afternoon Nichols Field was attacked. Nichols Field was only a few
kilometers from my house at Malate so that the war was brought next door to us. As I said, although there was
bombing almost everyday I continued going to work especially since I noticed that the other executives were always
present at the office. Very few of the Filipino personnel came. We continued holding meetings of the Boards of
Directors of the Marsman companies as usual, but many times they had to be suspended to go to the shelter on
account of air raids. I remember that one of my last acts was to sign dividend checks declared by the Coco Grove,
of which I was the President. Before the coming of the Japanese we took steps to have our gold bullion taken to
Corregidor where the USAFFE was going to make its last stand. We also endeavored to send all the moneys of the
Marsman companies to the United States. I remember that our last meeting was at the University Club and we left
some of our papers there. While there, I telephoned to arrange the sending of money to the United States.

Before going to the office, I would generally inquire from General Francisco about the situation of the advancing
Japanese Army.He told me confidentially that the situation was very bad; that the Japanese were advancing very
fast. I also informed my American friends and I advised them to withdraw as much of their deposits as they could.
They refused on account of the official communique from the General Headquarters to the effect that “Enemies
repulsed; no change in front.” About the 27th of December, I told them the Japanese had already passed San
Pablo, Laguna, almost 100 kilometers away. It was then too late for the Americans to withdraw their money and
they became very angry.
Since the attack on Pearl Harbor, there was absolute blackout throughout Manila. We passed terrible nights.
Oftentimes, we heard revolver or gun shots. We understand that it was to enforce the blackout. The guards also
shot at persons moving suspiciously or signaling, or at the places where the signaling was coming from. We
actually saw many such signals, evidencing the presence of spies and fifth columnists.

The nights were dark and gloomy. I remember that we passed Christmas without the usual celebration. Some in our
neighborhood tried to sing the Christmas carols, but they seemed in our ears like songs sang in necrological
services. The thieves were also active. I remember that while we were downstairs on account of the air raids, a thief
entered the second floor of our house. We heard the bathroom window creaking and we immediately ran upstairs
and turned on the light in the room next to the bathroom. We found the door of the bathroom closed and we
suspected the thief was still inside. In the meanwhile, the air raid wardens with an American Army officer were
yelling from the street ordering us to put the light out, otherwise they would shoot. I quickly ran down to explain to
the officer that there was a thief inside the bathroom. The officer went upstairs. Standing behind the closed
bathroom door, he yelled to the thief to come out. He then broke in the door with his revolver. He found nobody:
evidently, the thief had jumped out the window. There were practically no people going around at night. The
cinematograph were open, but we never went.
In the day time, there were many people in the streets. During air raids, the air raid wardens were kept very busy.
These are paid employees and they were very strict in the performance of their duties. The warden in front of our
house, a man by the name of Emilio, was especially efficient. We noticed that the white people were reluctant to
obey him. I remember an incident which I witnessed. The warden ordered a white couple to stop because there was
an air raid; but they continued on their way. The warden ran after them to stop them. An American officer happened
to be around and he drew his revolver and threatened to shoot the warden if he insisted. The warden, fearing for his
life, let the couple go. When the officer drew his revolver, I immediately ran to my house to get my revolver. My
intention was to shoot the officer if he shot at the warden since the latter was merely performing his official duty.

People were very careful about letting in anybody into their houses, even those caught in the streets during an air
raid. Doors were always kept closed and locked. The reason for this was that there had been cases where bad
elements took advantage of air raids to rob the houses.

On or about December 28, 1941, Pres. Quezon, Vice Pres. Osmeña with Secretary Santos, Col. Roxas and Gen.
Valdes fled to Corregidor. For several days before and after their departure, there was a heavy movement of
American and Filipino troops fleeing Manila as it had been declared an open city. They went north to Bataan where
they were to make their last stand. It was about this time when I received an order from the U.S. Navy to turn over
the Marsman yacht anchored in front of the Yacht Club to the Navy, and another order from the Army to blow up all
our dynamite cache in Camarines Norte, and all our oil. We had just received a consignment of over 4000 cases of
dynamite and in preparation for the war our two oil tanks, one of which was the biggest in the Philippines, were
filled up.

On that same day, my son Tony who had finished training in the Cavalry Camp at Parañaque, and who was a
Sergeant-Major in the Philippine Army Reserve received an order to join his regiment. He had been waiting for it; all
his other classmates had received theirs. He prepared to comply with the order. I noticed that he was very, very
anxious to do so. He envied his classmates, especially Apostol who only the day before left without him when his
order did not come. Apostol never came back. Tony’s instructions were to report to the military headquarters in
Pampanga. But when he arrived at the train station, the last train for the North had left and so had the last police
bus that took reservists to their destination. Upon Tony’s insistence, I went to Malacañan to inquire and there I met
Maj. Gen. Guillermo Francisco. I inquired from him as to how Tony could report for duty. He answered that the
orders given to Tony and others which were issued on about December 9, 1941 had already been cancelled.

Before the Japanese entered Manila, I as a Senator-elect and as such a high government official, discussed with
Speaker Yulo, Mr. Vargas and other officials what we should do. Should we hide from or present ourselves to the
Japanese military authorities? After due discussion, and following instructions allegedly given by Pres. Quezon, we
decided to stay. However, I expected that we would immediately be called by the Japanese and as I did not want to
be one of the first to be called, and as I wished to know first what the Japanese would do to the Filipino officials, I
decided to go into hiding. I went to New Manila and hid in the house of Doña Narcisa de Leon on Broadway
Avenue. I changed my name and everybody was instructed to call me by that name and not divulge my identity. I
went there in the afternoon of the 29th of December. I was very well treated Mrs. de Leon who is our “comadre” and
in fact by the whole family. They certainly took good care of me. Rizal Day, December 30, passed and for the first
time since that day was made an official holiday, there was no celebration. The Japanese were expected to arrive
and enter Manila on December 31, but they did not come.
For the first time, I was not with my family when the New Year was ushered in. Like Christmas, there was no
celebration of any kind. The usual fanfare and family reunions were conspicuously absent. There was a lot of
speculation as to when the Japanese would enter Manila and what they were going to do.

By the second of January, 1942, when the Japanese had not shown up, we learned that the Japanese contingent
coming from the North was somewhat delayed and that coming from the South was waiting. I called up Mr. Ohnick
and told him I was hiding and asked his advice as to whether I should stay in hiding. He answered that I better just
stay home. So in the afternoon, I went home. I left my revolver in Broadway as I was afraid that if I were to
encounter the Japanese I would be searched, and if found with a revolver, I would be shot. It was a memorable
short ride home. At any time, I was expecting to meet the Japanese and I wondered what I would do. I passed
through España St., Quezon Avenue, Quezon Bridge, Arroceros St., Plaza Lawton, Taft Avenue and San Andres
St. I met no Japanese, but I saw spectacles which gave me a glimpse of the moral fiber of the Filipinos. It
foreshadowed what was to come later -the shameful conduct of many of our countrymen of robbery consisting in
illegal confiscation of goods, soulless profiteering on goods, including foodstuff, and rampant bribery of the police
and other agents of the law who were charged with the prevention of illegal traffic of commodities and sale at prices
in excess of those fixed by law. I saw big crowds all along the streets and at first I did not know what it was all
about. On España St. I met people carrying all kinds of commodities, clothing, canned goods, etc. On Rizal Avenue,
I saw persons forcing open the Chinese stores and carrying out everything, including furniture. It was rampant
looting. People rushed into the stores like mad dogs. I reached the other side of Quezon Bridge and there I saw a
big crowd snatching everything they could get from the old Ice Plant. I could see them carrying frozen meat and
fish.

On Lawton Square, on Taft Avenue, San Andres St., I saw the same thing. Some people used automobiles,
“calesas” and “carretelas” to haul their loot. Many of them sold their wares right there on the street for very low
prices; one could buy everything: clothing, foodstuff, furniture. I learned later that the goods came from the Port
Area. Some bodegas were opened to the public. Other bodegas, however, were forced open. This was not to be
regretted after all as the goods would have fallen into the hands of the Japanese. My chauffeur insisted in going to
the Port Area with our automobiles. I refused to allow him to go. I prohibited all the members of my family and all
those who worked for me to take any part in the looting or even to buy the looted goods. I consider it dishonest to
acquire them. In fact, there was looting all over Manila. Right in front of my house they forced a Chinese store open
and stole everything inside. The policemen who witnessed this looting were powerless. Some of the policemen
were even seen to take part in the looting. It was a shame.

I forgot to mention that during the bombing, every time there was an air raid alarm, American soldiers were
stationed in various parts of Manila to watch for parachutists. Five American soldiers were stationed just outside my
house. Whenever they came, we offered them coffee.

It was in the afternoon of the 2nd of January between 5 and 6 o’clock p.m. when the Japanese entered the city.
They marched down various streets, two of which were Taft Avenue and Mabini St. From Taft Avenue we could
hear yells of “Banzai.” Those passing Mabini rode in trucks. We could see them very well from our house. For a
victorious army, it was surprising that there was no show of pride.

The next day, the people went out expecting excellent treatment as many of them sincerely believed that the
Japanese would treat us as equals and brothers. That same day we were awakened to the reality that the
Japanese were not as we expected. That very first day, there were incidents due to the fact that the Filipinos were
being compelled to salute the Japanese sentries. Everybody was searched for arms, which was to be expected. But
the Japanese civilians were very abusive. Sometimes, although the Japanese soldier had already searched the
man and found nothing, the Japanese civilian who acted as interpreter would get his watch or other things. All
automobiles were confiscated without ceremony. Even civilians confiscated automobiles. I was just about to leave
my house in my automobiles when my friend, Mr. Schultz, stopped me to tell me the Japanese were confiscating
automobiles and his automobile had just been taken. So I went walking along the boulevard to go to the Marsman
building at the Port Area. However, at the Luneta, I was stopped by a Japanese sentry. Evidently, entry into the
Port Area had been prohibited.

On January 4th, an automobile with Japanese Navy officers stopped at our house. My family was scared. The
civilian interpreter told me to get dressed and go with them. I was taken to the Marsman Building. I was made to
wait at the anteroom of what used to be Mr. Jan Marsman’s office on the fourth floor. After about half an hour, I was
ushered in. I saw a uniformed man who turned out to be the General and Chief of Staff of the Japanese Army in the
Philippines. The General asked me many questions. He asked where Mr. Marsman was and whether the company
was really owned by Britishers and Americans. He also told me he knew that Admiral Hart, the head of the
American Navy in the Philippines had quarters in the building. He then asked where the telephone or secret
communication to Corregidor was located in the building. Then the Japanese asked me for the keys to all the
Marsman buildings and warehouses. I told them that I was Vice President of the Marsman Building Corporation and
as such I was quite familiar with the plans of the building, and that I was not aware of any telephone communication
with Corregidor. We went back to the Marsman Building where they took me all around the building to search for
the communications equipment, but we did not find any. They thanked me and I prepared to leave. But before doing
so I asked that I be allowed to go into my office to get a few things. They asked me for specifications and I
especially mentioned the English Dictionary. My intention was that if I were allowed to get the dictionary I would
then ask for other things. I had many valuable things in my office, such as important documents, parts of my diary,
my collection of rare stamps, my photographs with Pres. Quezon and Mrs. Marsman, and other personal
belongings. A Navy Captain escorted me to my office. But at the door, he stopped me and went inside. When he
came out, he told me they would look for my things and deliver them to me at my house. On the way out of the
building, I was looking all around, especially at the safes in which the companies had at least P60,000.

The next day the Japanese came for me again. We went to the Marsman bodegas near the North bank of the Pasig
River. I do not know why they brought me there as I was not allowed to go inside the bodegas. I saw various trucks
parked in front of the bodegas. The caretaker told me that trucks had been coming frequently and that the
Japanese loaded them to the limit with things taken from the bodegas.

The next morning after the entry of the Japanese, I went to the Admiral Apartments on Dewey Boulevard. Mr. and
Mrs. Benjamin Ohnick were expecting to be arrested by the Japanese at any time and that same morning at about
noon, somebody had telephoned me that Mr. and Mrs. Ohnick were leaving with Japanese officers. When I arrived
at the Admiral Apartments, they were gone. I just missed them by a few minutes. I saw their automobile being taken
by the Japanese. I tried to stop the soldiers but they did not pay any attention to me. I lingered around the hotel. I
met and talked with ex-Representative Pedro Sabido and Dr. Salvador Araneta. I found that Mr. Sabido decidedly in
favor of a close relationship with Japan and membership to the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. This is the
reason why in the sub-committee on Economic Planning of the Preparatory Committee for Philippine
Independence, I made him Chairman of the Committee on the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. Araneta,
on the other hand, was decidedly against any relationship with the Japanese. It should be remembered that he was
one of the most active for permanent political relationship with the United States.

The only high officials of the Marsman enterprises who regularly attended the Board meetings after the Japanese
came were Mr. Welhaven, Mr. Ottiger, Mr. Velilla and myself. Von Ahren called a few times. Mr. Ohnick attended
once at the San Luis office he was out of the the concentration camp for a few hours. The Japanese came once to
inquire what we were doing. We announced that we were discussing our affairs. They asked whether we were
licensed. We explained that we were not operating. There was an understanding in the company that we were to
take care of the interests of the Marsman enterprises during this period. We held many meetings in my house on
Calle San Andres where we discussed various affairs of the companies to do all we could to protect them. We
decided to prepare an inventory of all the stock we had for such claims as we may later wish to make. Very little
could be done as regards these two matters as it was most difficult to deal with the Japanese and they would not
allow us to have access to the premises of the Marsman buildings and bodegas. I was to continue with any work
that could be done for the companies as Messrs. Welhaven and Ottiger are whites and the Japanese are
prejudiced against whites. Furthermore, Mr. Welhaven was a semi-belligerent as he was from Norway, the refugee
government which had declared war against Germany and Japan.

I did my best to get Mr. and Mrs. Ohnick released from the concentration camp in Sto. Tomas University. I used to
send a few things to them and to other Marsman men at the camp. I generally went with Mr. Velilla and Mr. Ottiger.
I shall never forget those visits. Those Japanese guards were very hard to deal with. I carried a pass from Colonel
Watanabe. We had to go through all kinds of difficulties to get in. My papers were scrutinized. We were usually
made to wait at the gate for a long time. There we saw many Filipinos slapped and treated like dogs. We feared
that our turn would come. Many times we could talk only in the presence of the Japanese. I often went to see the
Superintendent since it was easier to talk to him to ask him to be allowed to talk to internees without any guard
present. When leaving I generally would loiter around the grounds to talk to different people. I knew I was exposing
myself to danger in doing so. One of the internees, Mr. Kelly, a high official of Marsman Company who was one of
my best friends in the organization, was suffering from something which required him to go to Dr. Gonzales on
Legarda St. Every time he went, he called me up. I always took him back to Sto. Tomas in my automobile where we
would have a good chat along the way.

I continued my efforts to get Mr. and Mrs. Ohnick out of the concentration camp. Mrs. Ohnick was released
because she was sick most of the time. Mr. Ohnick was able to get permission once in a while to be out of the
camp for a few hours. I went to talk to the Superintendent about Mr. Ohnick. I told him that I would like to have Mr.
Ohnick released in view of the fact that his wife was sick. I explained to him my relationship with Mr. & Mrs. Ohnick.
I said that Mr. Ohnick was the Vice President of Marsman & Company, and that I was a member of the Board of
Directors. Mr. Ohnick, when interviewed by the Superintendent, mentioned that his father was a pure blooded
Japanese. I knew this, and I also knew that his father’s name was Oniki, but I never mentioned it. The
Superintendent decided to release Mr. Ohnick to me. Of course I had to guarantee his good conduct. Mr. & Mrs.
Ohnick moved to a house near the Rizal Memorial Stadium where I visited them quite frequently. Mrs. Ohnick was
in very poor health.

Mr. & Mrs. Francisco were also released as Mrs. Francisco was very sick. They occupied a house in New Manila
where I visited them. I noticed that their house was being watched by the Japanese police. I pitied them very much
as they complained that they could not get some essential things like laundry soap. Mr. Francisco attended a few of
the meetings of Marsman & Co.

Mr. Ohnick was present in various meetings in my house and in a meeting at the Marsman store and shop at San
Luis St., almost directly in front of the Agricultural Building. At one time. some Japanese came and asked whether
we had license to operate the store. We answered that we had not opened the store and that we were merely
having an informal meeting. This store was later seized by the Japanese. In these meetings attended by Mr. Ohnick
the main question discussed was whether or not we should continue the business. The consensus of opinion
among us was that we should suspend operations of the company. However, upon my suggestion, we filed a
petition to operate. My reason was that if we did not apply for a license to operate, they might take this as an
admission that it was an enemy company. We were contending that it was not enemy property inasmuch as the
majority stockholders were Mr. and Mrs. Marsman who were naturalized Filipinos. I forgot to state that Mr.
Francisco, another high official of Marsman, was also present in some of those meetings. The Japanese never took
action on our petition, and in the meanwhile they continued taking everything in the store until nothing was left.

It was agreed that I was to take charge of protecting the properties and interests of Marsman enterprises and that I
was to act on matters that may come involving the enterprises. I was also to study future plans for the activities of
the company during the Japanese regime if we ever decide to reopen.

Upon the request of my friends in the concentration camp, I suspended sending food or even visiting them. I
noticed that I was being watched very closely. I remember one incident. We had a party in the house of Mr. and
Mrs. Ohnick. All of them, with the exception of myself and Velilla, were Americans, Englishmen, Norwegians and
Swiss. It was to celebrate the birthday of Mr. Ohnick and I went there with that understanding. The next day there
was a full report about the party by the Military Police. The report stated that it was to celebrate the birthday of Mr.
Marsman. It turned out that it was the birthday of Mr. Marsman and that the party was intended for him also, but I
did not know this.

Because of my close relations with the Americans, the Japanese became suspicious of me. They complained to
Malacañan. Knowing that drastic action would be taken against me, I desisted from visiting and sending food to the
camp. My friends well understood my situation.

The Japanese Army entered Manila on the 2nd of January, 1942. Before their entry, the government made all the
necessary preparations. Vargas, the Secretary to the President, which position made him a ranking member of the
Cabinet, was at the same time appointed by Pres. Quezon as Mayor of Manila. He was the one charged with the
painful duty of surrendering Manila. This was called Greater Manila as the municipalities around Manila –Pasay,
Parañaque, San Pedro Makati, San Juan, and Caloocan– were incorporated into Greater Manila. Quezon City was
also made a part of it. The purpose in creating a Greater Manila was so the whole area comprising those cities and
municipalities could be included in the declaration of open city. Vargas and Laurel, got in touch with Katsumi Nihro,
then Japanese Consul General in Manila. In the meanwhile, all the policemen were disarmed to prevent any
incident which might result in combat with the Japanese. They were merely provided with walking sticks. Big
streamers were placed along Taft Avenue and P. Burgos St. by the City Hall, warning the Filipinos to keep the
peace. Vargas surrendered the city without any incident. He was told by the Japanese to continue as Mayor. He as
well as Laurel were approached by the Japanese about forming a Central Government. Kihara, former Japanese
Vice-Consul in Manila, took part in the negotiations. General Hayashi, an old friend of Laurel, called him also about
forming a government. Aquino and Recto were approached by their friend, Kanegae. Later, Mori talked with
Paredes on the subject.

Laurel was the Secretary of Justice and Acting Chief Justice; Aquino was a member of the Cabinet before the last
reorganization of the Cabinet by Pres. Quezon and was slated to be the Speaker of the next House of
Representatives; Paredes, Floor Leader and Speaker-elect; Recto, Senator-elect. Aquino, Paredes and Recto
talked to Yulo who was then Speaker of the House and slated to be the President of the Senate. Yulo decided to
consult Chief Justice Avanceña, the grand old man of the Philippines, whose views are always sound and whose
patriotism had already been tested. He then called the other members of the Cabinet before the last reorganization
to a meeting –Teofilo Sison, Rafael Alunan, Jose Fabella, Serafin Marabut, Jorge Bocobo. Fabella could not attend
as he was sick. Later, they called all the Senators in Manila. These were Ramon Fernandez, Vicente Madrigal,
Melecio Arranz, Eulogio Rodriguez, Elpidio Quirino, Arnaiz and myself.

The House of Representatives in a caucus designated the following to attend the meetings: Jose Zulueta, Eugenio
Perez, Jose Veloso, Tomas Oppus, Prospero Sanidad, Alfonso Mendoza. Finally, prominent people were called
and those included Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo, President of the first Philippine Republic; Ramon Avanceña, former
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court; Miguel Unson, a businessman and civic leader; Alejandro Roces, another
statesman, owner and publisher of the influential newspapers. Juan Sumulong, the president of the Democrata
Party was included in the list. When he was approached by Secretary Bocobo, he answered that he would consult
his men. He died before he could do this. There are others whose names I could not remember just now.

Many meetings were held in the covered glorietta by the swimming pool on the left side of the palatial house of
Speaker Yulo. It was an ideal place for secret meetings. Almost all expressed their opinion very freely. Each had
the courage to make his conviction known. The discussion was very thorough. Everybody was aware of the gravity
of the situation and the momentous decision we necessarily had to make. Some were in favor of the establishment
of some form of government; others were not. We were, however, agreed on one point. Under no circumstances
would we accept any arrangement unless our independence was guaranteed. We made it very clear that we would
not give up the freedom for which our forefathers had lavishly shed their blood.

Evidently, the Japanese negotiators transmitted this to Tokyo as Premier Tojo, on the 21st of January, in a speech
before the Diet, promised independence for the Philippines if conditions of peace so warrant and if the Filipinos
understood and cooperated with the aims and purposes of Japan, such s the establishment of the Greater East
Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere.

After due deliberation, we decided not to form a government, but to have an organization which would merely
cooperate with the Japanese civil administration in the Philippines. The Japanese, therefore, established their own
civil administration in the Philippines which had all the departments and all the attributes of a government. On the
other hand, the Filipinos organized a Commission with the Chairman as its chief executive.

As it turned out, the work of the Commission was of an auxiliary nature only. It could only decide routine or
unimportant matters; all important matters, such as legislation and decision on policies had to be submitted to the
Japanese Administration for approval.

Why did we accept such an arrangement? The following were our main reasons:
(1) To be assured of our independence whatever the result of the war might be.

(2) To be in a position to help the people. We knew the record of cruelty and brutality of the Japanese in China as
many films had been shown in Manila depicting the atrocities of the Japanese. In our own country, slapping,
unjustified arrests, illegal confiscation of private properties, and many other forms of abuses, had already become a
common everyday happening. What could we do? We, who had repeatedly received the confidence of our people,
could not forsake them precisely at a time when they had great need of us. Our personal interest should be of no
account; no sacrifice is too great if dedicated to the cause of the people. We accepted, not necessarily because we
were sure we could do much for our people, but in order to place ourselves in a position to help. Whether we
succeeded or not only history will judge. Passion now runs high that even the most obvious might be overlooked.

(3) But our principal reason was that if we did not accept, the administration would fall into the hands of men like
Artemio Ricarte, or an irresponsible person like Benigno Ramos. We are not sure that Ricarte is not a patriot. His
record as a revolutionary figure points to his greatness and patriotism. But he was already over 75 years old.
Somebody would have to govern for him, and history tells us that a government directed by another man behind the
scene is dangerous as it generates the most iniquitous acts or acts of oppression by the government. His conduct
in connecting himself with the Makapili has proven that our fear was well founded. Furthermore, Ricarte lived in
Japan and was pro-Japanese and there was no one in our meeting that welcomed Japanese influence in the
Philippines. Why did we think Ricarte might be head of the government? Because he came with the Japanese
Expeditionary Forces and from the very beginning he was proclaiming that he was in favor of a dictatorship.

If not Ricarte, we were sure that the head of the government would have been Benigno Ramos, the head of the
Makapili. He is so well known that it seems unecessary to describe him. Suffice it to say that he was an ambitious
man and a degenerate. The only thing he thinks of is how to exploit other people. The many cases of “estafa” were
the best proof of this assertion. He is a man without moral principles. He would not hesitate to kill to attain his
purpose. The number of people killed by the Sakdals and the Makapilis is proof of this. In a government under
Ramos, the people would be driven to start a revolution for they would not tolerate such indiscriminate
killings, Many of Ramos’ men –Sakdals– were killed by their own countrymen; in fact they had to concentrate
themselves in places under the protective wings of the Japanese. The Filipino would have been the victim as
Ramos would have been aided by the Japanese Army.

A government under Ricarte or Ramos would be used by the Japanese to commit cruelties and murders of the
Filipinos.

(4) The last reason, which is no less important than the previous ones, is that we felt we were merely complying
with the instructions of Pres. Quezon. These instructions are stated somewhere above. Whether we have complied
faithfully or exceeded our authority, only history will decide. It should be remembered that the instructions contain
no detail and all we could say for the present is that all our acts were done in good faith. If at times we apparently
had exceeded our authority, it was exclusively for the purpose of avoiding a cataclysm, a great misfortune. In those
instructions, Pres. Quezon foresaw the danger in leaving a government open to men like Ricarte or Ramos.

But I should reiterate that the Commission organized was not a real government. All its acts were merely delegated
or had to be approved by the Japanese civil administration. We had hundreds of cases where we tried to do
something or to do it in a different way, but the Japanese just did things or had them done in accordance with their
 whims and desires. The Office of the Director-General in the Japanese Administration was really the head of the
government. It was occupied by Gen. Hayashi, and leter by Gen. Wachi.

When it was certain that a Commission was to be organized, somehow it got into my head that I may be appointed
to the Commission. I wanted to avoid it by all means. As Vargas was the one dealing with the Japanese, I sked him
not to have my name considered at all. Upon my insistence, he promised. He even showed me the proposed list
wherein Yulo was suggested for Commissioner of Finance. When the list came out my name appeared. I became,
to use a vulgar expression, groggy. My wife cried as she knew what that meant. She feared we would be in
constant danger; she really hated public service as during my 29 years of service I got nothing but disappointments.
I immediately went to Vargas to see whether I could decline. Vargas answered emphatically that I could not, unless
I wanted to endanger my life. I consulted Mr. Ohnick. He understood the situation. He advised me to accept it, but
to resign after three months. I consulted Vargas again and he said that he was aware of my situation, that he would
help me get out after three months. I therefore asked for a three-month leave from Marsman & Co., which was
granted. Such is the story of my acceptance.

After three months, I asked Mr. Vargas to allow me to resign. He said that it was not yet time. I asked and obtained
another month’s leave of absence from Marsman & Co. At the end of the month, Mr. Vargas asked me to stay. He
told me that it was for my own safety as he was sure the Japanese would consider my resignation a hostile act.

Mr. & Mrs. Ohnick were taken to Sto. Tomas again when the Japanese, for reasons I do not know, recalled all
former internees, including the old and sick, to the Sto. Tomas concentration camp.

COMMENTS (2)

June 18, 1945 Monday

JUN 18, 4511:54 AM
Discussions have been raging as to whether the policies and acts of America in the Philippines at the present time
are correct. The almost unanimous opinion is that America is committing a blunder in the Philippines and,
consequently, alienating a good portion of the Filipinos. They say the acts of the Americans in the Philippines after
the reconquest, especially concerning the alleged “collaborationists” are uncalled for and unjustified.

The reason it out this way. America came to the Philippines under the most suspicious circumstances. She fought
Spain to save the Cubans from the atrocities of Spain. As an incident of that war, Dewey entered Manila Bay,
destroyed the Spanish fleet, and later with the American Army, set foot on Philippine soil. It is said that Dewey
promised Aguinaldo that America would respect the independence of the Philippines which the Filipinos had won
from Spain. Because of that promise the Filipinos helped the Americans. Later, when the Spaniards left, the
Americans refused to leave the Philippine soil. Fighting between the Americans and the Filipinos began. As was to
be expected we Filipinos were vanquished, America decided to occupy the Philippines.

The Filipinos were heartened when President McKinley announced America’s policy in the Philippines. He said that
the Philippines would be prepared for self-government. America had been true to that policy. Little by little we were
granted government powers. Filipinos were called to run the provincial and municipal governments. An elective
assembly was created which, with the Philippine Commission, exercised the legislative powers. Later, the Senate
was created. The Legislature, composed of the Senate and the House of Representatives, was created and to it
was granted all legislative powers. This was in accordance with the Jones Law approved in 1916. Almost all the
government positions were given to Filipinos. Naturally, we were all very grateful to America. In the same law there
was a definite promise that independence would be granted upon the establishment of a stable government.

Some discontent arose when later independence did not come notwithstanding the promise contained in the Jones
Law. However, the law had not been definite and clear as to when independence would be granted. All doubts were
cleared up when in 1935, the Independence Law—Tydings-McDuffie Act—was approved. It provided for
independence after ten years. This ten year period was thought to be necessary for economic readjustment since
Philippine export trade was almost wholly with America. Notwithstanding our opposition, it established free trade
and other economic policies that intertwined the Philippine economic system to that of the United States. In
accordance with the Tydings-McDuffie Act, the Commonwealth of the Philippines was organized, to cover the 10
year period of readjustment. As the economic provisions of the Tydings-McDuffie Act intended to facilitate the
readjustment were not satisfactory, we sent Missions to the United States to work for the necessary modification. I
was a member of one of those Missions. We met very little success in this connection. When the war broke out in
1941, we had covered over one-half of the readjustment period.

Needless to say, the Filipinos were filled with gratitude towards the United States. The Americans could have
enslaved us, but they preferred to treat us as free people. They could have exploited our country, reserving for
themselves the abundant resources of the country, but they preferred to leave them for us to enjoy. They could
have imposed terms which would reserve for them certain rights or which would grant them preferential
advantages. Instead, however, they would allow us to have absolute freedom in our future relationship with
America. America meant to give us the kind of independence we had worked for. The readjustment period will
expire in 1946, so that in that year we shall have our independence.

How can we now work against the interest of America under these circumstances? It is unthinkable. The Japanese
did not do anything in the Philippines, something they should have done, to get the sympathy and support of the
Filipino people.

Before her occupation by the Japanese, there was a good portion of Filipinos in sympathy with Japan. This was
because of race and geographical considerations. They sincerely believed that the destiny of our country was with
Japan and that we will have to be a member of a League of Nations composed of the Far Eastern countries. In view
of the announced policy of Japan of not considering us as enemies and of recognizing our independence very
soon, naturally the Filipinos expected to be treated as equals.

But from the very beginning, the Japanese conducted themselves in such a fashion that they alienated the Filipinos.
One of the acts was to require the Filipinos to bow to the Japanese sentries. Bowing is a practice in Japan which is
good and can very well be obeyed. But the Filipinos were not accustomed to such a practice; they thought they
were being made to salute the Japanese, to acknowledge them as superior and master of the Filipinos. This the
Filipinos could not accept, as a consequence, many failed to salute and were immediately punished. The worst part
of it was that, on occasions when the Filipinos obeyed, the Japanese sentries insisted in having the bow executed
properly, although the correct form had never been communicated to the Filipinos. The usual punishment for not
saluting is slapping. High government officials and prominent people did not escape punishment. Slapping, perhaps
caused more people to hold themselves aloof from or even to hate the Japanese than any other act of the
Japanese.
Those incidents showed that the Japanese did not respect our customs, did not know the psychology of the Filipino
people. Even soldiers not on sentry duty and Japanese civilians indulged in this pastime. The ranking Japanese
officers saw the effects of slapping and other abuses being committed by the Japanese soldiers and civilians and
they endeavored to stop them, but they met with very little success. General Tanaka himself toured the whole
country for the purpose, and it was in that trip that he contracted the sickness which kept him in bed for many
months.

The Japanese civilians had a pretty good share in the commission of abuses. Their hands were into almost
everything. They commandeered automobiles. They compelled house owners to rent their buildings or houses to
them or to their Filipino friends at very low rents. They took over almost all Filipino businesses. In Batangas, one
Japanese tried to acquire all the “batels” (sail boats) to have a monopoly of the water transportation business. At
that time, Batangas ports were being extensively used for shipping to the Southern Islands on the “batels”. The
Batangueños were so angry that, to show their oppositions to this form of robbery, it is said that a Japanese was
tied to the mast of one of the “batels” and burned alive. Filipinos who refused to sell their business would be
threatened; if this fails to scare them, the Japanese would get the business by force. They compelled the sale of the
T.V.T. newspapers to them. If the intention was just to control the press they could have done so without compelling
the sale to them. The Japanese civilians alleged that they had been appointed agents of the Japanese Army or
Navy to take over businesses to bolster the war efforts. Some businesses are really necessary for war purposes,
but it would take a wide stretch of the imagination to consider other businesses in connection with the war efforts.

This monopolization of Filipino business caused the Filipinos to doubt the much vaunted purposes of creating the
“Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere.” They say it is not “co-prosperity” but “prosperity ko.” “Ko” is the Tagalog
word for my or mine. It was obvious that even if political independence were granted, the Japanese meant to make
slaves of us, economically speaking.

I did my best to curtail this activity of the Japanese. I did it under the guise of inflation prevention. I knew the
Japanese businessmen were being lavishly financed by the Japanese banks (for they did not bring any capital from
the outside) and I alleged that it was increasing circulation and consequently causing inflation. I was not very
successful. Gen. Utsonomiya with whom I had various conferences seemed to be unwilling or unable to help. Only
in very few cases was I able to succeed. Some of the businesses I remember having intervened in is the Puyat
Furniture Co., and the Philippine Refining Co. which had the monopoly of sugar refinery in the Philippines. The only
Filipino businesses that thrived during the Japanese regime were the “buy and sell” business and the real estate
business. In the “buy and sell” business, only those who sold war materials to the Japanese Army and Navy got
rich. As to the real estate business its boom was caused by the apparently high values of real estate (I say
“apparently” because the fact was that the low value of the Japanese military notes, made the prices seem high).

Returning to the matter of the maltreatment of Filipinos at Japanese hands, the cruelty displayed was to say the
least horrifying. Many Filipinos were subjected to severe beatings and other forms of corporal punishment. Many
were killed. One of those subjected to torture was Dr. Antonio Sison, Director of the Philippine General Hospital,
Dean of the College of Medicine and Surgery, and President of the University of the Philippines. Dr. Sison was very
strict in the performance of his duties as Director of Philippine General Hospital. He treated everybody equally;
gave no special privileges in the hospital no matter how rich and influential the patient may be. Unfortunately, some
Filipinos resented this. One of those harboring a grudge against Dr. Sison denounced him to the Japanese military
authorities as being the Chief Surgeon of the U.S. Army in the Philippines. The accusation of course turned out to
be false. He was arrested, tied to a post blindfolded for more than ten days with practically no food. He was almost
dead when released because of the intervention of Pres. Laurel and his brother, Minister Teofilo Sison of the
Interior. In this connection, I should state that at the start of the war, Dr. Sison was a great admirer of the Germans
and Japanese. He was one of the assiduous students learning Nippongo. His admiration for the Japanese did not
last long, soon replaced by a feeling bordering on hate. He dropped the study of Nippongo.

In Batangas, at the beginning the majority of the inhabitants were very friendly towards the Japanese. But the
appointment of a Captain Sakai as Chief of the Military Police (Kempetai) soon changed this. Many were arrested,
interrogated, slapped and tortured. At one time, Capt. Sakai made a list of prominent people in Batangas and
required them all to surrender their revolvers. Many complied; those who did not were punished. I remember my
cousin, Luis Atienza of the barrio of Sambat, Taal, in this connection. He received one of those letters. He
consulted me as to what he should do. He said that his friends advised him to buy a revolver and surrender it. I
answered: “You should not consult me. You ought to know me well enough by this time. Since you say that you
have no revolver, do not acquire one. Don’t allow your dignity to be trampled on, accept any punishment that may
be meted out to you. It is not dishonorable to receive punishment when you stand up to what is right.” I later
regretted that I gave such an advice as I was thereby assuming too much responsibility. Sakai had done much to
propagate anti-Japanese feeling in Batangas. This is the reason why guerrillas multiplied in Batangas.

We naturally protested vehemently against such brutal treatment of the Filipinos. I went to see Gen. Utsonomiya
many times to request the removal of Capt. Sakai from office. After a long delay, he was finally transferred to
Laguna. I heard that in his new post he changed, became very friendly to all the Filipinos especially the
“guerrilleros.” He was able to make many “guerrilleros” surrender. He used to go to the mountains alone. In one of
those trips he was murdered. The story was that he agreed to meet an important leader of the “guerrilleros” who
wanted to negotiate. The followers of the guerrilla leader discovered the plan and, in order to foil the surrender,
murdered Sakai.

Another practice so much resented by the Filipinos was “zoning”. A barrio or town is surrounded; all the inhabitants
are ordered to proceed to a small place, usually a school house or a church. There they are kept without food and
any sanitation facilities. The men are ordered to line up. A Filipino who is hooded walks down the line, pointing out
those he believed to be guerrillas or enemies of the Japanese. The accused are forthwith arrested and punished. In
many cases, they are never seen again. I have witnessed “zoning” in my youth; the Americans under General Bell,
practiced it in Batangas in 1901.

We in government did all we could to save the lives of Filipinos and to free them from imprisonment or detention by
the Japanese. Hon. Jose Abad Santos was the Secretary of Justice and former Justice of the Supreme Court who,
according to reliable information, was the one to whom President Quezon left all affairs of government when he
departed for the United States. When we heard that he was being held by the Japanese in Cebu, we talked to
General Wachi, Director General of the Japanese Military Administration, and other generals and asked them most
insistently to free Mr. Abad Santos. We explained that he was an Orientalist. We also talked to Col. Kawakami who
was the Commander of the Army and in whose hands was placed the fate of Mr. Abad Santos. We were told that
our intervention came too late as Mr. Abad Santos had already been executed. Kawakami was extremely cruel to
the Filipinos. He was reported to be mentally deranged.
When we heard that Gen. Manuel Roxas was being held by the Japanese in Mindanao, we also took the necessary
steps to free him. We were also told that he had already been executed. It appeared that Roxas had really been
sentenced to death, but the Colonel in charge refused to carry out the sentence. We later discovered that Gen.
Roxas had been brought to Manila. We do not know whether our intervention had any influence at all in Gen.
Roxas’ case.

We also intervened in behalf of many other Filipinos. I was always one of those who intervened.

One day my friend, Representative Feliciano Gomez, came to see me to ask me for help for the Mayor of his town
as he was being sought by the Japanese. The Mayor, Mr. Alinsod, was accused of being the head of the guerrillas
in the town. He assured me that he was not a guerrilla. I talked to General Kawazoe, Chief of Staff of the Army in
Central Luzon, who promised to investigate. After a few days, the General came to me, bringing with him papers
which proved that the Mayor was really the head of the guerrillas in Sta. Rosa and that he provided guns and food
to the guerrillas. I called Mr. Alinsod and asked him to tell me the whole truth. The Mayor confessed. I saw Gen.
Kawazoe again, told him the truth, but I strongly urged that the Mayor be given another chance and I would be
willing to guarantee his future good conduct. The Mayor was not arrested. He later joined his companions in the
mountains and continued his guerrilla activities until the landing of the Americans in Leyte.

Another case was that of Mr. Calingasan, Mayor of Tuy, Batangas. Calingasan had been one of my best leaders
when I ran several times for Representative. I remember that in one of our political meetings in Tuy, a fight ensued.
Calingasan drew his dagger and challenged the rioters. The disturbance stopped. Calingasan was arrested by the
Japanese, charged with being a guerrillero and with having furnished food to American guerrillas. His family came
to me to solicit my good offices. I talked to Gen. Kawazoe. The General showed me the papers of the Mayor,
among which was an affidavit admitting his guilt. I insisted that the Mayor be released, promising good conduct on
his part in the future. The general acceded and Mr. Calingasan was delivered to me in my house. He had various
scars on his body as he was tortured during his imprisonment in Nasugbu.

I intervened in various cases of guerrilleros caught by the Japanese. I succeeded in very few cases. One of the
patriots I tried to save was Mrs. Antonio Escoda, wife of the newspaperman whose underground activities were
well-known and who was captured and put to death by the Japanese. Because of the capture of her husband, she
sensed that she would be arrested too. I employed her in my department to show the Japanese that she was
cooperating with the administration. All my efforts were in vain because she was arrested and executed.

Another person I tried to help was Gen. Vicente Lim. I was making arrangements to employ Gen. Lim in my
department to camouflage his underground activities when he disappeared. I heard later that he tried to escape to
Australia and was captured. He was executed.

Many persons representing themselves to be guerrillas came to my house to request for monetary aid. I was very
careful in dealing with them because the Japanese Military Police had employed spies to catch Filipino officials who
were in contact or cooperating with the guerrillas. However, whenever I was sure they were genuine guerrillas and
could be trusted, I gave them valuable information and some monetary aid. I could not give as much money as I
would have wanted because I did not have much to spare. Three Filipino guerrillas with whom I had constant
contact were Colonels Baya and Jurado, and Lieutenant Jimenez. I personally knew they belonged to the USAFFE.
Lt. Jimenez was in constant contact with Bataan and Corregidor and I was able to give him valuable information. I
remember I gave some monetary aid to Lt. Lazaro Malabanan who came in behalf of a large guerrilla organization
in Batangas, and Ramon Cabrera of the Ateneo de Manila.

One case I would specially like to mention is that of Roberto Vallejo, nicknamed Berto. He was our cook in Manila
and we took him with us to Baguio when the government evacuated to that city. From the very beginning, I noticed
that he was always out specially at night. During air raids, he would not enter our shelter but instead would stay in
an open space. I asked my wife to dismiss him. It was then that he revealed to us that he was a Sergeant in the
guerrilla forces. He showed me all his papers. He said he had to observe and report on the effects of the bombings.
I immediately relieved him of his duties as our cook so he can concentrate on the performance of his patriotic
duties.

Much of the difficulty in our effort to save lives was due to the rather unusual organization of the Japanese Army in
the Philippines. Local commanders do not seem to be under any central authority as they paid no attention to
orders or requests from Manila. The local commanders would arrest provincial and municipal officials and peaceful
law abiding citizens notwithstanding orders, rules and regulations emanating from higher officers in Manila. We
were repeatedly frustrated. Many times we were able to obtain the release orders of arrested persons from higher
officials in Manila, but local commanders would disregard them.

The punishment inflicted by the Japanese were of the most cruel nature. They also enforced collective
responsibility. For the death of a Japanese soldier, masses are massacred and towns burned. This happened in a
town in Tayabas.

Another cause of discontent is the forcible eviction of Filipinos from their homes or the forcible taking of private
buildings and houses. There were all kinds of abuses in this connection. They would notify the house owner to
leave with a certain period and he has to comply. If the buildings and houses were to be used for military purposes,
we Filipinos would have understood the necessity of giving up our homes, although we would have objected to the
method employed. But in many cases, we just could not see how military necessity enters. The houses are not
strategically located and sometimes only one or two officers live in them. In some cases, the houses were left
unoccupied and as a result they were looted. Don Vicente Singson Encarnacion was forced to leave his house. The
house, which was left vacant for a long period of time, was vandalized. To settle all conflicts, a House Committee
was created in accordance with an understanding with the military authorities. However, from the very start, the
Japanese officers paid no attention to the committee, and soon thereafter the membership of the committee had to
be changed several times as nobody cared to serve in it.

An incident happened with reference to the house on Taft Avenue belonging to the in-laws of my daughter,
Natividad. The Cojuangcos were notified by the Japanese officers that the house was to be occupied by the
military. Naturally, the owners expressed their desire to have the matter submitted to the House Committee. They
had good reasons not to give up their house. I took the matter up with Malacañan and with the House Committee.
The Japanese officers returned and told the owner that they must leave within two days and upon failure to do so,
they would be thrown out into the streets with all their furniture and belongings. When the Japanese were told that
the matter was being investigated by the House Committee, they answered: “Never mind Committee. They are all
crooks.” The owners had to leave, transferring to a very small house and moving almost all the furniture. A few days
later, they found out that the occupants of the house were Filipino women who were mistresses of the officers.
Barely a month passed when the owners found the house abandoned. They returned to the house.
 When Gen. Homma announced that the Japanese came as friends of the Filipinos, and when General Tojo
announced that the Philippines would be granted her independence immediately and later in October, 1943,
actually granted our independence, there was general rejoicing and genuine expression of gratitude to Japan on
the part of the Filipinos. There were many, however, who doubted the sincerity of Japan. They turned out to be
right. After independence, the changes affected were only in names and expressions. The Japanese continued to
intervene in public affairs especially in the provinces. They continued to arrest and abuse the Filipino; they even
arrested public officials without notifying the President or the corresponding high authority. They still controlled
businesses. Confiscation still continued.

Before the organization of the Republic, each ministry had Japanese advisers. After the Republic, all were
withdrawn, with the exception of the Ministries of Finance and Agriculture. They refused to allow the Minister of
Finance to supervise Japanese banks and to control Japanese investments and credit. The offices in the Japanese
Administration corresponding to the different ministries remained, however, and continued to give suggestions to
the Filipino officials which under the circumstances had to be followed. I must recognize, however, that my adviser,
Dr. Haraguti, had been very good to me. He expressed approval or at least sympathy for my plans. But
unfortunately, he seemed to be powerless and the military people continued to be the deciding factor. I should add
that Japanese officials continued to intervene in private affairs.

To top it all, after the Americans landed, the retreating Japanese massacred everybody in sight, by guns, bayonets
and hand grenades. Some of the victims were my own daughter, Natividad, married to Ramon Cojuangco, and my
brother-in-law, Jose Lualhati, husband of Conchita.

Many Filipinos joined the American Army to avenge the deaths of their dear ones. It would be unthinkable that
Filipinos would not turn pro-American, or that they would do anything to jeopardize America’s war efforts, even
those who cooperated with the Japanese. But instead the Americans arrested many of them, including almost all
the Filipino high officials during the Japanese regime who served only to help their own people. They arrested
numerous persons for flimsy motives and for complaints which generally come from persons who harbor grudges
against the accused or who try to make the Americans believe that they are the real “guerrilleros.” The Americans
are sowing seeds for anti-American feelings. The Filipinos actively work for Philippine independence because, as
they say, if we drive all the Japanese and Americans away, we could manage our affairs without any kind of
interference. There will be opposition to any movement that might tie us up with America politically.

LEAVE A COMMENT

March 5, 1943
MAR 5, 4312:12 PM
Shoreham.

Quezon wired for me to come here for ten days or so to help him finish his book, which he is determined to do,
because, no doubt, of Warner Bros’ offer for the cinema rights.

Congratulated him on his Opera House (New York) address last Saturday, which he said had brought him many
compliments.
Asked him about political conditions here–whether Roosevelt would seek a fourth term? He said, yes–if he thinks
he can be elected, otherwise he will sacrifice Wallace or McNutt. That nobody could make a success of the first
post-war presidency. The Republicans had no man in sight who could do it–the United States would be in for very
hard times–whoever got in would be a one-term president. Then Roosevelt would try to get in again in 1948 when
he would be only 68 years old. He thought the present trend in America was towards post-war isolationism, which
would be disaster. The only two leading candidates who were surely not isolationist, are Roosevelt and Wilkie, and
the latter was talking himself out of the nomination.

He then turned to the story of my nomination to the Philippines in 1913. He, as Resident Commissioner, had had an
understanding that no nomination of a Governor General would be made without letting him know. But one day he
read in a Washington evening paper that the nomination of Oscar T. Crosby, a West Pointer and an engineer for
the New Jersey traction companies, was being considered. He went right to Tumulty and said he must see
President Wilson. T. let him in with the agreement that he would take only three minutes. He asked Wilson if it was
proper for him to express himself on a nomination of a Governor General? Wilson said “Yes.” “Mr. President, I have
just read in an evening paper that Mr Oscar T. Crosby is being considered, is that a fact?” Wilson replied that it
was. Then Quezon said: “The people of the Philippines will not feel that this is what they had expected of you.”
“Why not?” “Because it says here that Mr. Crosby is a West Pointer, and that would mean to them that you were
sending out a soldier to govern them with an iron hand; then it says that he is an engineer for the great traction
interests–that would mean to the Filipinos that he was coming out there to advance American financial interests.”
Mr Wilson replied: “That is interesting.” So Quezon went out and straight to the War Department where he told
General Frank McIntyre that they had not kept their understanding with him, and that now he could tell them that
they would not get their man nominated.

(It must have been shortly after this that I went to see the President at the request of my brother Fairfax, to
advocate the nomination of Crosby. Wilson told me that he esteemed Mr. Crosby very much personally but that
Crosby was connected with traction interests against which he had been fighting when Governor of New Jersey.)

Quezon then continued by stating that a few days after he had seen the President I came into his office at the
request of my brother, to ask whether there was any hope for Crosby. He told me his objections and then said:
“Why shouldn’t you get the nomination yourself?” I was somewhat taken aback and asked: “What makes you think I
could get it?” He replied: “I don’t know, but I can try.” I asked him to wait a little for me to consider the matter and
that anyway I did not want Crosby to believe that instead of advancing his cause, I had only been working for
myself.

A few days later, I returned and said that if he found the idea acceptable he might go ahead. He went at once to
Representative William A. Jones of Virginia, the Chairman of the House Committee on Insular Affairs and told him
he had found the right man for Governor General. Jones expressed himself as much pleased with the idea so
Quezon went on to Secretary of State Bryan’s office. He was diffident and rather uncertain in approaching the great
man, but was at once admitted to his office. Bryan replied “why he’s the man who has been helping me to fight the
reactionaries in the Ways and Means Committee in the tariff revision. I’ll go right into the President and put the
matter before him.”
A day or two later my nomination went to the Senate and was confirmed the same day. Meanwhile Quezon had
seen Senator Gilbert Hitchcock, Chairman of the Senate Committee on the Philippines, who was believed to be
rather a “reactionary” but he agreed at once. Hitchcock, however, was believed to be opposed to Philippine
independence.
Secretary of War Lindley M. Garrison, a leading conservative, was fortunately absent on a speaking tour in the
West at this time, or else, with the backing of the War Department he might have blocked the nomination. He, like
most of the Army officers, was opposed to the independence of the Philippines.
Next we talked over the strong anti-English sentiment in the United States today. I told him of my arguments with
Gwathmey and Finley of the University of Virginia two days ago; that I was convinced that the heart of the so-called
“democratic” movement in the world today was social: that it was rather a revolutionary struggle, not so much for
political rights, as formerly, but a demand for social equality. He agreed, and said that it was rather dangerous to be
pronouncedly in favour of the English in the United States today. That Roosevelt was aware of this and had told
Lord Halifax so, but was sticking firmly by England. Quezon said that a large part of the dislike of England in the
United States today arose from dislike of the Jews who were all-out to help England. Justice Felix Frankfurter had
lost his commanding influence in Administration circles because of being so excessively pro-English. I recalled
Colonel Lindberg’s Chicago address of August 1941 in which he stated that the principal influences which were
pushing the United States into this war were: 1. The Roosevelt Administration; 2. The English; and 3. The Jews. For
this, Lindberg was violently attacked in the press.
Quezon told of his own long-standing dislike of the English because of their arrogance in Asia; of how he had
cursed them in Corregidor for their failures in Singapore and Hong Kong; how he had come to admire them as men,
after Dunkirk and the battle of Egypt, and how the alliance between the United States and England now was the
salvation of the whole world. He, himself, had given up for the present, all his own interests and plans for a Malay
Federation, etc., and was concentrating only upon the interests of his own country. (This was the advice I so
strongly urged upon him when I first joined him ten months ago on May 30, 1942.)

The recently (March, 1943) announced convention of the United Nations soon to be held to debate the world food
problems, was originally the suggestion of Mr. Nash, the Minister of New Zealand, in the Pacific War Council. But,
after a debate lasting two hours over the subject of wheat, in which the difference of viewpoint between those
nations which produced wheat and those which bought it was apparently so sharp, the Council was going to
abandon the idea of a convention of the United Nations as likely to serve only to show up the lack of unity among
these “allies.” Then Quezon spoke in the War Council in favour of calling such a convention–he said it was quite
right that the nations (U.S. and Gt. Britain) which were making the greatest effort in the war, and were spending
their money should be the ones to direct the affairs of the United Nations. However it would be wise to allow the
smaller countries an opportunity to present their own views. That would make them all feel that they were taking
their share of decisions. It is potentially a strong movement to which attention must be paid. “Have the conference,”
he said “not in Washington or New York, but in some quiet place like the Warm Springs, Virginia, where the
delegates would be thrown into intimate association with one another and could discuss everything in private
conversation. Roosevelt could address the conference on the subject of food, select a chairman and let the latter
send everything placed before the Conference to Committees, to hear and consider and report later. Let there be
no real debates before the conference to disclose or develop sharp differences of opinion, but let anyone discuss
what he pleased, even though the ostensible purpose was only the food question.” Finally, these ideas were
accepted by the whole Pacific War Council, and the project of a Conference of the United Nations was later
announced by the President.
 I commented on the loyalty of Roosevelt to his friends and supporters–how he immediately appointed to new posts
those of his circle who had been defeated in the elections. Quezon commented: “I never did that.”

Excerpt from Quezon’s letter of March 4, 1943 to General MacArthur in Australia.

I gather from the reports to which 1 have referred above that some of our guerrillas are committing the same mistakes or
abuses that were committed by our guerrillas during the fight against the Spaniards and later against the Americans. They
are looting and maltreating, and, in some cases, killing Filipinos whom they suspect to be pro-Japanese. From every point of
view that is wrong, moreover, it may be of serious consequences.
In the case of Peralta, he has even gone to the extent of criticizing me for not denouncing Vargas and his colleagues. The
insolence of this man in attempting to give me a lecture regarding the history of the revolution in which I took part while he
was still unborn or a baby, and on the psychology of the Filipino people, would be laughable if it did not betray his utter
unfitness for the role that he is aspiring to play in the Philippines.
Not as an answer to Peralta, but only to make crystal clear my stand in this respect, I wish to remind you that even while we
were in Corregidor, at a time when a policy of threat or condemnation might have had more effect than now, I studiously
avoided saying anything that might give Vargas and the rest of the Filipinos who have now accepted positions under the
Japanese Military Administration, the impression I have lost faith in them. The reason for my attitude is that I knew, and have
not changed my opinion, that the Filipino can best be won by showing him confidence rather than distrust. Indeed, if threat
and punishment would make a Filipino loyal, the whole country would now be pro-Japanese. In other words, I am of the
opinion that if we want to keep the Filipinos on our side the commanders of the guerrillas must refrain from persecuting
those who seem to be co-operating with the Japanese, unless they help the Japanese to discover the places where our
guerrillas are hiding, or kill our men. Prager’s report shows that even our Constabulary and Philippine Army soldiers who are
now serving in the Japanese organized police force are, in fact, loyal to us.

Long discourse today by Quezon illustrating his advantage in politics in the Philippines because he knew how to
appeal directly to the tao instead of relying like most of the other politicos upon securing the support of the
“leaders.” He illustrated this method by referring to General Sandiko’s successful appeal to the people in his
province of Bulacan (during Governor Forbes’ administration) against an extra-legal Executive Order of the
Governor General which Speaker Osmeña had obligingly ratified by passage through the Assembly.
His best story was of the campaign made by him against the all-powerful Godofredo Reyes of Sariaya, Tayabas,
when Quezon was President of the Senate and in control of the Nacionalista party. He put up Primitivo San
Augustin and, to the astonishment of all the leaders in Tayabas, San Augustin beat Reyes. Quezon had gone
himself to open the campaign and had addressed crowds of taos appealing to them in speeches 1 hour to 1 ½
hours long not to let their caciques vote for them, but to exercise the right of suffrage like free men. This method
won that election.
Discussion of the Church and of Masonry. Quezon thinks neither of them count much in Philippine politics–bishops
always have been easy to beat, but less so since Filipinos have been ordained as bishops, and the parish priests
are now almost exclusively native citizens.

Quezon always states that he became a Catholic again after his “daughters were grown,” but it really was in 1928
when “Baby” was about 7 and “Nini” was, say, 5. Quezon scorns the idea that this move benefited him politically.
He explains he did it so that his daughters should not be “ashamed” of him. One can understand how Mrs. Quezon
brought pressure on him upon this subject in the home life. In order to be readmitted to the Church, he had to
renounce Masonry, since the Church will not tolerate any secret society and is especially violent against Masonry.
Quezon argued with his father confessor against the prejudice in the Church against Masonry. The priest said: “Ah!
you do not know–they don’t let you know what the real secret purpose of those in control of it cherish–they spit on
 the cross!” Quezon protested. “Do you know who I am–I am the Cardinal of the Masons–I almost might say their
Pope! I am the Grand Master of the Blue Lodge.” But it was all to no effect–he had to give in.

Conversation with Mrs. Quezon on her voyage with Mrs, Buencamino to Java in 1936. The Dutch Government
would pay her no direct courtesies because she came unofficially. The American Consul General in Batavia told her
of all the precautions the Dutch Government had taken to prevent the Javanese leaders from meeting her. Two of
the Javanese leaders, ladies who had been educated in Europe came to Mrs. Quezon’s hotel room after midnight
and asked that the door be locked. Mrs. Quezon had already refused the room prepared for her so as to avoid the
possibility of dictaphones. These two ladies begged her to help them towards independence. She said in reply that
the Filipinos had succeeded because they were united under her husband (!). But the Javanese replied that they
could do nothing to that end because they could not assemble to unite–the Government would not even allow more
than two of them to meet together after dark.

The Japanese, she said, through their cheap and excellent shops in Java as well as through the excellent manners
of their shopkeepers were making great headway with the Javanese.

The Dutch system of rotation of crops included also rotation of agriculturalists–so the native farmers never felt they
owned any of the fields!

LEAVE A COMMENT

July 15, 1942

JUL 15, 421:59 PM
More war prisoners released, thank God. The prison camps are death holes.

Attended a meeting of restaurant owners at the Office of the Mayor.

I made the following suggestions subject to the approval of the Naric and subsequently of the Military
Administration:

(a) Each restaurant owner shall state the name and address of their restaurant, the amount of rice required and the
approximate number of people usually served.

(h) The Naric will study the location of these restaurants and then decide on the method of distribution.

(c) The City of Greater Manila will be tentatively divided into the north and south districts, making the Pasig River as
the dividing line. The Naric will appoint one member of the association for each of the two districts, who is to take
delivery of the rice, either at the Naric or at designated stations, in accordance with the decision of our Distribution
Department.

(d) There shall be levied a fee per sack from each restaurant as a means of financing the situation, say, 10
centavos per bag, but that is up to the association.

(e) The above-mentioned must be presented as soon as possible to the Naric, which will in turn present them to the
Military Administration for approval.

Cloudy day. Occasional thunderstorms. Thought they were cannons.

LEAVE A COMMENT

July 13, 1942

JUL 13, 421:59 PM
Asked Unding Alunan to find out if Arthur Fischer is in the concentration camp for Americans in Camp Tinio. I want
to help him.

Talked to Naric agents. Told them to impress upon the minds of distributors and these in turn to tell the leaders, that
the Naric will conduct a house-to-house investigation in conjunction with the police. Neighborhood association
leaders are urged to ask association members to correct misstatements in their reports, regarding the size of their
families.

I reminded the agents that ample warnings have been given and so those caught doctoring their family cards will be
punished. I made it clear to them that these orders do not come from the Naric, but from the Military Administration.

Placards will be distributed in each station to inform the people as to distribution hours in each station.
Notwithstanding announcement of such hours, distributors must remain their stations at least until 3 p.m. if one or
more leaders fail to get their sacks of rice during distribution hours. Naric trucks arrive at these stations at about
12:45 p.m.

In all cases, distributors must wait for the Japanese supervisor to turn in the coupons for the day before closing up.
The idea behind all these instructions is to favor the leaders and not to inconvenience them. Mr. Inada suggested
the formation of an Association of Rice Distributors to make arrangements collectively for their needs, such as push
carts, tarpaulins and cargadores and then they can deliver rice to the leaders of the Neighborhood Associations
covered by their respective associations.

Sulit believes this plan is impractical. Push carts which are in business are the most economical means of
transporting rice from station to residence of leaders, he stated, and present arrangement is satisfactory to leaders
and distributors. Furthermore, Neighborhood Associations are not circumscribed around distribution stations, he
pointed out. Sulit said that one such association was organized two days ago in Calle Andalucia.

Very tired. I need a vacation but it is useless to broach the question. The answer will be “not now.”

LEAVE A COMMENT

May 1, 1942
MAY 1, 421:47 PM
Listened to the Voice of Freedom. At the end of the newscast, the announcer said: “Corregidor still stands.” I
wonder why he said “still stands.” Does he foresee an eventual inability to stand? Does he know that in the course
of the Japanese attack Corregidor will someday fall? “Corregidor still stands” brought tears to my heart.

Demand For “darak” has increased considerably. People who used to have cars now use rigs. Most race horses
now pull “carromatas.” Must make plans for more efficient distribution of “darak.”

Just read Military Ordinance No. 3, directed to the Department of Interior, prohibiting the hoisting of the Filipino flag.
I know this order will embarrass Filipino collaborators. It will give a hollow, empty ring to their loud vociferations on
the unselfish desire of Japan to liberate the Filipinos.
 When will the Filipino flag rise again?

LEAVE A COMMENT

April 28, 1942

APR 28, 4210:17 AM
According to the Tribune, the Department of Agriculture and Commerce is forming the necessary organization with
which to carry out the out the plan to increase and stabilize rice production. The different steps to be taken in this
respect, according to information, will be embodied in an Executive Order to be issued by Chairman Jorge Vargas
of the Executive Commission, to whom the plan outlined by the Department regarding this matter has been referred
for approval.
The Tribune this morning also reported that the Director of Plant Industry and experts of the Military Administration
have come to an understanding as to how the Philippines can be made to produce enough rice to meet her own
needs.
I’m glad our officials are taking a deep interest in the rice situation. I only hope the plans will not remain plans.
Action not plans will stave off impending hunger.

LEAVE A COMMENT

April 24, 1942

APR 24, 4210:11 AM
Made a guide on how to apply for rice ration for provinces short of supply.

1. Take an accurate census of your provinces.

2. Based on 300 grams milled rice (uncooked) per person per day, make an estimate of the needs of the provinces
per day, per month and for the whole period of scarcity. Indicate deduction that can be made for any local harvests.

3. Have the provincial governor and the provincial commander (army) recommend the ration requested.

4. The request for rice ration will have to be approved by the Military Administration (Manila) at the former
Department of Agriculture building. (At present, approval is made by Col. Uzaki). Said office will also determine the
quantity and method of rationing for the provinces.

5. Once approved, take to the NARIC, 732 Evangelista, corner Azcarraga.

6. Present price: 117.50 per cavan, no sack, ex bodega. Deposit for sacks: 40¢ each. No checks accepted. Prices
subject to revisions

Mr. Inada is getting more despotic, day by day, he slapped another employee.

The newspapers are filled with stories on the kindness of the Japanese. Pictures of Japanese soldiers playing with
Filipino children and pictures of Japanese soldiers giving food to Filipino war prisoners.

The Japanese indulge in self-deception.

LEAVE A COMMENT
March 29, 1942
MAR 29, 423:49 PM
Gave the men in the office a confidential, heart-to-heart talk. This is what I said:

“Many responsible people outside and inside this office have suggested that I should be more assertive or
aggressive regarding my powers and authority, and that if these are not accorded me, I should resign.”

“This is very easy to say, especially for people outside who are wont to criticize without knowing what is going on in
this office As a matter of fact, I placed my resignation verbally with Secretary Vargas as far back as January, which
was denied, and also with Mr. Noya on three subsequent occasions, each time likewise denied. I could not put this
in writing for obvious reasons.”

“To the people in the office, in particular, I must remind that since the Japanese Army of Occupation took
possession of the NARIC we have been literally sitting on top of a volcano, what with every one of the personnel
being under a constant nervous strain, and more so when Mr. Castro Unson was taken to Fort Santiago, and
subsequently, our Assistant Manager, Mr. Victor Pagulayan. In other words, as a conquered people, we have to
grope our way through the confusion and uncertainty, and accept orders as they come. Under the circumstances,
we should not demand anything but merely suggest, petition or make of record.

“The truth is that the many unnecessary inconveniences which the public suffered in the manner in which rice and
flour were distributed, in the purchase of palay, and in the issuance of passes—all caused condemnation of the
writer, without the public knowing that those procedures were made upon orders of the Japanese authorities
regardless of our suggestions. Our men in the office know that nothing can be done without the stamp of approval
by any of the dozen Japanese civilian authorities placed in this office. What could we do? Merely accept orders and
invite their attention. What has been their answer? That people erroneously believe we are proceeding on peace-
time basis, and they forget that we are still at war: in short, their answer is, ‘Such is war!’

“I now ask every member of this office to think in retrospect from this day back to January, and consider what has
been their state of mind. Hasn’t it been incessantly under nervous strain on the verge of prostration? How many
have left on account of that condition? They are Abes, Melo, Paez, Occeña, Orendain, Sison and other minor
employees. The rest of us have stood at our posts and tried to work as best as we could under these very difficult
circumstances, which means, to obey orders and not to demand anything. We are sacrificing ourselves to serve the
people.

“With the placing of the NARIC under the control of the Army, in which I was formally named Manager, I shall now
try gradually to demand the authority which corresponds to the Management. But this must be done with plenty of
good judgment and prudence.

“This morning Mr. Tanco and I are going to return the visit of Gen. Yamakoshi and pay our respects to him. I shall
make my first overtures on the authority of the Manager.”

I must study tight-rope walking.

LEAVE A COMMENT
March 26, 1942
MAR 26, 423:40 PM
Had an important conference with Colonel Uzaki, head of the Army’s Food Division. I took up all the important
matters preoccupying me.

First, the flour distribution. He stated that as long as the amount of daily release previously fixed to authorized
bakeries is not exceeded, the authority to determine who should or should not receive flour rested upon me.

Second, rice distribution. Authority, he said, also rested on me. In other words, Mr. Inada must submit to me his
plans for decision and action. Under the present set-up, Mr. Inada tries to do things as he pleases and in case he
bungles them up, the entire corporation, including myself as Manager, will be blamed by the public.

Third, police protection. We agreed that if the Army cannot furnish us with soldiers and if we cannot, in any
particular case, depend on the provincial or municipal police, then we should be allowed to possess firearms. He
asked me how many we needed. I answered, “Offhand, about 10.” He said that he would make arrangements for
this purpose.

Fourth, financing. I told him the necessary finances should be made immediately available because when
purchases start in Nueva Ecija, Pangasinan, Tarlac and Pampanga, they should be done fast to avoid the
undesirable effects of the rainy season. The colonel replied that if the funds as planned are not sufficient, the
NARIC would have to buy on credit. This alternative is not so satisfactory.

Fifth, Was authorized to buy palay stored in bodegas of Ileto and Pinaod. Was told not to pay the palay deposited
by Nueva Ecija producers which has already been taken by the Army, until arrangements are made with the Army.

Sixth. Asked him to secure enough fuel for us if he wants us to succeed in our work.

Seventh, I am authorized to take up matters directly with the Military Administration after consulting Mr. Fukada,
Supervisor de facto. When Japanese assistants to the supervisor de facto go to the Military Administration, it is
understood that they must first advise Mr. Fukada or me about it.

Eighth, All matters not otherwise specified are to be submitted in writing (copy of which must be handed to Mr.
Fukada in advance) for final decision by Col. Uzaki. Heavy raid on Corregidor fortifications. General MacArthur is
no longer there. KGEI said he was sent to Australia. The Japanese claim he “escaped.” They are “peeved” about
his “escape.” No, not MacArthur. He is not the type that runs always. He has brave blood in his veins. We cannot
judge his acts until the end of the war. Let us await the verdict of history.

LEAVE A COMMENT

March 23, 1942

MAR 23, 423:25 PM
The Army formally took over the NARIC this morning. This is what I said:
The work of the NARIC heretofore has been to stabilize prices both to producers and consumers. Notwithstanding forecasts
of failure by many of the best business minds of the country, this corporation has been successful from the beginning of its
operations, as compared with results obtained from similar institutions in other countries.
We have been ordered verbally by the Japanese authorities to control and regulate the harvest and distribution. It is
undoubtedly a colossal task. We have been requested to cooperate towards that end and our adviser-supervisor Mr. Yoshio
Noya, has asked us to muster up determination, because this is the policy of the block economy of Japan. Under these
circumstances and upon orders as you have just heard, it behooves each and everyone of us to work and cooperate along
this policy to the end that we may assure the country its main staple food—rice.
As to the present harvest, time is running short. To save the harvest from spoiling, I earnestly reiterate what I have
repeatedly urged upon the authorities: to provide immediately these four indispensable needs: (1) police protection; (2) fuel
for trucks, threshers and mills; (3) sacks; (4) financing.
We are appreciative for this visit of the High Command and we hope it will be fruitful to all concerned.

Today’s shocking headline: “QUEZON REPORTED DEAD IN ILOILO.”

LEAVE A COMMENT

March 3, 1942
MAR 3, 422:27 PM
The NARIC will be reorganized to conform with the plans of the Army, Col. T. Uzaki, head of the Army food division,
revealed this morning. The Colonel said: “Thus far the NARIC has handled only 5% of the harvest. To increase the
volume of control, the NARIC’s organization must be expanded.”

(At present, the NARIC is allowed to purchase palay and rice in Bulacan only.)

“It might be necessary to make loans in cooperation with provincial departments,” the colonel pointed out. “If
necessary,” he added, “we might have to form provincial cooperatives.”

Before leaving, he ordered the safes opened to draw ₱20,000 for provincial purchases.

Pagulayan was taken to Fort Santiago last night. He was arrested in his house. His desk, drawers, wardrobe—
every nook and corner of his house were searched, ransacked.

What is the accusation against him? I asked Mr. Nakashima. He shook his head, muttered “Dunno.” He was afraid
to talk.

I will miss Pagu in the office. He has been with me ever since I entered the Government. He knows me and I know
him. We team well.

Lolita will be very sad when she hears about Pagu.

Will switch off the radio. I can’t stand swing music when my heart is heavy.

It’s a helluva life …

LEAVE A COMMENT

March 1, 1942
MAR 1, 423:50 PM
 More men brought to Fort Santiago. Tanco was called this morning. Capati and Oliveros, this afternoon. Pagulayan
and I will probably be next. I have a premonition they will call me one of these days. Must prepare my wife.
Everybody in the office is nervous, panic-stricken. Conversations are carried on in whispers. I appealed in behalf of
the man. Was bluntly, contumeliously told that sympathizers would also be imprisoned. No questions can be asked.
The military does not give explanations.

I long for the sweet air of freedom.

LEAVE A COMMENT

February 28, 1942

FEB 28, 423:48 PM
Rumors (are) that more NARIC employees will be taken to Fort Santiago. Most of my men are demoralized. The
efficiency of the service is impaired. Nervous tension in the office prevails.

Unson has not yet been released. Charges against him have not been specified. He was just arrested and
detained. Nobody knows how long he will be imprisoned. Who will be next?

Heard a heart-lifting broadcast over the Voice of Freedom: “Be of good cheer. Sleep tight through the night of
defeat. Gather strength for the morning and we’ll be there sooner than you think.”

Now we grope through the night. For how long, only the Lord knows. We must carry on. Somewhere ahead is the
morning.

How many of us will live to see it?

LEAVE A COMMENT

February 16, 1942

FEB 16, 423:21 PM
Martial law is severe, ruthless. It knows no leniency. Three British internees were made to dig three graves and
then they were executed in the Santo Tomas concentration camp as an example to all other internees. The
Britishers tried to escape.

It is hard to argue with the Japanese. This morning’s Tribune carries a news item from the Manila Defense
Command advising civilians of Manila to cooperate with the sentries and approach them in a friendly manner. “The
advice,” says the Tribune, “has been given because civilians run away when sentries approach them.” Everything
has been twisted. Now it is the civilians at fault. Black has become white.
Reminded Supervisor Noya of the suggestion I made at the Rice Growers Meeting last Saturday that out of the 1
1/2% milling tax paid by producers and merchants which is equivalent to .0975 if rice costs 6.50, 3 centavos be set
aside for the operation of the NARIC. Mr. Noya will take the matter up with the Japanese High Command as he
believes the proposition will further help to stabilize the finances of the corporation.

The British forces in Singapore have unconditionally surrendered. It must have been a bitter, humiliating experience
for the Britishers. Is this the end of British imperialism?

Saw a Japanese officer and a white girl enter a side door. He was old; she was young. Such is life.
LEAVE A COMMENT

February 11, 1942

FEB 11, 423:07 PM
The NARIC will purchase rice in Nueva Ecija, Tarlac and Pampanga. I am worried about the unsettled conditions,
the lack of peace and order, the dislocation of transportation, (the) shortage of fuel and the spirit of non-
cooperation. But we have to succeed; otherwise, there will be no rice for Manilans.

The Army has reduced the 25 trucks requested by the office to 20, five run by alcohol and fifteen by gasoline. Only
60 tins of gasoline will be issued per week. This is the basis of the Army’s calculation: for trucks, one liter for every
three kilometers; for cars, one liter for every five or six kilometers. In war, gasoline is like blood.

On or after February 18th, the Army will allow the NARIC to transport 200 tons of rice by freight cars. Two hundred
tons is equivalent to about 3,600 bags of rice or 6 NBB cars and 1 J car. So far, the railroad is strictly for Army use.

Must make plans according to stations: what mills, what towns, (what) quantities of palay or rice, beginning
February 18th. There must be no hitches, no delays. The use of the railroad will be a great help. We must make the
most out of the privilege.

The Japanese supervisor said that we must have ready daily 3,600 cavans of rice or palay, preferably rice, to be
loaded in freight cars. If we cannot fill the cars, the Army must be notified two or three days in advance. Every
available space must be utilized. The Army does not want to waste even one inch of baggage or cargo space.

At present, the Army alone can procure the rice and palay in Nueva Ecija and Tarlac. They take 3,000 sacks daily.
We are trying to negotiate whether we can take the rest after the Army has taken its quota. We are not sure
whether the Army will agree. In war, it is always “Army first!”

The Japanese Army will be a major cause of the food shortage. At present, this fact is not yet felt. But as the
months pass by, there will be less food on every table. In some, there will be no food at all. Then people will ask:
“Where is the food going?” And they will know that it goes to the Army.

Can’t speak of these things publicly nowadays. It is strange, but the meaning of freedom can only be understood
when one no longer has it.

LEAVE A COMMENT

February 7, 1942
FEB 7, 422:57 PM
The Japanese may be slow but they are very thorough. With them, everything is planned. I noticed that when they
arrived in my office, they had maps of the city of Manila. Our rice bodegas were marked in their maps with
Japanese characters. They did not need guides to direct them to a place. They just used their maps. It is plan, plan,
plan with them. I wonder what happens when things don’t work out according to plan.

Mr. Tani of the Industrial Department, Army Administration Building, requested me to give him the latest report on
available food supplies and building materials.
 Mr. Noya told me today: “From now on, we will wage a full campaign to purchase rice. Move at our best efficiency
beginning Sunday.”

Must make arrangements for gasoline. Fuel will be very necessary in the rice purchases.

Send one NARIC representative to each province to find out who are those who need our help. Try to get police
protection.

Organize a special body and send them to the provinces, to gather rice whose owners are not known. Guards may
be needed.

The success of rice purchases is important. If it fails, the people will not have their main food.

On my way home, I noticed Japanese soldiers playing with little children. They seem to be fond of babies and
flowers. Those soldiers probably have children too in Japan.

War may make soldiers act like brutes, but deep down, they are human. So very human.

COMMENTS (1)

February 1, 1942
FEB 1, 422:47 PM
This is going to be a long war. Only an ostrich can think it will be short. This is a death-struggle between mighty
nations involving millions of lives. Japan is staking everything. If she wins, she can mould the East, and perhaps the
world, according to her dreams. If she is vanquished, she will be humbled to the category of a fourth-rate power, the
disastrous culmination of 3,000 glorious years of legend and history. But whether Japan is victorious or defeated,
one fact is clear amid the maze of historical cross-purposes: the emergence of Asia. The invincibility of the White
Man has been shaken. Shadows have been cast on claims of Western altruism. India, for example, shall always
stand as an issue of freedom. China, united by a common foe, shall rise greater from her wounds. And the spread
of Russian influence over a reawakened Asia cannot be underestimated. The world may yet see a war of races. In
our shores today, we see the tiny ripples. Someday it will swell into a devastating tidal wave.

Worried about the rice harvest. Issue strict orders for the paralyzation of transportation. Control must be enforced
because of high prices; otherwise, abnormal prices will continue.

A ceiling price will be placed on all commodities, except palay and rice. NARIC will regulate it.

Only the NARIC will be allowed to transport palay and rice, it is planned.

Must study administration of mills.

NARIC will not handle the entire rice industry. Private transactions will be permitted, but it will be regulated.

Controlled economy will be enforced. The critical state of the national economy does not permit the free play of
supply and demand. The masses will be at the mercy of unscrupulous hoarders. Equitable distribution can only be
attained at present by controlled economy.
NARIC may distribute sugar. It will be the single selling agency. This means more work. Supply center will be
Calamba, Canlubang. Agents caught cheating will be dealt with drastically.

Arrived home at supper time. My wife says I devote more time to my work than to my family.

Such is life with a wife.