Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
The Angolan Civil War (Portuguese: Guerra civil ango- 1 Outline of main combatants
lana) was a major civil conflict in Angola, beginning in
1975 and continuing, with some interludes, until 2002. Angola’s three rebel movements had their roots in the
The war began immediately after Angola became inde- anti-colonial movements of the 1950s.[14] The MPLA
pendent from Portugal in November 1975. Prior to this, was primarily an urban based movement in Luanda and its
a decolonisation conflict, the Angolan War of Indepen- surrounding area.[14] It was largely composed of Mbundu
dence (1961–74), had taken place. The civil war was es- people. By contrast the other two major anti-colonial
sentially a power struggle between two former liberation movements were rurally based groups, the FNLA and
movements, the People’s Movement for the Liberation of UNITA.[14] The FNLA largely consisted of Bakongo peo-
Angola (MPLA) and the National Union for the Total In- ple hailing from Northern Angola. UNITA, an offshoot
dependence of Angola (UNITA). At the same time, the of the FNLA, was mainly composed of Ovimbundu peo-
war served as a surrogate battleground for the Cold War ple from the Central highlands.[14]
and large-scale direct and indirect international involve-
ment by opposing powers such as the Soviet Union, Cuba,
South Africa and the United States was a major feature 1.1 MPLA
of the conflict.[14]
Main article: MPLA
The MPLA and UNITA had different roots in the An-
golan social fabric and mutually incompatible leader-
ships, despite their shared aim of ending colonial rule. Since its formation in the 1950s, the MPLA’s main so-
Although both had socialist leanings, for the purpose of cial base has been among the Ambundu people and
mobilising international support they posed as "Marxist– the multiracial intelligentsia of cities such as Luanda,
Leninist" and "anti-communist", respectively.[15] A third Benguela and Huambo.[16] During its anti-colonial strug-
movement, the National Front for the Liberation of gle of 1962–74, the MPLA was supported by several
Angola (FNLA), having fought the MPLA alongside African countries, as well as by the Soviet Union. Cuba
UNITA during the war for independence, played almost became the MPLA’s strongest ally, sending significant
no role in the Civil War. Additionally, the Front for the contingents of combat and support personnel to Angola.
Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC), an asso- This support, as well as that of several other countries of
ciation of separatist militant groups, fought for the inde- the Eastern Bloc, e.g. Romania and East Germany, was
pendence of the province of Cabinda from Angola. maintained during the Civil War.[17]
The 27-year war can be divided roughly into three peri-
ods of major fighting – from 1975 to 1991, 1992 to 1994, 1.2 FNLA
and from 1998 to 2002 – broken up by fragile periods of
peace. By the time the MPLA finally achieved victory in Main article: National Liberation Front of Angola
2002, more than 500,000 people had died and over one
million had been internally displaced. The war devas-
tated Angola’s infrastructure, and severely damaged the The FNLA formed parallel to the MPLA,[18] and was ini-
nation’s public administration, economic enterprises, and tially devoted to defending the interests of the Bakongo
religious institutions. people and supporting the restoration of the historical
Kongo Empire. However, it rapidly developed into a na-
The Angolan Civil War was notable due to the combi- tionalist movement, supported in its struggle against Por-
nation of Angola’s violent internal dynamics and massive tugal by the government of Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire.
foreign intervention. The war became a Cold War strug- During the early 1960s, the FNLA was also supported by
gle, as both the Soviet Union and the United States, along the People’s Republic of China, but when UNITA was
with their respective allies, provided significant military founded in the mid-1960s, China switched its support to
assistance to parties in the conflict. Moreover, the An- this new movement, because the FNLA had shown lit-
golan conflict became closely intertwined with the Second tle real activity. The United States refused to give the
Congo War in the neighbouring Democratic Republic of FNLA support during the movement’s war against Por-
the Congo, as well as with the South African Border War. tugal, which was a NATO ally of the U.S.; however, the
FNLA did receive U.S. aid during the decolonization con-
flict and later during the Civil Wars.
1
2 2 ROOTS OF THE CONFLICT
Xindonga Kimbundu
Ganguela Chokwe
Ri
o
quent decolonization conflict, the United States decided
Cu
an
Rio Cassai
za
Novo Redondo
to support UNITA, and considerably augmented their aid Luso
na
2 Roots of the conflict
ne
Cu
o
Ri
Main articles: History of Angola and Portuguese West
Africa Map of Angola’s major ethnic groups, c.1970
2.1 Ethnic divisions At the end of the 15th century, Portuguese settlers made
contact with the Kongo Empire, maintaining a contin-
The original population of this territory were dispersed uous presence in its territory and enjoying considerable
Khoisan groups. These were absorbed or pushed south- cultural and religious influence thereafter. In 1575, Por-
wards, where residual groups still exist, by a massive in- tugal established a settlement and fort called Saint Paul
flux of Bantu people who came from the north and east. of Luanda on the coast south of the Kongo Empire, in
an area inhabited by Ambundu people. Another fort,
The Bantu influx began around 500 BC, and some con-
tinued their migrations inside the territory well into the Benguela, was established on the coast further south, in a
region inhabited by ancestors of the Ovimbundu people.
20th century. They established a number of major po-
litical units, of which the most important was the Kongo Neither of these Portuguese settlement efforts was
Empire whose centre was located in the northwest of what launched for the purpose of territorial conquest. It is true
today is Angola, and which stretched northwards into the that both gradually came to occupy and farm a broad area
west of the present Democratic Republic of the Congo around their initial bridgeheads (in the case of Luanda,
(DRC), the south and west of the contemporary Republic mostly along the lower Kwanza River). However, their
of Congo and even the southernmost part of Gabon. main function was trade – overwhelmingly the slave trade.
Also of historical importance were the Ndongo and Slaves were bought from African intermediaries and sold
Matamba kingdoms to the south of the Kongo Empire, to Brazil and the Caribbean. In addition, Benguela devel-
in the Ambundu area. Additionally, the Lunda Empire, oped a commerce in ivory, wax, and honey, which they
in the south-east of the present day DRC, occupied a por- bought from Ovimbundu caravans which fetched these
tion of what today is north-eastern Angola. In the south goods from among the Ganguela peoples in the eastern
of the territory, and the north of present-day Namibia, lay part of what is now Angola.[21]
the Kwanyama kingdom, along with minor realms on the Nonetheless, the Portuguese presence on the Angolan
central highlands. All these political units were a reflec- coast remained limited for much of the colonial period.
tion of ethnic cleavages that slowly developed among the The degree of real colonial settlement was minor, and,
Bantu populations, and were instrumental in consolidat- with few exceptions, the Portuguese did not interfere by
2.3 Build-up to independence and rising tensions 3
Portugal
Former Colonies Portuguese Army soldiers operating in the Angolan jungle, in the
early 1960s
3 1970s Agostinho Neto, the leader of the MPLA, declared the in-
dependence of the Portuguese Overseas Province of An-
gola as the People’s Republic of Angola on 11 November
Main articles: 1970s in Angola and Cuban intervention
1975.[31] UNITA declared Angolan independence as the
in Angola
Social Democratic Republic of Angola based in Huambo,
and the FNLA declared the Democratic Republic of An-
gola based in Ambriz. FLEC, armed and backed by
the French government, declared the independence of
3.1 Independence the Republic of Cabinda from Paris.[32] The FNLA and
UNITA forged an alliance on 23 November, proclaim-
ing their own coalition government based in Huambo[33]
After the Carnation Revolution in Lisbon and the end of
with Holden Roberto and Jonas Savimbi as co-Presidents,
the Angolan War of Independence, the parties of the con-
and José Ndelé and Johnny Pinnock Eduardo as co-Prime
flict signed the Alvor Accords on 15 January 1975. In July
Ministers.[34]
1975, the MPLA violently forced the FNLA out of Lu-
anda, and UNITA voluntarily withdrew to its stronghold In early November 1975, the South African government
in the south. By August, the MPLA had control of 11 of warned Savimbi and Roberto that the South African De-
the 15 provincial capitals, including Cabinda and Luanda. fence Force (SADF) would soon end operations in Angola
South Africa intervened on 23 October, sending between despite the failure of the coalition to capture Luanda and
1,500 and 2,000 troops from Namibia into southern An- therefore secure international recognition for their gov-
gola in order to support the FNLA and UNITA. Zaire, in ernment. Savimbi, desperate to avoid the withdrawal of
a bid to install a pro-Kinshasa government and thwart the South Africa, asked General Constand Viljoen to arrange
MPLA’s drive for power, deployed armored cars, para- a meeting for him with Prime Minister of South Africa
troopers, and three infantry battalions to Angola in sup- John Vorster, who had been Savimbi’s ally since Octo-
port of the FNLA.[27] Within three weeks, South African ber 1974. On the night of 10 November, the day before
and UNITA forces had captured five provincial capitals, the formal declaration of independence, Savimbi secretly
including Novo Redondo and Benguela. In response to flew to Pretoria to meet Vorster. In a reversal of pol-
the South African intervention, Cuba sent 18,000 soldiers icy, Vorster not only agreed to keep his troops in Angola
as part of a large-scale military intervention nicknamed through November, but also promised to withdraw the
Operation Carlota in support of the MPLA. Cuba had SADF only after the OAU meeting on 9 December.[35][36]
initially provided the MPLA with 230 military advisers The Soviets, well aware of South African activity in
prior to the South African intervention.[28] The Cuban in- southern Angola, flew Cuban soldiers into Luanda the
tervention proved decisive in repelling the South African- week before independence. While Cuban officers led
UNITA advance. The FNLA were likewise routed at the mission and provided the bulk of the troop force,
the Battle of Quifangondo and forced to retreat towards 60 Soviet officers in the Congo joined the Cubans on 12
Zaire.[29][30] The defeat of the FNLA allowed the MPLA November. The Soviet leadership expressly forbade the
to consolidate power over the capital Luanda. Cubans from intervening in Angola’s civil war, focusing
the mission on containing South Africa.[37]
In 1975 and 1976 most foreign forces, with the exception
of Cuba, withdrew. The last elements of the Portuguese
military withdrew in 1975[38] and the South African mil-
itary withdrew in February 1976.[39] However, Cuba’s
troop force in Angola increased from 5,500 in December
1975 to 11,000 in February 1976.[40] Sweden provided
humanitarian assistance to both the SWAPO and the
MPLA in the mid-1970s,[41][42][43] and regularly raised
the issue of UNITA in political discussions between the
two movements.
from officials in the State Department and the Central vealed IA Feature to the public on 13 December 1975.[48]
Intelligence Agency (CIA). Ford told William Colby, the Clark proposed an amendment to the Arms Export Con-
Director of Central Intelligence, to establish the opera- trol Act, barring aid to private groups engaged in military
tion, providing an initial US$6 million. He granted an or paramilitary operations in Angola. The Senate passed
additional $8 million on 27 July and another $25 million the bill, voting 54–22 on 19 December 1975, and the
in August.[44][45] House of Representatives passed the bill, voting 323–99
on 27 January 1976.[45] Ford signed the bill into law on 9
February 1976.[49] Even after the Clark Amendment be-
came law, then-Director of Central Intelligence, George
H. W. Bush, refused to concede that all U.S. aid to Angola
had ceased.[50][51] According to foreign affairs analyst
Jane Hunter, Israel stepped in as a proxy arms supplier for
South Africa after the Clark Amendment took effect.[52]
Israel and South Africa established a longstanding mili-
tary alliance, in which Israel provided weapons and train-
ing, as well as conducting joint military exercises.[53]
The U.S. government vetoed Angolan entry into the
United Nations on 23 June 1976.[54] Zambia forbade
UNITA from launching attacks from its territory on 28
December 1976[55] after Angola under MPLA rule be-
came a member of the United Nations.[56]
sage in his broadcasts to “try to play our small part in About 1,500 members of the Front for the National Lib-
preventing that mistake this time.”[57] The Politburo en- eration of the Congo (FNLC) invaded Shaba Province
gaged in heated debate over the extent to which the Soviet (modern-day Katanga Province) in Zaire from eastern
Union would support a continued offensive by the MPLA Angola on 7 March 1977. The FNLC wanted to over-
in February 1976. Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko and throw Mobutu, and the MPLA government, suffering
Premier Alexei Kosygin led a faction favoring less sup- from Mobutu’s support for the FNLA and UNITA, did
port for the MPLA and greater emphasis on preserving not try to stop the invasion. The FNLC failed to cap-
détente with the West. Leonid Brezhnev, the then head ture Kolwezi, Zaire’s economic heartland, but took Kasaji
of the Soviet Union, won out against the dissident faction and Mutshatsha. The Zairean army (the Forces Ar-
and the Soviet alliance with the MPLA continued even mées Zaïroises) was defeated without difficulty and the
as Neto publicly reaffirmed its policy of non-alignment FNLC continued to advance. On 2 April, Mobutu ap-
at the 15th anniversary of the First Revolt.[58] pealed to William Eteki of Cameroon, Chairman of the
Organization of African Unity, for assistance. Eight
The MPLA government and Cuban troops had control
over all southern cities by 1977, but roads in the south days later, the French government responded to Mobutu’s
plea and airlifted 1,500 Moroccan troops into Kinshasa.
faced repeated UNITA attacks. Savimbi expressed his
willingness for rapprochement with the MPLA and the This force worked in conjunction with the Zairean army,
formation of a unity, socialist government, but he in- the FNLA[59] and Egyptian pilots flying French-made
sisted on Cuban withdrawal first. “The real enemy is Zairean Mirage fighter aircraft to beat back the FNLC.
Cuban colonialism,” Savimbi told reporters, warning, The counter-invasion force pushed the last of the mil-
“The Cubans have taken over the country, but sooner itants, along with numerous refugees, into Angola and
or later they will suffer their own Vietnam in Angola.” Zambia in April 1977.[60][61][62][63]
MPLA and Cuban troops used flame throwers, bulldoz- Mobutu accused the MPLA, Cuban and Soviet govern-
ers, and planes with napalm to destroy villages in a 1.6- ments of complicity in the war.[64] While Neto did sup-
mile (2.6 km) wide area along the Angola-Namibia bor- port the FNLC, the MPLA government’s support came
der. Only women and children passed through this area, in response to Mobutu’s continued support for Angola’s
“Castro Corridor,” because MPLA troops had shot all FNLA[65] The Carter Administration, unconvinced of
males ten years of age or older to prevent them from join- Cuban involvement, responded by offering a meager $15
ing the UNITA. The napalm killed cattle to feed govern- million-worth of non-military aid. American timidity
ment troops and to retaliate against UNITA sympathizers. during the war prompted a shift in Zaire’s foreign policy
A number of civilians fled from their homes; 10,000 go- towards greater engagement with France, which became
ing south to Namibia and 16,000 east to Zambia, where Zaire’s largest supplier of arms after the intervention.[66]
they lived in refugee camps.[56] Neto and Mobutu signed a border agreement on 22 July
1977.[67]
John Stockwell, the CIA’s station chief in Angola, re-
3.4 Shaba invasions
signed after the invasion, explaining in the April 1977
The Washington Post article “Why I'm Leaving the CIA”
that he had warned Secretary of State Henry Kissinger
that continued American support for anti-government
rebels in Angola could provoke a war with Zaire. He also
said that covert Soviet involvement in Angola came after,
and in response to, U.S. involvement.[68]
The FNLC invaded Shaba again on 11 May 1978, cap-
turing Kolwezi in two days. While the Carter Ad-
ministration had accepted Cuba’s insistence on its non-
involvement in Shaba I, and therefore did not stand with
Mobutu, the U.S. government now accused Castro of
complicity.[69] This time, when Mobutu appealed for for-
eign assistance, the U.S. government worked with the
French and Belgian militaries to beat back the invasion,
the first military cooperation between France and the
United States since the Vietnam War.[70][71] The French
Foreign Legion took back Kolwezi after a seven-day bat-
tle and airlifted 2,250 European citizens to Belgium, but
Shaba Province, Zaire not before the FNLC massacred 80 Europeans and 200
Africans. In one instance, the FNLC killed 34 European
Main articles: Shaba I and Shaba II civilians who had hidden in a room. The FNLC retreated
to Zambia, vowing to return to Angola. The Zairean army
3.5 Nitistas 7
3.5 Nitistas
Main article: 1970s in Angola
UNITA forces attacked Camabatela in Cuanza Norte After the indecisive results of the Battle of Cuito Cua-
province on 8 February 1986. ANGOP alleged UNITA navale, Fidel Castro claimed that he increased the cost
massacred civilians in Damba in Uíge Province later that to South Africa of continuing to fight in Angola and
month, on 26 February. The South African government placed Cuba in its most aggressive combat position of
agreed to Crocker’s terms in principle on 8 March. Sav- the war, arguing that he was preparing to leave Angola
imbi proposed a truce regarding the Benguela railway with his opponents on the defensive. According to Cuba,
on 26 March, saying MPLA trains could pass through the political, economical and technical cost to South
as long as an international inspection group monitored Africa of maintaining its presence in Angola proved too
trains to prevent their use for counter-insurgency activity. much. Conversely, the South Africans believe that they
The government did not respond. In April 1987, Fidel indicated their resolve to the superpowers by preparing
Castro sent Cuba’s Fiftieth Brigade to southern Angola, a nuclear test that ultimately forced the Cubans into a
increasing the number of Cuban troops from 12,000 to settlement.[108]
15,000.[99] The MPLA and American governments be- Cuban troops were alleged to have used nerve gas against
gan negotiating in June 1987.[100][101] UNITA troops during the civil war. Belgian criminal tox-
ologist Dr. Aubin Heyndrickx, studied alleged evidence,
including samples of war-gas “identification kits” found
4.2 Cuito Cuanavale and New York Ac- after the battle at Cuito Cuanavale, claimed that “there is
cords no doubt anymore that the Cubans were using nerve gases
against the troops of Mr. Jonas Savimbi.”[109]
Main articles: Battle of Cuito Cuanavale and New York The Cuban government joined negotiations on 28 Jan-
Accords uary 1988, and all three parties held a round of negotia-
tions on 9 March. The South African government joined
UNITA and South African forces attacked the MPLA’s negotiations on 3 May and the parties met in June and
base at Cuito Cuanavale in Cuando Cubango province August in New York and Geneva. All parties agreed to a
from 13 January to 23 March 1988, in the second ceasefire on 8 August. Representatives from the govern-
largest battle in the history of Africa,[102] after the ments of Angola, Cuba, and South Africa signed the New
Battle of El Alamein,[103] the largest in sub-Saharan York Accords, granting independence to Namibia and
Africa since World War II.[104] Cuito Cuanavale’s im- ending the direct involvement of foreign troops in the civil
portance came not from its size or its wealth but its lo- war, in New York City on 22 December 1988.[87][101]
cation. South African Defense Forces maintained an The United Nations Security Council passed Resolution
overwatch on the city using new, G5 artillery pieces. 626 later that day, creating the United Nations Angola
Both sides claimed victory in the ensuing Battle of Cuito Verification Mission (UNAVEM), a peacekeeping force.
Cuanavale.[87][105][106][107] UNAVEM troops began arriving in Angola in January
5.1 Black, Manafort, Stone and Kelly 11
1989.[110] ciding with the withdrawal of the last Cuban troops, defin-
ing Angola as a “democratic state based on the rule of
law" with a multi-party system.[117] Observers met such
4.3 Ceasefire changes with skepticism. American journalist Karl Maier
wrote: “In the New Angola ideology is being replaced
As the Angolan Civil War began to take on a diplomatic by the bottom line, as security and selling expertise in
component, in addition to a military one, two key Savimbi weaponry have become a very profitable business. With
allies, The Conservative Caucus' Howard Phillips and the its wealth in oil and diamonds, Angola is like a big swollen
Heritage Foundation’s Michael Johns visited Savimbi in carcass and the vultures are swirling overhead. Savimbi’s
Angola, where they sought to persuade Savimbi to come former allies are switching sides, lured by the aroma of
to the United States in the spring of 1989 to help the Con- hard currency.”[118] Savimbi also reportedly purged some
servative Caucus, the Heritage Foundation and other con- of those within UNITA whom he may have seen as threats
servatives in making the case for continued U.S. aid to to his leadership or as questioning his strategic course.
UNITA.[111] Among those killed in the purge were Tito Chingunji and
President Mobutu invited 18 African leaders, Savimbi, his family in 1991. Savimbi denied his involvement in the
and dos Santos to his palace in Gbadolite in June 1989 Chingunji killing and blamed it on UNITA dissidents.[119]
for negotiations. Savimbi and dos Santos met for the
first time and agreed to the Gbadolite Declaration, a
ceasefire, on 22 June, paving the way for a future peace 5.1 Black, Manafort, Stone and Kelly
agreement.[112][113] President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia
said a few days after the declaration that Savimbi had
agreed to leave Angola and go into exile, a claim Mobutu,
Savimbi, and the U.S. government disputed.[113] Dos San-
tos agreed with Kaunda’s interpretation of the negotia-
tions, saying Savimbi had agreed to temporarily leave the
country.[114]
On 23 August, dos Santos complained that the U.S. and
South African governments continued to fund UNITA,
warning such activity endangered the already fragile
ceasefire. The next day Savimbi announced UNITA
would no longer abide by the ceasefire, citing Kaunda’s
insistence that Savimbi leave the country and UNITA dis-
band. The MPLA government responded to Savimbi’s
statement by moving troops from Cuito Cuanavale, un-
der MPLA control, to UNITA-occupied Mavinga. The Building in Huambo showing the effects of war
ceasefire broke down with dos Santos and the U.S. gov-
ernment blaming each other for the resumption in armed Main article: Black, Manafort, Stone and Kelly
conflict.[115]
Government troops wounded Savimbi in battles in Jan-
uary and February 1990, but not enough to restrict his
5 1990s mobility[120] He went to Washington, D.C. in December
and met with President George H. W. Bush again,[112]
Main articles: 1990s in Angola, Angolagate, United the fourth of five trips he made to the United States. Sav-
Nations Angola Verification Mission II, and First Congo imbi paid Black, Manafort, Stone, and Kelly, a lobbying
War firm based in Washington, D.C., $5 million to lobby the
Federal government for aid, portray UNITA favorably in
Political changes abroad and military victories at home Western media, and acquire support among politicians in
allowed the government to transition from a nomi- Washington. Savimbi was highly successful in this en-
nally communist state to a nominally democratic one. deavour.
Namibia's declaration of independence, internationally Senators Larry Smith and Dante Fascell, a senior member
recognized on 1 April, eliminated the threat to the of the firm, worked with the Cuban American National
MPLA from South Africa, as the SADF withdrew from Foundation, Representative Claude Pepper of Florida,
Nambia.[116] The MPLA abolished the one-party system Neal Blair's Free the Eagle, and Howard Phillips' Con-
in June and rejected Marxist-Leninism at the MPLA’s servative Caucus to repeal the Clark Amendment in
third Congress in December, formally changing the 1985.[121] From the amendment’s repeal in 1985 to 1992
party’s name from the MPLA-PT to the MPLA.[112] The the U.S. government gave Savimbi $60 million per year, a
National Assembly passed law 12/91 in May 1991, coin- total of $420 million. A sizable amount of the aid went to
12 5 1990S
Savimbi’s personal expenses. Black, Manafort filed for- Camama cemetery and Morro da Luz ravine, shot them,
eign lobbying records with the U.S. Justice Department and buried them in mass graves. Assailants attacked Chi-
showing Savimbi’s expenses during his U.S. visits. Dur- tunda’s convoy on 2 November, pulling him out of his car
ing his December 1990 visit he spent $136,424 at the and shooting him and two others in their faces.[128] The
Park Hyatt hotel and $2,705 in tips. He spent almost MPLA massacred over ten thousand UNITA and FNLA
$473,000 in October 1991 during his week-long visit to voters nationwide in a few days in what was known as
Washington and Manhattan. He spent $98,022 in ho- the Halloween Massacre.[124][129] Savimbi said the elec-
tel bills, at the Park Hyatt, $26,709 in limousine rides tion had neither been free nor fair and refused to par-
in Washington and another $5,293 in Manhattan. Paul ticipate in the second round.[127] He then proceeded to
Manafort, a partner in the firm, charged Savimbi $19,300 resume armed struggle against the MPLA.
in consulting and additional $1,712 in expenses. He also
Then, in a series of stunning victories, UNITA re-
bought $1,143 worth of “survival kits” from Motorola. gained control over Caxito, Huambo, M'banza Kongo,
When questioned in an interview in 1990 about human
Ndalatando, and Uíge, provincial capitals it had not
rights abuses under Savimbi, Black said, “Now when held since 1976, and moved against Kuito, Luena, and
you're in a war, trying to manage a war, when the enemy
Malange. Although the U.S. and South African govern-
... is no more than a couple of hours away from you at any ments had stopped aiding UNITA, supplies continued to
given time, you might not run your territory according to come from Mobutu in Zaire.[130] UNITA tried to wrest
New Hampshire town meeting rules.” control of Cabinda from the MPLA in January 1993. Ed-
ward DeJarnette, Head of the U.S. Liaison Office in An-
5.2 Bicesse Accords gola for the Clinton Administration, warned Savimbi that,
if UNITA hindered or halted Cabinda’s production, the
Main article: Bicesse Accords U.S. would end its support for UNITA. On 9 January,
UNITA began a 55-day battle over Huambo, the War of
the Cities. Hundreds of thousands fled and 10,000 were
President dos Santos met with Savimbi in Lisbon, killed before UNITA gained control on 7 March. The
Portugal and signed the Bicesse Accords, the first of three government engaged in an ethnic cleansing of Bakongo,
major peace agreements, on 31 May 1991, with the me- and, to a lesser extent Ovimbundu, in multiple cities, most
diation of the Portuguese government. The accords laid notably Luanda, on 22 January in the Bloody Friday mas-
out a transition to multi-party democracy under the su- sacre. UNITA and government representatives met five
pervision of the United Nations' UNAVEM II mission, days later in Ethiopia, but negotiations failed to restore
with a presidential election to be held within a year. The the peace.[131] The United Nations Security Council sanc-
agreement attempted to demobilize the 152,000 active tioned UNITA through Resolution 864 on 15 September
fighters and integrate the remaining government troops 1993, prohibiting the sale of weapons or fuel to UNITA.
and UNITA rebels into a 50,000-strong Angolan Armed
Forces (FAA). The FAA would consist of a national army Perhaps the clearest shift in U.S. foreign policy emerged
with 40,000 troops, navy with 6,000, and air force with when President Bill Clinton issued Executive Order
4,000.[122] While UNITA largely did not disarm, the FAA 12865 on 23 September, labeling UNITA a “continuing
complied with the accord and demobilized, leaving the threat to the foreign policy objectives of the U.S.”[132] By
government disadvantaged.[123] August 1993, UNITA had gained control over 70% of
Angola, but the government’s military successes in 1994
Angola held the first round of its 1992 presidential elec- forced UNITA to sue for peace. By November 1994,
tion on 29–30 September. Dos Santos officially received the government had taken control of 60% of the coun-
49.57% of the vote and Savimbi won 40.6%. As no can- try. Savimbi called the situation UNITA’s “deepest crisis”
didate received 50% or more of the vote, election law dic- since its creation.[118][133][134] It is estimate that perhaps
tated a second round of voting between the top two con- 120,000 people were killed in the first eighteen months
tenders. Savimbi, along with eight opposition parties and following the 1992 election, nearly half the number of
many other election observers, said the election had been casualties of the previous sixteen years of war.[135] Both
neither free nor fair.[124] An official observer wrote that sides of the conflict continued to commit widespread and
there was little UN supervision, that 500,000 UNITA vot- systematic violations of the laws of war with UNITA in
ers were disenfranchised and that there were 100 clandes- particular guilty of indiscriminate shelling of besieged
tine polling stations.[125][126] Savimbi sent Jeremias Chi- cities resulting in large death toll to civilians. The MPLA
tunda, Vice President of UNITA, to Luanda to negoti- government forces used air power in indiscriminate fash-
ate the terms of the second round.[127][128] The election ion also resulting in high civilian deaths.[136] The Lusaka
process broke down on 31 October, when government Protocol of 1994 reaffirmed the Bicesse Accords.[137]
troops in Luanda attacked UNITA. Civilians, using guns
they had received from police a few days earlier, con-
ducted house-by-house raids with the Rapid Intervention
Police, killing and detaining hundreds of UNITA sup-
porters. The government took civilians in trucks to the
5.4 Arms monitoring 13
government certification for the purchase of Angolan di- 5.5 Diamond trade
amonds and freezing UNITA’s bank accounts.[130]
During the First Congo War, the Angolan government Main articles: Economy of Angola and Blood diamonds
joined the coalition to overthrow Mobutu’s government § Angola
due to his support for UNITA. Mobutu’s government
fell to the opposition coalition on 16 May 1997.[144] UNITA’s ability to mine diamonds and sell them abroad
The Angolan government chose to act primarily through provided funding for the war to continue even as the
Katangese gendarmes called the Tigres, which were movement’s support in the Western world and among the
proxy groups formed from the descendents of police units local populace withered away. De Beers and Endiama,
who had been exiled from Zaire and thus were fight- a state-owned diamond-mining monopoly, signed a con-
ing for a return to their homeland.[145] Luanda did also tract allowing De Beers to handle Angola’s diamond
deploy regular troops.[144] In early October 1997, An- exports in 1990.[154] According to the United Nation’s
gola invaded the Republic of the Congo during its civil Fowler Report, Joe De Deker, a former stockholder in De
war, and helped Sassou Nguesso's rebels overthrow the Beers, worked with the government of Zaire to supply
government of Pascal Lissouba. Lissouba’s government military equipment to UNITA from 1993 to 1997. De
had allowed UNITA the use of cities in the Republic Deker’s brother, Ronnie, allegedly flew from South Africa
of Congo in order to circumvent sanctions.[146] Between to Angola, directing weapons originating in Eastern Eu-
11–12 October 1997, Angolan air force fighter jets con- rope. In return, UNITA gave Ronnie bushels of dia-
ducted a number of air strikes on government positions monds worth $6 million. De Deker sent the diamonds to
within Brazzaville. On 16 October 1997 rebel militia De Beer’s buying office in Antwerp, Belgium. De Beers
supported by tanks and a force of 1,000 Angolan troops openly acknowledges spending $500 million on legal and
cemented their control of Brazzaville forcing Lisouba illegal Angolan diamonds in 1992 alone. The United Na-
to flee.[147][148] Angolan troops remained in the country tions estimates Angolans made between three and four
fighting militia forces loyal to Lissouba engaged in a guer-
billion dollars through the diamond trade between 1992
rilla war against the new government.[149] and 1998.[132][155] The UN also estimates that out of that
The UN spent $1.6 billion from 1994 to 1998 in main- sum, UNITA made at least $3.72 billion, or 93% [156]
of all
taining a peacekeeping force. [39]
The Angolan military diamond sales, despite international sanctions.
attacked UNITA forces in the Central Highlands on 4 Executive Outcomes (EO), a private military company,
December 1998, the day before the MPLA’s fourth played a major role in turning the tide for the MPLA,
Congress. Dos Santos told the delegates the next day that with one U.S. defense expert calling the EO the “best
he believed war to be the only way to ultimately achieve fifty or sixty million dollars the Angolan government ever
peace, rejected the Lusaka Protocol, and asked MONUA spent.”[157] Heritage Oil and Gas, and allegedly De Beers,
to leave. In February 1999, the Security Council with- hired EO to protect their operations in Angola.[157] Exec-
drew the last MONUA personnel. In late 1998, several utive Outcomes trained up to 5,000 troops and 30 combat
UNITA commanders, dissatisfied with Savimbi’s lead- pilots in camps in Lunda Sul, Cabo Ledo, and Dondo.[158]
ership, formed UNITA Renovada, a breakaway militant
group. Thousands more deserted UNITA in 1999 and
2000.[130] 5.6 Cabinda separatism
The Angolan military launched Operation Restore, a
Main article: Cabinda (province)
massive offensive, in September 1999, recapturing
The territory of Cabinda is north of Angola proper, sep-
N'harea, Mungo and Andulo and Bailundo, the site of
Savimbi’s headquarters just one year before. The UN
Security Council passed Resolution 1268 on 15 October,
instructing United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan
to update the Security Council to the situation in Angola
every three months. Dos Santos offered an amnesty to
UNITA militants on 11 November. By December, Chief
of Staff General João de Matos said the Angolan Armed
Forces had destroyed 80% of UNITA’s militant wing and
captured 15,000 tons of military equipment.[130][150][151]
Following the dissolution of the coalition government,
Savimbi retreated to his historical base in Moxico and
prepared for battle.[152] In order to isolate UNITA, the
government forced civilians in countryside areas subject
to UNITA influence to relocate to major cities. The strat- Unofficial flag of Cabinda
egy was successful isolating in UNITA but had adverse
humanitarian consequences.[153] arated by a strip of territory 60 km (37.3 mi) long in the
15
22 to 25 September. The government gained control over ment’s military inferiority and the need to cut a deal.[170]
military bases and diamond mines in Lunda Norte and Four days later UNITA released the children to a Catholic
Lunda Sul, hurting Savimbi’s ability to pay his troops.[39] mission in Camabatela, a city 200 kilometres (124 mi)
Angola agreed to trade oil to Slovakia in return for arms, from where UNITA kidnapped them. The national orga-
buying six Sukhoi Su-17 attack aircraft on 3 April 2000. nization said the abduction violated their policy towards
The Spanish government in the Canary Islands prevented the treatment of civilians. In a letter to the bishops of
a Ukrainian freighter from delivering 636 tons of mili- Angola, Jonas Savimbi asked the Catholic Church to act
tary equipment to Angola on 24 February 2001. The as an intermediary between UNITA and the government
in negotiations.[171] The attacks took their toll on An-
captain of the ship had inaccurately reported his cargo,
falsely claiming the ship carried automobile parts. The gola’s economy. At the end of May 2001, De Beers,
the international diamond mining company, suspended
Angolan government admitted Simportex had purchased
arms from Rosvooruzhenie, the Russian state-owned its operations in Angola, ostensibly on the grounds that
negotiations with the national government reached an
arms company, and acknowledged the captain might have [172]
violated Spanish law by misreporting his cargo, a com- impasse.
mon practice in arms smuggling to Angola.[169] Militants of unknown affiliation fired rockets at United
Nations World Food Program (UNWFP) planes on 8
June near Luena and again near Kuito a few days later.
As the first plane, a Boeing 727, approached Luena some-
one shot a missile at the aircraft, damaging one engine
but not critically as the three-man crew landed success-
fully. The plane’s altitude, 5,000 metres (16,404 ft), most
likely prevented the assailant from identifying his target.
As the citizens of Luena had enough food to last them
several weeks, the UNFWP temporarily suspended their
flights. When the flights began again a few days later, mil-
itants shot at a plane flying to Kuito, the first attack tar-
geting UN workers since 1999.[173] The UNWFP again
suspended food aid flights throughout the country. While
he did not claim responsibility for the attack, UNITA
spokesman Justino said the planes carried weapons and
soldiers rather than food, making them acceptable tar-
gets. UNITA and the Angolan government both said
the international community needed to pressure the other
side into returning to the negotiating table. Despite the
looming humanitarian crisis, neither side guaranteed UN-
WFP planes safety. Kuito, which had relied on inter-
More than 700 villagers trekked 60 kilometres (37 mi) from national aid, only had enough food to feed their popula-
[174]
Golungo Alto to Ndalatando (red dot), fleeing an UNITA attack. tion of 200,000. The UNFWP had to fly in all aid to
They remained uninjured. Kuito and the rest of the Central Highlands because mil-
itants ambushed trucks. Further complicating the situa-
UNITA carried out several attacks against civilians in tion, potholes in the Kuito airport strip slowed aid deliv-
May 2001 in a show of strength. UNITA militants at- eries. Overall chaos reduced the amount of available oil
[175]
tacked Caxito on 7 May, killing 100 people and kidnap- to the point at which the UN had to import its jet fuel.
ping 60 children and two adults. UNITA then attacked Government troops captured and destroyed UNITA’s
Baia-do-Cuio, followed by an attack on Golungo Alto, a Epongoloko base in Benguela province and Mufumbo
city 200 kilometres (124 mi) east of Luanda, a few days base in Cuanza Sul in October 2001.[176] The Slovak gov-
later. The militants advanced on Golungo Alto at 2:00 ernment sold fighter jets to the Angolan government in
pm on 21 May, staying until 9:00 pm on 22 May when 2001 in violation of the European Union Code of Con-
the Angolan military retook the town. They looted lo- duct on Arms Exports.[177]
cal businesses, taking food and alcoholic beverages be-
fore singing drunkenly in the streets. More than 700 vil-
lagers trekked 60 kilometres (37 mi) from Golungo Alto 6.1 Death of Savimbi
to Ndalatando, the provincial capital of Cuanza Norte,
without injury. According to an aid official in Ndala- Government troops killed Jonas Savimbi on 22 Febru-
tando, the Angolan military prohibited media coverage of ary 2002, in Moxico province.[178] UNITA Vice Pres-
the incident, so the details of the attack are unknown. Jof- ident António Dembo took over, but died from dia-
fre Justino, UNITA’s spokesman in Portugal, said UNITA betes 12 days later on 3 March, and Secretary-General
only attacked Gungo Alto to demonstrate the govern- Paulo Lukamba became UNITA’s leader.[179] After Sav-
7.1 Humanitarian efforts 17
The war provides a more comedic background story in [4] Saul David (2009). War. Google Books. Retrieved 9
the South African comedy The Gods Must Be Crazy 2 as March 2013.
a Cuban and an Angolan soldier repeatedly try to take
[5] “La Guerras Secretas de Fidel Castro” Archived 18 Jan-
each other prisoner, but ultimately part on (more or less) uary 2012 at the Wayback Machine. (in Spanish). Cuba-
amicable terms. Matinal.com. Retrieved 9 March 2013.
The 2004 film The Hero, produced by Fernando Vendrell
[6] Africa South of Sahara 2004, p. 66.
and directed by Zézé Gamboa, depicts the life of average
Angolans in the aftermath of the civil war. The film fol- [7] Andrei Mikhailov (15 February 2011). “Soviet Union and
lows the lives of three individuals: Vitório, a war veteran Russia lost 25,000 military men in foreign countries”. En-
crippled by a landmine who returns to Luanda; Manu, glish pravda.ru. Retrieved 18 August 2013.
a young boy searching for his soldier father; and Joana,
[8] Irving Louis Horowitz (1995). Cuban Communism, 8th
a teacher who mentors the boy and begins a love affair Edition. Google Books. Retrieved 9 March 2013.
with Vitório. The Hero won the 2005 Sundance World
Dramatic Cinema Jury Grand Prize. A joint Angolan, [9] Angola – Independence Struggle, Civil War, and Interven-
Portuguese, and French production, The Hero was filmed tion. MongaBay.com.
entirely in Angola.[195]
[10] Political terrorism: a new guide to actors, concepts, data
The character of Danny Archer in the 2006 film Blood Di- bases, theories and literature.
amond, played by Leonardo DiCaprio, discusses on sev-
eral occasions his service within the SADF during its in- [11] Bush Wars: The Road to Cuito Cuanavale.
Books.google.com. Retrieved 2013-08-18.
tervention in the Angolan Civil War. As the film unfolds,
it is revealed that he is a white Rhodesian orphan who ran [12] “Soviet Union and Russia lost 25,000 military men in for-
away to South Africa only to be conscripted into the infa- eign countries – English Pravda”. English.pravda.ru. 15
mous 32 Battalion, with whom he saw combat in Angola February 2011. Retrieved 18 August 2013.
around 1987.
[13] “Interesting aspects of the South African Bushwar / Bor-
The Angolan Civil War is featured in the 2012 video der War – A Site about the South African Bushwar / Bor-
game Call of Duty: Black Ops II, in which the player der War (Grensoorlog of Bosoorlog in Afrikaans)/ Total
character assists Jonas Savimbi in a battle against MPLA cummulative SADF casualties table”.
forces.[196]
[14] “Angola General Conflict Information”. Uppsala Conflict
Metal Gear Solid V: The Phantom Pain is partly set in the Data Program. Retrieved 5 June 2013.
Angola—Zaire border region during the Angolan Civil
War. [15] The MPLA adopted the label “Marxist-Leninist” in 1977,
but at the same time eliminated by way of a massacre
its wing that wanted it to become communist; the label
was then given up again in 1991. UNITA adopted anti-
9 See also communist rhetoric for reasons of convenience, and also
gave it up in 1991.
• Another Day of Life, an account of the war by [16] The results of the 2008 Elections in Angola show that its
Ryszard Kapuscinski constituency is by now considerably larger
19
[17] For the three movements see Franz-Wilhelm Heimer, The [33] Crocker, Chester A.; Hampson, Fen Osler; Aall, Pamela
Decolonization Conflict in Angola, 1974–76: An essay R. (2005). Grasping The Nettle: Analyzing Cases Of In-
in political sociology, Geneva: Institut Universitaire de tractable Conflict. p. 213.
Hautes Études Internationales, 1979
[34] Kalley, Jacqueline Audrey; Schoeman, Elna; Andor, Ly-
[18] See John Marcum, The Angolan Revolution, vol. I, dia Eve (eds), Southern African Political History: A
Anatomy of an Explosion (1950–1962), Cambridge/Mass. Chronology of Key Political Events from Independence to
& London: MIT Press, 1968. Several attempts at consti- Mid-1997, 1999, pp. 1–2.
tuting a common front, including the FNLA, the MPLA
and minor anti-colonial grooups, failed in 1960–62. See [35] Hilton, Hamann (2001). Days of the Generals. p. 34.
also Lúcio Lara (ed.), Um amplo movimento: Itinerário
do MPLA através de documentos de Lúcio Lara, vol. II, [36] Preez, Max Du (2003). Pale Native. p. 84.
1961–1962, Luanda: Ed. Lúcio Lara, 2006.
[37] Westad, Odd Arne (2005). The Global Cold War: Third
[19] Leonard, Thomas M. (2006). Encyclopedia of the Devel- World Interventions and the Making of Our Times. pp.
oping World. p. 1292. ISBN 1-57958-388-1. 230–235.
[20] Scherrer, Christian P. (2002). Genocide and Crisis in Cen- [38] Martin, Peggy J. (2005). SAT Subject Tests: World History
tral Africa: Conflict Roots, Mass Violence, and Regional 2005–2006. p. 316.
War. Greenwood Press. p. 335. ISBN 0-275-97224-0.
[39] Stearns, Peter N.; Langer, William Leonard (2001). The
[21] The Dutch conquered and ruled Luanda between 1640 Encyclopedia of World History: Ancient, Medieval, and
and 1648 as Fort Aardenburgh, but the Portuguese pres- Modern, Chronologically Arranged. p. 1065.
ence was maintained inland, and after the reconquest of
Luanda, all trading activities were resumed as before. [40] Mazrui, Ali Al 'Amin (1977). The Warrior Tradition in
Modern Africa. p. 227.
[22] René Pélissier (1977). Les guerres grises: Résistance et re-
voltes en Angola (1845–1941). Montamets/Orgeval: Au- [41] “Angola”. Regeringen.se. 1 September 2006. Retrieved
thor’s edition. See also: Gervase Clarence-Smith (2007). 17 August 2012.
Slaves, Peasants and Capitalists in Southern Angola, 1840–
1926. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. [42] Sellström, Tor (2003). Formation of a Popular Opinion
1950–1970. Nordic Africa Institute. Retrieved 21 Octo-
[23] “From the archive: Flight from Angola”. The Economist. ber 2012.
16 August 1975. Retrieved 21 November 2011.
[43] Sellström, Tor (2002). SWEDEN – And National Libera-
[24] Turton, A. R. (2010), Shaking Hands with Billy. Durban: tion in South Africa – Volume II, Solidarity and Assistance
Just Done Publications. ISBN 978-1-920315-58-0. 1970–1994, p. 131.
[25] Hamann, Hilton (2001). Days of the Generals. New Hol- [44] Andrew, Christopher M. (1995). For the President’s Eyes
land Publishers. p. 21. ISBN 978-1-86872-340-9. Re- Only: Secret Intelligence and the American Presidency
trieved 15 October 2007. from Washington to Bush. p. 412.
[26] Nortje, P. (2003), 32 Battalion. Cape Town: Struik Pub- [45] Immerman, Richard H.; Theoharis, Athan G (2006). The
lishers. Central Intelligence Agency: Security Under Scrutiny. p.
325.
[27] Meredith, Martin (2005). The Fate of Africa: From the
Hopes of Freedom to the Heart of Despair, a History of [46] Brown, Seyom (1994). The Faces of Power: Constancy
Fifty Years of Independence. p. 316. and Change in United States Foreign Policy from Truman
to Clinton. p. 303.
[28] Bourne, Peter G. (1986), Fidel: A Biography of Fidel Cas-
tro, New York City: Dodd, Mead & Company, pp. 281, [47] Hanhim̀eaki, Jussi M. (2004). The Flawed Architect:
284–287. Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy. p. 408.
[29] Young, Crawford; Thomas Turner (1985). The Rise and [48] Baravalle, Giorgio (2004). Rethink: Cause and Conse-
Decline of the Zairian State. p. 254. quences of September 11. p. cdxcii.
[30] “Involvement in the Angolan Civil War, Zaire: A Country [49] Gates, Robert Michael (2007). From the Shadows: The
Study”. United States Library of Congress. Ultimate Insider’s Story of Five Presidents and How They
Won the Cold War. p. 68.
[31] Rothchild, Donald S. (1997). Managing Ethnic Conflict in
Africa: Pressures and Incentives for Cooperation. Brook- [50] Koh, Harold Hongju (1990). The National Security Con-
ings Institution Press. pp. 115–116. ISBN 0-8157-7593- stitution: Sharing Power After the Iran-Contra Affair.
8. (Hereafter “Rothchild”.) Yale University Press.p. 52
[32] Mwaura, Ndirangu (2005). Kenya Today: Breaking the [51] Fausold, Martin L.; Shank, Alan (1991). The Constitution
Yoke of Colonialism in Africa. pp. 222–223. and the American Presidency. SUNY Press. pp. 186–187.
20 10 REFERENCES
[52] Hunter, Jane (1987). Israeli Foreign Policy: South Africa [69] Mesa-Lago, Carmelo; Belkin, June S (1982). Cuba in
and Central America. South End Press. p. 16. In 1975 Is- Africa. pp. 30–31.
rael followed Secretary of State Henry Kissinger’s advice
and helped South Africa with its invasion of Angola. Even [70] George (2005), p. 136.
after the passage the following year of the Clark Amend-
[71] Gösta, Carl; Shaw, Timothy M; Anglin, Douglas George
ment forbidding U.S. covert involvement in Angola, Israel
(1978). Canada, Scandinavia, and Southern Africa. p.
apparently considered Kissinger’s nod a continuing man-
130. ISBN 91-7106-143-6.
date.
[72] “Inside Kolwezi: Toll of Terror”. TIME magazine. 5 June
[53] Benjamin Beit-Hallahmi, The Israel Connection: Who Is-
1978. Retrieved 10 February 2008.
rael Arms and Why, New York: Pantheon Books, 1987,
ISBN 0-394-55922-3 , Chapter 5: “South Africa and Is- [73] George, Edward (2005). The Cuban Intervention in An-
rael: An Alliance of Desperation” (pp. 108–174). “The gola, 1965–1991: From Che Guevara to Cuito Cuanavale.
alliance between South Africa and Israel is symbiotic in pp. 127–128.
many areas of military endeavor, with Israel usually the
more vital element. Israel is South Africa’s closest mili- [74] George (2005), pp. 129–131.
tary ally and its source of inspiration and technology. The
[75] Sulc, Lawrence. “Communists coming clean about their
Uzi and Galil weapons are as visible in South Africa today
past atrocities”, Human Events (13 October 1990): 12.
as they are in Haiti and Guatemala (Leonard, 1983).”
[76] Ramaer, J. C. Soviet Communism: The Essentials. Second
[54] Kalley (1999), p. 4.
Edition. Translated by G. E. Luton. Stichting Vrijheid,
[55] “Zambia bans UNITA”. The Gleaner. 28 December Vrede, Verdediging (Belgium), 1986.
1976. Retrieved 10 February 2008.
[77] Pawson, Lara (2014-04-30). In the Name of the Peo-
[56] “Absolute Hell Over There”. TIME Magazine. 17 January ple: Angola’s Forgotten Massacre. I.B.Tauris. ISBN
1977. Retrieved 10 February 2008. 9781780769059.
[57] “The Battle Over Angola”. TIME Magazine. 29 December [78] Georges A. Fauriol and Eva Loser. Cuba: The Interna-
1975. Retrieved 10 February 2008. tional Dimension, 1990 (ISBN 0-88738-324-6), p. 164.
[58] “Angola’s Three Troubled Neighbors”. TIME Magazine. [79] Hodges, Tony (2004). Angola: Anatomy of an Oil State.
16 February 1976. Retrieved 10 February 2008. p. 50.
[59] Garthoff, Raymond Leonard (1985). Détente and Con- [80] Domínguez, Jorge I. (1989). To Make a World Safe for
frontation: American-Soviet Relations from Nixon to Rea- Revolution: Cuba’s Foreign Policy. p. 158.
gan. p. 624.
[81] Radu, Michael S. (1990). The New Insurgencies: Anti-
[60] Schraeder, Peter J. (1999). United States Foreign Policy communist Guerrillas in the Third World. pp. 134–135.
Toward Africa: Incrementalism, Crisis and Change. pp.
[82] Westad, Odd Arne (2005). The Global Cold War: Third
87–88.
World Interventions and the Making of Our Times. pp.
[61] Danopoulos, Constantine Panos; Watson, Cynthia Ann 239–241.
(1996). The Political Role of the Military: An Interna-
[83] Kalley (1999), p. 10.
tional Handbook. p. 451.
[84] Taylor & Francis Group (2003). Africa South of the Sa-
[62] Ihonvbere, Julius Omozuanvbo; Mbaku, John Mukum hara 2004. pp. 41–42.
(2003). Political Liberalization and Democratization in
Africa: Lessons from Country Experiences. p. 228. [85] Kalley (1999), p. 12.
[63] Tanca, Antonio (1993). Foreign Armed Intervention in In- [86] Zemtsov, Ilya; Farrar, John (1989). Gorbachev: The Man
ternal Conflict. p. 169. and the System. p. 309.
[64] Dunn, Kevin C (2003). Imagining the Congo: The Inter- [87] Tvedten, Inge (1997). Angola: Struggle for Peace and Re-
national Relations of Identity. p. 129. construction. pp. 38–39.
[65] Mukenge, Tshilemalema (2002). Culture and Customs of [88] Hashimoto, John (1999). “Cold War Chat: Chester
the Congo. p. 31. Crocker, Former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for
African Affairs”. CNN. Archived from the original on
[66] Vine, Victor T. Le (2004). Politics in Francophone Africa. 23 September 2006. Retrieved 10 February 2008.
p. 381.
[89] Kalley (1999), pp. 13–14.
[67] Osmâanczyk, Edmund January; Mango, Anthony (2003).
Encyclopedia of the United Nations and International [90] Franklin, Jane (1997). Cuba and the United States: A
Agreements. p. 95. Chronological History. p. 212.
[68] Chomsky, Noam; Herman, Edward S. The political econ- [91] Easton, Nina J. (2000). Gang of Five: Leaders at the Cen-
omy of human right. p. 308. ter of the Conservative Crusade. pp. 165–167.
21
[92] Fuerbringer, Jonathan (11 July 2008). “House acts to al- [111] Bellant, Russ (1991). The Coors Connection: How Coors
low Angola rebel aid”. The New York Times. Retrieved Family Philanthropy Undermines Democratic Pluralism.
10 February 2008. pp. 53–54.
[93] Aristide R. Zolberg University-in-Exile Professor of Po- [112] Walker, John Frederick (2004). A Certain Curve of Horn:
litical Science New School for Social Research, Astri The Hundred-Year Quest for the Giant Sable Antelope of
Suhrke Professor of International Relations The Ameri- Angola. p. 190.
can University, Sergio Aguayo Professor of International
Studies El Colegio de Mexico (1989). Escape from Vi- [113] Claiborne, William (25 June 1989). “Angola Pact’s Unan-
olence: Conflict and the Refugee Crisis in the Developing swered Question: Savimbi”. The Washington Post.
World. p. 312.
[114] Claiborne, William (28 August 1989). “Savimbi Says
[94] Franklin (1997), p. 219. Rebels Will Honor Truce”. The Washington Post.
[95] Brooke, James (1 February 1987). “C.I.A. Said to Send [115] Kalley (1999), p. 46.
Weapons Via Zaire to Angola Rebels”. The New York
Times. Retrieved 12 February 2008. [116] Chapman, Graham; Baker, Kathleen M (2003). The
Changing Geography of Africa and the Middle East. p.
[96] Molotsky, Irvin; Weaver Jr, Warren (6 February 1986). 21.
“A Mending of Fences”. The New York Times. Retrieved
10 February 2008. [117] Hodges, Tony (2001). Angola. p. 11.
[97] Simpson, Chris (25 February 2002). “Obituary: Jonas [118] Huband, Mark (2001). The Skull Beneath the Skin: Africa
Savimbi, Unita’s local boy”. BBC News. Archived from After the Cold War. p. 46.
the original on 24 January 2008. Retrieved 10 February
[119] “Angola: Don't Simplify History, Says Savimbi’s Biogra-
2008.
pher (Page 1 of 4)". allAfrica.com. 25 June 2002. Re-
[98] Martin, James W. (2004). Historical Dictionary of An- trieved 4 August 2014.
gola. p. 33.
[120] Alao (1994), p. XX.
[99] Kahn, Owen Ellison (1991). Disengagement from South-
west Africa: The Prospects for Peace in Angola and [121] Calvo Ospina, Hernando (2002). Bacardi: The Hidden
Namibia. p. 213. War. p. 46.
[100] Kalley (1999), p. 36. [122] Wright, George (1997). The Destruction of a Nation:
United States’ Policy Towards Angola Since 1945. p. 159.
[101] Alao, Abiodun (1994). Brothers at War: Dissidence and
Rebellion in Southern Africa. pp. XIX–XXI. [123] “All the President’s Men”. Global Witness. 1 March
2002. pp. 11–12. Archived from the original on 31 De-
[102] George (2005), p. 1. cember 2007. Retrieved 10 February 2008.
[103] Mendelsohn, John; El Obeid, Selma (2004). Okavango [124] National Society for Human Rights, Ending the Angolan
River: The Flow of a Lifeline. p. 56. Conflict, Windhoek, Namibia, 3 July 2000
[104] Alao (1994), pp. 33–34. [125] National Society for Human Rights, Ending the Angolan
Conflict, Windhoek, Namibia, 3 July 2000.
[105] Steenkamp, W. (1989). South Africa’s border war,.
Gibraltar: Ashanti Pub. [126] John Matthew, Letters, The Times, UK, 6 November
1992.
[106] Stiff, P. (2000). The Covert War: Koevoet Operations in
Namibia. Galago Publishing Pty Ltd. [127] Rothchild, p. 134.
[107] Kahn, Owen Ellison (1991). Disengagement from South- [128] Lucier, James P (29 April 2002). “Chevron oil and the
west Africa: The Prospects for Peace in Angola and Savimbi problem”. Insight on the News. Retrieved 10
Namibia. University of Miami Institute for Soviet and February 2008.
East. p. 79.
[129] Historical Dictionary of Angola by W. Martin James, Su-
[108] Roy E. Horton (1999). Out of (South) Africa: Pretorias san Herlin Broadhead on Google Books
Nuclear Weapons Experience. USAF Institute for National
Security Studies. Dianne Publishing. pp. 15–16. ISBN [130] Hodges (2004). pp. 15–16.
1-4289-9484-X.
[131] Kukkuk, Leon (2004). Letters to Gabriella: Angola’s Last
[109] Rowland Evans and Robert Novak, “CUBAN TROOPS War for Peace, What the Un Did And Why. p. 462.
IN ANGOLA SAID TO USE POSION GAS”, 2 June
1989. [132] Roberts, Janine (2003). Glitter & Greed: The Secret World
of the Diamond Empire. pp. 223–224.
[110] Wellens, Karel C. (1990). Resolutions and Statements of
the United Nations Security Council (1946–1989): A The- [133] Vines, Alex (1999). Angola Unravels: The Rise and Fall
matic Guide. pp. 235–236. of the Lusaka Peace Process. Human Rights Watch.
22 10 REFERENCES
[134] Rothchild, pp. 137–138. [157] Gberie, Lansana (2005). A Dirty War in West Africa: The
RUF and the Destruction of Sierra Leone. Indiana Univer-
[135] Hayward R. Alker, Ted Robert Gurr, and Kumar Ru- sity Press. p. 93.
pesinghe. Journeys Through Conflict: Narratives and
Lessons, 2001, p. 181. [158] Arms Project (1994). Arms Project; Angola: Arms Trade
and Violations of the Laws of War Since the 1992 Elec-
[136] Angola HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH WORLD REPORT tions: Sumário Em Portugués. Human Rights Watch. p.
1995 31.
[137] Rothchild, p. 251.
[159] Mullen, J. Atticus Ryan; Mullen, Christopher A. (1997).
[138] “Angola Unravels, XII. International Response”. Human Unrepresented Nations & Peoples Organization, Yearbook
Rights Watch. 1999. Retrieved 10 February 2008. 1997. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. p. 57. ISBN 90-411-
1022-4.
[139] “Angolans Offer Rebel Leader a Top Post”. The New
York Times. 18 June 1995. Retrieved 10 February 2008. [160] Griggs, Richard A.; Bradley, Rachael; Schofield, Clive H
(2000). Boundaries, Borders and Peace-building in South-
[140] “Angola Rebel to Join Foes”. The New York Times. 12 ern Africa: The Spatial Implications of the 'African Re-
August 1995. Retrieved 10 February 2008. naissance'. International Boundaries Research Unit. p. 8.
ISBN 1-897643-37-3.
[141] Vines (1999), pp. 103–104.
[161] Olson, James Stuart; Shadle, Robert (1991). Historical
[142] Vines (1999), p. 106.
Dictionary of European Imperialism. Greenwood Publish-
[143] “V. Undermining the Lusaka Peace Process”. Human ing Group. p. 103. ISBN 0-313-26257-8.
Rights Watch. 1999. Retrieved 10 February 2008.
[162] Grant, J. Andrew; Söderbaum, Fredrik (2003). The New
[144] Reyntjens, Filip. The Great African War: Congo and Re- Regionalism in Africa. Ashgate Publishing. p. 126. ISBN
gional Geopolitics, 1996–2006. Cambridge: Cambridge 0-7546-3262-8.
UP, 2009. p. 62
[163] Sousa, Matthew V.; Forest, James JF (2006). Oil and Ter-
[145] Gribbin, Robert E. In the Aftermath of Genocide: the rorism in the New Gulf: Framing U.S. Energy and Security
U.S. Role in Rwanda. New York: IUniverse, 2005. p. Policies. Lexington Books. p. 31. ISBN 0-7391-1995-8.
218
[164] Ferro, Marc (1997). Colonization: A Global History.
[146] W. Martin James III (2011). A Political History of the Routledge. p. 322. ISBN 0-415-14007-2.
Civil War in Angola 1974–1990. Piscataway: Transaction
Publishers. p. 34. [165] “A Little Help From Some Friends”. TIME Magazine. 1
December 1975. Retrieved 10 February 2008.
[147] “Rebels, Backed by Angola, Take Brazzaville and Oil
Port”. New York Times. 16 October 1997. Retrieved 6 [166] Significant Incidents of Political Violence Against Ameri-
May 2015. cans 1992. DIANE Publishing. p. 20.
[148] “Angola aids Congo to corral Unita”. Mail Guardian. 17 [167] Vines, Alex (1999). Angola Unravels: The Rise and Fall
October 1997. Retrieved 26 April 2015. of the Lusaka Peace Process. Human Rights Watch (Or-
ganization). pp. 39–40.
[149] Republic of Congo Civil War Global Security
[168] Madsen, Wayne (2002). “Report Alleges US Role in An-
[150] Martin (2004), p. 141.
gola Arms-for-Oil Scandal”. CorpWatch. Archived from
[151] “Report of the Secretary General on the United Nations the original on 5 January 2008. Retrieved 10 February
Observer Office in Angola (UNOA)". United Nations 2008.
Observer Office in Angola via Global Security. 14 Jan-
[169] “The Oil Diagnostic in Angola: An Update”. Human
uary 2000. Retrieved 10 February 2008.
Rights Watch. March 2001. Retrieved 10 February 2008.
[152] Zacek, Jane Shapiro; Kim, Ilpyong J (1997). The Legacy
of the Soviet Bloc. p. 254. [170] “Unita attack east of Luanda”. BBC News. 22 May 2001.
Retrieved 10 February 2008.
[153] W. Martin James III (2011). A Political History of the
Civil War in Angola 1974–1990. Piscataway: Transaction [171] “Rebels free children in Angola”. BBC News. 26 May
Publishers. p. 34. 2001. Retrieved 10 February 2008.
[154] “Angola 'regrets’ De Beers pullout”. BBC News. 31 May [172] Taylor & Francis Group (2003). Africa South of the Sa-
2001. Retrieved 10 February 2008. hara 2004. p. 50.
[155] Arms Project (1994). Angola: Arms Trade and Violations [173] “WFP plane hit in Angola”. BBC News. 8 June 2001.
of the Laws of War Since the 1992 Elections: Sumário Em Retrieved 10 February 2008.
Portugués. Human Rights Watch. p. 3.
[174] “UN warns of Angolan catastrophe”. BBC News. 20 June
[156] Arnold, Guy (2000). The New South Africa. p. 131. 2001. Retrieved 10 February 2008.
23
[178] Arnson, Cynthia J; Zartman, I William (2005). Rethinking • Stockwell, John. In Search of Enemies: A CIA Story,
the Economics of War: The Intersection of Need, Creed, New York: W.W. Norton, 1978.
and Greed. p. 120.
[179] Zorgbibe, Charles (2003). “Angola in Peace”. African
• Kapuściński, Ryszard. Another Day of Life, Pen-
Geopolitics. Retrieved 10 February 2008. guin, 1975. ISBN 0-14-118678-X. (A Polish jour-
nalist’s account of Portuguese withdrawal from An-
[180] Crocker, Aall, and Osler (2004). p. 224. gola and the beginning of the civil war.)
[181] “Angolan military meets Unita rebels”. BBC News. 16
March 2002. Archived from the original on 18 February • Une Odyssée Africaine (France, 2006, 59mn)
2008. Retrieved 10 February 2008. (movie directed by Jihan El Tahri)
[182] “Security Council Resolutions Concerning the Situation • Arthur J. Klinghoffer, The Angolan War: A study
in Angola Pursuant to Resolution 864 (1993)". United of Soviet policy in the Third World, Boulder/Col.:
Nations. Retrieved 28 September 2007. Westview Press, 1980
[183] “Polity IV Country Report 2005: Angola” (PDF). Center
for Systematic Peace. 2005. p. 3. • Gleijeses, Piero, Conflicting Missions: Havana,
Washington, and Africa, Chapel Hill: The Univer-
[184] Furley, Oliver; May, Roy (2006). Ending Africa’s Wars: sity of North Carolina Press, 2002
Progressing to Peace. p. 147.
[185] Polgreen, Lydia (30 July 2003). “Angolans Come Home • Saney, Isaac, “African Stalingrad: The Cuban Rev-
to 'Negative Peace'". The New York Times. Retrieved 10 olution, Internationalism and the End of Apartheid,”
February 2008. Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 33, No. 5
(September 2006): pp. 81–117.
[186] Scott Bobb (1 November 2009). “Work intensifies to clear
Angola’s landmines”. Voice of America News. Retrieved
• Nelson Mandela & Fidel Castro, How Far We Slaves
21 October 2012.
Have Come!, New York:Pathfinder Press, 1991
[187] International Campaign to Ban Landmines, Human Rights
Watch (2002). Landmine Monitor Report 2002: Toward • Pazzanita, Anthony G, “The Conflict Resolution
a Mine-free World. p. 64. Process in Angola.” The Journal of Modern African
[188] “IV. Use of children in the war since 1998”. Human
Studies, Vol. 29 No 1(March 1991): pp. 83–114.
Rights Watch. Retrieved 10 February 2008.
• Malaquias, Assis. Rebels and Robbers: Violence in
[189] Shapiro, Jerome Franklin (2002). Atomic Bomb Cinema: Post-Colonial Angola, Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikain-
The Apocalyptic Imagination on Film. p. 184. stitutet, 2007
[190] Prince, Stephen (1992). Visions of Empire: Political Im-
agery in Contemporary American Film. p. 58.
• Minter, William. Apartheid’s Contras: An Inquiry
into the Roots of War in Angola and Mozambique,
[191] Julius, Marshall (1997). Action!: The Action Movie A-Z. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand Press, 1994
p. 166.
[192] Dubose, Lou; Reid, January (2004). The Hammer: • Wolfers, Michael, & Bergerol, Jane. Angola in the
Tom DeLay God, Money, and the Rise of the Republican Front Line, London: Zed Books, 1983
Congress. p. 189.
• Wright, George The Destruction of a Nation: United
[193] “Plot summary for Red Scorpion (1989)". IMDb. Re- States Policy Towards Angola Since 1945, London:
trieved 10 February 2008. Pluto Press, 1997.
[194] Silverstein, Ken (2006). “The Making of a Lobbyist”.
Harper’s Magazine. Retrieved 10 February 2008. • W. Martin James III (2011). A Political History of
the Civil War in Angola 1974–1990. Piscataway:
[195] “The Hero”. California Newsreel. 2005. Archived from Transaction Publishers. p. 34.
the original on 11 January 2008. Retrieved 10 February
2008. • Madsen, Wayne (17 May 2002). “Report Alleges
[196] “The First 15 Minutes Of Call Of Duty: Black Ops 2”. US Role in Angola Arms-for-Oil Scandal”. Cor-
G4TV.com. 13 November 2012. Retrieved 14 November pWatch. Archived from the original on 5 January
2012. 2008. Retrieved 10 February 2008.
24 12 EXTERNAL LINKS
12 External links
• All Peace Agreements for Angola – UN Peacemaker
13.2 Images
• File:AO-N'dalatando.png Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/46/AO-N%27dalatando.png License: CC-BY-
SA-3.0 Contributors: Originally from en.wikipedia; description page is (was) here Original artist: User Acntx on en.wikipedia
• File:Angola_1978.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/9a/Angola_1978.jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Con-
tributors: Own work Original artist: Chaplin2222
• File:Angola_Ethnic_map_1970.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/71/Angola_Ethnic_map_1970.svg Li-
cense: Public domain Contributors:
• Angola_tribes_1970.jpg Original artist: Angola_tribes_1970.jpg: USG
• File:Angola_Provinces_Cuando_Cubango_250px.png Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/63/Angola_
Provinces_Cuando_Cubango_250px.png License: CC-BY-SA-3.0 Contributors: english wikipedia Original artist: Sascha Noyes
• File:Bandeira_da_FNLA.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f5/Bandeira_da_FNLA.svg License: Public
domain Contributors: ? Original artist: ?
• File:Building_with_Bullet-holes_in_Huambo,_Angola.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/2a/Building_
with_Bullet-holes_in_Huambo%2C_Angola.jpg License: CC BY-SA 2.0 Contributors: Vestígios de guerra Original artist: jlrsousa
• File:Coat_of_arms_of_Angola.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/0/03/Coat_of_arms_of_Angola.svg Li-
cense: CC-BY-SA-3.0 Contributors: ? Original artist: ?
• File:Commons-logo.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/4/4a/Commons-logo.svg License: PD Contributors: ? Origi-
nal artist: ?
• File:Democratic_Republic_of_the_Congo_-_Katanga.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/1/15/
Democratic_Republic_of_the_Congo_-_Katanga.svg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: This vector image was created with
Inkscape. Original artist: Derivative work: User:Profoss - Original work:Uwe Dedering
• File:Destroyed_bridge_by_Angolan_civil_war.JPG Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/61/Destroyed_
bridge_by_Angolan_civil_war.JPG License: CC0 Contributors: Paulo César Santos Original artist: Paulo César Santos
• File:East_Bloc_military_advisors_in_Angola,_1980s.JPEG Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/
3/39/East_Bloc_military_advisors_in_Angola%2C_1980s.JPEG License: Public domain Contributors: http://www.
defenseimagery.mil; <a data-x-rel='nofollow' class='external text' href='http://www.defenseimagery.mil/imagery.html#
guid=3356b698097816cdeee4b0ed26c2f57762bc9b7e'>VIRIN: DN-SN-83-07158</a> Original artist: Unknown<a
26 13 TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES