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Archaeological Illustration and the Ancient Americas




This publication was made possible in part by a gift from the estates of Milton L. and Muriel F. Shurr.

© 2012 Dumbarton Oaks Trustees for Harvard University, Washington, D.C. All rights reserved. Printed in China by Everbest Printing, Ltd.











Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Past presented : archaeological illustration and the ancient Americas / Joanne Pillsbury, editor.

  • p. cm. — Dumbarton Oaks Pre-Columbian symposia and colloquia

Includes index.

isbn 978-0-88402-380-7 (hardcover : alk. paper)

  • 1. Indians—Historiography—Pictorial works.

  • 2. Indians—Antiquities—Pictorial works.

  • 3. Archaeology—America—Pictorial works.

  • 4. America—Antiquities—Pictorial works.

    • I. Pillsbury, Joanne.

e58.p27 2012



Volume based on papers presented at the symposium “Past Presented: A Symposium on the History of Archaeological Illustration,” held at the Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, D.C., on October 9–10, 2009.

Series Editor : Joanne Pillsbury Art Director : Kathleen Sparkes Design and Composition: Melissa Tandysh Managing Editor : Sara Taylor

Jacket illustrations: front cover: Henry Warren, Broken Idol at Copan , from Frederick Catherwood, Views of Ancient Monuments in Central America, Chiapas, and Yucatan , 1844. Back cover: Stela D, Copan , from John Lloyd Stephens, Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas, and Yucatan , 1841. Frontispiece: Francisco Laso, Inhabitant of the Cordillera of Peru , 1855, oil on c anvas, 135 × 86 cm, Pinacoteca Municipal “Ignacio Merino,” Municipalidad Metropolitana de Lima, Lima.

c on t e n t s

list of illustrations | ix preface and acknowledgments | xix

  • 1 Perspectives: Representing the Pre-Columbian Past



Joanne Pillsbury

  • 2 European Antiquarianism and the Discovery of the New World




Alain Schnapp

  • 3 The First Steps on a Long Journey: Archaeological Illustration


in Eighteenth-Century New Spain



Leonardo López Luján

  • 4 The Uncanny Tombs in Martínez Compañón’s Trujillo del Perú Lisa Trever



  • 5 Beyond Stephens and Catherwood: Ancient Mesoamerica as Public Entertainment in the Early Nineteenth Century

Khristaan D. Villela



  • 6 Antonio Raimondi, Archaeology, and National Discourse: Representations and Meanings of the Past in Nineteenth-Century Peru

Luis Felipe Villacorta Ostolaza



  • 7 Nineteenth-Century Photographs of Archaeological Collections from Mexico | 207

Adam T. Sellen

  • 8 Drawing Glyphs Together



Byron Ellsworth Hamann

  • 9 “Unavoidable Imperfections”: Historical Contexts for Representing Ruined Maya Buildings


Scott R. Hutson


  • 10 “Wings over the Andes”: Aerial Photography and the Dematerialization of Archaeology circa 1931

Jason Weems



  • 11 Printed Pictures of Maya Sculpture

Bryan R. Just



  • 12 Telling It Slant: Imaginative Reconstructions of Classic Maya Life

Stephen D. Houston



  • 13 Realizing the Illustration Potential of Digital Models

and Images: Beyond Visualization



John W. Rick

  • 14 Beyond the Naked Eye: Multidimensionality of Sculpture

in Archaeological Illustration



Barbara W. Fash








l i s a T r e v e r
l i s a
T r e v e r


The Uncanny Tombs in Martínez Compañón’s Trujillo del Perú

Within the nine volumes containing more than fourteen hundred charts and watercolor drawings that the bishop Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón y Bujanda had made to document his diocese of Trujillo, Peru, in the 1780s,1 we find hundreds of illustrations of Pre-Columbian architecture, tombs, and antiquities (Martínez Compañón 1781–1789:vol. 9). The bishop produced this Enlightenment-era atlas for the Spanish Bourbon kings, and it now resides in the Biblioteca del Palacio Real in Madrid.2 The ninth and final volume of the chorographic work is exceptional among eighteenth-century Peruvian sources in the breadth and depth of its attention to visualizing the Pre-Columbian past and to illus- trating ancient burial traditions in particular (Kaulicke 1997:9–12). The illustrations survive under the modern title Trujillo del Perú , but Martínez Compañón (1978–1994 [1781–1789]:app. 3, 54) had conceived of them as his “natural and moral history of the bishopric through drawings, lists, and plans,” as he describes in a letter to Secretary of State Antonio Porlier in 1790.3 That letter accompanied the shipment of six crates of Moche, Chimú, Inca, and other North Coast ceramics to Charles III in Madrid.4 In it, Martínez Compañón (1978–1994 [1781–1789]:app. 3, 54) expresses his desire that—after the king’s inspection and approval—these antiquities might pass to the Prince of Asturias (by then Charles IV) “for his amusement and diversion” and so that he might “become fond of the study and knowledge of the arts, civility, and culture of the Indians of Peru, before their conquest.”5 Martínez Compañón notes that he retained possession of one additional crate of antiquities so that he might yet finalize their illustrations in his ninth volume.6 The bishop proceeds to describe how the drawings were made directly from these collections and that they were created in his presence.7

Figure 4.15


Figure 4.1

Plan of the ancient Chimú city of Chan Chan, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789, vol. 9, fol. 5, Biblioteca del Palacio Real, Madrid. © Patrimonio Nacional.

Significantly, Martínez Compañón’s images and charts stand alone, without an accom- panying text, with the exception of the legends and extended descriptions (memorias) found with some illustrations.8 Since Marcos Jiménez de la Espada (1883) announced the existence of the chorographic work in the Biblioteca del Palacio Real in 1891, historians have searched archives in hopes of discovering drafts of a manuscript presumed lost.9 But it is now clear that Martínez Compañón did not plan to write such a text to narrate the watercolors.10 Rather, as historian Manuel Ballesteros Gaibrois (1994, 1997) has masterfully demonstrated, the collection of annotated drawings itself constituted the bishop’s history. As such, these images serve as an important—although at times enigmatic—source for the early history of archaeological investigations and illustration in the Americas. Within Martínez Compañón’s ninth volume on antiquities—after meticulous plans of archaeological sites that include the Chimú city of Chan Chan and its palaces (Figures 4.1– 4.2) and Huaca del Sol at Moche (Martínez Compañón 1781–1789:9:fol. 7) and before scores of drawings of textiles, ceramics, and other artifacts—there is a series of ten illustrations of burials discovered in the Trujillo area (e.g., Figures 4.3–4.4), which are the focus of this chapter. In an article in American Antiquity, archaeologist Richard Schaedel (1949) lauded Martínez Compañón as the “founder of Peruvian archaeology,” amplifying the earlier praise of Philip Ainsworth Means (1970 [1942]:67), who had dubbed the bishop the “grand- father of Peruvian archaeology.” Of the burial illustrations in particular, Schaedel (1949:162)

108 108 trever
writes, “with the exception of the data on the general orientation of the tombs, there is

writes, “with the exception of the data on the general orientation of the tombs, there is little that modern archaeology could add to [the bishop’s] illustrations.” Other scholars have judged the bishop’s archaeological images similarly, reading their contents as precise and objective, as if the drawings were equivalent to modern archaeological documentation (e.g., Ballesteros Gaibrois 1935:172n1; Cabello Carro 2003a, 2003b, 2003c). But although Martínez Compañón’s archaeological images do seem ahead of their time, it is clear that these drawings are not commensurate with twentieth-century archaeological illustration (Figure 4.5). They do not record the dead precisely as they would have been seen when their tombs were opened in the late eighteenth century: as skeletons or mummies that had suffered the ravages of time and interment. Instead, the dead are depicted as perfectly preserved and lifelike, as if not deceased but perhaps just sleeping. Even in the bishop’s illustration of a wrapped mummy (see Figure 4.3), which otherwise resembles seventeenth- century illustrations of Egyptian mummies in Adam Olearius’s Gottorfische Kunst-Kammer (1674; Figure 4.6) or Athanasius Kircher’s Sphinx mystagoga (1676:6), fleshy toes peek out from the burial shroud.11 Certainly the Trujillo illustrators did not employ the same strict conventions of line drawing and schematic rendering that are apparent in twentieth- and twenty-first-century scientific illustrations of burials. Nor are the Trujillo tomb illustrations comparable to the detailed nineteenth-century renderings of Peruvian mummies produced by Mariano Eduardo de Rivero y Ustariz and Johann Jakob von Tschudi (1851) or the metic- ulously naturalistic—nearly photographic—chromolithographs of mummy bundles from Ancón made by Wilhelm Reiss and Alphons Stübel (1880–1887; see Pillsbury, this volume). The bishop’s images also depart from other eighteenth-century archaeological illustrations of Andean burials and human remains, such as the Malaspina Expedition cartographer

Figure 4.2

Plan of a palace of Chan Chan, formerly known as Ciudadela Rivero (Alcina Franch 1995:187) and recently renamed Conjunto Amurallado “Chol An” by the Peruvian government, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789, vol. 9, fol. 6, Biblioteca del Palacio Real, Madrid. © Patrimonio Nacional.

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Figure 4.3

A wrapped Peruvian mummy with a small camelid, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789, vol. 9, fol. 19, Biblioteca del Palacio Real, Madrid. © Patrimonio Nacional.

Figure 4.3 A wrapped Peruvian mummy with a small camelid, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo

Felipe Bauzá’s sketches of mummified remains from Arica, which represent their subjects with greater fidelity (Malaspina 1987–1996:5:69, 72). Although Martínez Compañón’s illus- trations share tendencies toward idealization and standardization with other more typical early modern scientific illustrations, which sought “truth to nature” over mechanical objec- tivity (Daston and Galison 2007), the bishop’s images remain peculiar in their disarmingly lifelike representations of the dead. Instead, these eighteenth-century drawings of the tombs of Trujillo seem more like twentieth-century artistic reconstructions of archaeological tombs (Figure 4.7), such as the re-creations of the famous Moche tombs of Sipán (Alva and Donnan 1993:fig. 174). Both sets of images depict the tombs as imagined at the moment of their closure and show no evidence of decomposition or degradation, no signs of frayed cloth or damage to the grave goods. And although coastal and highland Andean peoples practiced mummification for




Figure 4.4 Tomb of an indigenous lord, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú ,

Figure 4.4

Tomb of an indigenous lord, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789, vol. 9, fol. 12, Biblioteca del Palacio Real, Madrid. © Patrimonio Nacional.

The Uncanny Tombs in Martínez Compañón’s Trujillo del Perú

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Figure 4.5 Archaeological illustration of a Moche burial in Huaca del Sol excavated by Charles Hastings

Figure 4.5

Archaeological illustration of a Moche burial in Huaca del Sol excavated by Charles Hastings in 1972 (m-iii 1), from Christopher B. Donnan and Carol J. Mackey, Ancient Burial Patterns of the Moche Valley, Peru , 1978, p. 67. Reproduced by permission of the University of Texas Press, Austin.

millennia, these individuals could not have appeared this well preserved when discov- ered in the eighteenth century. The bodies appear as if they might almost be alive; in most images, the dead are pictured as if standing or sitting upright, raising staffs or other objects, instead of recumbent in their tombs (Cabello Carro 1991:476, 2003c:13; Oberem 1953:262). The ambiguity of these figures—dead, alive, perhaps only sleeping—may inspire a sense of the uncanny in the pre-Freudian sense described by Ernst Jentsch (1997 [1906]:11), which results from “doubt as to whether an apparently living being is animate and, conversely, doubt as to whether a lifeless object may in fact be animate,” as in his examples of wax fig- ures, moving dolls, and automatons.12 In this sense, the uncanny results from ontological uncertainty that is resolved only when one succeeds in classifying the thing perceived. In this chapter, I investigate the uncanny, ambiguous nature of these illustrations of Peruvian tombs, which I suggest is at least twofold. On the one hand, the dead are represented as uncannily lifelike, reconstructed, and in some cases nearly reanimated. But these images




Figure 4.6 Funerary objects (1–3), a South American mummy (4), and an Egyptian mummy (5), from

Figure 4.6

Funerary objects (1–3), a South American mummy (4), and an Egyptian mummy (5), from Adam Olearius, Gottorfische Kunst-Kammer, 1674, Typ 620.74.645, pl. 36, Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

Figure 4.6 Funerary objects (1–3), a South American mummy (4), and an Egyptian mummy (5), from

Figure 4.7

Artistic reconstruction of Tomb 2 at Sipán at the moment of interment, by Percy Fiestas, ca. 1993. Illustration courtesy of the Museo Tumbas Reales de Sipán.

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also occupy an ambiguous place in the history of archaeological illustration. They defy eighteenth-century conventions for illustrating mummies and human remains and instead seem, anachronistically, more like modern reconstructions of tombs. Furthermore, these late colonial images are too far removed from ancient North Coast pictorial traditions to easily explain them by reference to indigenous artistic survivals. By situating and analyzing the drawings of Martínez Compañón’s natural and moral history of Trujillo within con- temporaneous trends in eighteenth-century illustration and painting—both secular and religious—we may come to see them more clearly. Often derided for being naive or unskilled (e.g., López Serrano 1976:8), these illustrations are, in fact, rich historical sources that join scientific and religious objectives and arguments, but they require careful historical con- textualization in order to arrive at the most informed conclusions regarding their contents.

Martínez Compañón’s Archaeological Illustrations and Collections

Let us consider the bishop’s extensive documentary enterprise as a whole and its place within the early history of Peruvian archaeology. The nine volumes of illustrations were created during the new bishop’s visita general of the diocese that began within the city of Trujillo in April 1780 and then proceeded out through the province from June 1782 until March 1785 (Restrepo Manrique 1991a). At that time, the province of Trujillo included much more than the modern city by the same name—or even the department of La Libertad—and was delimited by the Santa Valley in the south and by Tumbes in the north, and it extended east through Cajamarca and Chachapoyas to Tarapoto. Copies of the bishop’s 1786 map of the diocese, which was created in response to a 1784 royal call for cartas geográficas (Ballesteros Gaibrois 1994:31; Pérez Ayala 1955:43–44), are included at the beginnings of volumes one, two, and nine. Students of Peruvian history will note that the visita began just after the sup- pression of the native uprisings of Tupac Amaru II and others in southern Peru and Bolivia, and indeed one of Martínez Compañón’s first orders of business in Trujillo was to pacify a 1780 revolt against new taxation in Otuzco (Pazos and Restrepo Manrique 1990:334; Pérez Ayala 1955:37–38). The bishop’s visita sought to further evaluate and document the exceed- ingly poor conditions in the bishopric and initiate social and economic reform throughout, as historians Daniel Restrepo Manrique (1991a, 1992) and Emily Berquist (2007, 2008) have recently discussed with great insight. In the tradition of the relaciones geográficas (Mundy 1996), the bishop’s tour was preceded by the circulation of two questionnaires (Restrepo Manrique 1991a:104). The first queried the state of affairs of local churches, but the second sought reports on climate, resources, indus- try, cultural traditions, superstitions to be extirpated, and antiquities (Restrepo Manrique 1992:2:123–126). With respect to the Pre-Columbian past, the bishop asked for evidence of giants and ancient architecture that was remarkable in its material, form, or grandeur.13 Martínez Compañón’s (1978–1994 [1781–1789]:app. 3, 54) appreciation of ancient Peruvian traditions became more profound and sympathetic through the course of the visita, so that by 1790 he was no longer searching for giants but had become an admirer of the “arts, civil- ity, and culture” of the preconquest inhabitants of his diocese.14 Together with the bishop’s own observations, the local responses to these questionnaires informed the nine volumes of illustrations.15




Martínez Compañón’s graphic survey draws upon a wide range of visual genres and conventions that his illustrators employed as models to facilitate the encyclopedic depiction of their various subjects. The first volume includes full-length and equestrian portraits of the region’s civic and ecclesiastic personnel as well as meticulous plans and technical views of colonial architecture. The second volume documents native, creole, and Afro-Peruvian types and traditions, industry, craft, dance, and so on and makes generous use of the pasto- ral genre of painting.16 Volumes three through eight illustrate plants and animals, calling upon standard visual methods developed by Linnaeus and other naturalists. Following the six natural history volumes, the final volume is dedicated to the mapping of ancient archi- tecture, roads, and aqueducts; the depiction of tombs; and the cataloging of antiquities. The bishop’s questionnaire derives from specific Spanish royal requests for reports on viceregal resources, including antiquities (Anonymous 1985). Martínez Compañón’s atten- tion to Peruvian ruins and artifacts was part of a larger Bourbon interest in antiquity that emerged out of the excavations at Herculaneum and Pompeii during Charles III’s tenure as king of Naples and then extended across the Atlantic to Peru (Pillsbury and Trever 2008), Mexico (Cabello Carro 1992; López Luján 2008), and elsewhere in the Americas (Alcina Franch 1995:63–72). In 1776, Pedro Franco Dávila, the founder of the new Royal Cabinet in Madrid, sent instructions to the viceroyalties for the collection of specimens from the “three realms of nature” (i.e., botany, zoology, and mineralogy) (Cabello Carro 1991:469). The next year, naval officer and royal adviser Antonio de Ulloa issued a specific call for the investiga- tion of pre-Christian ruins and tombs and the collection of antiquities for the Royal Cabinet (Alcina Franch 1995:79–80; Cabello Carro 1991:469). In response to these royal requests, Martínez Compañón sent two shipments of Peru- vian artifacts to Spain in 1788 and 1790.17 Although many of these collections were lost, some are now held in the Museo de América in Madrid (Cabello Carro 1989, 1991). Paz Cabello Carro (1991:475–476) notes that it is often difficult to make positive identifications of real objects among Martínez Compañón’s illustrations, but we can identify some ceram- ics as the objects depicted in the watercolors.18 Others we can also match to their eigh- teenth-century inventory descriptions, such as the Chimú bottle pictured in volume nine (Figures 4.8 [bottom] and 4.9) that is now in the Museo de América and that was described in the 1790 inventory as “a river shrimp on top of something like a box; lead-colored clay” (Pérez Ayala 1955:app. 42, pt. 6, 407 [crate 1, no. 46]).19 Martínez Compañón’s attention to ancient Andean antiquities and architecture should be understood as part of broader developments in Peru in the eighteenth century, even though other projects did not produce such extensive visual documentations of their archaeological materials. In 1765, the corregidor of Trujillo, Miguel Feyjoo de Sosa, exca- vated a huaca at Tantalluc (now called Tantarica) near Cajamarca, which was illustrated nearly twenty years later in Martínez Compañón’s volume nine (Martínez Compañón 1781– 1789:9:fol. 9; Alcina Franch 1995:172–175; Jiménez de la Espada 1896). Early archaeological investigations in Peru were usually undertaken as part of larger survey projects or scien- tific expeditions (Alcina Franch 1995:165–195; Pillsbury 2008, this volume). Pre-Columbian antiquities were documented in the illustrated reports of Amédée François Frézier (1716) and Jorge Juan and Antonio de Ulloa (1748). The collection of artifacts and investigation of ancient ruins were also secondary components of the Royal Botanical Expedition to Peru led by Hipólito Ruiz (Cabello Carro 1991:479–481; Ruiz 1998 [1777–1788]), the work of

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Figure 4.8

Two Chimú ceramic bottles, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789, vol. 9, fol. 61, Biblioteca del Palacio Real, Madrid. © Patrimonio Nacional.

Figure 4.8 Two Chimú ceramic bottles, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789,

geographer Charles-Marie de La Condamine (Barnes and Fleming 1989; La Condamine 1745), and the Malaspina Expedition (Malaspina 1987–1996). Though not the products of a scientific expedition, Martínez Compañón’s (1781– 1789:9:fols. 3–11) plans of archaeological structures and sites nonetheless evidence a special- ized and systematic approach to illustration. These images were created by a trained drafts- man, perhaps the cartographer José Clemente del Castillo, who made the bishop’s 1786 map of the diocese, or another professional cartographer or architect (Oberem 1953:237; Restrepo Manrique 1991a:110). The other artists were apparently not formally trained illustrators but perhaps decorative painters or popular artists of Trujillo (Jiménez Borja 1997:86–94).20




Figure 4.9 Chimú ceramic bottle in the shape of a shrimp from Trujillo, Museo de América,

Figure 4.9

Chimú ceramic bottle in the shape of a shrimp from Trujillo, Museo de América, no. 10227. Photograph courtesy of the Museo de América, Madrid.

Although the illustrations are often quite faithful to their archaeological subjects, the artists’ own aesthetic choices, preconceptions, limitations, and eighteenth-century styliza- tion are also readily apparent. For example, silver artifacts have been arranged on the page in one illustration so that they form a human face (Martínez Compañón 1781–1789:9:fol. 37). Unintended stylization is evident in a drawing of a Chimú metal ornament wherein the forms of Indians are transformed into more elegant rococo-like figures (Martínez Compañón 1781–1789:9:fol. 50). Within the ceramic illustrations, the face of a Lambayeque portrait jar (Martínez Compañón 1781–1789:9:fol. 73) resembles the volume’s dedicatory portrait of Charles IV (Martínez Compañón 1781–1789:9:fol. 1)—especially in the turn of its hooked nose—more than the countenance of any coastal Indian. Although their identities have been lost, one presumes that Martínez Compañón hired three or four local artists from the Trujillo area to produce the illustrations of his diocese. Stylistic similarities between his watercolors and decorative paintings found on the walls of contemporaneous houses and churches in Trujillo suggest that the bishop might have hired mural painters to do this work (Restrepo Manrique 1991b:67). In particular, Restrepo Manrique (1991b:67–68, 1992:1:526) has observed that the decorative and religious paint- ings on the walls of the Indian burial vault that Martínez Compañón (1781–1789:1:fols. 26v– 27r) had rebuilt in the cathedral in 1782 might be the work of these same artists. Scholars have most often assumed that the bishop’s illustrators were indigenous or mestizo artists

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(e.g., Oberem 1953:237; Pazos and Restrepo Manrique 1990:336; Restrepo Manrique 1991b:66), but recently Ricardo Morales Gamarra (1996, 2001) has documented that many master architects and carpenters (and presumably mural painters) in Trujillo were free blacks (self-described pardos libres). In fact, Martínez Compañón hired the black architect Tomás Rodríguez y Tejada for the architectural repairs in the city in 1782 (Morales Gamarra 2001:292–293), and he might also have hired black mural painters, who were perhaps also trained as architects or sculptors, to create his illustrations of the diocese. Only further archival research will bring clarity to this question of authorship.21

The Tomb Illustrations within the Natural and Moral History of Trujillo

This same team of illustrators who worked on the other eight volumes created the drawings of the ancient tombs of Trujillo (Martínez Compañón 1781–1789:9:fols. 12–21), which are ordered from most complex to least. Like most of the images in the unfinished ninth vol- ume, these have no descriptive texts, no captions, no legends, and no index. A close inspec- tion of the bishop’s plans of Chan Chan (see Figures 4.1–4.2), however, reveals areas labeled as tombs (sepulcros) within the Chimú capital and in one of its palaces. These areas contain small rectangles, each of which may indicate a burial. Some of them might have been the resting places of the individuals illustrated here (Cabello Carro 1989:163–164, 1991:476–479). But since the burial illustrations are not annotated, we cannot know their provenience with any degree of certainty.22 The series begins with an image of a native lord laid out in an elaborate feather head- dress and holding a staff (see Figure 4.4). His eyes are closed and his right hand grasps his belt. A semicircular pectoral ornament and two baskets or boxes containing round artifacts surround him. In the picture, the lids of the containers have been removed and set aside so that we may view their contents. This same lord appears again on the next page (Figure 4.10), but here he is reanimated, has left the tomb, and stands facing away so that we might best appreciate the elaborate design of the feathered tunic and headdress that he wears. Such an image is much more like a page from an early modern costume book, such as Christoph Weiditz’s (1529, see also 2001) Trachtenbuch from the Iberian Peninsula, than any archaeological document. Compare, for example, the multiple views of the costume of a young woman from Barcelona (Figures 4.11–4.12) with the drawings of this entombed lord (see Figures 4.4 and 4.10). The influence of sixteenth-century costume books on these tomb illustrations is also apparent in a drawing based on the contents of an Amazonian tomb (Figure 4.13). This drawing appears to be modeled on a woodcut of the costume of an Indian warrior from Florida in Cesare Vecellio’s Habiti antichi, et moderni di tutto il mondo (1598; Figure 4.14), or on some other image derived from that stock Native American representation. As has been noted before (e.g., Kaulicke 1997:11), this tomb (see Figure 4.4) is quite simi- lar to one described by the bishop’s nephew José Ignacio Lecuanda (Lequanda 1793a:75–76) in the town of San Pedro de Lloc. The elite male in that tomb wore a fine cotton shirt beneath a feathered garment and a large tufted headdress similar to the one seen here, which is also similar to a Chimú feather headdress in the American Museum of Natural History (Rowe




Figure 4.10 Rear view of entombed lord depicted in Figure 4.4, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón,

Figure 4.10

Rear view of entombed lord depicted in Figure 4.4, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789, vol. 9, fol. 13, Biblioteca del Palacio Real, Madrid. © Patrimonio Nacional.

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Figure 4.11 Costume of an unmarried woman from Barcelona, from Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch , 1529, fol.
Figure 4.11 Costume of an unmarried woman from Barcelona, from Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch , 1529, fol.

Figure 4.11

Costume of an unmarried woman from Barcelona, from Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch , 1529, fol. 68r. Photograph courtesy of the Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg.

Figure 4.12

Rear view of the costume of the woman seen in Figure 4.11, from Christoph Weiditz, Trachtenbuch , 1529, fol. 69v. Photograph courtesy of the Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg.

1984:181, fig. 194). Lecuanda writes that the San Pedro burial included a container filled with rattles and bells, some of which could be dated to after the Spanish conquest because they were made of brass. The spherical objects in the two containers in this illustration might also be colonial-era bells. Both the San Pedro burial and the one pictured here seem to be elite indigenous burials that date to the colonial period. Cabello Carro (2003c:15–19) has observed that the leather vest and short riding pants that the lord wears in these illustrations (see Figures 4.4 and 4.10) are Spanish military-style garments.23 She has gone so far as to date the burial to the late sixteenth or early seventeenth century based on garment proportions, such as the size of the buttons on the vest (Cabello Carro 2003c:43–45). For Lecuanda, Martínez Compañón, and other eighteenth-century writers, the era of Peruvian antiquity did not end abruptly with Pizarro’s defeat of Atahualpa in Cajamarca in 1532—as it is marked in our current chronologies—but rather continued as pre-Christian (or to use their word, gentile, liter- ally “gentile,” or perhaps better “pagan”) traditions survived, and so we find early colonial Indian tombs and artifacts in these archaeological accounts (see also Martínez Compañón 1781–1789:9:fols. 38, 103).




Figure 4.13 Indian warrior, based on the contents of an Amazonian tomb, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez

Figure 4.13

Indian warrior, based on the contents of an Amazonian tomb, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789, vol. 9, fol. 21, Biblioteca del Palacio Real, Madrid. © Patrimonio Nacional.

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Figure 4.14

Costume of a warrior of Florida, from Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi, et moderni di tutto il mondo, 1598, Nor 2598.2, facing p. 499, Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.

Figure 4.14 Costume of a warrior of Florida, from Cesare Vecellio, Habiti antichi, et moderni di

The bishop’s tomb illustrations continue with a three-page set of burials (Figures 4.15–4.17). Two males and one female are depicted against the brown backgrounds of their earthen tombs, but the vertical orientation of the drawings and the shadows cast behind their bodies make them appear as if they are standing, although their eyes are closed in death. Their garments and grave goods are numbered, but the legends were never inscribed. The males wear ornate tunics and hold a wooden staff and a chicha paddle in their right hands. One wears a red-and-yellow checkered tunic that is decorated with felines and Andean crosses (see Figure 4.15). The other wears a black-and-gold checkered tunic that is reminiscent of Inca military uniforms over a blue shirt with an embroidered figure on the sleeve (see Figure 4.17). One tomb contains a gourd and a very large Spondylus shell at either side of the head, and the other contains two woven mats or boxes in the same locations. The female wears a gauzy dress and a decorated mantle (see Figure 4.16). She is interred with a bivalve shell, a ceramic bowl, bobbins, a spindle, and a workbasket. All three wear the same turban-like headdress. Cabello Carro (2003c:9–26) has observed that these men’s garments appear more like European shirts (especially in the lengths of their sleeves) than Chimú or Inca tunics.




Figure 4.15 Chimú tomb, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789, vol. 9,

Figure 4.15

Chimú tomb, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789, vol. 9, fol. 14, Biblioteca del Palacio Real, Madrid. © Patrimonio Nacional.

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Figure 4.16 Chimú tomb, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789, vol. 9,

Figure 4.16

Chimú tomb, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789, vol. 9, fol. 15, Biblioteca del Palacio Real, Madrid. © Patrimonio Nacional.




Figure 4.17 Chimú tomb, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789, vol. 9,

Figure 4.17

Chimú tomb, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789, vol. 9, fol. 16, Biblioteca del Palacio Real, Madrid. © Patrimonio Nacional.

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Furthermore, she interprets the feline-and-cross design of the red-and-yellow tunic as a synthesis of indigenous coastal motifs and the rampant lions and towers of the coat of arms of Castile. We should also observe that the extended positions of these bodies are not con- sistent with the majority of Chimú and coastal Inca burials, wherein the dead are interred in flexed positions. As a general rule, after the Moche era, North Coast people were not buried extended again until after arrival of the Spanish (Donnan and Mackey 1978). Should we then accept that these three burials are also colonial, as Cabello Carro concludes? These illustrations are not as transparent as they might first appear. Let us recall that the bishop’s illustrators often misinterpreted or Hispanicized formal details of artifacts, and so we must consider if the hybridity of the tunic designs, for example, exists in the garments themselves or instead in the visual imagination and artistic execution of the eighteenth- century illustrators. How far can we trust in the accuracy of these images? What is their documentary threshold? What are their “limits of likeness” (Gombrich 2000 [1960])? Without corroborating evidence, we cannot know if these three illustrations are representa- tions of colonial Chimú burials or rather eighteenth-century visualizations of pre-Hispanic Chimú tombs. Let us also consider the next two tomb illustrations, which form a pair (Figures 4.18– 4.19). Here in profile we see a male and a female lying naked in earthen tombs that are covered with cane beams. As with the three previous drawings, we are to understand that the bodies lie horizontally, although they are presented vertically in the book so that they too give the impression of standing figures. The heads of both rest on halo-like gourds or plates. The male burial contains a cylindrical object and three ceramic vessels, all of which are numbered, but here again the legend is missing. The blackware jar at the far left is capped with a decorated gourd that is similar to unpublished artifacts that Carol Mackey (personal communication, 2010) has excavated at the Chimú-Inca site of Farfán in the Jequetepeque Valley. The female is buried with two spindles, balls of yarn, a double-bodied bottle, and a black stirrup-spout bottle. The ceramics in both tombs suggest a Chimú or Chimú-Inca date except that, again, the bodies are extended, not flexed as they should be for that epoch. Should we conclude then that these are also colonial burials based upon the extended body positions? A look elsewhere in the bishop’s nine volumes may help make sense of these unusual tomb illustrations and the irregular positions of these bodies. I suggest that these drawings share many of the same visual conventions and objectives found in the bishop’s six volumes of natural history (Martínez Compañón 1781–1789:vols. 3–8). In the images of those volumes, plants and animals are presented in conventional, standard- ized positions. Each monkey is depicted crouching in a landscape with its tail up and hold- ing a piece of fruit (Martínez Compañón 1781–1789:6:fols. 12–26, 28). Birds are often perched on identical tree stumps, each of which bears one sinewy flowering branch (e.g., Martínez Compañón 1781–1789:7:fols. 17–19). Plants and animals are illustrated as if alive, even if they were drawn from preserved specimens collected from throughout the diocese. The most diag- nostically important parts are made visible even if that requires unrealistic depiction (e.g., Martínez Compañón 1781–1789:6:fol. 10), as in drawings of tubers where the entire plant— root system and all —is shown floating above the ground line (Martínez Compañón 1781– 1789:4:fols. 128–133). As in the botanical illustrations found in the contemporaneous French Encyclopédie of Denis Diderot and Jean Le Rond d’Alembert (1754–1772:vols. 3–5), leaves of plants are enlarged dramatically for diagnostic and didactic purposes. The illustrators’




Figure 4.18 Chimú or Chimú-Inca tomb, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789,

Figure 4.18

Chimú or Chimú-Inca tomb, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789, vol. 9, fol. 17, Biblioteca del Palacio Real, Madrid. © Patrimonio Nacional.

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Figure 4.19 Chimú or Chimú-Inca tomb, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789,

Figure 4.19

Chimú or Chimú-Inca tomb, from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789, vol. 9, fol. 18, Biblioteca del Palacio Real, Madrid. © Patrimonio Nacional.




objective was not to draw particular plants or animals exactly as they appeared, but rather to present the most informative and legible images of plant types. We should not be surprised that graphic conventions and pictorial objectives would carry over from botany and zoology into archaeology, since the latter was long considered a subdis- cipline of natural history.24 I suggest that like the trees and birds in the earlier volumes, the dead in the tombs of Trujillo were also drawn in standardized positions so that they would appear as visually comprehensible and lifelike as possible. Like the naturalist illustrations, these images are didactic as well as descriptive, and their objective seems to have been to pic- ture these Indians as they would have been in life, not how they appeared after death. We cannot trust these illustrations in the same way that we expect to rely upon modern archaeological documentation—that is, for the precise locations and forms of each feature, artifact, and bone within a unit. To use the extended body positions alone to argue for a postconquest date for these Chimú or Chimú-Inca burials would be unwise. The positions of their bodies may well have been altered—perhaps visually unfolded from flexed skel- etons25—to make them most visible and intelligible to the viewer. Such rearrangement and amplification is not uncharacteristic of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century archaeological illustration. Some of the other burials in volume nine may indeed be colonial, but we must nevertheless proceed with caution and not rely so much on minute details—such as the size of buttons and the lengths of sleeves—to date these tombs, since the transcription of fine details and precise proportions in these images is unreliable. Following the previously discussed illustration of the wrapped mummy (see Figure 4.3), there is a folio that is split into two pictorial fields (Figure 4.20): at the bottom is a drawing of a Recuay or possibly Moche wooden staff finial, and at the top there is an illustration of a highland funerary structure with a crouched figure who appears to be grieving, a cranium on the ground, and a buried Indian, who seems to have been originally drawn inside the structure but was later moved outside in order to be more visible. The descriptions that should appear in the legend, coded to each motif, do not survive with the image. The grieving figure with cheek resting on hand is a clear visual reference to the allegory of Melancholy, perhaps best known in the Americas and elsewhere from Albrecht Dürer’s 1514 master print Melencolia I (Schenone et al. 1994:322). The particular combination of the melancholic figure with skull is employed in religious paintings of the penitent Magdalene in the wilderness in European and Latin American art (Figure 4.21). The bishop’s illustrator—especially if trained in mural painting and thus versed in Catholic iconography—may have had a similar painting in mind when he composed the illustration of this highland mortuary building. The tomb series concludes with the image of an Amazonian Indian (see Figure 4.13) compared earlier to Vecellio’s Indian of Florida. Unlike the rest, this figure is drawn with eyes wide open. He wears a feather headdress and beaded skirt and carries a bow and arrows. Cabello Carro (2003c:32–34) has identified a skirt made of wild boar and monkey teeth in the collections of the Museo de América that bears a close resemblance to the one drawn in the picture. Curatorial records indicate that it came from the burial of a lowland Indian within the diocese of Trujillo. The image of the Indian warrior is an imaginative reconstruction of the person who had been interred wearing that garment. It is a continua- tion of the same visual strategies seen throughout this series, which depicts the dead as the illustrators imagined they would have appeared in life, not as they actually appeared after untold years interred.

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Figure 4.20

A highland funerary building (top) and a Recuay or Moche staff finial (bottom), from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789, vol. 9, fol. 20, Biblioteca del Palacio Real, Madrid. © Patrimonio Nacional.

Figure 4.20 A highland funerary building (top) and a Recuay or Moche staff finial (bottom), from

In order to more fully understand these tomb illustrations, which were the product of a scientific and ecclesiastical enterprise and were included within a natural and moral history, let us again look back to the larger corpus of the bishop’s drawings. We find a clue in the only other image of death, which appears in the second volume. Near the end of that volume, after a series depicting local medicine and disease and a dying “Indian in agony” (Martínez Compañón 1781–1789:2:fol. 200), we find the wake of an Indian in a Franciscan habit (Figure 4.22). This image directs us to the genre of funerary painting that was especially popular




Figure 4.21 Annibale Carracci, Mary Magdalene in a Landscape , ca. 1599, oil on copper, pd.12-1976,

Figure 4.21

Annibale Carracci, Mary Magdalene in a Landscape , ca. 1599, oil on copper, pd.12-1976, Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. © Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge.

in Mexico, Peru, and elsewhere in Latin America in the eighteenth century (Figure 4.23). In these paintings, the bodies of the recently deceased—especially children and nuns—are painted as if they were but peacefully sleeping (M. Brown 2006; Elphick 2007:166–167, 195– 196; Montero Alarcón 1999, 2008). A series of such portraits of nuns hangs in the convent of Santa Catalina in Arequipa, Peru. Like the drawings of the dead Indians in Trujillo, these deceased Catholic women are painted as if sitting or standing upright, as if they had just momentarily closed their eyes and dozed off. Paintings such as these, which were part of an important popular and ecclesiastical genre in the eighteenth century, may have provided a familiar model of how to represent the dead for the bishop’s illustrators. The compositional relationships between these tomb illustrations and Spanish colo - nial paintings do not end there. The particular placement of grave goods in the upper left and upper right corners of the tomb illustrations may be based on the painterly practice of depicting coats of arms in the upper corners of colonial portraits of kings, nobles, and other important persons,26 for example, in the portraits of the bishops of Trujillo, including Martínez Compañón himself, found in volume one (Martínez Compañón 1781–1789:1:fols. 28–57). In the tomb illustrations, the artists drew gourds, baskets, and shells (see Figures 4.15–4.17) in the exact same pictorial positions as these colonial emblems of rank and lin- eage. One wonders to what extent these grave goods were understood in the 1780s as func- tionally equivalent to those colonial markers of status and heritage. Full-length paintings of saints may have informed the compositions of the next two tomb illustrations in the series (see Figures 4.18–4.19), wherein the dead are depicted as if standing with halo-like objects around their heads. We know, for example, that Martínez Compañón brought religious icons with him from Lima, including a full-length painting of Saint Peter and a painting of

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Figure 4.22 The wake of an Indian wearing a Franciscan habit (Indio velándose), from Baltasar Jaime

Figure 4.22

The wake of an Indian wearing a Franciscan habit (Indio velándose), from Baltasar Jaime Martínez Compañón, Trujillo del Perú , 1781–1789, vol. 2, fol. 201, Biblioteca del Palacio Real, Madrid. © Patrimonio Nacional.




Figure 4.23 José del Castillo, Sister Juana Magdalena , 1769, oil on canvas, History Collection nmhm,

Figure 4.23

José del Castillo, Sister Juana Magdalena , 1769, oil on canvas, History Collection nmhm, dca 2005.27.13, Gift of International Institute of Iberian Colonial Art. Photograph courtesy of the Palace of the Governors, Santa Fe.

Saint Thomas,27 and that similar paintings could easily have been seen in the churches of Trujillo, but more art historical research on northern Peruvian colonial painting is needed to pursue this argument further. Comparisons like these beg important questions: Why would pre-Christian Indians be portrayed using the visual language of religious painting and in the same manner as pious Catholic nuns or bishops? Are the similarities merely formal and the product of the artists’ limited iconographic repertoire, or are there more profound implications to be found? Several historians have described how Martínez Compañón was deeply concerned with the plight of the indigenous population of Trujillo and tirelessly sought to elevate their lot in life (Berquist

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2007:10–11, 59, 226; Pérez Ayala 1955:40–42; Restrepo Manrique 1992:1:154–163; Vargas Ugarte 1936:166–169). Berquist (2008:383–384) has suggested that the fair complexions of the pasto - ral Indians in volume two might have been meant to present them as just as civilized and devout as their creole or peninsular counterparts. The representations of these entombed bod- ies in volume nine as incorruptible (akin to Catholic saints) and extended (conforming to proper Christian funerary practice) may have been meant to have a similar moral effect.28 Indeed, Martínez Compañón’s pastoral and documentary work was sympathetic to the lives of Indians and the achievements of their ancestors at a time when official policies of dis- crimination and oppression of native cultural expression were the norm (Walker 1996).29 The benevolent depiction of these entombed Indian ancestors within the visual format of por- traits of devout nuns, noblemen, and innocent Christian children might have been a way for the bishop and his illustrators to visualize the inherent worth and spiritual potential of Trujillo’s indigenous population. The appearance of such an argument in this natural and moral history, wherein naturally formed icons are cataloged alongside hawthorns and palm trees (Martínez Compañón 1781–1789:7:fols. 92–93; Trever and Pillsbury 2011), is consistent with the Bourbon prelate’s idealistic efforts to reform the bishopric and improve the worldly and spiritual lives of its inhabitants. Martínez Compañón’s own efforts to found new towns and schools, rebuild churches and crypts, and construct new roads and canals can be seen to parallel his interests in ancient Peruvian architecture, roads and irrigation systems (Martínez Compañón 1781–1789:9:fols. 10–11), and burial practices. Martínez Compañón’s images of tombs are anomalous as archaeological illustrations, but they can be contextualized within the history of the eighteenth-century costume books, natural history illustrations, portraiture, and religious paintings that shaped them. Yet such historicization cannot completely resolve these uncanny illustrations, which remain without descriptive texts. Without additional records or collections, which might yet be discovered in the archives of Trujillo, Bogotá, or Madrid, the ambiguities of their contents cannot be fully dispelled. But as historical artifacts in their own right, these images are perhaps more interesting. They are some of the earliest manifestations of archaeological investigations in Peru, and they emerged from a project that was both scientific and reli- gious. The bishop’s illustrations do not reduce the bodies in the tombs to objects of scientific scrutiny or to racial caricatures, but rather present them as evidence of the longstanding humanity—even nobility—of Trujillo’s indigenous populations. We should not dismiss these images as historical anomalies or as amateurish fumblings toward modern archaeo - logical methods, for they offer us an important reminder that all illustrations—even the most modern and the most scientific—are historically embedded and shaped by the par- ticular objectives, agendas, and visual choices of their makers.


The author thanks Joanne Pillsbury, Tom Cummins, Carol Mackey, Nenita Elphick, the Harvard Andeanists working group, the Archivo Arzobispal de Trujillo, Eulogio Guzmán, Emily Gulick Jacobs, Stephen Trever, and the participants in the 2009 Pre-Columbian sym- posium for their invaluable comments and contributions to this research.





  • 1 The most comprehensive biography of this prelate remains José Pérez Ayala’s 1955 monograph, though Martínez Compañón’s life and work have been the subject of increasing interest since the bicentennial of his birth in the 1930s (e.g., Ballesteros Gaibrois 1997; Berquist 2007, 2008; Domínguez Bordona 1936; Means 1970 [1942]; Navarro Pascual 1991; Pazos and Restrepo Manrique 1990; Restrepo Manrique 1992; Schaedel 1949; Vargas Ugarte 1936, 1952). He was born January 10, 1737, in the village of Cabredo in the Basque province of Navarra. In 1767, Charles III of Spain named him can- tor of the cathedral of Lima in the Viceroyalty of Peru. In Lima, he served as rector of the Colegio Seminario de Santo Toribio (1770–1779) and as secretary to the VI Lima Council (1772–1773) before being named bishop of Trujillo in 1778. Martínez Compañón served there until 1790, when he left to become archbishop of Santa Fé de Bogotá in the Viceroyalty of Nueva Granada, where he remained until his death in 1797 (Pérez Ayala 1955).

  • 2 Manuscript 343, Biblioteca del Palacio Real, Madrid. The complete corpus of illustrations is now available in facsimile (Martínez Compañón 1978–1994 [1781– 1789]:vols. 1–9). An eighteenth-century copy of volume one is held in the Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia in Bogotá (Sección Libros Raros y Curiosos, ms 216) and has also been reproduced in facsimile (Martínez Compañón 1978–1994 [1781–1789]:app. 1). Copies and drafts of illustrations from volumes two, seven, and nine are now in the collection of the Banco Continental in Lima, Peru, and have been published (Macera et. al 1997). Seven additional drawings from Martínez Compañón’s survey reportedly survive in Cajatambo (Macera 1997:42–43).

  • 3 “Pero correspondiendo todas las dicha piezas a una de los nuebe tomos de la historia natural y moral de aquel obispado por estampas, estados y planos, en quarto de papel de marca maior, que tengo ya encuadernados, me ha paresido combeniente diferir la remisión de dicho caxón hasta que pueda hazer la de dicho tomo, para que, cotejadas dichas piezas y estampas, se bean la conformidad y perfecta semejanza entre unas y otras, y por ellas pueda congeturarse o creerse y compre - henderse ser igual la correspondencia de las estampas de los ocho restantes tomos y sus orginales, por haverse formado con ellos a la vista, y a mi presencia” (Martínez Compañón to Antonio Porlier, December 13, 1790, Cartagena de Indias, in Martínez Compañón 1978–1994 [1781–1789]:app. 3, 54; my emphasis; translations by the author). After the bishop’s death in Bogotá, his execu- tor, Fausto Sodupe, in 1803 described the illustrations similarly as the “Historia Natural, Civil y Moral de dicho Obispado, por Mapas, Planos y Estampas con sus Memorias para ella” (Fausto Sodupe to Charles IV, October 8, 1803, Archivo General de Indias, Audiencia de Santa Fe, 743, in Vargas Ugarte 1936:172). The nine volumes were soon thereafter remitted to Spain by

the late bishop’s nephew José Antonio Loredo (Vargas Ugarte 1936:172n6).

  • 4 At the conclusion of his extended survey of the diocese, Martínez Compañón recounted to the viceroy of Peru that he had collected natural history specimens and Pre-Columbian antiquities that he envisioned arrang- ing into a “History” or “Museum,” by which he seems to have meant an early modern “paper museum” (i.e., the atlas of illustrations in nine volumes) and not an institution or building as the latter word’s current usage implies (Ballesteros Gaibrois 1994, 1997; Trever and Pillsbury 2011). “Tambien he procurado acoger quantas producciones de naturaleza, o curiosidades del Arte de la gentilidad, he podido, con el designio de formar aunque no sea más que con Disposición de Múseo, que tal vez sea el primero, que haya formado ninguno de los Obispos de las Americas, y acaso ni los de esa Provincia. Al que si Dios me diese vida, y algun descanso pienso agregar otro como algunos que corren impresos, que al menos comprehenda unas memorias punturales, y exactas para que sobre ellas se pueda formar una Historia completa de esta Diocesis intitulandolo así: Museo Historico, Ficico [sic] Politico y Moral del Obpdo. de Truxillo de Peru” (Martínez Compañón to Viceroy Teodoro de Croix, July 25, 1785, Trujillo, Archivo Nacional de Colombia, Virreyes, 17, fols. 432r–433r, in Martínez Compañón 1978–1994 [1781–1789]:app. 3, 52).

  • 5 “Y que después se pasen (siendo de su Real agrado) el Serenisimo príncipe de Asturias, nuestro Señor, para su entretenimiento y diversión, y que insensible - mente y con gusto pueda irse aficionando al estudio y conocimiento de las artes, cibilidad y cultura de los Indios del Perú, anteriores a su conquista” (Martínez Compañón to Antonio Porlier, December 13, 1790, Cartagena de Indias, in Martínez Compañón 1978–1994 [1781–1789]:app. 3, 54).

  • 6 Martínez Compañón had intended to finish annotating the drawings in Bogotá with the specialized assistance of José Celestino Mutís, director of the Royal Botanical Expedition to Nueva Granada, with whom he developed a friendship (Pérez Ayala 1955:48, 83–86, 406). Mutís was a witness to Martínez Compañón’s will and also named the botanical species Martinezia granatensis after the bishop (Means 1979 [1942]:72; Pazos and Restrepo Manrique 1990:340–341). Hipólito Ruiz and José Pavón had named a genus of palm (Martinezia) in his honor as well (Ballesteros Gaibrois 1994:37; Pérez Ayala 1955:86).

  • 7 See note 3.

  • 8 Martínez Compañón’s nephew José Ignacio Lecuanda (Anonymous 1792; Lequanda 1793a, 1793b, 1793c, 1794) published a series of chorographic and geographic descriptions of this same region that roughly corre - spond to the layout of the nine volumes of illustrations and that likely draw upon the bishop’s observations and materials.

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  • 9 Even George Kubler, one of the founders of Pre- Columbian art history as a discipline in the United States, spent time looking for the supposed lost manu- script while in Bogotá in 1950 (Pérez Ayala 1955:36).

  • 10 Since the annotations and legends in volume nine were never finished as Martínez Compañón had intended, archival research in Trujillo or Bogotá might still turn up notes pertaining to the descriptions of the uncap - tioned illustrations of burials and artifacts.

    • 11 For other examples of antiquarian illustrations of mummies and human remains, see Schnapp 1993.

    • 12 Jentsch’s “uncanny” has resurfaced recently as a useful heuristic in “thing theory,” for example, as employed in Bill Brown’s (2006) analysis of the ontological ambigu- ity and reification of the body of the African American slave in American literature and popular culture.

    • 13 “Decimo septimo, si exista algun obra de los tiem- pos anteriores á la Conquista, que sea espectable por su materia, forma, ó grandeza, ó algunos vestigos de ella; si alguna vez se han encontrado algunos hue - sos Gigantescos al parecer humanos; y si se conserva alguna tradicion de que en algun tiempo hubiesse habido Gigantes; como tambien en los lugares de donde hubiessen venido, de su duracion, extinction, y sus causas, y sobre que apoyo se sobstenga dicha Tradicion” (“Prevención circular a los curas de la diócesis de Trujillo para que contesten otro cuestionario sobre aspectos civiles, económicos y antropológicos,” April 14, 1782, Trujillo, in Restrepo Manrique 1992:2:125).

    • 14 See note 5. Martínez Compañón seems to have devel- oped the idea of creating his atlas during the visita and not before. There are few works in the library that he brought with him to Trujillo in 1779 that indicate interest in natural history or antiquities (“Capital e Inventario de los bienes del Ilmo. Sr. Dr. Dn. Baltazar Jayme Martínez Compañón, Obispo de este Diócesis de Truxillo del Perú del Consejo de Su Magestad,” 1779, Archivo Arzobispal de Trujillo, expediente no. k-01-13). But, as Berquist (2007:34n76) has documented, Martínez Compañón was requesting books from Lima on botany and “some printed museum

. . .


[Athanasius] Kircher” in 1788.

  • 15 Restrepo Manrique (1992:2:527–529, 537–538, 541–542) indicates that copies of these reports from towns visited by Martínez Compañón are preserved in the Archivo Nacional de Colombia, the Archivo Arzobispal in Trujillo, and the Archivo Episcopal of Cajamarca, but as of yet they remain unedited. Additional copies may also survive in local parish archives (Schaedel 1949:163).

  • 16 The second volume, which is broadly ethnographic, is typical of eighteenth-century treatises on natural history that include classifications and illustrations of racial types in the Spanish American viceroyalties. Unlike the more famous casta paintings of the same era, Martínez Compañón’s illustrations of Peruvian castes and races do not address issues of miscegenation (cf. Katzew 2004).




  • 17 Detailed inventories of these two shipments survive in the Archivo General de Indias in Seville and have been published. The 1788 inventory describes the contents of twenty-four crates of botanical, zoological, mineralogi- cal, archaeological, and ethnographic objects (Archivo General de Indias, Audiencia de Lima 798) and has been transcribed by Inge Schjellerup (Martínez Compañón 1991 [1788–1789]). The inventory of the 1790 shipment of six crates of ceramic vessels (Archivo General de Indias, Indiferente general 1.545) has been published in several places (Cabello Carro 1989:169–177; Martínez Compañón 1978–1994 [1781–1789]:app. 3, 55–61; Pérez Ayala 1955:app. 42, pt. 6, 406–411).

  • 18 For example, the black Chimú jar in the shape of a frog illustrated in volume nine (Martínez Compañón 1781– 1789:9:fol. 77) appears to be the same jar as no. 10141 in the Museo de América. Cabello Carro (1989, 1991, 2003c) has identified other artifacts in the museum with their representations in Martínez Compañón’s watercolors.

  • 19 “Camarón de río sobre un como caxón; loza aplomada” (see also note 17).

  • 20 Some have suggested that Martínez Compañón might have employed illustrators who had worked for the Royal Botanical Expedition (Jiménez Borja 1997:86) or the Malaspina Expedition (Puig 1991:70), but to my eye the makers of the bishop’s botanical and zoologi- cal illustrations were not trained scientific illustrators, although they clearly had some access to natural- ist illustrations, upon which they modeled their own watercolors.

    • 21 To date, historians have been unable to locate records of the illustrators’ employment in the Trujillo archives. There remains a possibility that the illustrations were made by members of Martínez Compañón’s visita entourage who are not otherwise known as artists. In his 1782 announcement of the visita general, the bishop requested that each host site prepare simple accommo - dations for him and his staff, which included his secre - tary Pedro de Echevarri, a missionary, a chaplain, the accountant Antonio de Solar, a notary, a scribe, and six black servants (“Prevención circular del obispo Baltasar Jayme Martínez Compañón a los curas de la diócesis de Trujillo,” April 14, 1782, Trujillo, in Restrepo Manrique 1992:2:114–115).

    • 22 The only other indigenous burial context illustrated or described in the nine volumes is the cathedral burial vault that Martínez Compañón (1781–1789:1:fols. 26v–27r) had rebuilt in 1782 exclusively for the inter- ment of Indians. The likelihood that these tombs were discovered in that location is extremely small, but Martínez Compañón’s concern with the proper and dignified Christian burial of the Indians of Trujillo (see also Restrepo Manrique 1991a:107, 1992:1:489–492) may have had an effect on his presentation of the tombs illustrated in volume nine.


The deceased’s outfit recalls the intermixing of indige - nous and Spanish goods and garments by early colonial native lords on the North Coast, as Guillermo Cock (1986) has documented historically.

Santo Thomás, en cien pesos” (“Capital e Inventario de los bienes del Ilmo. Sr. Dr. Dn. Baltazar Jayme Martínez Compañón, Obispo de este Diócesis de Truxillo del Perú del Consejo de Su Magestad,” 1779, Archivo

  • 24 In The Order of Things, Michel Foucault (1994 [1970]:137) notes that the illustration of botany preceded and influ- enced the study and depiction of other classes of natu- ral history materials because botany lent itself best to the visual mode of analysis. See also Byron Hamann’s chapter in this volume.

  • 25 In his descriptions of antiquities and tombs of Trujillo, Lecuanda describes the mummified and skeletal con- ditions (Lequanda 1793b:83, 86) and flexed positions (Lequanda 1793b:87) of many of the bodies discovered.

  • 26 I am indebted to Nenita Elphick for pointing out this similarity in pictorial composition.

  • 27 “Iten un lienzo del glorioso San Pedro, de cuerpo entero, en ciento y cincuenta pesos. Iten un lienzo de

Arzobispal de Trujillo, expediente no. k-01-13).

  • 28 See note 22.

  • 29 Martínez Compañón’s attitudes toward the Pre- Columbian traditions of Trujillo were more positive than those of his nephew, Lecuanda (Ballesteros Gaibrois 1994:37; Macera 1997:30), and other members of the Sociedad Académica de Amantes del País who published the Mercurio peruano (Millán de Aguirre 1791). Other more prominent members of that society also wrote lau- datory protonationalist essays on ancient “Peruvian” art and culture in the 1790s (Nolasco Crespo 1792; Unánue y Pabón 1791), though that rise of pro-indigenous rhetoric proved to be short-lived (Walker 1996).

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et érotique en Grèce ancienne (1996), I l’histoire de l’art (Préhistoire et antiquité) (1997), Encyclopedia of Archaeology (coeditor, 2001), Guide des méthodes de l’archéologie (2002), and L’histoire ancienne à travers cent chefs-d’œuvre de la peinture (2004).

Adam T. Sellen

Adam T. Sellen is professor of Mesoamerican stu- dies at the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México in Mérida, Yucatan. He is a specialist in pre-Hispanic Oaxacan cultures and ceramic analy- sis. His dissertation, which was awarded the Premio Alfonso Caso in 2002, focused on the iconography of ceramic effigy vessels commonly referred to as

Zapotec urns. This study, entitled El Cielo com - partido: Las vasijas efigie zapotecas (2007), was recently published by the Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. He has written extensively on a variety of themes relating to nineteenth- century archaeological collecting, such as ceramic fakery and private cabinets. He helped curate the permanent Pre-Columbian exhibition at the Royal Ontario Museum, where he was a postdoctoral fellow (2002–2004), and he was recently awarded the Edmundo O’Gorman Fellowship at Columbia University to complete his latest book, Orphans of the Muse: Archaeological Collecting in Nineteenth-

Century Oaxaca . This study documents the history of local Mexican collectors and their groundbreak- ing vision, with the aim of reuniting the orphaned, decontextualized remnants of their collections. Sellen’s current project studies parallel collecting practices in the Yucatan Peninsula.

Lisa Trever

Lisa Trever is a doctoral candidate in the Department of History of Art and Architecture at Harvard Uni- versity. Her research interests embrace issues of visual representation in the ancient Andes as well as colonial illustration and interpretation of Pre- Columbian art and culture. She is completing her dissertation “Moche Mural Painting and Practice at Pañamarca; A Study of Image Making in Ancient Peru” and has been awarded the William Tyler

Fellowship in Pre-Columbian Studies at Dumbarton Oaks for 2011–2013. She holds an MA in art his - tory from the University of Maryland and a BA in archaeological studies from Yale University. Trever is the coauthor (with Joanne Pillsbury) of “The King, the Bishop, and the Creation of an American Antiquity” (2008) and “Martínez Compañón and His Illustrated ‘Museum’” (2011). She is also the author of “Idols, Mountains, and Metaphysics in Guaman Poma’s Pictures of Huacas” in Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics (2011).

Luis Felipe Villacorta Ostolaza

Luis Felipe Villacorta Ostolaza received his licenciatura in archaeology from the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. He was the recipient of a museology scholarship granted by the Japanese International Cooperation Agency in 2000. A for- mer member of the Instituto Nacional de Cultura del Perú, he was the director of the Puruchuco on- site museum (1999–2002) and served as a member of the board of the National Technical Commission for Archaeology (2005–2006). He is currently a can- didate for the MA in history at the University of Guelph, Canada. His archaeological work focuses on the Central Coast, with an emphasis on the era of Inca occupation. Villacorta Ostolaza has been the director of the Museo Raimondi in Lima since 2002. He studies the legacy of the Italian natural- ist Antonio Raimondi and the development of the sciences in Peru during the nineteenth century. He directs a publication project for the Fondo Editorial, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, that aims to annotate and reissue Raimondi’s major sci- entific studies; so far, he has published six books under the collective title Estudios geológicos y mine- ros para la obra “El Perú” (2003–2009). Each volume is accompanied by an introductory study that links Raimondi to broader trends in the history of sci- ence and modernity, nature and nation-building, appropriation of the past, historical representation, liberalism, and the local bourgeoisie. For his efforts, the Italian government bestowed on him the title “Knight of the Order of the Star of Italian Solidarity.”