commentary
Adivasi Struggle in Assam
Udayon Misra
The adivasi struggle for scheduled
tribe status in Assam is part
of a wider struggle of identity
assertion – a search for cultural
roots and heritage.
Email: udayon_misra@yahoo.com
Economic & Political Weekly  december 22, 2007
W
hat happened on the fateful
day of November 24 on the
streets of Guwahati not only
brought into sharp focus the changing
power equations of the state but also
revealed certain fault lines in a society
that has prided itself on its liberal founda­
tions and tolerant lifestyle. The merciless
manner in which the adivasis were beaten
up in full glare of an unresponsive public
in retaliation for acts of vandalism commi­
tted by a section of the demonstrators,
brought unto surface certain inbuilt pre­
judices and assumptions of mainstream
Assamese society towards the margina­
lised and peripheral sections.
While it is true that the violence which
climaxed with the stripping of the adivasi
girl needs to be seen against the overall
climate of brutalisation that has set in
throughout the country, the happenings
cannot be seen without certain grave con­
notations which went with them. Although
it would be wrong to view the three crimi­
nals who assaulted and stripped the girl as
being representative of the Assamese
ethos and society, the act is being seen by
many as an ultimate expression of the in­
built prejudice and class hatred which
mark the approach of a sizeable section of
the Assamese middle class towards the tea
garden tribes. However, one redeeming
aspect of the shameful episode was the
sharp reaction of an otherwise moribund
civil society.
For once, civil society in the state acted
with alacrity and condemned the incident
with one voice, while at the same time as­
serting that the November 24 incidents
should not be viewed as an Assamese-
adivasi clash. No amount of outrage seems
to be sufficient right now to heal the di­
vide that has set in between the adivasis
and the Assamese because of this one inci­
dent. On that day, Guwahati saw a total
collapse of the administration and the
chief minister, who is also in charge of the
home portfolio, had admitted that his ad­
ministration failed in its duty. But there
seems to have been more to it than mere
administrative failure. Also at play seemed
to be a certain mindset which views the
tea garden workers as inferior human
beings. The state government in a de­
layed damage control exercise has or­
dered a CBI enquiry into the incidents
and has transferred some senior police
officials. The Central Bureau of Investiga­
tion (CBI) probe may eventually be able to
go into some of the reasons behind the
violence and fix responsibility for the
administrative failure.
Problematic Coexistence
Inbuilt prejudices and perceptions about
the tea labour community are still very
much extant among the influential sec­
tions of Assamese society. Yet it cannot be
denied that in all these years, ever since
the first batches of indentured labour were
brought into Assam in the 1860s from
present-day Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh,
Orissa, West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh,
there has not been any major clash invol­
ving the tea labour community and their
immediate Assamese neighbours. But the
absence of tension between the two was
also quite often due to the fact that inter­
action between the two communities was
quite marginal, with the management
acti­vely preventing tea workers from mix­
ing with the local population. This is true
with many gardens even today. Thus, for
the average Assamese the community of
tea garden workers has remained very
much the “other”, and it is only in recent
years that there has been a noticeable
change in perception about the adivasis
and their significant contribution not only
towards Assam’s economy but also to As­
samese lite­rature and culture.
All the prejudice and social divide not­
withstanding, there seems to be a con­
scious effort by organisations like the
Asom Sahitya Sabha to make the adivasis
feel that they are major components of the
still emerging Assamese nationality. That
a substantial section of the adivasi com­
munity too consider themselves as part of
the Assamese nationality is reflected in
writings of adivasi intellectuals who
have had their education in Assamese. It
is significant that barely a week after the
Guwahati incident, the All Assam Tea Tribe
Students Association (AATTSA) leaders
asserted their Assamese credentials at a
11
commentary
joint meet with the All Assam Students’
Union (AASU). At the same meeting the
AASU declared that one single incident
would not be able to “disrupt the nation-
building process” in the region, implying
thereby that the adivasis are an integral
part of the Assamese community. Not all
would agree with the view of Assamese-
adivasi writer Ganesh Chandra Kurmi
that the “tea tribes are today fully assimi­
lated into the Assamese national main­
stream”. Nevertheless, despite all the hin­
drances in the form of social prejudices
and limited interaction, it must be said
that the process of coming together of the
two communities is an ongoing one.
No Tangible Improvement
In this context it needs to be recalled that
during British rule the tea garden tribes
were forced to lead an isolated existence
and even the winds of the national strug­
gle were not allowed to reach the tea gar­
dens of Assam. Though there are several
instances of tea workers going on strike
during the concluding years of colonial
rule, it was only after independence that
the first stirrings of change took place
with the beginnings of trade union activity
and the subsequent introduction of some
degree of social legislation under the ini­
tiative of then Congress leaders like Omeo
Kumar Das. While these new provisions
did bring some succour to the lives of the
tea workers, successive state governments
have failed to bring about any tangible im­
provement in the quality of life of these
people. The present pitiable condition of
the tea worker can be gauged from the
fact that many of the provisions of legis­
lations such as the Assam Tea Plantation
Act of 1951 and the Assam Plantation Rules
of 1956 are yet to be implemented in most
of the tea gardens of the state.
Following the Guwahati incidents,
almost all the major political parties have
been vying with each other to prove their
support for the adivasi demand for
scheduled tribe (ST) status. It is obvious
that with the panchayat elections round
the corner, none of these parties would
like to alienate the tea workers who have
always been a major deciding force in
battles of the ballot. In about 124 of the
800 zilla parishad and in 700 out of the
2,200 gram panchayat seats, the adivasis
12
hold a clear sway over others. For decades, and vice versa. This territory specific
the Congress, with the help of its INTUC- classification seems to defy all logic and is
led Assam Chah Mazdoor Sangh (ACMS), clearly a hangover of colonial ethnogra­
had reaped huge electoral benefits out of phy. For instance, the Karbi ceases to be a
its adivasi vote bank in the hundreds of ST outside Karbi Anglong and a Bodo cannot
tea gardens of Assam. But in recent years claim scheduled status in Karbi Anglong.
there has been much erosion in the Con­ The adivasis are classified as other back­
gress’ vote bank with other parties mak­ ward classes (OBCs) in the central list which
ing inroads and adivasi student and youth refers to them as “tea garden labourers
organisations like the All Assam Adivasi and tea garden tribes and ex-tea garden
Students Association (AAASA) and the labour and ex-tea garden tribes” and they
AATTSA taking over the leadership. are divided into 96 ethnic groups. The to­
tal ST population of the state in the last
Complex Demography census was 3.3 million and if one were to
Given the complex demographic pattern add some 2.5 to 3 million tea garden and
of the state and the refusal on the part of ex tea garden labour, then the latter would
the existing ST communities to extend the come to constitute around 50 per cent of
privilege to the adivasis and the five other the total ST population, thereby making it
communities, it is uncertain whether the the largest single group. This would bring
support for ST status offered by the differ­ about a major change in the existing pow­
ent political parties would eventually lead er equations of the state and is bound to
to legislation to grant the adivasis their ST be resisted by those communities which
status. There are 23 STs in the state, of are now listed as STs. At present out of the
which 14 are hill tribes and nine are plains 126 assembly seats, 22 are reserved for STs
tribes. It is an anomaly that those who and scheduled castes; in about a dozen
have been accorded ST status in the hills seats adivasi candidates win, while in
lose their status if they settle in the plains about 36 constituencies minority voters
Krishna Raj Memorial Scholarships 2007-08
Sameeksha Trust, publishers of EPW, announces the award of the second annual Krishna Raj
Memorial Scholarships, which have been constituted in memory of the weekly’s distinguished editor of
35  years (1969-2004).
The trust has established three sets of scholarships at different levels of education – at a school, undergraduate
college and postgraduate institution. The scholarships have been designed for award in either the educational
institutions Krishna Raj attended or in the city (Mumbai) where he spent all his professional life.
NSSKPT High School, Ottapalam, Kerala
Four scholarships, for two girls and two boys, in the IXth and Xth standard, have been awarded in the school
where Krishna Raj studied for a few years and of which he always had fond memories. The scholarships cover
tuition fees, uniforms, books and special coaching. In 2007-08, the scholarships have been awarded to
Sarika P A, Sreejith P S (IXth standard) and P S Sudheesh and K Sruthi (Xth standard).
SNDT College for Women, Mumbai
Two scholarships have been awarded to adivasi students in the social sciences stream of the BA course. The
scholarship covers tuition and examination fees and boarding and lodging expenses in the college hostel.
In 2007-08 the scholarships have been awarded to Ruke Veena Vijayanand (first year BA Geography) and
Sneha Ramesh Yadav (second year BA Economics).
Delhi School of Economics
The “Krishna Raj Summer Programme” was carried out in May-June 2007 under the guidance of the Centre
for Development Economics at the Delhi School of Economics. The aim of the programme is to enable students
from Delhi colleges/universities to participate in field surveys and related activities around issues that have
social relevance.
In 2007 students from Delhi University and Jawaharlal Nehru University conducted a survey of the National
Rural Employment Guarantee Act in Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand. The survey, undertaken in collaboration
with the Institute for Human Development, Ranchi, focused mainly on Ranchi and Surguja districts. Nearly
50 NREGA worksites, located in half as many Gram Panchayats, were covered.
december 22, 2007   Economic & Political Weekly

are the deciding factor. But if the adivasis
secure scheduled status, then there is the
possibility that an additional 26 constitu­
encies will become reserved.
Opposition to Recognition
The state government has tried to work
out of the impasse by suggesting an exten­
sion of the ST list by reducing the percent­
age of quota for the OBCs. But this has not
impressed those communities which are
enjoying ST status because such a move
would open up constituencies presently
reserved for the STs to the adivasis, apart
from encroaching upon the employment
and education sector. The most vocal in its
opposition has been the Bodo Peoples’
Progressive Front (BPPF) which is the rul­
ing party in the Bodoland Territory Au­
tonomous Area (BTAD) and shares power
with the Congress in the state. The Bodo
leadership has been maintaining that the
adivasis are migrants and cannot claim
to be indigenous to the region. The BPPF
has warned that if the adivasis are given
ST status then it would revive the demand
for a separate Bodoland outside Assam.
Thirty of the 40 seats in the Bodoland Ter­
ritorial Council are reserved for STs and
the BPPF has made it clear that it “would
not allow any new community to enjoy the
political rights enjoyed by the existing
tribal people in the council”.
The All Assam Tribal Sangha which is
an umbrella body representing the ST
communities of the state, has also op­
posed the move saying that neither the
adivasis nor the five other communities
claiming scheduled status, – the tai-
ahom, moran, muttuck, chutiya, and
koch-rajbanshi – fulfil the requisites laid
down for qualifying as a ST. This has
pushed the state government into a vir­
tually impossible situation. If it does not
support the adivasi demand, then it
stands to lose its traditional vote bank
and this could have a disastrous effect
on panchayat and assembly polls. On the
other hand, if it does try to push through
the adivasis’ demand for scheduled status,
then it stands to lose the support of its
coalition partner, the BPPF. As a final way
out of the impasse, the state government
is now offering to give the six communities
demanding ST status all the facilities which
the STs enjoy minus political empowerment.
Economic & Political Weekly  december 22, 2007
How far this will be acceptable to the adi­
vasis and the five other communities re­
mains to be seen.
Meanwhile, realising that the speedy
attainment of their demand is fraught
with difficulties, the adivasi leadership is
trying to win over the support of the re­
gional forces. The AASU has already ex­
pressed its support for the adivasi demand
and at a joint meeting of the student bod­
ies, the AAASA and the AATSA emphasised
the need to live in peace and amity with
the other communities. The main thrust
of the joint AASU-AAASA-AATSA meeting
was against the present state government
and the Congress leadership which is be­
ing accused of betraying the interests of
the tea garden and ex-tea garden workers.
The AAASA-AATSA led combine is trying to
build up a joint front with the AASU
because it knows that the demand for ST
status could eventually lead to a state of
confrontation with the Bodos and other
tribal communities. Barely a decade ago
there were severe clashes between
adivasis and Bodos which left scores
killed and hundreds injured, while over a
lakh of people were uprooted from their
homes.. It however remains to be seen if
the attempt by AAASA and AATSA will
bring in quick results, for some of the
units of these student/youth bodies have
already expressed their unwillingness to
enter into a joint programme with the
AASU. Moreover, militant outfits like the
Adivasi Cobra Force, the Birsa Comando
Force which played a major role during
the Bodo-adivasi clashes, have now begun
to increase their influence among the
adivasis. This could further complicate
the situation.
Growth of Militancy
Given these complexities, there is every
possibility of the built-in adivasi anger and
frustration being channelised into mili­
tant lines. In this context it needs to be
noted that apart from history of strikes for
improved wages or against oppressive
policies of the management from the 1920s
onwards, the tea garden workers have
seldom been organised to participate in
mass democratic struggles. For instance,
the vast majority of tea garden workers
were kept out of the freedom struggle
and except for instances like the Chargola
commentary
exodus in Cachar, the tea estates of the
state were virtually untouched by the civil
disobedience or Quit India movements.
Even during the post independence
period, the tea workers have led a more
or less insulated existence and did not
have the opportunity to participate in
popular democratic protest movements.
Hence, it is only natural that during mass
protests by adivasis, there would always
be the danger of some sections indulging
in violence. This is exactly what happened
during the Guwahati rally.
Not that there has not been trade
union activity in the tea gardens. Apart
from the INTUC-led ACMS which is easily
the largest body, other political parties
also have their unions in most of the gar­
dens. But the activities of these unions
have mostly been confined to immediate
economic demands and there has been
little attempt over the years to give an
ideological orientation to adivasi politics.
It is only in recent years that under the
influence of the educated sections of
adivasi youth a new dimension is being
added to adivasi politics which, not being
satisfied merely with short-term economic
demands and the narrow groove of vote
banks, is trying to relate itself to the
broader issues concerning all segments of
the adivasi community.
The struggle for scheduled status
must, therefore, be seen as part of a
wider struggle of identity assertion by
the adivasis – a search for their cultural
roots and heritage. Of the 96 different
groups which make up the adivasi popu­
lation of the state, quite a few have
organised themselves on their own tribe
platforms. Therefore, it would be interest­
ing to see as to how far the present strug­
gle led by the student/youth organisations
would be able to bring together the dif­
ferent groups with a common agenda of
struggle. And, this struggle for political
empowerment would get its impetus
only if it is accompanied by an agenda
which would address the immediate
socio-economic issues facing the adivasis
of Assam.
The deplorable state of health and sani­
tation in the overwhelming majority of
the tea gardens of the state, the wide
scale illiteracy and unemployment, the
abnormally high rate of malnutrition and
13
commentary
female mortality, the high incidence of
diseases like tuberculosis and the almost
total lack of social security measures are
some of the aspects which would have to
be addressed by the youth leadership.
Every year water borne diseases claim
hundreds of adivasi lives and this year
alone more than 200 died in the upper
Assam tea gardens, prompting the state
health minister to say that first informa­
tion reports (FIRs) would be lodged for
culpable murder against the errant
14
management of these gardens. It needs no
underlining the fact that the tea garden
workers are among the most neglected
sections of society, their regular wages
and other attendant “privileges” notwith­
standing. Worse is the fate of the ex-tea
garden workers who have settled mostly
in and around the tea gardens.
The present upsurge seems to be the be­
ginning of a wider struggle for securing
the rights and dignity of a people who
have suffered some of the worst forms of
degradation and who still continue to
work in an atmosphere reminiscent of the
colonial days. It is a measure of their grow­
ing maturity that within a week of the
Guwahati incident the adivasi youth lead­
ership succeeded in stopping acts of vio­
lence carried out against Assamese villag­
ers in certain adivasi dominated areas in
upper Assam and made it clear that the
destiny of the adivasi community cannot
be seen as separate from that of Assam
and her people.
december 22, 2007   Economic & Political Weekly