Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
REFERENCES
Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5749/vergstudglobasia.3.2.0195?seq=1&cid=pdf-
reference#references_tab_contents
You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms
University of Minnesota Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend
access to Verge: Studies in Global Asias
This content downloaded from 128.200.119.216 on Fri, 20 Oct 2017 21:43:22 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
Joo Ok Kim
“The Guatemalan campesino is very much like the Korean peasant,” said a Korean
manager. “They are docile. They work hard. And, they even have short names
like our peasants.” The director of KOTRA added, “The Indians are really Ori-
ental, almost equal to us. They naturally work well in our factories and under
our system of management.”
—Kurt Petersen, The Maquiladora Revolution in Guatemala
195
This content downloaded from 128.200.119.216 on Fri, 20 Oct 2017 21:43:22 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
the nobly suffering laborer, “docility” foregrounded in discursive negation
of any resistive subjectivity. Most troubling, however, is the ontological
erasure of the “Indian,” who is “really Oriental,” required to justify their
“natural” submission to Korean factories and management systems (150).
I open with a reading of this interview to frame an argument about the
transpacific taxonomies and temporalities of labor management strate-
gies, transferred from East Asia to Latin America. Such methods of labor
management are refined in Latin America, implementing persistent ex-
ploitation of Guatemalan and Mexican workers in South Korean–owned
maquiladoras. Significantly, embedded in the labor management strate-
gies are residual elements of Japanese colonialism and the suggestion of
affinities between U.S.-backed military dictatorships in South Korea and
Guatemala, which facilitated the movement of textile industries. Finally,
I introduce two articles published in the 1960s and 1970s from a North
Korean periodical, Chollima, that open retroactive speculations on the
sedimented colonial and capitalist histories of revolutionary Guatemala.
In the preceding interview, that the Korean manager and the KOTRA
director construct the racial taxonomy of indigenous Guatemalans and
Korean peasants using the pastoral language of farmworkers, even as
they discuss the viability of their exploitation in maquiladoras, is not
an accidental articulation.1 Such language distances both groups from
the possibility of labor organizing and reinforces their supposed “docil-
ity,” presuming that farmworkers have not continuously and capaciously
struggled for economic justice and asserted nuanced critiques of capital-
ist systems. Through strikes in 1987, South Korean labor, in particular in
the garment industry, achieved unprecedented developments for factory
workers, including the right to collectively bargain. By the end of that
year, South Korean labor succeeded in instituting the first minimum
wage. The aftermath of the labor and democracy struggles of 1987, while
launching advances for South Korean labor, also witnessed the movement
of garment factories to Guatemala, Mexico, and the United States, among
other global sites. Gains for Korean labor ironically inaugurated the exo-
dus of the apparel assembly industry. By spring 1988, Korean garment
factories—rather than adhering to national wage regulations—moved
operations to Guatemala, with the state explanation that Guatemala’s
economy would only benefit from modeling Korea’s industrial path to
economic modernity (Petersen 1992, 144). Given this context, the “Korean
factory worker” represents a unionizing force that preconditioned the
Korean managerial class in Guatemala, whereas the idea of the “Korean
peasant” could be mobilized to justify the Guatemalan campesino’s dis-
ciplining into a Korean “system of management.”
While all of this is rich for analysis, the line I wish to emphasize here
is “naturally it has been the aim of Japanese propaganda to picture the
Korean as a fairly good worker but devoid of any managerial ability.”
Not only has Korean “managerial ability” been painfully demonstrated
in South Korea, Guatemala, Mexico, and elsewhere but by 2007, manage-
ment researchers such as Yongsun Paik have argued for further evolved
strategies such as hiring local managers to generate affective motivations
for productivity. Such logic perpetuates existing power structures, first
with Koreans replacing Japanese as “efficient” managers in the aftermath
of colonialism and second, as I discuss below, replacing Korean managers
with Mexican managers in Mexico.
In 1943, two years before Korean independence from Japanese colonial-
ism, a moment in which Koreans and the rest of the world who thought
of Korea at all thought of it as a single peninsular nation, in a document
that passionately and systematically makes the case for liberation, are the
seeds of managerial ambition that appears to have reached a perversely
antithetical materialization of liberatory ideals. What seems to be an
afterthought line looms heavily on our present moment, as wrapped up
in discourse of liberation, the Japanese colonial exploitation strategies
are brought to bear on migrant workers currently in South Korea as well
as in Guatemala and Mexico:
This content downloaded from 128.200.119.216 on Fri, 20 Oct 2017 21:43:22 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
claim in Lee’s article is a particularly important one, as it reorients the
contours through which we understand U.S. executions of terror. From
the perspective of North Korea in 1970, Cold War logics triangulate Gua-
temala, Vietnam, and the United States, and the insurgent struggles of
guerilla movements in Guatemala are enmeshed with the ongoing guerilla
actions against U.S. and South Vietnamese forces in the Vietnam War.
While Chollima’s “International Knowledge: Guatemala” and “Militant
Guatemala” present explicit and wide-ranging critiques of U.S. empire,
labor management studies obscure the layered colonial and capitalist
histories of Guatemala as the very conditions that allowed for the devel-
opment of South Korean–owned maquiladoras in the first place.
6 Coda
The August 1962 and February 1970 issues of Chollima of course could
not have commented on South Korean–owned maquiladoras in Guate-
mala in the 1980s and 1990s. Yet, “to meet the exigency of the moment,
something else from the past had to be remembered, something that
did not immediately belong to the present,” what Yoneyama (2016, 49)
describes as “‘catachrony,’ or temporal discombobulation, and its effects
on knowledge.” It is thus perhaps all the more suggestive that the cover
of the August 1962 issue features a skilled loom worker, who appears to
be a woman taking thoughtful care in the artfully designed fabric she is
creating. The cover presents an image of a specifically situated individual,
carefully performing labor that has historically been feminized, devalued.
But she does not appear to be alienated from her labor. Her engage-
ment in the work suggests, instead, a valued alternative to the kinds of
oppressive garment work and management in the Korean peninsula,
north and south alike, at that same moment. Such garment work and
the acts of managing that labor would inherit Japanese practices wielded
against Koreans during the colonial period. Those same practices would be
directed toward the migrant workers who constitute precarious and
irregular labor formations in South Korea, and again, although modi-
fied, with the help of labor management research, on the Mexican and
Guatemalan workers in South Korean maquiladoras in Mexico and Gua-
temala. The August 1962 cover of Chollima imagines something else; its
contents—in particular the article on revolutionary Guatemala—work
toward the dismantling of such colonial practices and build toward an-
other kind of world.
6 Works Cited
Anonymous. 1943. Condensed Reference: Korea and the Pacific War. Los
Angeles: United Korean Committee of America.
Byrd, Jodi. 2011. The Transit of Empire: Indigenous Critiques of Colonialism.
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Childs, Dennis. 2015. Slaves of the State: Black Incarceration from the Chain
Gang to the Penitentiary. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Chollima. 1962. “International Knowledge: Guatemala.” August.
Doussard, Marc. 2013. Degraded Work: The Struggle at the Bottom of the
Labor Market. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Fortino, Ellyn. 2014. “WaterSaver Workers Picket for ‘Fair’ Contract, Pro-
test Over Bathroom Break Policy.” Progress Illinois, July 9.