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    a ee ee EN 1 ARCHEOLOGI Te one ren hart ee ESE OLR MLCT Ber premiéres basiliques en Orient @ p. 35 The Fate of the Le ama CMY a Ar.| TKO eK quelques monuments funéraires précarolingiens et carolingiens @ p. 67 Les stucs de Saint-Jean-de-Maurienne @ p. 10I: The Mother of all the Churches @ p. 117 The Newly discovered Annunciation in Deir es Sourian @ p. 118 A Brief Description of the Annunciation discovered in 1991 at Deir es SR dee ee eNO R RC og an Mahe de l'Annonciation au Deir Al-Souriani @ p. 129 Deir al- Sourian. The Annunciation as part of a cycle ? @ p. (33 L'annonciation de Deir es Souriani @ p. 141 Quelques traits significatifs du style dans l'Annonciation au monastéere des UE dee AN ann rT of the \nnunciation at Dayr al-Suryan® p, 153 Le conseil des Tay dans les psautiers Vaticanus graecus 1927 et de Kiev @ p. 163 The Place of the Nun Melania in the Deesis RRL MCN LT nner Narthex of Chora @ p. 181 The Poem of Maria Komnene 0 the Virgin @ p. 183 A Brief Commentary mie cation to the Virgin. w 2 ICARD, 1995 4 5. z & = « e 4 PA e a _— =n The Mother of All the Churches Remarks on the Iconographi of the Apse Decoration of Dért Kilise par Zaza SKHIRTLADZE Among the wall paintings of Tao-Klardjeti, the frescoes of the main church of the monastery of Dirt Kilise (Otxta Eklesia) have attracted particular atten- tion from scholars since the beginning of the 20th cen- tury. For a long time this monument (fig. 1), as well as the majority of other painted ensembles in the histor ical southern provinces of Georgia, was known only through the material collected by the expedition of E, Takaishvili in 1917', This situation was changed only after several important publications by N. and M. Thierry, which contained fairly complete descrip- tions of the frescoes as well as notes on the origins of the iconography and style of this highly artist monument”, The majority of recently published works is based on these observations’, although pub- lications resulting from the examination of the monu- ment in situ should also be noted*, Thus, certain shortcomings in the study of the frescoes of Dirt Ki- lise can be considered to have been filled in. Nevertheless, it is clear that all these publica- tions form only a small part of a larger study which must aim for a complete analysis of the place of the monument, built and painted in the second half of the 10th century on the commission of one of the outstanding members of the Tao Bagrationi house David Kuropalates (964-1001), in the general c text of contemporary Byzantine and Georgian art. All this is more necessary given that many problems connected with the iconography and artis- tic peculiarities of the wall paintings are still to be cleared up. Among them, the question of the iden- tification of the image in the soffit of the apse win- dow is of utmost significance. From its first publi- cation this detail of the frescoes has been viewed in many, absolutely different ways. It should be noted that wall paintings, arranged in five registers, adorn only the chancel of the large basilica of Dirt Kilise (fig. 2). For its scale as well as complicated programme and multipartite compo- sition this impressive painted decoration has no ana- Programme 1. Dért Kilise. View of the monastery from the east. logies among contemporary East Christian monuments*. The conch of the apse contains the image of the enthroned Saviour incribed in a Man- dorla, Above it, at the apex of the conch the ble: ing hand of God is represented stretching out of the sky. The next, relatively narrow tier, is also located in the conch; it bears an image of the throne in a mandorla supported by two groups of angels. The cross stands on the throne while the dove is depict- ed above it. Sixteen angels, tumed in prayer towards the Hetoimasia, are arranged along the whole register. Beneath them, in the centre of the chancel, the im- THE MOTHER OF ALL THE CHURCHES 101 | i) ' } Ay , al P a | | ] tH th tear Mtoe i 2. Din Kilise 1. Christin Majesty els. The sequence of th Prodromos. 4. Prophets and Church Fa age of Sion. 6. Moses receiving the La Melchisedek with eucharistic dish. 8 2, Hetoim of An ‘irgin and 5. The im: ages of the Vii : in and Prodromos are discernible flanked by two angels and the twelve The fourth registers divided in two on both sides 4 ; Apostles. of which there are Prophets and Church Fathers (four of each on the rai ills The two groups are headed by David lomon, represented next to the window impossible 10 identi cept that of Amos on i ide apse Its sequences. of ta Se Nowa- 'y the other figures. the southem wall, The sole also decorated with p hed by the half man, holding @ mode and encircled Within a golden in her young face is hich is covered window soffit is embetis ainting. ned her hand, of a basilica in medallion of leaves nbus, framed by hair, the surface of with © net-lik id Of lines. ‘The to Holy Woman has a high crown adorned with pre tious stones, while her gown is buckled by a round 4 fibula. The southern ja episode of Moses receiving the northern jamb repre amb of the window bx the Law on Mount Sina The last, fifth ter consists entirely of Christo and comprise the Annunciation, reg These unfold from the northern edge, Visitation, figure in the apse window of Dért Kilise, was to base his judgment on a very photograph’. His hat th represented a donor a lo dered the only possible identifica supposition The material collected on the expeditions of N M. Thierry did not product the evidence they collected on expedition: any conclusive re 1959 and 1983 was supplemented their hyp Thus, after their first changed accordingly dallion bore the ima that the m proposed donor queen or holy woman (such as St. Catherine) the interpretation of the fragments of a 1 Later their argument was b: covered Georgian inscription, However, th ing conclusion, that the image showed the f Queen, Nana Thierry herself. This secon: was caused by a new readin orgian Christian challenged by inscription, according to which the were supposed to be legible to the left of age, and the letters N and 1 to thi Nevertheless, a definitive identification of t was still not hieved. It was propo: should be a female donor, a family member of Kuropalates’ At the same time the ject of image became report by T. Virsaladze. According the inscription of the crowned female figure s I be read as SOPHIA, and hence the image shot das the personification of Holy Wisd the report (the text of which unpublished), this view w identifi is unfortunate of Byzantine theological and iconograph connected with the concept of Holy W T. Virsaladze’s ed by N. Alexidze SO is legible According to her obse to the left of the image, w the right of it, testifying to the existe si Sophia on the fresco. Accordingly, the sidered the programme of th nection with the of Holy Wisdom. erpreted in differ s. The dis: icon Holy Wisd h studied more than once, is apy that this symbolical image h the general context of the ico of Dart Kilise apse decoratio s standing of the main meanings, which the creat Of the monument wished t fey and specially un yeil must take it fully into. account This fact determined the direction of my atten tion to the image in the apse window arch of Dirt Kilise, while studying the murals, first in June 199¢ during a short expedition organised by N. and M. Thierry Autumn 1992. During the last visit to the monument, after the examination of the image at close quarters, it became clear that cer tain parts of the explanatory inscription had been read Correctly in previous publications. The letters $ and and later in © are indeed legible to the left of the figure (as not ed by N. and M. Thierry and N. Aleksidze), while N and 1 appear to the N. and M. Thierry). At the same time, of the two Ketiers to the left of the figure the right one is inscribed by a small i. Accordingly the explanatory inscription should be read as SIONI ie, Sion (fig. 4) ight of it (as also noted by it is clear that This suggestion was confirmed by two independent studies which appeared simultane ural monuments of T W. Djobadze, the other the Ph. D t jond in London University. In be nscription of the image on the s he cen pse window should be read as SION Such a name is naturally connected w Hol ¢ which “the Lord hath chosen A for His habitation” (Ps, CXXXIL nd which from the beginning of Christianity became mbol of the Universal Church, Among numerous ations which the concept of Sion has gained in the Biblical tradition its perception as Mater Be clesia is of especial significance, Accordingly, it was spheres of spiritual life which followed the offici recognition of Christianity that part of the Holy City was established by the first of all had touched church Lord himself and his disci ples. Later at the end of the fourth century, a large basilica was erected here by John of Jerusalem (con: until the end of the tenth century It is known that without being altered after the erection of the church of the Holy Sepulchre by Constantine the Great”, emphasis was gradually moved to this site which, from that time onward, was traditionally called the New Sion Nevertheless, the image of the nal Sion never lost its importance for Christi ans, On the contrary, its concept was substantially widened and gained the connotation of the Ideal Church in Christian perception. THE MOTHER OF ALL THE CHURCHES 103 From the earliest times, Christian iconographic tradition connected with the concept of Sion or Mi Ecelesia comprised such a long sequence of varia tions of this symbolic image as was characterist of ecclesiological thought itself from the v beginning”. Taking into consideration the wel Known conceptual unity of the Holy Wisdom, the Virgin and the Church, it should not seem unusua that Sion is represented as Mater eclesia in the wall paintings of Dért Kilise. Moreover, this choice was to a great extent preconditioned by artistic tradition which is traceable in the arts of the Christian Orient for a vast chronological spell The various examples of Ecclesia known nowa- days among the monuments of the Byzantine world” can conventionally be divided into two Broups. The first of these comprises the images of the Universal Church depicted alone and adorned with Various attributes, wl hile the other contains the figures of Ecclesia included in the Crucifixion, often together with Synagogue. It should not seem unusual fiat of these iconographic variations, the fist appears far arly its oldest examples being created in the early Christian period. There is a certain iconographic Srullerity between the Dot Kilise image and sever, ai carly monuments containing a separate figure of Ecclesia, notably the mosaics of the Carthage anti- Ghary (©. 400)", the tympanum relief from Upper Egypt (fifth century, Brooklyn Museum, New 2 the fresco of chapel XVII of Bawit a8 well as the . Historical Muse- um, Moscow, Ms. Add, 8r 129d, fol. Sir), and 104 i seum, Ms. Add. 19352, These testify to the going back to the ear actually limited tributes. For example, in stery chapel Ecclesia is according to A, Gra 1 with the Psalm text (Ps x ceived as an indication of the Buchar of the Church, its most signifi: lief in the Brooklyn Museum, placed by a scepire and orb sur- ross; on the Tunisian mosaic by a Sceptre only; while in the fresco of Dért Kilise by a church model. It is clear that such a change is aimed for a particular conceptual emphasis, while the main elements, namely the iconographic type of the per- Sonification of the Church in royal garments, crown and even coiffure, are in every case very similar The miniature of the Khludov Psalter stands Somewhat apart from the above mentioned examples, by virtue of its affinity to the personification in Dart Kilise. The similarity of both these images should be noted for their iconography and general concept, connecting the symbolic figure with the theme of the Sion basilica. The fact that in one case (Dart Ki- lise) the personification of the Church is holding @ this at mounted by a church model in her hand and in the other (Khludov Psalter) she is represented in front of it cannot be of essential significance. Their importance lies in their identical accentuation of the building erected on the Place of the first church established as the ideal pro- tolype of the New Sion or New Jerusalem. Speaking of the common ot raphy, attention should be drawn to one more group of images, belonging to Western European circles put which definitely shows an affinity to the same gins of this iconog aphic tradition revealed in the Dirt Among the exultet rolls produced in of Mater Ecclesia appears as the central image of a bipartite eomposition. The earliest such i the late tenth century in the Benevan Monastery of Sis Peter and Paul (Vatican Lat. 9820) (fig, 6); while two others (Rome, Bibliotheca Casanatens MS. 724 III, and Salerno, Bibliotheca Capitolare) ar of a later date, and besides they are considered to be replicas of the Vatican scroll miniature”. All the three miniatures are distinguished by compositional arrangement: in the upper r ancient iconog Kilise image. the monasteries of South Italy the figure nage was created in er of the image, the personification of the Church is depic ed as @ crowned womar in Orans pose, while the lower register bears the effigies of the emperor and people glorifying t e Mother of all thi This has been emphasized for one church ture of the Vatican exultet, in addition and robes (which itself finds a clos Dirt Kilise fresco), figure is repre to the crown analogy in the he Church is noteworthy since nted seated on a Bi to the contemporary Geo: n fresco, the theme o! Sion was specially emphasized solution of th A similar iconographic compo. sition containing the image of Ecclesia is characteri tic of some other miniatures produced in th soeryel 9), "2 6. Rome. Biblioteca Vaticana. monasteries of South Italy ori Two of them, belongin; nally to Monte Cassino, bear certain traces of Byzantine artistic tradition. tion is ascribed to 1070, the Benevan exultet rolls. The date of their execu: and so is close to that of We are concerned here with the manuscripts from the Bristih Library (Ms. Add. 30337) (fig. 7)”, and the Vatican (Cod. Barb. Lat. 952)”. Although the crowned figure of Mater Ecclesia, clad in Byzantine imperial robes, is represented standing in the nave of the Sion Basili ca nothing is changed conceptually the roof of the building with her outstretched hands (which at the same The personifi- supportin, slightly raised, are indicative of the pose of Orans). The peo- ple gathered around Mater Ecclesia are divided in s of the basilica. One aisle shelters the lay people, and the other the clergy. I is hard to say where the origins of the iconography of such a representation should be sought. The only thing which can now be stated is that this type main- tained its popularity, since, similar to the miniatures of the Benevan exultet, later copies were Discussing the origins of the iconography of the Dért Kilise image, the vast chronological and geo- graphic range of the comparative examples given hould speak for itself. It is noteworthy that the ol examples of the image which could have served 1e Dar Easter regions Kilise image are cone of the Byzantine all of the examples clearl Nevertheless the same t show th influence of Early Christian traditions THE MOTHER OF ALL THE CHURCHES 105 definite iconographic af- well as the vast range is hard even bearing in mind the finities with earlier models as lesiological thought on the subject, it of eccl ototypes which acted to determine the immediate pt Dart Kilise image. building (more partic of as the main source for the Although the motif of @ ularly, of a basilica) often figures in the im Eeclesia, the depiction of the personification with a model of the church in her hands is quite unusual in the Christian Orient. The only known examples rely late date, and ate found in the an Armenian manuscripts. It is of Eecle- are of a rela illuminations of Cilicia considered that the Byzantine iconography sia, included in the miniatures of the Crucifixion in two manuscripts of the Four Gospels decorated in the late 1260s by Toros Roslin (Erevan, Matenada- ran, Ms. N 10675, fol. 328v and Jerusalem, Arme- nian Patriarchate, Ms, N 3627, fol. 328: replaced by Wester models. H. Evans has na rminiatures of contemporary French manuscripts as their immediate ps rallels*. ‘Turning to the explanatory inscription of the Dirt Kilise image, its rarity should be emphasized, as traditionally the image is described as Exxanoto:", E\@v, as an expanatory inscription is attested in certain cases, but with the sole excep: tion of the Khludov Psalter (fol 100v)”, it ge ally defines the building, and not the personification of the Ideal Church; for example, twice in the same Khludov Psalter, fol.s 79 and 92v Pantocrator-61, fol. 12Ir, and in the Bristol Psalter, fol. 100v". The fresco of Babayan Church, which dates to the second half or end of the tenth centu- ry, has a rare example of the inscription H ATHA SHON, and an image of a Holy woman dressed in holding a martyr’s cross in her right inst the background of a build- ntification of this figure as as well as in ‘a maphorion, hand, is depicted Howe ' 8. Tbilisi Museum ia. Shemokmedi Enamel. ae Brocares hi lyorpnBiry diate oyprrmoliirans 11d serguag hi See se 3, seorprodr bib egucdleronn ery Bieoe meer Vieqlt the kingdom, which makes it quite ission of the upper 4 detailed sant seriptoria in possible to consider secular or clerical ci itl iscussion of the above mentioned mi just briefly conclude about ss iconogrnhy : is it a comm icles, Leaving aside of which, in the seems noteworthy artistic tradition of thi Christian Orient” The place which was given to the personifica tion of Sion in Dart Kilise chancel murals (i¢ only large window soffit) has itself determined it special significance in the apse programme. Being uished from other images by its location in the especially well-lit part of the apse, as well ai the colouristic and decorative solution (rendering of the medallion and the area immediately around it by means of the rich floral ornamentation of light blu green, silver and dark red hues) it acts as thi terminating accent of the axis, created by the alter nation of the Saviour figure in the conch, Hetoima sia in the medallion and the image of the Virgin Takin, decoration it should be obviou: into account the seale and composition of th that the definition Of the personification of the Universal Church is der and ived from its position in a far more complicate significant context; besides, thi programme, concerning the revelation of the them manifested in its separate parts, testifies to the fact that Sion is one of the images in Dirt Kilise, around which the main conceptual accents are bein, gathered, The main part of the decoration, namely the conch composition of Christ in Majesty, Hetoim sia with the choir of Angels beneath it and the se quence of Apostles with the Virgin in the is connected with that ancient iconographic tradition which formed a dal sis of the variations of the ap: theme ence in the late 10th ¢ spread in the Christian Orient. It murals should not be Considered unusual for Georgia where, given the ab sence of Iconoclasm, numbers of earlier iconographi themes were preserved”, Beginning from the 7th apsidal programmes are marked with special con. sistency and varieties of the double-zone Theopha ny compositions, the Ascension, their priority up to th Mthe“, Within the limits of following thi tion, the choice of such a scheme certainly the scheme of which is based on retained tradi at Dént Kilise di have its own conceptual premises. In th: 108 conch composition, representing th ry of the Lord as a part of the Ascension ingly, had the meaning of the creation of world”) the insertion of the i f the Hi the composition be perceived as th ° t Church on earth f ing Virgin-C s by tie cached ymbol of the Het troduces o hadi f the apsidal programm Dont Ki psidal d np I signifi ns to b fathers) and c k personification of Sion is t In thi although ing the v , t receiving of the Old Testament Lat 18), is simultaneously perceived nd hence the precu he Ten C Lord. The same premises determ depiction of Salem King Melchisedek wit and wine (Genesis XIV, 18-20) ( ment prototype of the Saviour, the Forerun rule of his priesthood (Heb. V VI, 20 is equally evident that while representing Mos: Melchisedek on both sides of the personil Sion, the determinant feature seems to t f the interchange of the Old and New Tes (cf. Heb. VII, 14-19), where the image of Mat lesia wa 1 the significance of the hi iment of their interrelation It is not difficult to trace the further ae ] ] y j 55. Separate letters are also discernible on the toll of the fourth prophet on the south wall of the apse; however, it is impossible to identify the prophet or the quotation of the Biblical text, based on these insignificant ff 56, 1. Phountas, “Qenc-Aums”’, ‘Eounvevrixé “Yropvn ‘Ha, Mandra, 1992, p. 286-288, 57. The colophon of the Ms. H-2251 of the Institute of Manuscripts in Tbilisi (fol, 364r), 58. The anonymous author of Matiane Kartlisa (Kart Tskhovreba {the Georgian Chronicle], 1, Tbilisi, 195: 274), Aristakes Lastivertci (Patmutjun Aristakisi Lastivertevoi [The history of Aristakes Lastiverti), Ereva 1963, p.22, 35); Stephanos Taronaci (Stephanosi Taronac voi Asogikan Patmutjun Tiezerakan (The World History of Stephanos Taronaci], St. Petersbourg, 1885, Prince Vachushti (Kartlis Tskhovreba’ (the Chronicle], IV, Tpilisi, 1974, p. 136, 699). 59. M.Lordkipanidze, “Iz istorii gruzino-vizantiiskikh ‘vzaimootnoshenii na grani X-XI vy. (From the History of Georgian-Byzantine Interrelations on the Turn of the 10th to Lith ce.]", in: Sakarwvelos peodaluri khanis istorit sakitkhebi [Aspects of the History of Medieval Georgia, vol. I, Tbilisi, 1972, p.33 60. V. Kopaliani, Sakarwvelos da bicantis politkuri urtier toba 970-1070 tslebshi (Political Relations of Georgia and Byzantium in 970-1070], Tbilisi, 1969, p. 10-27, 61. Sh. Badridze, “Contribution I’histoire des relation enire Ie Tao et Byzance (les Bedi Kartlisa, Revue de Karwélologie p. 162%, années 70. du. X:siécle) vol. XXXII, 197; 62. Noteworthy evidence, conceming the subject is given in N. Thierry, “La peinture de Cappadoce au x-sile op. cit, p- 230-231 63, M. Tarchivil Bedi Kartlisa, vol. X rom, 1, 1985, .9, 64. V.Betidze, Monuments de Phistoire de Varchitecture géorgienne 65. Ibidem, p.292 66. Ibidem, p. 304-305 67. Art and Architecture in Medieval Georgia, p.35-38 and $9; R.Mepisaschwili and W. Zinzadze, Georgien Wehrbauten und Kirchen, Leipzig, 1986, S.218-219. 68. W. Djobadze, “The Donor Reliefs and the Date of the Church at Oshki", Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 69, 197 p.45tf 69. Ibidem, p. 50. 70. Although not in the 9th c. Vili (op. cit, p. 84), 71, Develi kart'uli agiograp'iuli literaturis dzeglebi (The Monuments of Old Georgian Hagiographical Literature}, I, Tbilisi, 1967, p.42; cf. Actes d'Iviron, 1, p. 16-17 72. B.Martin-Hisard, “Du T’ao-Klardzeti a T'Athos: moines géorgiens et réalités sociopolitiques (Ix sie ‘Le soulevement de Bardas Skiéros TI-XVII, 1964, p. 95-97; Actes Iv. 22-23. Tao-Klardjétie dan: Tbilisi, p. 297-299, as supposed by E. Taksish: cles)", Bedi Kartlisa, Revue de Kartvélologie, vol. XL, 1983, ‘p. 34-46; Actes d'Iviron, I, p. 19-24 Ihidem, p.20; J.-Cl. Cheynet, “Les Phocas", in: G.Dagron et H. Michalescu, La traite sur la Guérilla de Tempereur Nicéphore Phocas (963-969), Patis, 1986, p.301 74, Evidence about the place and significance of Dist Ki lise Lavra in the life of 10th-1 Ith cc. Georgia is born by the fresco in the south cross-arm of Oshki cathedral (brie fly mentioned by E. Takaishvili, op. cit, p.54-55), which attracted the attention of scholars immediately after its ex: posure. It is a fragmented scene of historical character Which seems to be connected to the events of the 20s or 30s of the Ilthe. It is supposed to depict Bagrat IV"s (1024-107 se ceremony, and particularly the procession on the occassion of the bringing to Georgia the nail of the Lord, given to the niece of the Byzantine emperor as a dowry (N. Thierry, “*Peintures historiques d'O5ki (Ta0)", Revue des études géorgiennes et caus jennes, n° 2, 1986, p. 136-138: W. Djobadze, “Four De- esis Themes in the Church of OSki"", Oriens Christianus. Bd. 79, 1988, p. 172-182). It is possible that some ot event may be represented here: namely, Bagrat’s 1 from Byzantium to Georgia and his ceremonial reception at the south border of the country. The fragmentary state fof the composition makes it impossible to say anything definitely. However, the main thing here is that on the fresco executed in the fourth decade of the 11thc. the roy- al ceremony is represented against the background of the most significant ecclesiastical centres of Tao-Klardjei First of all, this is Bana church (7the.), one of the ol: dest and strongest episcopal sees of Tao, the tomb of the members of the Bagration family. Its representation oc cupies the central place in the composition (an old Geor: gian inscription — BANASA EKLESIAI DAM [...] is placed below it, along the socle). My reading of the {wo line explanatory inscription (namely ] OTXTA EKLES [1A] [..., which is partially presented below the damaged effigy of one more church in the left part of the composition has made it evident that Dirt Kilise basil ica was also depicted here (cf. Z. Skhirtladze, ““Eklesia monasterta gamosakhulebebi shua sankunecbis kartul sak. vit’ khelovnebashi, Oshki [The Images of the Churches, and Monasteries in Georgian Medieval visual Art, Osh kil, Khelovneba, 1992, n° 1-2, p. 15). It seems, that one more church (it is not exchided, that Oshki itself) must have been represented on the right part of the compos! tion. The fact that the main church of Dért Kilise “ma nificant lavra’’ was depicted in the painting commisioned by the court, which expressed some most_ significant historical event connected with Bagration’ family, and, ac cordingly, was given special significance by the porary rulers of the country, is itself quite eloquent. It ‘must point to the distinguished importance which this monastic centre must have had received by that time from the court. Taking this into account, it is not also exelud: ed, that Dért Kilise and its contemporary rullers (thanks the close ties with the monastic centre of Athos and accordingly, the ruling circles of the empire) should have played a certain part in Georgian-Byzantine relations alongside episcopal centres of Bana and Oshki, Bagrat IV's return to Georgia and the peripetia, connected with his coronation, might not have been on tion of this? -ontem ‘of the manifesta. Gf. Dzveli Kartuli agiograpiuli literaturis. deeglebi [The Monuments of Old Georgian Hagiographical Litera- ture}, 1, Tbilisi, 1964, p. 160. 16. Karllis Tskhovreba (The Geor p. 198. Cf. K. Kekelidze, ian Chronicle}, 1 “k voprosi ob jerusalimskom, proiskhozhdenii gruzinskoj cerkvi [To the Jerusalem Ori gin of Georgian Church]", in; Kekelidze, Eriudebi develi Kartu literaruris istoriidan [Studies in Medieval Georgian Literature}, IV. Tbilisi, 1957, p. 359-360. 71. Art and Architecture in Medieval Georgia, op. cit p. 302-307, 78, M. Temaladze, Tiflisskij Sionskij kafedraliny) sobor [Sioni Cathedral in Thilisi, Tbilisi, 1904. 79. Art and Architecture in Medieval Georgia, op. cit. p.459-461 THE MOTHER OF ALL THE CHURCHES 115 80. R. Mepisaschwili and W. Zinzadze, Georgien, op. cit. p.107, pl. 150. 81, G.Chubinashyili, ArRhiteksura Kakheti [The Architec~ ture of Kakheti}, Tbilisi, 1958, p. 67. 82, Art and Architecture in Medieval Georgia, op. cit. p. 288-293, 83. N.Chubinashvili, Samshvildskij Sion, Tbilisi, 1969, p. 25ff 84. R.Ramishvli, ris kheobis arkeologiuri deeglebi [The Archaeological Monuments of lori Gorge], Tbilisi, 1970, p.32-33 85. Art and Architecture in Medieval Georgia, op. cit, p. 436. 86. E.S. Takaishvili, Arkheologicheskie ekskursii vrazyskanija i zametki [Archeological Excursions, Investi- gations and Notes}, vol. 2, Tbilisi, 1905, p. 10-11 87. Cf. Edzani Sion relief (mid 6th c.), Khandisi stele (se- ‘cond half of the 6th). N. Chubinashvili, Khandisi, Tbilisi, 1976, p. 13, 14, fig. 1-3, 8, 9, 33; fragments of stelae, un earthed during the excavations of Lamazi Gora monastic ‘complex (6th-7th c.). Dj. Amiranashvili, Adrepeodaluri Khanis karwli arkitelawrisa da reliepuri kandakebis dzegle bi {Monuments of Early Medieval Georgian Architecture and Sculpture}, Tbilisi, 1969, p. 39-42, fig. 18. 88. A number of crosses of this type are known from, earlier publications and the preserved examples. Cf N. Kondakov and D. Bakradze, Opis pamjatnikov drevnosti v nekotorykh khramakh i monastyrjakh Grucii (Desctip- tion of the Monuments of Antiquity in some Churches ‘and Monasteries of Georgial, St. Petersbourg, 1890, p. 8, 64, 94; G. Chubinashvili, Gruzinskoe chekannoe iskusstve [Georgian Metalwork], Tbilisi, 1959, p. 70, 110, 117, 131, 147, 628, fig. 53, 57, 68, 76; A. Chkhartishy ‘okromchedeli (Goidsmith Manne], Tbilisi, 1978, p. 89-100, pl. 34, 40-43, 45-47: T. Sakvarelidze, Metormete: saudunts kartuli cheduri khelovnebis istoridan (From the History of the 12the, Georgian Metalwork], Tbilisi, 1980, p. 10. 89. L. Khachidze, Joane minchkhis poezia (Poetry of loane Minchkhi), Tbilisi, 1987, p. 149¢f 90. P. Ingorogva, Develi kartuli sasuliero poecia [Old Ge- orgian Hymnography}, Tbilisi, 1913, p. 160ff, 9. tbidem, p.A6t Different viewpoints about John Bled, hic ig tong nist ia the scientific erate, are pel with the period and the area of his activity (of A. I'Svedema 0 panjatnkalh grins) pumemost con the Monuments of Old Georgian Literatee). sol I St Petersbourg, 1889, p.22, 37; loane bolnelis ‘bani [Homilies of John Bolneli, ed. M. Djanasbvil, Si 1911, p- lll: P. Ingoroxva, Kartuli miserlobis iste, mokle mimokhilva [Bnef survey of the History of Old Ge. Grpian Literature], Mnatobi, 1939. n° 10-11, p. 299% idem, Giorgi Merchule, Teilisi, 1954, p. 871; K. Kékelidee, Dave: li Kartuli literaturis istoria (The of the Old Ge- orgian Literature), Tbilisi, 1960, p. 182; R. Joane Bolneli, Tbilisi, 1962, p. 10-12; M. Tarchnisheili, “Zwei geongische Lectionarfragmente aus dem S. und Jahrhundert’, Le Museon, 1.73, fasc.3-4, 1960, p- 280-282; M van Esbroeck, Les plus anciens hooméliaine, ferten,taanReoe 98, Sa Sa fe ‘upunen, pol oewied by eee

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