Gudeman1971 Compadrazgo

The Compadrazgo as a Reflection of the Natural and Spiritual Person
Author(s): Stephen Gudeman

Source: Proceedings of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, No.
1971 (1971), pp. 45-48+4+49-71
Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland
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CAPTIONS
PLATES
1. Three axe moulds of clay. Santa Elena peninsula, 14. Chimu wooden balance; Chicama (Birmingham City
Ecuador; Mantefio phase, A.D. 500-1500 (Pitt Rivers Museum).
Museum, Oxford).
15. Mexican smiths melting gold, using blowpipe, brazier
2. Casting seam on a Colombian incensario in the 'Tesoro and ladle (Sahagiun,Bk. IX, Ill. 62).
de los Quimbayas'(Museo de America, Madrid).
16. Mexican snmithwith crucible and furnace (Sahagin, Bk.
3. Wax-preparationtable of stone; Ocafia, Colombia. Length IX, Ill. 50).
31-5 cm (Museo Nacional, Bogota'.Photo. Marianne Cardale 17. Wind furnace used for s-meltingsilver; Bolivia, nineteenth
de Schrimpff). century. (After Archaeologia, vol. 57, based on a photo-
4. Mexican smiths rolling out wax and preparing core graph by Peele 1893.)
material (Sahagun,Bk. IX, Ill. 47). 18. Stone tool and neck of Colonial green glazed vessel;
5. Chimu stone matrix for use with sheet metal: 305 x collected by R. B. White from the mines of Remedios,
17-5 cm (Museo Arqueol6gico 'Bruning', Lambayeque. Antioquia, Colombia (British Museum. Photo. Institute
Photo. Heather Lechtman). of Archaeology, London).
19. The 'copper man', a prehispanic miner from Chuquica-
6. Stone hammerand anvil for beating sheet metal; Colombia mata, Chile (phoito.American Museum of Natural History,
(Museo del Oro, Bo'gotd. Photo. Hernan Diaz and Rafa6l New York).
Moure).
20. Baskets for holding copper ore, found with the 'copper
7. Stone matrix for producing wax model for use in cire man' of Chuquicamata (American Museum of Natural
perdue casting. Muisca s-tyle, Colombia (Museum of the History).
American Indian, Heye Foundation, New York, No.
15/3501). Ht. 20 cm. 21. Miner's llama skin sack, found alongside the Chuquica-
mata 'copper man' (American Museum of Natural History).
8. Cast tumbaga pectoral in Muisca style, said to have been
found at Jerico, Antioquia, Colombia. Ht. 17 5 cm 22. The last of 21 Bedford Square. Professor Weiner and
(BirminghamCity Museum). Dr Leach ready for transportation!
9. Base of the pectoral illustrated in P1. 8; microphotograph 23. Trench B4, west face. Lower Middle Gravel resting on
of dendrites resulting from cooling after casting (photo. Lower Loam.
Instituteof Archaeology, London). 24. Crushedfallow deer antler and skull in WeatheredLoam,
10 a and b. Two views of a Muisca stone matrix from Tunja, Trench B4.
Colombia (Mus6ede l'Homrme,Paris). 25. Rhinoceros skull. Junction of Lower Loam and Lower
Gravel, midden level.
11. False filigree (wax wire) single-piece castings; Muisca
style, Colombia (photo. Musee de l'Homme, Paris). 26. Pollen grain of Cerealia type x 1500.
12. False filigree ear-ornament;Sind style, Colombia (photo. 27. Trenches B3 and A3 foreground. B4 background from
Musee de l'Homme, Paris). the east. Partly back-filled.
28. Rain runnels on lower surface of sand lens, Trench B3.
13 a and b. Two wooden forms used in manufacture of
Peruvian 'face beakers'; a is 19 3 cm high; b 19 6 cm 29. Potholed surface, lower surface of sand lens, Trench B3.
(Museum fur Volkerkunde, Berlin). a from Pachacamac;
b from Santa Rosa, near Lima. 30. Trench C3. Fallow deer skull.
THE COMPADRAZGOAS A REFLECTION OF THE NATURAL
AND SPIRITUAL PERSON
The Curl Prize Essay 1971
STEPHEN GUDEMAN
University of Minnesota
THE compadrazgois found in areas throughoutthe normallyemployedby anthropologists.The symbols

world from the Mediterraneanto Latin Americaand andtheirmeaningsareset forthin Table 1.
the Philippines.Its adherentsinclude Roman and
OrthodoxCatholics,rural and urban dwellers, and TABLE 1. Notations used
native and conqueringgroups.The institutionis an
elaborationof CatholicChurchdogma and practices Conjugal tie
and is formednormallyat baptismand confirmation. Kinship bond
Its core patternconsists of three roles: parent,child 4 4 Spiritual relationship
and godparent;and three relationships:a kin tie
betweenparentandchild;a spiritualtie betweenchild x/y x an-dy are mutually substitutive or equivalent in a
and godparent;and a spiritualtie betweengodparent
pI q p is a transformationof q; q is a transformationof p
and parent.' However, this structure is found in
dramaticallyvariantforms.Modificationsinclude(a) s= t s is transformedto t, or t is a transformationof s
expandingthe numberof occasionson whichformed, Identity
(b) augmenting the number of godparents used, * Identityprohibitedor lack of identity
(c) deletingsome of the roles,(d) extendingthe bonds
to kin of the principals,(e) utilisingdifferentmodes
of address, and (f) employingthe religious ties for 1: Explanations of the compadrazgo
secularduties. The compadrazgohas been reportedin the litera-
The comp,adrazgo has been the subjectof extensive ture since Tylor's (1861: 250-1) early account, but
treatmentin ethnographiesand analyticwritings,yet theories about the institutionhave been developed
no theory has been proposed which reduces the only within the last thirty years. A brief review of
institutionto its essentialprincipleswhile explaining these explanationsseems appropriateto show how
its manifoldforms.In this essay my concernis with my own analysisbuildsupon and departsfrom them.
this problem.My view is based upon the ideologyof In 1941 Redfield,almost in passing, spoke of the
the institution.I shall argue that the temporaland compadrazgoas creating new ties or solemnising
spatial variantsof the complex are united and in- andsanctifyingexistingones (1941:124).Shortlyafter,
formedby the conceptualdistinctionsof the natural his student,Paul (1942: 56-7), provideda more de-
and spiritualbeing, and naturaland spiritualparent- tailed demonstrationof how the institutioncould be
hood. Within a society this ideology has a profound used to 'extend'or 'intensify'a given set of bonds.
impact upon the relationof the compadrazgoto the Although today most analyses go beyond these
kinshipandmarriagesystems. generalisations,theyhaveyet to be refuted.
The essayis dividedinto,fourparts: Implicit in the above views is an idea which has
persisted in the literature: that the compadrazgo
Part 1: a reviewof previousexplanationsand a furthers social solidarity. Mintz and Wolf (1950)
presentationof my thesis; showed that the institutionis highly adaptableand
Part 2: an examinationof church theology and flexible,and that it can furthersolidarityby operating
historicalmaterialsconcerningbaptism,spon- 'horizontally',linking members of the same social
sorsandspiritualrelationships; class, or 'vertically', binding together persons of
Part 3: an analysis of the compadrazgopattern differentsocial groups. They suggested that when
in a peasantcommunityof VeraguasProvince, communitiesare self-containedor forma singlesocial
Panama; class, in a class-structuredsociety, the compadrazgo
is principallyan intra-groupmechanism;when com-
Part4: an explorationof contemporarypermuta- munitiesconsist of several social classes juxtaposed,
tionsof the complex. the compadrazgohelps to organise inter-classex-
The areas and sourcescoveredare listed in Appen- changes.2Whichof these two majorpatternsprevails
dix 1. I thinkthe significantvariationsin the complex also was said to 'depend on the amount of socio-
have been included,althoughI have not made refer- cultural and economic mobility, real and apparent,
ence to all the availableethnographies.For diagram- availableto an individualin a given situation'(Mintz
matic purposes I have used certain notations not & Wolf 1950:358).The authorssupportedtheirviews
45
throughthe use of historicaland present-dayethno- the compadrazgo with kinship in a more profound
graphicmaterials. manner. He suggested that a similarity exists between
I am in agreementwith the functionalemphasisof the roles of the ritual kinsman and the brother-in-
MintzandWolf in so far as theyrelatedthe institution law (1968: 409). In Andalusia he pointed out:
to the context in which it occurs.But I do not think The word grace is sometimes used to refer to a
theirextensionof the termfunctionto meanfurthering person's first name and from this comes the ex-
social solidarity is analyticallyuseful. Why cannot pression for the godparents,padres de gracia. It is
social solidaritybe promotedby anothersystem in by Divine Grace that Original Sin is remitted
the culture?What sets the compadrazgoapart from through the rite of baptism.The association of this
other institutionswhich performa similarfunction? concept with the personal side of the social person-
Further,Mintz and Wolf (1950: 341) defined the ality, as against the structuralside representedby the
compadrazgoas consistingof a set of relationships surname,illustratesa contrastthat is made in many
yet, in effect, confined their discussion to the ways in this society and is the basis of the juxta-
compadre-compadre bond.3 In many contexts this position of kinshipand spiritualkinship (1958: 428).
may be the most importanttie, however,as I shall Apparently Pitt-Rivers drew an analogy between the
demonstrate,theiranalysiswas restrictedby this pre- compadrazgo and 'complementary filiation'. He also
figuringof the data. Finally the authors carefully contrasted sacred compadrazgo and profane kinship
documented the historical relation of the com- relations. These notions are congruent with my own
padrazgoto churchdogma and practicesand noted view.
that it representsa synthesisof ideas about sponsor- For Jugoslavia, Hammel (1968) interpreted the
ship, spiritualrebirthand 'ritual kinship',but their kumstvo (the godparenthood complex) as a mechan-
exampleswere concernedonly with the latter. Con- ism for extending a network of trust. Following argu-
sequently,they stressedthe utilitarianimportanceand ments proposed in the context of kinship theory, he
omittedthe spiritualimplicationsof the institution. suggested that the kumstvo is a kind of 'alliance'
Foster, in developingthe notions of flexibilityand between continuing unilineal descent groups.
social stability, suggested that the compadrazgo Although Hammel's view is thought-provoking and
supplementskinship ties to meet economic,spiritual bears a similarity to my own, it is hard to apply
and social needs (1953: 9; 1967: 85).4He also pro- directly to situations of bilateral kinship.
posed that the institutionis one form of the 'dyadic In summary, most analyses of the compadrazgo
contract', an unnamed, unrecognised'principle of have been based upon its observed characteristics and
reciprocity' (1967: 214; 1961; 1963). In that the overt functions. The institution has been seen as a
dyadic contractmay be either symmetricor asym- flexible and adaptable mechanism, and it has been
metric,his view closely paralleledMintz and Wolf's recognised as a means for establishing or expressing
distinctionbetweenhorizontaland verticalpatteming. relationships between individuals or groups. Few
In certain respects an argumentwhich links the authors have satisfactorily defined its distinctive char-
compadrazgowith the family is similar to my own, acteristics. Only Pitt-Rivers has perceived that the
but Fosterdid not explainwhy it is this and not some compadrazgo and the family ideologically bear a
other institutionwhich closes a gap left 'by kinship close relation one to the other.
ties. And as indicated,to see the compadrazgoas no
morethana dyadicbondis to misperceiveits dogmatic My view follows a type of argument advocated by
and essentialnature. L6vi-Strauss, Leach and others. I believe that all
In a recent article Ravicz developed a different compadrazgo systems, including the church version,
theory: on the one hand, 'The compadrazgo[by may be seen as a set of variations occurring through
which Ravicz meant only the co-parentalbond] . . . time and space. The current forms of the complex
does not createa family situationin its image'(1967: derive from the church dogma which was enunciated
242).On the other,the complexdoes provide'a model at the time of the Conquest (sixteenth century). Since
for all interpersonalrelationships... by joininglarge then contacts between many rural areas and the
numbers of individuals in respect-relations'(1967: Church have been sporadic. Contemporary ecclesias-
250).In my view Raviczwas wrongto denystructural tical rules have been codified over time by church
similaritiesbetweenthe familyandco-parentalbonds. specialists; folk dogmas have been codified over
Also the complexoften does consist of a networkof generations by laymen. All the forms have a similar
respect relationships,but it remains to be demon- foundation but have evolved in different directions.
stratedthat it is the model for all interpersonalties. Nevertheless since the contemporary versions do
In two articles Pitt-Rivers (1958; 1968) echoed derive from the same 'great tradition' and are linked
some of these earliernotionsand addedan important by their historical connexion to the spread of
view of his own. He reasonedthat the compadrazgo Christianity, all are variants.5 It follows that we may
is what 'cognatickinship aspires to, but cannot, be' compare compadrazgo systems throughout the world
(1968: 412). It establishestrust relationshipswhich instead of restricting the comparison to adjacent
can be put to differentuses. This idea is a variantof societies yet make few assumptions about the pan-
the social solidarity theme. Pitt-Rivers also linked cultural workings olf the human 'mind'. These his-
46
toricalfacts also delimitthe relationsto be compared. as at the time of the Conquest, the dogma of the
Only compadrazgosystems,as forms of the original godparenthood complex includes four roles, in prac-
godparenthoodcomplex, are commensurate.For this tice this seems everywhere to be reduced to the three
reasonclassificationswhich includethe compadrazgo roles of parent, godparent and child, or the Com-
with institutionssuch as blood brotherhoodare un- padrazgo Set (see fig. 3).
acceptable (Eisenstadt 1956; Foster 1956; Pitt-
Rivers1968). Parent
Since the currentforms are linked historicallyto Godparent
the church,we must look to earlierchurchideology
to gain an understandingof them. Thus, behind all
the observedcompadrazgovariantslies the historical
Christiantheologicaldistinctionmade betweenman
as a spiritualand natural,or culturaland biological,
being.Throughbaptismthe passagefrom the state of
originalsin to the state of grace is achieved:man is Baptized
thoughtto be conceivedwith the sin of Adam; he is
regeneratedwhen this sin is 'washed away' during FIGuRE3. The compadrazgoset.
baptismand he is rebornto Christand a secondset of
parents,the ministerand sponsor.A belief in man's Conceptually the Birth and Baptismal Sets are
dualnatureis found,of course,in manycultures.What opposed as the natural to the spiritual. The Com-
is distinctiveabout Christianspiritualsponsorshipis padrazgo Set mediates between them as it is based
that these two aspectsof the humanpersonalitymust on a sharing of the baptised. A model of the relations
be entrustedto differentsets of persons:the natural may be constructed as shown in fig. 4 (Levi-Strauss
and spiritualparents.On the basis of this notion two 1963: ch. 2, 7, 8; 1966; Leach 1970: 28-30). The Birth,
mutuallyexclusive sets of relationshipsare formed: Baptismal and Compadrazgo Sets are transforma-
the Birth Set, consistingof father,motherand child, tions(see fig. 5).7
and the BaptismalSet, containingminister,sponsor
andspiritualchild(see fig. 1).
CompadrazgoSet RECOGNISED
Relationship
Birth Set Baptismal Set Established
ThroughShanng
CommonPaternity
Father = Mother Minister Sponsor
NOT RECOGNISED
Birth Set BaptismalSet
\ / / NATURAL< > SPIRITUAL
Child Spiritual Child Types of Paternity
FIGURE 1. Birth and baptismalsets. FIGURE4. Interrelationof the birth,baptismal and

compadrazgosets.
Thus,if naturalparentsare to raisetheirchild as a
memberof Christiansociety,they must give away or It is this Compadrazgo Set, then, mediating between
entrust to others certain rights over him; in return the Birth and Baptismal Sets and embodying the
the recipients perform and promise to undertake stated theological distinctions, which undergoes per-
variousduties.It is this act of bestowingrights,when mutations and elaborations in a multitude of dimen-
recognisedas creatinga bond itself, that establishes sions. In this respect Leach's (1961: 7) notion of
spiritualrelationshipsbetweenthe parentson the one plotting social relationshipson a rubbery sheet is
hand, and ministerand godparenton the other, and worthrecalling,for it appearsthat the Compadrazgo
resultsin the compadrazgo(see fig. 2).6 Althoughnow, Set can be 'stretched', 'pushed out', and even
'replicated'in a numberof ways. In the first place
Parent whetherthe mechanismis pushedtowardthe natural
or spiritualend of the continuumappearsto vary by
culture. In some contexts the opposition between the
Birth and CompadrazgoSets is stronglymarked;in
Minister Godparent othersless so.8 Otherstructuralvariations,which are
detailedin Part4, include:
1. Replicatingthe relationsover ceremoniesother
than those of baptism and confirmation.
Child/Godchild 2. Multiplyingthe numberof godparentsemployed
FIGURE 2. The compadrazgo. -atany ceremony.
47
Birth Set Baptismal Set Compadrazgo Set
Father = Mother Minister Sponsor Parent -* Godparent
Child Spiritual Child Child/Godchild

FIGuRE5. The birth, baptismal and compadrazgo sets as itransformations.
3. Adding kin or existing compadresand/or god- The implicationis that the concept of man's dual
parentsof theprincipalsto thecomplex. nature as both natural and cultural being may be
4. Repeating or proliferating the bonds in the commonto manyif not all cultures.
selectionof newcompadre/godparents. What seems invariantin the compadrazgois the
5. Prohibitingchoicereversal. spiritual/natural opposition, its representationin
In addition certain compadrazgo'customs'such as spiritual and natural parents, their ties with one
linguisticexpressions,modes of addressand specific another and a set of compadrazgocharacteristics.
formsof behaviourseem to emergein non-contiguous Not all the possiblecharacteristicsare utilisedin any
areas.These customstoo are a partof the greattradi- one society; some are elaborated and others are
tion, but the nature of their connexionto the basic suppressed to forma coherentsystem.
structuralpatterning,as well as the reasonsfor their
occurrenceand non-occurrence, and theirpermutated 2. Baptism,sponsorsandspiritualrelationships
forms are problems yet to be solved. The broader To justify and expand the argument,I trace here
question also remains as to why the compadrazgo the historicaldevelopmentof the compadrazgo.Since
assumesa particularform in a culture.In this regard most of the materialsused are derivedfrom Christian
a situationalexplanationmay be useful.Indeed,since dogma, let me elaborate my view concerning the
I have argued that the compad*razgois everywhere relationof this doctrineto contemporaryfolk forms
linked to the family, one implicationof the thesis is of the institution.From today's vantage point the
that a contextual interpretationalways may be church'sview of godparenthoodis one variantin the
important.Such an explanationmight not be accept- total series. But official dogma is somethingmore
able to a rigorousstructuralist. than a convenientstartingplace for analysis of the
The notion of a situationalinterpretationis itself permutations.The presentCanonLaw whichbecame
relatedto two furtherissues.First, it is clear that the effective in 1918 appears to be a static con-
ideology of the compadrazgois 'embedded'to a stitution,nonethe less it has evolvedoverthecenturies
greater or lesser degree in different cultures. For in responseto existingsocial conditionswhile main-
example,in Veraguasa largeportionof the peasants' taining continuity with earlier legal texts.9 The
cultureis derivedfrom slixteenth-century Spain,while 'collapsed'version of the compadrazgoembodiedin
in Zinacantan,Mayan beliefs are overlaid by only the currentchurch law is deceptive,for it too has
a 'veneer'of Roman Catholicism(Vogt 1969: 390). undergonesuccessive historical transformations.Its
NeverthelessI would hold that the basic churchcon- main outlines, however,were essentiallycrystallised
cepts are implicit to some degree in the institution by the time of the Council of Trent (1545-63)and
itself. At least they place limits on the form of the were containedin the religion which was spread to
compadrazgo;its specificshape in a society may be the New World.Thereforea brief historicalstudy of
determinedby otherfactors. the dogmaticfoundationsand successivepermutations
It is striking that the compadrazgohas been of the compadrazgoup- to the time of Trent is
adopted by such a diversityof cultures.In the last essentialfor understandingthe total series of which
few centuries missionaries proselytisi,ngin many eachpresent-dayvariantis but a partialreflection.
societies have stressedthe importanceof being bap- In examiningthe institutionthroughtime it is use-
tised. Thereis also scatteredevidencethat the notion ful to draw a distinctionbetweenthe church'sfunda-
of sponsorshipor similar concepts existed in some mental beliefs and actual law. The basic theological
preconquestcultures.Suchcustomscould have facili- notions and a conceptualparadox about man have
tated acceptanceof the compadrazgo(Foster 1953: persistedfor nearlytwo thousandyears.However,the
23-5; Hart 1971: 19-33; Paul 1942: 79-87; Ravicz laws concerning compadrazgorelationshipswhich
1967:238). But these facts alone neitherexplainwhy are but a reflectionof and a solutionto this problem
the compadrazgo itself was adopted nor why have been continuouslyreformulated.The division
it was not reworkedinto dramaticallynew forms. of thisPartparallelsthis distinction.
48
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Baptism Summa Theologica. Aquinas (1225?-1274) prefaced
Baptism is a sacramental representation of the his study of the sacraments with Augustine's dis-
death and resurrection of Christ. Rebirth and re- tinction between the effect of baptism upon character
generation are its basic concepts. Through immersion and grace. As one scholar has pointed out (Ryan
the Christian dies to his carnal life and is reborn 1963: 365), this is an indication that he followed the
spiritually to the church as mother. Therefore, the general doctrine of Augustine. By the sixteenth cen-
Christian partakes of the Passion itself, and there tury the views of Aquinas were well accepted, and
has always been a close association between baptism the Council of Trent was influenced strongly by his
and Easter. For early Christians this was the day ideas. This is a fact of importance for my argument
above all others to be baptised. Baptism regenerates since, as noted, it was this Council which established
in that it cleanses the soul of the guilt of original (and the main outlines of the compadrazgo as it was trans-
actual) sin contracted by all men from Adam. The mitted to Latin America and as it is known today.
baptised passes to the state of justice and participa- Some of the essential concepts of the Thomist and
tion in the divine nature through having a sanctifying Council of Trent versions of baptism were that the
grace implanted in him. Regeneration enables the sin of Adam, which is transmitted to all his descend-
Christian to attain a new life and salvation based on ants and known by the fact that all are under ban of
faith. death, can be removed only through the rite of
Baptism marks man with an indelible character baptism. By melans of baptism membership in the
which is the sign of the supernatural union with church is gained, the gift of the Holy Spirit is con-
Chris(t.The baptised becomes a 'juridic person' in the ferred, and an indelible characteris implanted.
eyes of the church with all the rights and obligations Christian baptism has many interpretative levels,
this implies, and he assumes membership in the most of which are not explored here, but of particular
moral-religious community. A baptism also serves to interest are the arguments which Aquinas used to
remind the spectators of their duties as true Christians. justify his views, for it is these which make clear the
The concepts concerning baptism derive from theological foundations of my own thesis. It is relevant
various sources. Christian theologians usually assert that Aquinas employed, developed and refined the
that baptism originated with Christ,10but a number technique of argument by analogy. The majority of
of antecedents can be noted. The rite of washing his analogies were built upon two-, three- or four-term
predates Christianity, and retrospective comparisons statements. With respect to baptism most were four
are sometimes made with the Flood, the departure term, having the form a: b :: c : d. My thesis is pre-
from Egypt, and the crossing of the Jordan. Early dicated upon the proportion: Birth: Baptism::
biaptism entailed a three-fold renunciation of the Family:Compadrazgo.
devil, and this pattern was probably taken from the The major portion of Aquinas's discussion con-
Roman law by which agnatic relations were extin- cerning baptism is found in Part III, Questions 65-9
guished through a triple repudiation. More to the of the Summa. Extracts from this segment of his work
point, baptism is surely related to the Judaic rite of are contained in Appendix 2. In these selections the
circumcision (Col. 2. 11-12). Its immediate warrant, following basic analogies are found:
however, comes from Christ: Natural : Spiritual
Birth : Rebirth
Jesus answered,and said to him: Amen, amen I say
to thee, unless a man be born again, he cannot see Death: Life::
the kingdom of God. Nicodemus saith to him: How Natural Parents: Spiritual Parents.
can a man be born when he is old? can he enter a In addition, further substantiation for my thesis is
second time into his mother's womb, and be born provided in the Supplement (Q. 56, A. 3)12 where
again? Jesus answered:Amen, amen I say to thee, Aquinas discussed why sponsors contract spiritual
unless a man be born again of water and the Holy relationships with the baptised:
Ghost, he cannot enter into the kingdom of God.
That which is born of the flesh, is flesh; and that Just as in carnal generation a person is born of a
whichis born of the Spirit,is spirit(J. III. 3-6).11 father and mother, so in spiritual generation a
person is born again a son of God as Father, and of
Saint Augustine (354-430) first summarised the the Church as Mother. Now while he who confers
various doctrines concerning baptism, and he became the sacrament stands in the place of God, whose
the most influential theorist for the following ages. instrument and minister he is, he who raises a
Augustine argued that the baptised enters the com- baptized person from the sacred font, or holds the
munity of the church which forms the body of candidate for Confirmation,stands in the place of
Christ. The first effect of baptism is to expunge the Church.Therefore spiritualrelationshipis con-
tractedwith both ... Not only the father, of whose
all actual and original sin, the latter preventing entry seed the child is born, but also the mother who pro-
into the Kingdom of God. Baptism, he also stated, vides the matter, and in whose womb the child is
has the positive effect of conferring grace upon the begotten. So too the godparentwho in place of the
recipient. Church offers and raises the candidatefor Baptism
Today's notions about baptism are derived and holds the candidatefor Confirmationcontracts
primarily from Part III of Saint Thomas Aquinas's spiritualrelationship.
49
It is clear that the notion of rebirthlinks the Birth paternity. Hence from the earliest era the tie of
and BaptismalSets in a transformrelationship.And spiritualrelationshiparose betweenthe ministerand
in the Baptismal Set, God the Holy Ghost and the personbaptised(Petrovits1919: 278). It was this
minister,as well as the holy water,font, churchand bond, we shall see, which was graduallyextendedto
sponsor,standin placeof one another(seefig. 6). otherpersonsconnectedwiththe act of baptising.
It is also difficultto specify when the institution
Sponsors and spiritual relationships of sponsorshiparose, for it has no scripturalbasis.
The idea of godparenthooddeveloped from the Some Protestantwriters suggestedthat the practice
notion of sponsorship;a sponsoris one who stands came from the Roman Law accordingto which two
surety for another. Currently baptismal sponsors witnesseswere needed to attest to the validity of a
presentthe infantat the church.In his name they ask contract;however,Corblet(1882: 172)disagreedwith
for the gift of faith and makea professionof faith and this view. Otherssaw a precursorin the Judaiccir-
a renunciationof Satan. They also perform other cumcisionrite whichrequiredtwo witnesses.14 At the
functionsof which the infant is incapable(Kearney latest the custom originatedin early Christiantimes
1925: 8). when an adultpaganwishingto enterthe churchhad
The reasonsfor havingsponsorsand a summaryof to be accompaniedby a Christian,known to the
theirduties were given by Aquinasin Pt. III, Q. 67, Bishop, who could vouch for him and undertakehis
A. 7-8. He statedthat becausethe clergydo not have supervision.This functionwas later combinedwith
time, spiritual sponsors are needed and are duty- that of sponsorfor infantsand that of helper at the
bound to instructand guide their spiritualchildren baptismalceremony.
in the Christianfaith, thoughit is firstlythe respon- The word 'sponsor' first appeared in Tertullian
sibility of the parentsto do so."3The presentCanon (secondcentury).In his time parentsnormallyspon-
Law stricturesare similar,and the obligationis con- sored their own children. (Until at least the ninth
sideredto be a grave one althoughit binds the spon- century confirmationwas conferred directly after
sors only if the parents or guardians die or are baptismso that a separatesponsorwas not required
negligent. Since spiritual sponsors according to for this second ceremony.) Even in the age of
Aquinas(Supplement,Q. 56, A. 3) stand in place of Augustineparents usually sponsoredtheir children,
the church,it follows that they are also an 'extension' for in a letterto a BishopBoniface,Augustineassured
of it anda formof remembrance of baptism. him that althoughit was not the common practice,
Historicallythe evolutionof the conceptsof spon- others besides parents could also act as sponsors
sorshipand spiritualrelationshiphas been extremely (Kearney1925:30-2,52-3).
complex. In the following discussionI examine the In 530 the civil statute of Justinian forbade
churchrulesto see someof the successivetransforma- marriagebetween a sponsor and his godchild. The
tions of the godparenthoodpatternwhich have pre- churchofficiallyenactedsuch a rule severalcenturies
ceded the present. Mintz and Wolf (1950) already later,but as Petrovits(1919:279-80)pointedout, this
have givena superbcontextualaccountof the history law musthavereflectedthe 'spiritof the age'and been
of 'ritualkinship'.My purposehere is not to redupli- in accordwith generalchurchpractices.The rule was
cate their study but to look at some of the same justifiedby the idea that a 'paiternallink' united the
materialsfrom a differentviewpoint.I describeonly souls of sponsor and baptised. Its implicationwas
the changesin churchlaw. A diagramof the historical that the sponsoralreadymust have been a different
eventsis providedin fig.7. person from the parent, otherwise no prohibition
The exact role of the minister in early times is wouldhave been needed.The conceptof sponsorship,
obscure. However it has been suggestedthat there then, had become differentiatedfrom that of parent-
is a scriptural basis for the notion of spiritual hood.
Birth Baptism
God/Holy Ghost/ Holy Water/Font/
Father = Mother Minister Church/Sponsor
Natural Spiritual
Child Child
FIGURE6. Natural relations transformedto spiritual relations.
50
The Councilof Auxerre in 578 forbade those in separation of spiritual and natural paternity was not
the religiousserviceof the churchto act as sponsors. officially recognised until 813 when the Council of
Thus, the roles of minister and sponsor were cate- Munich prohilbited parents from acting as sponsors
goricallydistinguished. to their own children.
It is not entirely clear how many sponsors were There was no explicit legislation concerning the
originallyused. Most likely, until the fifth century number of sponsors until the Council of Metz (888)
only one sponsorwas employed,althoughthis prac- prohibited the use of more than one. In this and the
ticemayhaveendureduntilthe ninthcentury.Corblet following century the complex underwent special
(1882:203) thoughtthat in the sixth centuryfemales developments. Baptism and confirnation officially
were permittedto act as sponsors for girls, and became distinct ceremonies requiring separate sets
towards the seventh and eighth centuries, to em- of sponsors. A catechismal godfather was added, and
phasise the analogy between natural and spiritual other types of spiritual relationships became recog-
generation, one maleandone femalewereutilised. nised.
The Councilof Trullo(692)canonisedthe Justinian By degrees the impedimentcontinued to widen its
law noted above and prohibitedmarriagebetween scope, weaving a net of spiritualrelationshiparound
male sponsor and natural mother of the baptised paternity, compaternity, direct [relation between
child. 'Those who are sponsorsto childrenmay not sponsors and naturalparents]and indirect [relation
marry their mother. The spiritual relationship is between baptised child and the husband or wife of
higher than the bodily' (Hefele 1896: 231). The the sponsor], and even around fraternity [relation
decisionof this Councilto add a maritalprohibition between baptised child and natural children of the
betweenmother and sponsor seems a crucial one, godparents]. But even then it failed to reach its
for it was the first time that a relationshipbetween furthest limits. It was extended to the confessor
the two was recognised.None the less, afterextensive and his penitent rendering incestuous all carnal
inquiriesI am still uncertainaboutpreciselywhenthe relationsbetweenthem (Petrovits1919:280).
concept of a spiritual bond between sponsor and
parent came into existence. As indicated, the tie According to Kearney (1925: 106-7), even more
betweenministerand baptised arose early. Kearney spiritual relationships were involved for they were
(1925: 104)arguedthat the idea of spiritualpaternity contracted directly and indirectly between the
(whichapparentlyreferredto both ministerand spon- recipient and the minister and his spouse; and the
sor) arose in apostolictimes, but Corblet(1882: 207) minister contracted spiritual bonds with the sponsors
was only willing to date the spiritual relationship and parents. The parents of the recipient contracted
between sponsor and baptised from the Justinian indirect compaternity with the spouse of the minister
Code.Now in the JustinianCode the maritalimpedi- and the spouse of the sponsor. The natural children
mentbetweenbaptisedand sponsorwas said to follow of the minister and the recipient also contracted
from the existing 'paternal'tie which united two fraternity.17 All these spiritual relationships con-
souls; and in theological reasoning the marriage stituted dirimenitimpediments to marriage.
prohibitionis always distinguishedfrom and said to Further developments occurred in the thirteenth
be a consequence of the preceding supernatural and fourteenth centuries when, in spite of the decree
bond.15Withrespectto the prohibitionbetweenspon- of the Council of Metz and local church laws, the folk
sor and parent,however,the historicalreasonsmay practice of having several baptismal sponsors became
have been different.To distinguishbetween natural a widespread custom (Kearney 1925: 43-5). Indeed
and spiritualparenthood,parent and sponsor could Mintz and Wolf (1950: 345) noted that when Pope
not be permittedto have sexual relationsor marry; Boniface the Seventh in 1298 abolished the spiritual
if they did spiritualpaternitywould be convertedto relationship arising between penitent and father con-
a kind of natural paternity and the entire edifice fessor, he also decreed that all sponsors present at
wouldcrumble.Thus, in canonisingthe Justinianlaw a ceremony contracted spiritual relationships. Foster
it was logicalfor the Councilof Trulloalso to prohibit (1953: 3) stated that in the early fourteenth century
marriagebetweensponsorand mother.This prohibi- local orders in Spain began to try to limit the number
tion was justifiedthen by the notion that a spiritual of sponsors (which had grown to as many as twenty
relationship existed between sponsor and female for baptism) in response to the 'needs of a feudal
parent.16 society'. He also cited a Spanish document of 1440
Spiritualrelationshipswere extendedwhen a Synod which warned priests to accept no more than two god-
of Rome in 721 punishedby anathemathose who parents of each sex for a baptism. Since spiriltual
marriedtheir 'spiritualco-mother'.(In the original relationships gave rise to matrimonial impediments,
text it is clear that 'spiritual co-mother'refers to this proliferation of sponsors led to much confusion
femalesponsor.)Thus,both naturalfatherand mother among the peasantry. Apparently the impediments
were prohibitedfrom marryingtheir children'sspon- were frequently broken, and this was one of the
sors. The first recordeduse of the term 'patrinus' reasons which led the church to reform and elucidate
(godfather),however,did not appearuntil752. its stand.
In spite of the precedingprohibitions,the complete The church at the Council of Trent (1545-63)
51
Parents
2nd C.
Minister eMinister Sponsor
Witness /Guarantor s
Assistant at Baptism Sponsor
Baptized Spokesman for Infant Baptized
Parents
St. Augustine (354-430) Justinian Civil

Minister bSponsor Sute C53i )
Baptized
Parents Parents
Council of
Minister Sponsor _iitr no
Sponsor
AuxerreMinister
Baptized Baptized
Parents
7th - 8th C. Council of

> Minister Male Sponsor Female Sponsor Trullo-692
Baptized
Father = Mother
Synod of
Minister Male Sponsor/ Female Sponsor Rome-721 )
Baptized
Parents Parents
Minister Lponsors
S ,>7Minister | "Godparents"
Baptized Baptized
A
52
clarifiedits positionand laid downthe essentialguide- Latin America where it has since received folk
lines whichwould informspiritualsponsorshipuntil elaborationand development.
the presentday. In its 24th session concerningthe Few changes in church law were made following
reformof matrimonyit clearlydefinedthe numberof the Council of Trent. However, the 1918 Code did
permittedsponsors,the extent of spiritualrelation- modify the relationships,and this led to further
ships contracted,and the occasionsover which they variation between folk forms and church dogma.
couldbe formed."8 Spiritualrelationshipswerelimited Spiritual relationshipsare still said to arise from
to those resulting from baptism and confirmation baptism and confirmation.But they are limited to
(catechismalsponsorshipwas abolished);the number those between recipient,and minister and sponsors
of sponsorswas restrictedto one, or at most two, for (Canon 768). Parents,and minister and sponsor do
baptism and one for confirmation;the spiritual not contractspiritualbonds, and there is no matri-
relationshipswere limited to those arising between monialimpedimentbetweenco-parents(Canon1079).
ministerand sponsor, on the one side, and parents While a baptisedchild and the ministeror his god-
andrecipient,on the other.19 parents may not marry, spiritual parenthood in
The compadrazgowas transmittedin essentially confirmationno longergivesrise to a dirimentimpedi-
this form from southernEurope (mainly Spain) to ment (Canon 797). It is interestingto note also a
Parents
Council of Council of
Munich-813> Minister Godparents
Munich -813 Metz -888
Baptized
Parents
Minister Godparent 9 C IC.

Other Ceremonies
Baptized
Parents
13th 14th C Number of Baptismal

Spouse Minister Godparent Spouse S s n
C 4 ] / _ Increased
~~~~~~~~~~~Sponsors
Offspring Baptized Offspring
Parents
.Council of Baptism and Transmitted to

Council of :) ( Confirmation) Minister Godparent(s)
Trent- 1545631 Only Latin America
Baptized
B
FIGuRE
7. Historical origins and transformationsof the compadrazgo.
53
Father Mother Godfather Godmother Minister Sponsor
Child Godchild Baptized
FIGURE 8. The baptismal godp'arents(and godchild as a variant.
current variation between the Latin and Oriental self borndivine.As Leach(1967:42) showed,in order
Codes. In the latter the person baptising does to separateChris't'slegal from his divine relations,it
not incurthe impediment,but the sponsordoes with is quite necessaryto maintainthe doctrineof virgin
thebaptisedandhis parents. birth (see fig. 9). But the Baptismal Set is also a
Thus, once the essentialconceptshad evolved the metaphorof Christ'sdivine birth (see fig. 10). There
historical progressionof the compadrazgowas not is an analogy of the form: Christ'slegal relations:
'unilinear';some relationshipswere abolished, re- Christ'sdivine relation: : Birth Set : BaptismalSet.
establishedand abolished again. None the less, the And in certainrespectsthe dogmaof virginbirthhas
complex has always been based upon the ideas of a function similar to the marriageprohibitionbe-
spiritual rebirth,spiritualpaternityand consequent tween parent, and minister and sponsor. Thus, the
spiritualrelationships.These notionshave only been
woven and re-woveninto differentinstitutionalcom-
plexes. Now, previouslyI establishedthat the funda-
mental idea of baptism is that of rebirth,and that Legal Relations Divine Relations
conceptuallytwo sets of relationshipsare forned by Joseph - Mary God/Holy Ghost Mary
the rite (see figs. 1 and 6). I suggest here that it is
possible to see-the historicalreworkingof the con-
cepts of spiritualpaternityand spiritualrelationship
as a series of attemptsto resolve and trace out the Christ Christ
implicationsof the fundamentalantinomyof man as
a naturaland spiritualbeing: the naturalchild in the FIGURE 9. Christ'sdual nature as man and God.
BirthSet is one and the same with the spiritualchild
in the Baptismal Set. The Council of Trent's
'solution',for example,was a symmetricsynthesisof
the two as sihownin figs. 2 and 7. But as stated the sets of relationswith which I have been principally
morefrequentformof the compadrazgousuallyomits concernedbelong to a largerdomainincludingman-
the minister'sposition. man and man-Godrelationships.None the less my
Severalrelatedhistoricalpermutationsshould also purpose in this part has been only to establish
be noted. When in the seventh and eighth centuries within this larger system of relationshipsthe inter-
one male and one female sponsor came to be em- connexionof the familyandcompadrazgoand to view
ployed,a new variantwas introduced:the godparents the latter as a temporal series of solutions to the
of baptismare illustratedas a permutationin fig. 8. probleminherentin man'sexistenceas both a natural
In addition,Christwho institutedbaptismwas him- and spiritualbeing.
God /Holy Ghost/ Holy Water/Font/

God/ Holy Ghost Mary Minister Church/Sponsor
Christ Spiritual Child
FIGuRE10. The baptismalset as a transformationof Christ'sdivine birth.
54
3. Thecompadrazgoin Veraguas are conceptuallydistinguishedby the peasants,may
Thus far I have been concernedwith the com- be thought of as two inter-relatedframes of refer-
padrazgoas it appearsin churchdogna and history. ence. Householdsare the primaryfunctioninggroups
Now I turnto my own recentfield data from a com- of the village.Each householdgroupexploitsthe en-
munityin VeraguasProvince,Panamato provide a vironment,and distributesandconsumesthe products
contextualilluostrationof the argument.20I begin of its labour. Households are also the centres of
with some necessary ethnographicbackgroundand domestic and social activity. Mistrust and petty
a descriptionof the compadrazgosystem. stealing frequentlyoccur between them. Although
The communityof Los Boqueroneslies to the west households do not endurebeyondone generationand
of PanamaCity, approximatelyin the centre of the are not corporate groups,they are repetitivein form
country.It consistsof 350 Spanish-speaking peasants. over time.
The present-daycultureof the peopleis derivedfrom The kinship system is bilateral. Residence is
early Spanish patterns and later influences.A few neolocal;two couples are prohibitedfrom occupying
material items may be traced to the Indians who the same household.Thus, when a youngman antici-
inhabitedthe area prior to the Conquest.As defined pates marrying,he leaves his natal household and
by the state, the village is a politico-geographical constructsa new thatch and wooden house on un-
uni't,yet it is in no sense of the term a 'corporate' occupied land in which to receive his spouse. As a
community. No internal religious, economic or consequence of this rule, it may be said that the
political organisationseither unite it or provide it nuclear family provides the conceptual 'model' for
with a specificallyvillage structure.The inhabitants the household group. Indeed when non-kin are
have always been squattersthough they have now brought into a householdtheirties to the othermem-
developeda folk systemof usufructrightsto the land. bers are usuallyconvertedinto elementarykin links.
Swiddenagricultureis practised.The main products Statisticallynearlyall householdgroups(91 per cent.)
raised are rice, grownprimarilyfor home consump- are patternedafter or consist of some form of the
tion, and sugar-cane,grown for cash sale to sugar nuclear family.
refineries.In additionto theircropsand tenuousland The co-residentialnuclearfamily is characterised
rights,the peasantspossess few other valuables.Due by a precise division of labour;the man is expected
to the fact that individualfortunes may vary from to workin the fields,the womanis obligedto tend the
yearto yearthereis no permanenteconomicstratifica- house, and the childrenhave a varietyof duties. The
tionwithinthe community. basisof the conjugalbondis a materialexchange.
The peasantsareRomanCatholicsandtheirversion The kinship system may be termed 'loosely
of the religion exerts an importantinfluence upon structured'.In the first place, variantformnsof the
their lives. As in other Latin Americancommunities conjugal relation are recognised:church marriage
certain fiestas, ritual precautions and beliefs are 29 per cent.), civil marriage(4 per cent.),consensual
closely observed. co-residentialunions (64 per cent.), polygyny (2 per
One aspect of their value system deservesspecial cent.) and consensualextra-residentialunions (2 per
mention: the concept of 'respect'. This notion is cent.). Aside from church marriage the conjugal
closely allied to the idea of 'shame',and both these relationsmay easily be, and in fact fairly frequently
concepts surely are variants of the Mediterranean are, ruptured.The mother-childbond is considered
'honour-shame'complex. Briefly, respect is thought to be immutable,but men are able to renounceor at
to be an inner quality of an individual which is least minimisetheirpaternalobligationsif they leave
exhibitedthroughvariousformsof 'proper'behaviour their children. Beyond the nuclear family each
such as greetings,farewells and general demeanour individualrecognisesa rangeof kin to the second or
Respectshouldbe paid by youngerto elder,by female thirdcousinlevel, but kin obligationsare not strongly
to male, by children to parents, by compadre to binding and occasionallya kin tie may be severed.
compadre,by godchild to godfatherand in reverse, This rather 'functionless'kinship network is surely
and more generally between those who are kin. relatedto the fact thatkinfolkneverhold an estate in
Differentsituations,then,requiremoreor less respect- common nor are they requiredto exercise politico-
ful behaviours.It is also said that a personwho him- legal dutiestogether.
self observes the demandsof respect-givingwill be The bilateralkinshipsystem,then,may be seen as
respected by others. From a differentperspective, a potential network of bonds. One portion of this
respect is seen as the opposite of certain shameful 'substratum'of relations, the elementaryfamily, is
actions such as swearing,breakingproperforms of emphasisedand utilised by the people. Given the
behaviourand acting without due regardfor others. independenceof householdsplus the cultural rules
Children,who are sometimescomparedto animals, concerningthe division of labour and the physical
are explicitly taught how to respect.In this context locationof conjugalcouples,the nuclearfamily is the
respectstandsfor the culturalaspectof man'sactions. most practicalunit upon which a householdmay be
The communitymay be seen as a collectivityof founded.Consequentlythe peasantsuse the elemen-
domesticunits.The householdand the family,which taryfamilyas a modelfor householdgroups.
55
The compadrazgopattern in this communityhas godparent accompanies the child to the church;
two unusual and interrelatedfeatures. First, the usuallyno fiestais held afterwards.Churchmarriages
mechanismis not used in an instrumentalmanner. are rather infrequent.Although in the eyes of the
The bonds are rarelyused to invoke an economicor churchthe godparentsare only witnesses,the people
contractualtie; they are expressed solely through recognisethem as compadre/padrinos.A large fiesta
'ritual'behaviours.Second,non-peasantsand persons followsthis ceremony.
living in distantcommunitiesare seldombroughtinto Finally if two individualswho have no childrento
the network.Compadrazgobonds are generallycon- baptise wish to become compadres,they may break
fined to the communityand its neighbouringvillages. off a rice stalk.One holds the outerleaf and the other
Neverthelessthe ties occasionallyare extendedto out- pulls out the grainsand stem.The firstis left with the
siders of a higher social class. In such cases they sheath while the second retainsthe inner stalk. The
may have economicimplications.Geographicdistance second is said to have pulled or taken out the son
minimises the frequencyof contact and apparently or godson (sacar el ahijado) which is the same
permits economic elements to enter. Thus, com- expressionused for the other ceremonies.With this
padrazgobonds are usually formedwithin the com- ritual the two become compadresand are considerd
munityand tend to be symmetric.On the infrequent to have the same obligations as other types of
occasions when they are formed with outsiders,the compadres. The custom is infrequentlypractised
ties are more asymmetricin that wealth or political today.
favoursusuallyareexchangedfor respect. The relationshipsestablishedby these ceremonies
Compadrazgobondsare formedoverbaptism,con- are well defined.The most importantgodparentsare
firmationand churchmarriage.At baptism a baby those of baptism;the baptismalgodfatheris thought
acquirestwo godmothersand one godfather;at con- to be more importantthan the godmothers.In the
firmationa youngpersonassumesa godparentof the peasants' view, which differs from the church
same sex as himself; and at church marriage the formulation,the basic ingredientof the godparent-
maritalcouple togetheracquirea godmotherand a godchildbond is respect.This respectshould be ex-
godfather.In all cases the parentsof the novitiateand pressedin a numberof ways; a generationago when
tihegodparentsbecome compadres.Two individuals they met a godchildwouldkneel beforehis godfather
may also become compadresby performinga ritual who would say a benedictionover him. Other'polite'
outsidethe church-the breakingof a rice stalk-but formsof addressare still observedtoday.Godparents
no godchildis involved. and godchildren should not marry, have sexual
Usually childrenare baptised within six to eight relationsor engagein sexualjokingwith one another;
monthsof birth.Baptismsare performedon Sundays nor should they be angry or swear in each other's
in the districtcapitalwhichlies some ten miles away. presence.Godparentsshould look after the general
Severalweeks prior to the selected date the parents welfareof theirgodchildren,speakingto theirparents
decide on the prospectivegodparents;the fatherasks if necessary.In fact, I was unableto recordany such
if they will serve.On the day of the baptismthe god- instances.It is also said that a godparentshouldraise
parents come to the parents' house. The principal his godchildif the latter'sparentsdie. At the deathof
godmother,knownas the madrinade pila (godmother a godparentor godchildthe otheris expectedto help
of the baptismalfont),recitesseveralprayersand then the bereavedfamily by bringingcoffee or candlesfor
takes the baby to the districtcapital.Once there she the wakeor findinga reciterforthe prayers.,
gives the child to the other godmother,the madrina
de la puerta de iglesia (godmotherof the church No mandatorymaterialobligationsare prescribed
door). When the appointed hour for the baptism by the bond. Godparentsmay give small presentsto
arrives,the secondgodmotherhandsthe infantto the theirgodchildrenas they growup, and very occasion-
madrinade pila at the church door. She then pro- ally may help them find agriculturalland. God-
ceeds to the altar with the godfather.Afiterthe cere- children,in return,may aid their godparentswhen
mony the godparentsemerge;at the churchentrance the latter are too old to work. In general,however,
the godmotherhands the child over to the motherif because the bond of respect is so important the
she is present.The godfather(who previouslypaid relationshipis circumscribedin terms of other per-
the baptismalfee) throwsthe bolo, consistingof small missi;bleactions.
coins, to assembledyoungsterswaitingon the church The compadre-compadre bond, too, is considered
steps. In addition to the godmothers,the godfather to be based upon respect.This respect is exhibited
andthe father,sometimesthemotherand otherfriends in a variety of greetings and by the fact that
accompanythe party. A fiesta is held later at the compadresare expectednot to fightwith one another,
parents' house. The godparentsalways attend, and swearin eachother'spresenceor havesexualrelations.
other compadresand friendsof the parentsalso may A compadretoo should attend the funeral of his
be invited.The cost of the partyis borne principally compadreand offer the bereavedfamily some aid;
by the father, although the godfather occasionally but like close family membershe should not dress
maycontributeliquoror cash. the dead body, carry the coffin to the cemetery,help
Confirmationis less elaboratethan baptism. The dig the graveor shovelon the soil. All thesejobs must
56
be undertakenby less closely related members of the of two parents and a child. The roles of parents and
community. child are contrasited on a generational axis. The
As with the godparent-godchild tie no material parents themselves are contrasted on the basis of sex
exchanges are required by the compadre-compadre or, more broadly, choice. In its elementary form the
relationship. The bonds occasionally are used to compadrazgo has precisely the same structure. It
obtain economic or political favours, but such ties consists of three members, a parent, child and god-
are usually formed with individuals outside the com- parentlcompadre. (Just as I reduce all children in the
munity. Two of the storekeepers in the village were family to the one role of child, so I reduce the many
rather more frequently chosen as godparents than compadres to the one basic role and the two parents
others, however they were not obligated to give lower to the one role.) Parent and godparent are united in
prices or special credit to their compadres. They were contrast to the child by a generational difference.They
selected partly for their greater ability to pay for in turn are linked by choice, as are the parents. The
baptisms. In explaining this lack of economic obliga- model for both is the same. The contrast of these two
tions the peasants say that loans and favours often structuresis reflected on differentlevels.
lead to ill-will between the parties; since the bond In the family a birth normally follows formation
between compadres must be one of respect it is best of the conjugal tie. In the compadrazgo a baptism
not to permit other entangling relations to enter. At precedes or is the reason for founding the compadre-
the most they save compadres for cases of extreme compadre bond. 'The parents initiate the child into
emergency, for it is true that a compadre ultimately the physical world and household; the godparents
would be obliged to offer financial aid no matter how initiate him into the spiritual world and community.
strainedthis would make the bond. One is ritually unmarked, the other marked.
The compadre-compadre relationship is said to In the family the mother-child bond is thought to
endure forever. In heaven, for example, a man's com- be unbreakable; a mother is rarely renounced. How-
padre will defend him before God. Compadres are ever an individual may have several fathers or the
important people; all the peasants express a desire to pater may not be the genitor. The family presents a
have many. system of one mother but possibly several fathers. In
The rules for choosing compadre/godparents are the compadrazgo of baptism, by contrast, there is
elaborate and deviate in a number of ways from only one godfather but two godmothers, and the god-
church prescriptions. Only a person whom one father is more important. In the family the parent-
respects should be chosen. Parents are prohibited child bond is more important than the conjugal tie,
from choosing each other, and they may not choose but in the compadrazgo the compadre-compadre tie
their own children, but children may choose their is more important than the godparent-godchild one;
parents.2' Finally, the direction of choice may not be that is, in one the 'vertical' bond takes precedence
reversed. over the 'horizontal' tie, whereas in the other the
reverse is true. Moreover in the family a child is like
With this brief ethnographic description, I turn to his sibling in that he shares the same set of parents.
an analysis of the material. I hold that the Veraguas In the compadrazgo each child in a given family is
form of the compadrazgo is one particularly marked individuated by having a different set of godparents.
variant of the compadrazgo/family pattern. The data Kinship originates in birth, it is founded on blood.
can be seen as a reflection of the following model: The compadrazgo begins in baptism (or confirmation
the family and compadrazgo are opposed as the or marriage)-the counterpart to birth-and is
material to the spiritual but complementary. This founded on spiritual affinity. But where the house-
polarisation permits or forces each to be what the- hold enterprise itself and material goods provide the
other is not. The relation between the compadrazgo 'glue' for kinship, respect, that is immaterial actions,
and kinship is like going through the Looking Glass: provides the 'glue' for the compadrazgo. Both are
everything is the same but it is all turned around. forms of property in the broadest sense, but they are
Although the peasants themselves do not explicitly opposed as the concrete is to the abstract.
recognise this model, it can be seen in the way they The contrast between the family and compadrazgo
have 'thought out' their social relations, for the is reflected on the linguistic level. In both systems
opposition is reflected in language, ideology, ritual special words are used to address and mark off in-
behaviour, and economic and household organisation. dividuals. As in English the terms describing the
I begin by looking at the similar structures of the comparable roles are linguistically related:
family and compadrazgo; then I contrast birth and
baptism, the relationships in the two systems and cer- father : godfather :: padre : padrino
tain linguistic expressions; finally, I examine the mother : godmother :: madre: madrina
notion of respect and spiritual bonds. At the end of so^n : godson :: hijo : ahijado
this part I return to the interrelation of the family, daughter : goddaughter :: hija : ahijada
compadrazgo and household.
Reduced to its basic form the elementary family in Of course, these words are also found in other settings.
Veraguas is a three-ember group. The roles consist But the terms most commonly used to describe a
57
conjugal spouse, compafero (partner, mate) and offspring-to father, father to spouse, spouse to off-
compaiiera, are also related to compadre and spring. In the second the connexion goes offspring to
comadre.Indeed, the word compadremay be trans- father, father to silbling,sibling to spouse. In the third
lated as 'co-father',that is, a personwho shares the it runs offspring to father, father to compadre, corm-
responsibillityof fatherhoodby undertakingcomple- padre to offspring. In the first two situations the three
mentaryfunctions. bonds consist of two kin links and one conjugal tie. In
A differentlinguisticusageis more interesting.The the third, there are also two blood links but the con-
term 'hot hand' (la mano caliente)describesa man jugal tie is replaced by a compadre bond. In all three
whose godchildrendie. He is said to have bad luck cases the individuals classed as political relations are
and consequentlyis seldomchosento be a compadre. in an anomalous category. In the first two situations
However,the expression'hothand'can also referto a
man's sexual potency. Used jokingly it is a way of
saying that a man is very masculine.The one ex-
pression is used in two spheres but in contrasting
ways. In the context of familial relations'hot hand'
refersto a man's sexual power,his life-givingforce.
In the context of the compadrazgo'hot hand' refers
to a destructiverole, the killing of a child. In each
case a man is the agent and a child is the object,but
in the family 'hot' produceslife, while in the com-
padrazgo'hot' producesdeath. The expressioncan
be seen as a reflectionof the categoricalseparation /21 Political Aunt
made betweennaturaland spiritualrelations.When Political Nephew
they intrudeupon spiritualrelations,naturalrelations
arereversedandbecomedestructive. FIGURE 12. A child and his in-m'aTryingaunt as political
The use of the term 'political'(politico)also pre- partners.
sents some contrasts.The previous children of two
adultswho forma conjugalunionare termed'political they are neither kin nor non-kin. Their bond is made
brothers'or 'politicalsisters'(see fig. 11).In-marrying up of kinship and affinal links. In the third they are
aunts and uncles also are distinguishedfrom blood not fully in the compadrazgo network nor fully out of
aunts or uncles; the spouse of a parentalsibling is it. Their bond is constructed from kinship and com-
termeda 'political'aunt or uncle and the child is a
padrazgo ties. And although individuals in a political
'political'nephew or niece (see fig. 12). A godchild relationship are close to being prohibited partners,
and the offspringof his godparentaretermed'political sexual relations are not proscribed between them. In
brothers'(orsisters)(seefig. 13).
the 'political' domain compadre and conjugal ties
The term 'political'is used only in these contexts. are employed equivalently.
In each case the persons in a political relationship
are joined by three-ties.In the first the linkageruns
Compadres
Political Brothers / Sister/

13. A godchild and the children of his godparentsas
FIGURE
political siblings.
Finally a look at the terms employed when in-

dividuals become compadres over a rice spigot is of
some interest. The spigot is cut at its base, then pulled
by one person from its sheath which is held by the
Political Brothers/Sisters other. The expression used to describe this process
is 'to draw out' or 'obtain' (sacar) a compadre. Is
FIGURE 11. Step-brothersas political siblings. there an analogy between these two forms of 'baptism'
58
and the processof birth when a child is pulled from being respectedand respectingtherebylifting him to
the womb? More significantly,the rice itself-the a spirituallevel. Compadresare eternal: they greet
symbolicchild and staff of life-forms the basis for one in heavenand intercedewith God on one'sbehalf.
a differentseries of associations.Rice is hulled in a The compadrazgoimplantsa perpetualsacredobliga-
mortarcalled a pilon: the processof hullingis pilar: tion betweenpersons.
the baptismalfont is a pila. The substitutionof rice In contrastrelationsof kinship and marriagefall
forchildis congruentwithlinguisticcategories. towardsthe other end of the continuum.The family
Let us turn to a more direct expression of the is primarily a material and sexual organisation.
natural/spiritualopposition.Respect, as seen, is an Coition is said to be polluting.Throughhis parents
importantelement in the social relations of the a child entersthe naturalworld: and his parentsare
peasants.To,keep respectand to have shamerequire the guardiansof his materialand physicallife. The
that an individualexert self-disciplineand control. family is man'sexpression,then, of his more 'earthy'
Being respectfulimplies living a moral life, and to character.Kinshipties are in one sense immutable,in
have respect and shame generallymeans to live in anotherthey have a lack of permanence.Sexualfree-
accordwith God's dictates.Althoughthe two are not dom on the part of men is valued;paternitymay be
synonymous,in many contextsrespectstandsfor the denied. When an individual enters a household he
people'snotionof the spiritual.22Both are opposedto nearlyalways assumesthe role of a nuclearkinsman
sinning or having vices which are a loss of self- with the existingmembers,regardlessof his original
control and shameful. Loss of control and sins link. Thus kinshipbondsare somewhatoptative;they
result from the influenceof evil or the devil. The can be broken,utilisedand to some degreeformedas
struggle between God and the devil, between dis- personsdesire.
cipline and lack of discipline,betweenman's social Elaborate ritual and public marking accompany
and better naltureand his animal and worse nature the formation of the compadrazgo.Long before a
is an opposition between sacred and profane or compadrazgorite takes place it is announced,and
polluting acts. All social relations involve both representativesof the community are invited to
elementsand tensionbetween the two always exists. attend.Familyformation,be it by birthor non-church
Respect, then, is an aspect of relationships;in some union, occurs without ritual and privately.Planned
interchangesit is heavily emphasised,in others less conjugalunions(andeven pregnancies)arekept secret
so. To rankrelationshipsin the society,a scaleranging until the physical fact of co-residence(or mother-
from the sacredto the profanecould be constructed. hood) makesthemobviousto the community.Family
At the profaneend bonds would be utilitarianand bonds are profaneand private;compadrazgoties are
markedby distrust;at the sacredpole they would be sacredandpublic.
markedby respect.
The godparent-godchildand compadre-compadre The household
bonds are spiritual.They are markedby respectand
lie at the sacred end of the continuum.The ties Havingdescribedthe basicoutlineof the opposition
amountprincipallyto positive assurancesof mutual betweenthe family and compadrazgo,I view it here
esteemand prohibitionson profaneelementsentering. in a functional setting. The pattern becomes com-
Compadresdo not contract debts or have sexual prehensiblewhen seen in the context of the house-
relations.The taboosof respectseparateoff the bonds hold. My generalthemeis that the family is used as
of the compadrazgoandassuretheirsacredness. the model for the householdgroup, while the com-
In this sense it is throughthe compadrazgothat padrazgois formed between these units. Although
the peasants come closest to reaching God during householdsare not perpetualentities,for their dura-
life on earth. The complex is an expression of tion the compadrazgoprovidesa system of spiritual
discipline and good. The compadrazgois formed exchangesbetweenthem.The complexlends a coher-
uponchurchrites and throughit the peoplecarryinto ence to the communitythat it otherwisemight not
theirlives somethingof the church. have; this cohesiveness is strengthened by the
The compadrazgoalso providesa meansof placing institution's'generalised'form and 'replication'over
all individualsin the 'ideal order',and it gives them churchmarriage.Followingits ecclesiasticalfounda-
an enduringposition in society. In parallel to Pitt- tions, I view the compadrazgoas somethingmore
Rivers I would note that the godparent-godchild than a dyadic bond. Whateverits specific form the
tie is complementary to thatof parentandchild.God- institutionalways includes or implies a three-mem-
parentsare explicitly linked to the moral aspect of ber set linking one household group composed of
their godchild'spersonality.Throughthe mediation parentsand child with anotheras representedby the
of his godparentsan infantentersthe spiritualworld. godparent/compadre. For this and reasonsdiscussed
Godparents should counsel and teach their god- below, I feel justifiedin viewing the complex as in-
children, and through this process children are involving householdgroups,althoughthe specificties
dividuated from their siblings. Compadres them- betweentheunitsmaybe dyadic.
selves have a mutual moral band. A compadre, Householdgroupsare the basic units of organisa-
whether father or godfather,is always assured of tion in the community.They exploitthe environment,
59
undertake the sexual, reproductive and affective and others may exisit, but these are individual bonds
functions, and are independent, largely self-sufficient of the two adults and are different for each. The kin
and based upon material ties. Kinship and marriage of each adult are also dissimilar. Only when it has
are ways of recruiting members to and organising baptised children does a household group have links
households. The elementary family provides the as a unit to other such groups. Birth, which contri-
pattern for the domestic group. Any new resident butes to the internal organisation and stability of the
regardless of his true link may become a member of group, is always followed by baptism which results
the household family. in the inter-household ties of the compadrazgo. Just
Kin and affinal bonds link different households, as children cement a conjugal union and hence the
but such ties are relatively 'weak'. They are optative, group by the fact of their birth, so also they help
based on sentiment, and tend not to be utilised. establish its unity, validate its position and connect it
Suspiciousness and stealing exist between house- to other households through baptism and the
holds. Children are kept at home to play. Houses are compadrazgo.
aways set apart from one another. In a sense like Compadrazgo ties within a household, comparable
relations between lineages of a segmentary society, to weak family bonds between households, have a
there are 'feuds' between houses. One's primary minor function. It is impossible to choose a co-resident
allegiance is to the household, and this group is set as compadre. I noted that following church dogma
in opposition to other like groups. the peasanits frequently say a godfather should raise
The compadrazgo, similar to affinal ties between or be responsible for his godchild if the parents are
lineages, establishes 'safe' links between households unable to do so or die. At the least a godfather should
for the mistrust normally encountered between them act as if he were a father when he sees his godchild.
is eliminated by the compadrazgo bond. For example However, I found only one case of a godchild being
it is perfectly safe for a child to play at the house of taken into the home of his godfather to be raised,
his godfather. Compadres and comadres are always despite the many occasions when children needed
trusted, they do not steal from one. Since compadres care. It is not in the domain of the compadrazgo
are sexually and maritally taboo a man will always to recruit members to a household. Just as natural
trust his wife to be alone with the godfather of their parents may not become spiritual parents to their
child, or the father to one of her godchildren. He will natural child, so spiritual parents do not become
trust no other men. Compadres are a different order 'natural' parents to their spiritual child. Therefore
of people, but trust in them is achieved by eliminating just as family links between households are unem-
them from the sphere of life in which sex, stealing phasised, so the functions of compadrazgo ties within
and mistrust occur. a household are minimised.
The peasants' rules for choosing compadre/god- Thus the family and compadrazgo are in a relation
parents substantiate the argument. Their basic rule of complementary opposition; one is concerned
follows from the opposition of spiritual and natural primarily with intra-household ties, the other pertains
paternity: parents may not choose themselves. They to inter-household links. Families are divided into
also may not select their (co-resident) children. Hence households; the compadrazgo unites these units. One
they must choose from without the group. However, entails physical and material exchanges, the other
when children marry and have their own offspring consists of spiritual bonds. To be sure each intrudes
(and live in separate households) they may choose in the sphere of the other but their polarisation mini-
their parents. Thus, kin may be chosen but the mises the importance of the compadrazgo within the
compadrazgo must be extra-domestic. household and the family between households.
Further, the custom which links a child to his god- More broadly, the two systems present different
parent's children as a political brother, I view as forms of solidarity. The persons within a household
stressing the inter-ties and solidarity of households. exchange goods and services, are united by a division
And if a young person is chosen as godparent in pre- of labour and are related by family ties. Institu-
ference to his co-resident same-sex parent, the term tionalised or enduring exchanges between households
compadre is extended to his parent also. Thus, the are reciprocally equivalent (respect) or a replication of
compadrazgo links together households, yet brings each other, and occur through the mechanism of the
out the integrity and unity of each through opposition compadrazgo. There is a disjunction of the two
to others. forms, but by their opposition and complementary
The argument may be demonstrated in a different nature they are united on a higher level of organisa-
way. The peasanitssay that a household does not be- tion.
come a full unit nor have the appropriate internal
organisation until children are born. This event makes 4. Permutations
it a complete group. (Childless couples, in fact, cast It has been amply demonstrated that the com-
about to find a youngster to raise.) And until the padrazgo is a flexible mechanism. Granted the in-
children are baptised the household has no external stiltution'sadaptability, the more significant question
ties which link it as a group to other such units. now may be the converse: are there limits to its
Compadrazgo bonds between the husband or wife variability? Compadrazgo bonds comprise a system
60
of relationships like ties of kinship and affinity. Per- la. Structure replication with substitution in the
haps for this reason the institution has been called a godchild position. In some cases the structure is not
'network' of ties. However, such a concept is a syn- only repeated over various ceremonies but certain
thetic notion which obscures the differences between objects are substituted for the godchild. In these in-
compadrazgo systems. It neither accounts for nor stances the objects are not said to be the godchild;
distinguishes between the diverse patterns which are they stand in place of the godchild. A personal rela-
found. tionship is formed only between the owner or 'parent'
What is notable about the compadrazgo is that its of the object and the godparent. Cases besides the
flexibility is not random. Lying behind the different Veraguas example already noted include the cele-
observed patterns is the invariant structure of the brationof a household saint (Madsen 1960: 102; Reina
Compadrazgo Set and its relation to the family. It 1966: 231), the 'breaking in' of a house or store
seems possible, then, to reduce the observed forns to (Ingham 1970: 283), the sale of cattle (Grimes &
certain logical rules which, when applied to the Hinton 1969: 803), and the purchase and 'breaking
Compadrazgo Set, in combination account for the in' of a mule (Madsen 1960: 102-3).25At least three
diverse patterns found. In the first section of this part ceremonies in Moche are performed over objects
these cross-cultural rules are described. In the later standing in place of the godchild (Gillin 1947: 105).
sections the relation of the compadrazgo to the family lb. Structure replication with substitution in the
is viewed across societies. sponsor position. In rural areas of Portugal, when an
unbaptised child is dying and no human sponsor is
Variation in the compadrazgo available, a saint may be selected as godparent. As
Five rules and several sub-rules specify variation elsewhere in the Catholic world it is considered
in the compadrazgo; the rules are applied to the undesirable to let a child die without supernatural
paradigm of the Compadrazgo Set. protection (Willems 1963: 77).
1. Structure replication. The set of relationships lc. Structure replication with substitution in the
may be replicated; that is, it may be extended meta- godchild and parent positions. A further variant of
phorically from the prescribed church rituals of (1) occurs when an individual 'sponsors' an object for
baptism and confirmiationto other rites as well. The an institution or group. The sponsor is said to be the
outcome of this rule is an increase in the number of godparent, he may or may not form ties with other
ceremonies enacted and in the sets of compadrazgo individuals. For example, godparents were selected
relationships formed. For example, in Veraguas the for the reconstruction of a church wall and the
set is repeated over church marriage. Cases of replica- building of a new bridge in Tecospa; they became
tion in other societies include godparents for church compadres to all the town's inhabitants (Madsen
marriage (Foster 1953: 5), for first hair-cutting 1960: 109-12). In Huaylas godparents sponsor objects
(Buechler & Buechler 1971: 48), for entrance in a acquired by schools, clubs or the church. No personal
ceremonial society, for the donning of a habito by an ties are formed by these ceremonies (Doughty 1968:
individual who wishes to ward off illness (Spicer 1940: 116). Similar customs are reported for Moche (Gillin
95), for the hetzmek, when a child is first placed on 1947: 105), Mitla (Parsons 1936: 249-50, 283-4), and
the left hip of his mother or sister (Redfield & Villa San Lorenzo (Whitten 1965: 111).
Rojas 1962: 188-90), for blessing when a child has had A problem has been raised in the literature con-
a fright (Gillin 1951: 61; Reina 1966: 230), for first cerning the cliassification of all these rites. They can
communion, for girls turning 15, for curing of susto be separated into dogmatically prescribed and non-
(Ingham 1970: 283), and for emerging from prison prescribed categories: baptism and confirmation
(Parsons 1936: 55). And in Moche and Huaylas there versus marriage and other ceremonies. Gillin has sug-
are respectively ten and twelve different occasions gested dividing the fourteen Moche ceremonies into
on which the full set of bonds may be brought into 'Roman' and 'pagan' rites, that is Christian versus
play (Gillin 1947: 105; Doughty 1968: 115-16)! 32 non-Christian rituals. In such a scheme marriage is
Since the basic church rituals are sometimes repli- grouped with baptism and confirmation in opposition
cated, logically' it might be expected that they are to the other ceremonies. But Gillin also has classified
also reduced. Although- rare, some examples have the rites into 'spiritual' and 'friendship' categories
been reported. In Chan Kom a folk ceremony, the which 'are the terms used by the Mocheros in speaking
hetzmek, is said to awaken the physical and intel- of them' (Gillin 1947: 105). Spiritual godparents spon-
lectual faculties of a child; Catholic confirmation, sor persons; friendship godparents sponsor things. On
which has a broadly similar function, is not practised the other hand, in speaking of godparents of churches
(Redfield & Villa Rojas 1962: 189). In Chimaltenango and images, Spicer reports: 'Yaquis in Pascua classify
persons are not confirmed (Wagley 1949: 17). The these sponsors as being of the same kind as the cere-
sacraments of baptism and marriage but not con- monial sponsors of humans' (Spicer 1940: 111).
firmation are observed in two Tzotzil-speaking These differences in classification are apparently
municipios (Laughlin 1969: 169). I have found no the result of whether the church's, peoples' or anthro-
cases, however, in which the paradigmatic rite, pologists' conscious categories are being used. As
baptism, is omitted.24 further reports are published undoubtedly other typo-
61
logies will be generated. But all such classifications without increasing the number of rites or 'baptised'
are misleading, for the structure does not lie at the objects.
observed level. The issue is not the ways in which 3. Position replication by extension of compadrazgo
the different types of objects and life cycle rites which terms to kin of the principals. In this variant certain
are brought into the system may be classified but of the compadrazgo terms or relationships are ex-
the fact that (the Compadrazgo Set serves as a model tended and these usually to kin of the principals. This
for the variant forms. Viewed in this way the unlder- permutation is similar, though not identical, to
lying unity of the ceremonies emerges. variant (2). Some examples are as follows. Grand-
What are the implic-ations of replication for the parents and/or other kin of the baptised may become
system of relationships formed? First, the bonds compadres of the godparents (Doughty 1968: 118;
established may vary in importance according to the De la Fuente 1949: 168; Hollnsteiner 1963: 70; Reina
ceremony. In Panama, most compadre and godfather- 1966: 233; Spicer 1940: 94; Vogt 1969: 235). Beals
types are considered to be nearly equal, but this is reports for Cherain a somewhat similar practice at
not so in all societies (Doughty 1968: 221; Parsons marriage (1946: 103). Conversely, cases are also re-
1936: 68; Romney & Romney 1960: 56-7; Wagley ported where kin of the godparents are brought into
1953: 153; Whitten 1965: 103). Better data are needed the extensions (De la Fuente 1949: 168; Fox & Lynch
to set forth the exact differences among the bonds 1956: 429, 649; Hollnsteiner 1963: 70; Parsons 1936:
formed over the various ceremonies. Second, replica- 70; Reina 1966: 233; Spicer 1940: 94; Vogt 1969:
tion creates more extensive and/or intensive networks 235). Sometimes the godparents for the same or
than those found in societies which have only two or different ceremonies may themselves become com-
three compadrazgo rites. However, when it occurs, padres to one another (Ingham 1970: 282, 286; Spicer
usually not all the ceremonies are prescribed; flexi- 1940: 92-4). We have seen that in Veraguas a child
bility in the pattern is permitted for individual pur- and the children of his godparent are said to be
poses. Another subject for future studies, then, would 'political brothers', the term used for step-siblings. In
be statistical analyses of the intensity or coverage of Chinautla a godchild and the children of his god-
compadrazgo bonds within a society. A further parents are considered to be siblings; marriage be-
problem to be solved is Whyreplication occurs in some tween them is prohibited (Reina 1966: 199, 233).
groups and not others. Somewhat more complex is 'thepattern in Juxtlahuaca
2. Position replication of the godparent/compadre where 'for the more important type of compadre
role. The number of godparents chosen for any relationships, the children of compadres would extend
occasion may vary: each godparent stands in place of terms for brothers and sisters to each other' (Romney
the other. For example, at one extreme only one god- & Romney 1966: 57). Similar practices obtain in Hulo
parent may be selected. The Veraguas pattern is and Tepoztlan (Hollnsteiner 1963: 70; Lewis 1951:
slightly more complex; the peasants choose two god- 76).
mothers and one godfather for baptism, one god- Occasionally the extensions are formed between
parent for confirmation, and one godmother and one persons not even linked by a common compadre or
godfather for church marriage. At the other extreme, godparent. For example, in some areas the parents
as represented by the barrio of Santo Domingo, or other kin of a bride and a groom may become
Juxtlahuaca, one married couple is chosen for a compadres to one another (Beals 1946: 103; Stein
baptism, a first mass, a first communion, a confirma- 1961: 117-18, 133; Wagley 1949: 17). Or, as in
tion, and for private saints and animals. Two married Veraguas, the term 'compadre' may be used jokingly
couples are selected for a marriage. For a ceremony or seriously between two good friends (Harris 1956:
over a new house four married couples are chosen, 152; Radfield & Villa Rojas 1962: 99).
and five are selected for the erection of a funeral cross Generally only -the compadre terms are extended,
(Romney & Romney 1966: 55)! The number chosen although sometimes the godparent-godchild terms
is not a direct reflection of the importance of the cere- may be included (Fox & Lynch 1956: 649). Less
monies (Romney & Romney 1966: 53). frequently sibling terms are also. To my knowledge
Replication of the godparent role also may be at only one case is reported of the godparent-godchild
the option of the individuals. A study in rural Hungary term by itself being extended: in Chinautla one
indicates that at times up to twenty extra pairs of woman considered herself to be the godgrandmother
baptismal godparents may be chosen (Fel & Hofer to the godson of her son (Reina 1966: 233).
1969: 165 f.n. 8). The number of godparents selected In some cases these extensions occur automatically,
also varies in the Philippines and San Pedro (Fox & while in others they are formed at the option of the
Lynch 1956: 426, 648-9; Hart 1971: 68; Hollnsteiner individuals (Foster 1953: 7-8; 1967: 71, 83-4; Romney
1963: 65 f.n. 2; Richardson 1970: 83-4). & Romney 1966: 54). I suspect the difference may lie
Increasing the number of sponsors chosen for a in whether the compadrazgo is conceived more as a
ceremony has a direct effect upon the network of relation between groups or as a network of potential
bonds formed. In fact, the outcome is the same as in ties. Of course, the different forms of extension also
variant (1), but the system of relationships is replicated may be combined. The extraordinarily complex
62
Moche system is one such example (Gillin 1947: 5. The prohibition of choice reversal. A varianit
106-7). which is almost universallyprohibitedis the reversal
Extensionof the terminologicalsystem, however, of the parentand godparentroles; that is, the direc-
shouldbe distinguishedfrom extensionof the relation of choice usually may not be reversed. In
tionshipsystem.Because an individualstands in the Veraguasa godfather-givermay noitbecome a god-
categoryof compadredoes not mean that all the con- father-takerto the same man. The peasantssay that
comitant rights and obligations of the bond are the 'debt' cannot be returned.Were choice to be
extendedto him. The latter may depend upon such reversedthen all the relationshipswould be voided
factorsas proximity, social closeness and so forth. andbothchildrenwouldbecomeunbaptised.Although
Thisfact delimitsseveraltopicsfor futureresearch. such a rule was never institutedby the church, it
4. Position replication of the godchild role; choice appears to be a widely accepted folk prohibition.
repetition.Sincethe godparentpositionmay be repli- Only four exceptionsare reportedin the literature
cated,it mightbe askedwhetherreplicationalso may (Anderson 1956: 9, 41, 43, 103; Diebold 1966: 50;
occur for the godchild role. Indeed, throughspecial Fel & Hofer 1969: 163; Wagley 1949: 18), and only
patternsof choice this variant may be effected.In in Atainy,a Hungarianpeasantcommunity,is choice
variant(2) there is a proliferationof godparentsfor reversalmandatory.Despite the fact that this general
one child; in this permutationthereis a proliferation prohibitionhas importantimplicationsno explanation
of childrenor ceremoniesfor the same godparent.In for it hasbeenoffered.
the literaturewe find that one baptismalgodparent The prohibitionappears to be a folk deduction
may be used for boys and anotherfor girls in the from church concepts. The implicit folk reasoning
same family (Bunzel1952: 161).Sometimesthe same may be as follows. Naturaland spiritualparenthood
godparentsof baptismare used for all or nearly all are conceptuallydistinct.Just as these two forms of
the children in a sibling group (Deshon 1963: 579; paternity must be kept separate (parentsmay not
Fel & Hofer 1969: 163; Lewis 1951: 350; Parsons becomegodparentsto their own children),so natural
1936:395; Reina 1966:229; Vogt 1969:232; Whitten and spiritual co-parenthoodmust be distinguished.
1965: 103). It even may be thoughta sin to change Further, since spiritual relationships(as explicitly
baptismalgodparents(Villa Rojas 1945: 90, 142). In staltedby the Council of Trullo) are higher than
a differentform of repetition, the baptismal god- natural ones, the godparentin terms of the child
parentsmay be repeatedfor confirmationor church occupies a higher status than the parent.Therefore,
marriage(De la Fuente 1949: 169; Hammel 1968; if choice werereturnedfromgodfatherto father,each
Hart 1971: 74; Reina 1966: 229-30; Ravicz and would be both naturaland spiritualco-parentto the
Romney1969:392).(Althoughby churchlaw thecon- other, and each would occupy both a higher and
firmationsponsormay not be the same as the bap- lower status in relation to the other. By prohibiting
tismalsponsor(Canon796).)Conversely,the marriage choice reversalthis structurallyimpossiblesituation
godparentssometimesare selectedto be the baptismal is avoided. The two roles are segregatedand an in-
godparentsto the first, several,or all childrenof the dividualplays a naturalco-parenthoodrole towards
marital couple (Buechler & Buechler 1971: 47; some and a spiritual co-parenthoodrole towards
DeCicco 1969: 363; Madsen 1960: 94). If age does others.26
not permit,such sponsorshipmay be repeatedby suc- The pattern of choosing compadresis related to
cession from father to son (Halpern 1967: 161; this rule. First, it follows from the prohibitionthat
Hammel 1968; Reina 1966: 229). Finally, examples compadrazgochoice must be 'generalised'.Choice
are reportedof doubling up, that is, employingone may not be returnedand the networkof bonds in the
set of godparentsfor two or morechildrenat the same society must be expanded. At least three different
time(Gillin1947:111;Ingham1970:285). persons are requiredfor the system to be operative.
The converseof replicationin the godchildposition Second, the prohibitionis related to the fact that
is choosing new godparentsfor each child and cere- whenchoice is betweenthose in unequalstatuses,the
mony. This appearsto be the more normalpattern; godparentusuallyoccupiesthe higher.Now, Ingham
in fact, choice repetition may be prohibited. In recentlyarguedthat the co-parenthoodtie is 'asym-
Veraguas,repeatingthe relationshipwith the same metrical in the sense that godparentselections are
godparentfor differentchildrenor for the same child not reciprocatedand that the rights and obligations
over differentceremoniesis not looked upon with based upon this relationshipare not precisely the
favour. In other areas this negative preference same for each co-godfatherand family. This asym-
emergesas an absoluteprohibition(Anderson1957: metry may or may not entail differencesin social
49; Fositer1967: 83). Clearlyboth these patternshelp status' (1970: 281). He also noted that 'to give as a
determinethe nature of the compadrazgonetwork godparent is more blessed than to receive as an
found. New selection expands the system. Choice earthlyparent'(1970:287).
repetitionmay serve to intensifythe ties betweentwo In view of my own thesis I think I can clarify
individualsor groups;or as Mintz and Wolf (1950: Ingham'sanalysis. Differentrights and obligations,
349) reported,it may be used to restrict the total non-reciprocatedchoice and the distinctionof god-
numberof spiritualrelationshipsone enters. parent and earthly parent are not all equally ex-
63
pressions of asymmetry. Ideologically the relation- patterns. Any 'deficiency' caused by limiting the num-
ship is inherently asymmetric, for it is between natural ber of sponsors, for example, has been overcome by
and spiritual persons. From this it follows that choice expansion in other directions.
cannot be reversed. The conceptual asymmetry may
or may not be reflected in differing social obligations The compadrazgo and kinship
and statuses. The system of relationships also must be seen in
the context of kinsihipfor it has been argued that the
In the five variants discussed the essential structure compadrazgo is closely connected with the family.
of the compadrazgo remains constant. However, Alithough the comparative ethnographic data on this
through various rules of permutation differentsystems issue are incomplete, some cases parallel to Veraguas
of relationships can be generated. The ideology of
do exist, and they may provide a suggestion of the
the compadrazgo, then, is directly connected to the minimum variation to be found.
observed relationship patterns. If the compadrazgo is
viewed only as a collection of dyadic bonds this unity It was pointed out that the compadrazgo is some-
underlying the perceived system remains obscure. times used like a marital alliance, that is in a form
Further, the notion of a network of compadrazgo complementary to kinship ties. Hammel, in particular,
ties (Foster 1961: 1183) -scarcely does justice to the has shown that kumstvo, kinship and marital ties are
complexity of the institution. The compadrazgo is a all mutually exclusive but to some degree substitutive
set of relations which may take form as a discrete (1968: 85-7, 89-94).27
group of individuals or as an assemblage of ties. The In one bilateral situation, I have argued that there
patterning of this set is complex, and in specifying is a connexion between the compadrazgo, the family
its nature, size, density and relation to other groupings and household organisation. The relation between
in the society, viewing each compadrazgo system as these different frames apparently can take a diversity
a combination of the five variants may lead to more of forms. For example, in Pascua the family is
precise and comparative analyses. When the com- unstable, but houses, which are usually occupied by
padrazgo does take form as an assemblage of bonds, one or two related elementary families, are permanent
the ties may be of an optative character. Useful (Spicer 1940: 79-80). Compadres are ordinarily
descriptions of this aspect of the system have already sought from without the circle of blood kin. Further,
been given and it will not be pursued further here if a child's grandparents are living in his household
(Doughty 1968: 119; Foster 1961; 1963; 1967: 212-33; they also are called compadres by his godparents.
Gillin 1947: 109-12; Hollnsteiner 1963: 76-80; Spicer 'The padrino system is thus a formal social institution
1940: 105-8, 113-14; 1954: 61-2; Wagley 1953: 154-6). based on ritual obligations which formalises the rela-
In addition to the ideology, however, the permuta- tionships between groups already organised on a
tions also have been influenced by church history, basis of blood' (Spicer 1940: 116). The resemblance
for the historical evolution of the compadrazgo has to Veraguas is made stronger by Spicer's statement
led to certain variants being dogmatically prohibited. that the accent 'is on ritual relations in the padrino
For example, one mode of expansion is to increase structures, while in the families the emphasis is on
the number of sponsors at a given ceremony. It may economic obligations' (1940: 115). When the com-
be that this variation is infrequently developed as a padrazgo is formed within the community, a similar
result of the Council of Trent's restriction of the pattern seems to obtain in Yalalag (De la Fuente
number of sponsors at baptism and confirmation. 1949: 162-4, 168).
Similarly, catechismal sponsors have been dog- Nearly thirty-five years ago Parsons reported that
matically prohibited by the church as well as spiritual households in Mitla usually consist of elementary
relationships between confessors and penitents. Those families, that marriage into the family of one's
in religious orders are prohibited from becoming baptismal godparents is prohibited, and that there
sponsors (Canons 766, 796); although this rule has is a 'marked tendency' for godparents to be sought
little influence upon today's patterns, it does provide outside the family though not outside of affinal con-
a further constraint on the system. Conditional nexions (1936: 66, 94, 441, 68). In Huaylas, too, most
baptisms cannot be repeated with different sponsors households are composed of elementary families. No
(Canon 763). Finally, a baptismal sponsor must him- house includes a comp,adre or comadre of the head
self be baptised, must be a full and accepted member (Doughty 1968: 30). In fact, 'child and adult alike
of the church, must physically touch the baptised, are allied 'with others outside of the family [which
and must be personally designated by the person to in the context clearly refers to the nuclear family]
be baptised, his parents or guardians, or the minister through the elaborate system of fictive kin called
(Canons 765, 766). As Mintz and Wolf (1950: 351) compadr.azgo and padrinazgo' (Doughty 1968: 114,
pointed out, one effect of the Council of Trent's stand see also 119). In Cruz Das Almas elementary families
and subsequent church dogma was to prevent un- occupy isolated farm households; but they maintain
known persons from entering the complex. compadrazgo ties with other families in the immediate
Nevertheless church dogma has-scarcely suppressed neighbourhood (Pierson 1951: 101-2). The people of
the explosion of the compadrazgo into diverse Moche usually live in nuclear family households
64
(Gillin1947:98). Kinshiprelationsoutsidetheseunits but frictionin a householdis inevitable.The pattern
arerelativelyunimportant;both blood and affinalties both pievents conflictsbetweencompadresand per-
tendto breakor weakenthroughinheritancedisputes mits individualseventuallyto restrictthe size of their
and separations.Non-relativesof the parents often compadrazgonetworks and to cut their baptismal
arechosenas compadres.And 'the strongandabiding expenses(Foster1969:276-7).
fabricis composedof the ceremonialkinshipbonds' In both Yucatanand Tzintzuntzanthe household,
(Gillin 1947: 104). Gillin also stated that 'The real family and compadrazgoform systematiccomplexes.
functionof godparentsis to broadenand, if possible, Compadrazgoties in both situationsare opposed to
increasethe social and economic resources of the family bonds but in variantways. In Yucatancom-
childand his parents'(1947: 108),but it is clearfrom padrazgoties are used initially to forestall conflict
his data that most of the godparentaland compadre in familyrelationships,laterto complementthem.The
duties are not strictly 'utilitarian'but 'ceremonial' bonds are firstformedintra-domestically, then extra-
(1947:108-9).These examplesof the relationbetween domestically.In Tzintzuntzanthe compadrazgocom-
bilteralkinshipand the compadrazgoare summarised plementsand is protectedfrom the divisive ties of
in table2. kinshipuntil the lattercan no longer disruptthem.28
Aside fromPascua,the evidenceis incomplete,and Tzintzuntzeniosfirst choose extra-domesticfriends,
only generaltendenciesmay be seen. But Deshonand then extra-domesticfamily. Recognising the single
Foster have presentedmore thoroughgoingmaterial contrastunderlyingboth patternsleads, I think, to a
for a hacienda in Yucatan and for Tzintzuntzan better understandingof them and to an explanation
which highlightsthe connexionof compadrazgoties of theirseeminglyconflictingnatures.
with the family and household and which poses a Thus, in variantforms a patternedinterrelationof
paradox.In Yucatana marriedcouplenormallyresides the family and compadrazgois discerniblein a num-
patrilocallyfor a few years as part of an extended ber of communities.Undoubtedlyother forms exist.
family and then neolocally. Later the pair become But it is my hypothesisthat furtherdata and analyses
part of an extended family again as their grown will confirmin greaterdetail that the two systemsin
childrenmarryand brieflyresidewith them.The ex- a particularsociety are rangedrelativeto each other
tended family housetholdprovides support for in- along a natural-spiritualcontinuum.As in Veraguas
dividualsat crucial points in their life cycles, but it this interrelationwill have an impact upon the five
also presents opportunityfor conflicts of authority compadrazgovariationsdiscussedabove.
betweentwo co-residentadultgenerations.The choice
of compadresis determinedby this situation.Initially Variation in compadrazgo customs
a newly-marriedcouple selects co-residentkinsmen.
The compadrerelationshipsare respectfuland re- I remarkedat the outset of the essay that certain
straining,the bondsclosely approximatethe ideal kin customs seem to accompanythe compadrazgocom-
relationsbetweengenerations,andhouseholdcohesion plex; neighbouringareas may exhibit differentones
is maintained.When a young couple first establish while non-contiguousareas may have similar prac-
theirown household,they frequentlystill chooseclose tices. These culturalbits are part of the great tradi-
kin, but later they phrase their ties -vertically and tion, and it seemspossibleto find some cross-cultural
make themmultipleto 'promotesecurityor advance- similaritiesin their arrangements.Further research
ment'(Deshon1963:580). undoubtedlywill reveal the great complexityin the
In Tzintzuntzan the pattern of choice is the patterningof these customs, but if their symbolic
opposite, although the developmentalcycle of the natureis recogniseda new domain of analysis may
domestic group is the same. When a young couple be opened.Herearesomeexamples.
firstlive with or near the husband'sfamily,they most With respect to those who accompanythe child
frequentlychoose friends as compadres.After they to baptism,in ruralAndalusiathe parentsremainat
separateand establishtheirown household,a couple home, othermembersof the family take the child to
are more likely to choose relatives.Foster explained be baptised,and the godparentsreceive it from the
that fightingbetweencompadresshould never occur, font (Pitt-Rivers1958:428). By contrast,in Moche a
TABLE 2. The compadrazgo, kinship and household organisation
COMMUNITY HOUSEHOLD ORGANISATION COMPADRAZGO BONDS OTHER

Pascua Elementary Faamilies Extra-domestic Kinship and com-
padrazgo opposed
Yalalag Elementary Family Usually Extra-domestic
Mitla Elementary Family Usually Extra-domestic
Huaylas Elementary Family Usually Extra-domestic
Cruz Das Almas Elementary Family Extra-domestic
Moche Elementary Family Usually Extra-domestic Kinship and com-
padrazgo in certain
respects opposed
65
special nurse (la ama de pila) carriesthe child from A more complete and intriguingpattern is pro-
the house to the font whereshe gives it to the father. videdby the exampleof funeralcustoms.In Veraguas
The godparentsstand beside and answer for the close relatives, godparents,godchildren,and com-
parentsduringthe baptism.After the ceremonythe padres are all prohibitedfrom dressing the body,
father returnsthe child to the nurse and she carries carryingthe coffin,preparingthe grave or shovelling
it home. The ama de pila is not a godmother, back on the earth. A partial inversionis presented
althoughshe is integratedinto the compadrazgonet- by the practiceof the Yaquis of Potam and Pascua.
work (Gillin 1947: 106, 108-9).Other variationsbe- Among them relatives of the deceased are also ex-
tween these two extremesare found in Tzintzuntzan cluded from the funeral preparations,but the god-
(Foster1967:77), Tecospa(Madsen1960:93), Pascua parents,and in their place the godchildrenor com-
(Spicer 1940: 96), Caticuganand Lalawigan (Hart padres,are obliged to participate(Spicer1954: 60-1;
1971: 50, 70), Zinacantan (Vogt 1969: 233), and 1940: 104-10).GuiterasHolmes (1952: 101) reported
Veraguas. a similarcustomfor certainMliddleAmericangroups.
The purchase of clothes for the novitiate com- In Moche,theVeraguaspatternis completelyinverted.
prises a differentexample. In Panamathe principal When a person dies his relatives and compadres
godmotherbuys the baptismalvestmentswhich are gather.The male membersof the groupdig the grave
the firstdress clothes a child has. In Tlayacapanthe and serveas pallbearers.The compadresshovelon the
godparents of baptism and for curing of susto pur- earth (Gillin 1947: 109, 149-50).In Chinautlathere
chase clothes (Ingham 1970: 282-3). Variations on obtains a somewhat similar pattern with the god-
this themeare foundin the Philippines(Fox & Lynch parents taking the role of the Moche comp.adres
1956: 649; Hollnsteiner1963: 74), Zinacantan(Vogt (Reina 1966:259-60).By contrast,in Cheranthe god-
1969: 235-6), Moche (Gillin 1947: 108, 110), Pana- parentstake no part in the funeralof an individual
jachel (Tax 1953: 159, 178), parts of Spain (Foster above the age of fourteen.Burialclothingis prepared
1953: 5; 1960: 122; Pitt-Rivers 1958: 428-9), by the nearestrelative,and four male kin carry the
Tzintzuntzan(Foster1967:77), Juxtlahuaca(Romney coffin to the grave (Beals 1946: 207-8). In Hualcan
& Romney 1966: 53, 55), and Chimaltenango at the funeralof adults,emphasison the role of kin
(Wagley1949: 18). and not compadresalso is found (Stein 1961: 116-17,
Other thematic variants include the practice of 282-6).The patternsare summarisedin table 3 where
throwing the bolo from the church steps, the in- + denotespresenceand - signalsabsence.
fluence of the godparentsupon the 'luck' of their In fact, the variationsare even more complex than
godchild,and the role of the godmotherin shielding this. For example, in Pascua the patternis slightly
her godchildfrom the evil eye or forces of evil. It is differentif the deceasedwas married,and in Cheran
also frequentlyreportedthat godchildrenpay respect the godparentsdo participateif the child was below
to their godparentsby kneeling and kissing their the age of fourteen.Both these customs may be re-
hands,in returnfor which a benedictionis said; this lated to whetherthe child was still consideredto be
custom itself may be a replicationof the practiceof an angelito (little angel). A detailed analysis would
kissingthe ringof a bishopor thePope. clearlyrequirefurtherrefinement.
These customs pose a problemof analysis.Given Nevertheless,it seems that funeral customs, too,
their cross-culturalconsistency it is clear that a are elaborationsof the basic natural/spiritualopposi-
functionalor 'folk' explanation,althoughnecessary, tion, and I suspectthat furthercomparisonwill turn
is not sufficient.It is the ideologyof the compadrazgo, up other systematicpatterns.But each society 'draws
I suggest,which may provideclues for the analysis. upon' only parts of the great tradition,and the frag-
For example, the variants concerningwho carries ments are there arrangedand woven into a coherent
the child to baptism,the influenceof the godparents pattern,as I attemptedto demonstratein part3.
upon the 'luck' of their godchild,and the protection
which godparentscan offertheir godchildrenagainst
evil surelyare relatedto the juxtapositionof natural In this essay I have summarisedand pointed out
and spiritual paternity.The purchaseby the god- certain inadequaciesin earlier theories of the com-
parentsof a new suit of clothesfor theirgodchildmay padrazgo.My own thesis,foundedon the ideologyof
be symbolicof the fact that the baptisedbecomes a the Catholicchurch,is that all formsof the institution
social and spiritualin additionto a naturalmember are based on the conceptualoppositionof the natural
of thecommunity. and spiritualbeing and comprise a system of dia-
TABLE 3. Participationin major aspects of a funeral
RELATIVES SPIRITUAL 'RELATIVES'

Veraguas
Yaquliand cortainMiddle American groups - +
Moche and Chinautla + +
CherdneandHualcan + -
66
chronic and synchronic permutations. The changing affinity, since the institution is patterned after the
historical configurations of the compadrazgo were family. In one peasant community I have demon-
variant solutions to the fundamental antinomy. The strated that an intimate connexion exists among the
edict of the Council of Trent solidified the form of compadrazgo, family and household. Thus, through
the institution, and today's variations are based on the use of church ideology, the presentation of new
the three-member Compadrazgo Set. Different struc- field materials and the examination of prior reports,
tures have been generated from this paradigm by I have tried to elucidate previously unrecognised
permutation rules involving metaphoric substitution aspects of the compadrazgo. At the least I think new
and extension. Contextually the compadrazgo must questions have been raised about this two-thousand-
be examined in relation to the systems of kinship and year-old institution.
67
APPENDIX 1:
CATALOGUE OF GROUPS CITED
I have termedthe groups'community','tribe',and/ Ravicz & Romney, and Romney & Romney),and I
or 'linguistic'accordingto their primarydesignation have not attempted to distinguish 'tribal' from
in the cited literature.Wherethe data were available 'peasant'societies.Sincemy concernis with variation
in the referencescited, I have added linguistic or in the compadrazgo,any permutationis significant
trilbalaffiliationsto the units definedas communities. and it does not seem strictlynecessaryto draw such
Thereis some overlapamongthe groups(forexample, quantitativeandqualitativedistinctions.
Group (Community, Tribe*, Linguistic**) Country Authority cited

Various Villages, Towns, Cities Italy Anderson (1956; 1957)
CTherain(Tarascan*, Tarascan**, Spanish**) Mexcio Beals (1946)
Compi (Aymara**) Bolivia Buechler & Buechler (1971)
Chichicastenango (Quiche**, Spanish**) Guatemala Bunzel (1952)
Cora* Mexico Cerda Silva (1943)
Chatino* Mexico DeCicco (1969)
Yalalag (Zapotec**, Spanish**) Mexico De la Fuenite (1949)
Hacienda in Yucatan Mexico Deshon (1963)
San Mateo (Huave**, Spanish**) Mexico Diebold (1966)
Huaylas (Spanish**, Quechua**) Peru Doughty (1968)
Saucio (Spanish**) Colombia Fals-Borda (1955)
Atdiny (Hungarian**) Hungary Fel & Hofer (1969)
Tzintzuntzan (Spanish**) Mexico Foster (1961; 1963; 1967; 1969)
Tagalog*, Tagalog** Philippines Fox & Lynch (1956)
Vasilika (Greek**) Greece Friedl (1965)
Moche (Spanish**) Peru Gillin (1947)
San Carlos (Pokomam**, Spanish**) Guatemala Gillin (1951)
Huichol*, Cora* Mexico Grimes & Hinton (1969)
Los Boquerones de Veraguas (Spanish**) Panama Gudeman
Various Middle American Groups Mexico Guiteras Holmes (1952)
Orasac (Serbo-Croatian**) Jugoslavia Halpern (1967)
Jugoslavia Hammel (1968)
Minas Velhas (Portuguese**) Brazil Harris (1965)
Caticugan (Cebuan**), Lalawigan (Samaran**) Philippines Hart (1971)
Hulo (Tagalog**) Philippines Hollnsteiner (1963)
Tlayacapan (Spanish**, Nahuatl**) Mexico Ingham (1970)
Tzotzil** (Maya*) Mexico Laughlin (1969)
Tepoztlin (Spanish**, Nahuatl**) Mexico Lewis (1951)
Tecospa (Spanish**, Nahuatl**) Mexico Madsen (1960)
Mitla (Zapotec**, Spanish**) Mexico Parsons (1936)
Cruz Das Almas (Portuguese**) Brazil Pierson (1951)
Rural Andalusia (Spanish**) Spain Pitt-Rivers (1958)
Mixtec** Mexico Ravicz & Romney (1969)
Chan Kom (Maya*) Mexico Redfield & Villa Rojas (1962)
Chinautla (Maya*, Pokomaim**) Guatemala Reina (1966)
San Pedro (Spanish**) Colombia Richardson (1970)
Juxtlahuaca (Mixtec**, Spanish**) Mexico Romney & Romney (1966)
Pascua (Yaqui*) U.S.A. Spicer (1940)
Potam (Yaqui*) Mexico Spicer (1954)
Hualcan (Quechua**, Spanish**) Peru Stein (1961)
Panajachel (Cakchiquel**, Spanish**) Guatemala Tax (1953)
Various settlements in the Territory of Quintana Roo Mexico Villa Rojas (1945)
(Maya*, Maya**)
Zinacantan (Maya*, Tzotzil**, Spanish**) Mexico Vogt (1969)
Chimaltenango (Mam**) Guatemala Wagley (1949)
ItR (Portuguese**) Brazil Wagley (1953)
San Lorenzo (Spanish**) Ecuador Whitten (1965)
Rural areas (Portuguese**) Portugal Willems (1963)
68
APPIENDIX 2:
EXTRACTS FROM THE

SUMMA THEOLOGICA
Pt. III, Q. 65, A.1: A likenessbetweenspiritualand also, someoneis needed to undertakethe officeof
corporealthings is drawn.The life of the body is nurse and tutor by forming and instructingone
saidto be perfectedin threeways,the firstof which who is yet a novicein theFaith.'
is generationthroughwhich a personbegins to be Pt. III, Q. 67, A.8: 'Justas spiritualgenerationis dis-
andlive. 'And correspondingto this in the spiritual tinct from carnalgeneration,so is spiritualeduca-
life thereis Baptism,which is a spiritualregeneration distinct from that of the body . . . Therefore
tion.' This analogy is carried throughthe rest of the spiritual father should be distinct from the
Question65. carnal father, unless necessity demanded other-
Pt. III, Q. 66, A.9: Baptism,it is stated, cannot be wise.'
repeatedas it is a spiritualregeneration.A man Pt. III, Q. 68, A.9: 'Thespiritualregenerationeffected
dies to his old life and beginsanew.'Now one man by Baptism is somewhatlike carnal birth, in this
can be begottenbut once. WhereforeBaptismcan- respect,thatas thechildwhilein the mother'swomlb
not be reiterated,just as neithercan carnalgenera- receives nourishment not independently, but
tion. Hence Augustinesays on John iii. 4: "Canhe through the nourishmentof its mother, so also
entera second time into his mother'swomband be childrenbefore the use of reason,being as it were
born again": So thou, says he, must understand in the womb of their mother the Church,receive
the birthof the Spirit,as Nicodemusunderstoodthe salvationnot by their own act, but by the act of
birth of the flesh ... As there is no return to the the Church.HenceAugustinesays . . . The Church,
womb,so neitheris thereto Baptism.' our mother, offers her mwternalmouth for her
Pt. III, Q. 67, A.7: 'The spiritualregeneration,which children, that they may imbibe the sacred
takes place in Baptism is in a certain manner mysteries. . .'
likened to carnal generation . . . Now, in carnal Abbreviationsare to be read: Part III, Question65,
generationthe new-bornchild needs nourishment Article 1 (St. ThomasAquinas 1947),etc. Italics are
and guidance: wherefore,in spiritual generation in originaltext.
NOTES
My fieldwork was supported in part by a Public Health somewhat loosely. Generally, the term refen to different
Service Fellowship (1-Fl-MH{-35,467-01) from the National logical operationswhich may be applied to a set of relations.
Institute of Menital Health. For reading and commenting 8 'Although variation occurs in nearly every element,
upon drafts of the essay my thanks to Edmund Leach, nowhere is the system unrecognizable . .. It may emphasize
Evon Vogt, Jolh Ingham, Akos Ostor, and Norma Rowe. I either sacred or profane aspects of culture' (Ravicz 1967:
am especially gratefulto my wife Roxane. 242).
1 In Spanish-speaking countries godthild and godparent 9 The church code is not a static, unitary whole but the
usually address one another as padrinolmadrina (godfather/ result of an accretion of laws over time. The principal
godm,other) and ahijado/ahijada (godson/goddaughter). sources of the present code include papal laws, authoritative
Parent and godparent use the reciprocal term compadref opinions of papal congregations, decrees of the Council of
comadre (male co-parent/female co-parent). Trent and of the First Vatican Council, and the various
The word compadrazgo literally refers to only one of the collections of laws beginning with Dionysius Exiguus. Since
bonds, that between parent and godparent.Ravicz (1967: 238) 1918 plapaldecrees, official definitions of dogmia,and decrees
proposed using 'compadrinazgo' to describe the complete of the Second Vatican Council have further modified the
set of reiatiionslips. Others distingulihed between com- code (Sigmund 1968).
padrazgo and padrinazgo (the godparent-ggodchildtie). For 10 Early Christians, like all revolutionaries, could hardly
simp,licityI use the term compadrazgo to denote the entire do otherwise. But as with most revolutionariestheir new doc-
complex and specify more precisely when I refer to a parti- trine did i,ndeedsyncretiseelements of the old.
cular bond. 11 I return to this distinctiionof flesh and spirit. An inter-
2 In a recent article, Osbom (1968), although she claimed esting paradox derives f,rom the fact that John baptised
differently,presented a isimilarargument. Others also elabor- Christ; yet, Christ instituted baptism! Theologians usually
ated and refined Mintz and Wolfs position (Deshon 1963: distinguish the t-wo by noting that John's baptism only re-
Inigham1970; Re4ina1966: 231-4; Stein 1961: 135). quired repentance.John's baptism was not, as true Chriistian
3 The title of their articleitself is ambiguous. baptism is, associated with the gift of the Holy Spirit. Again,
4 See also Lewis (1951: 350) and Padilla Seda (1956: 294). a revolutionary religion could hardly fail to make such a
5See also Leach's distinction of philosophical and prac- distinction.
tial religi(on(1968: 1). 12 1947: Question 56, Article 3.
6 But contrast Hammel: 'What is given and received, then, 13 See also Pt. III, Q. 68, A.9; Pt. III, Q. 72, A. 10; Supple-
is not the act of sponsoring on a particular occasion but the ment Q. 56, A.2, Reply Objection 1.
posiition of sponsor' (1968: 78). In my formulation the corm- 14 As With the origin of baptism orthodox theologians
padrazgo is distinguished from (Protestant) godparenthood. often insist on the novelty of Christian sponsorship and
7 Both here and below the word 'transformation'is used criticise such attempts to relate it to historical forerunners.
69
15 For example see Dictionaire de Droit Canonique (1937: a. Compadresmust respect each other.
162), Petrovits (1919: 281-2), St Thomas Aquinas (1947: b. Therefore, compadresmay not have sexual relations.
Supplement, Q. 56, Al1). That the spiritual relationship and c. Therefore, parents may not become compadres to
the marital impediment are distinct may be seen from the each other (nor may either to one with whom he
fact that according to the present Canon Law although con- has had sexual relations); that is, parents may not
firmation gives rise to a spiritual relationship between the baptise their own children.
person confirinedand the sponsor, no dirimentimpedimentis Church dogma runs:
imposed. Nonetheless parents cannot confirm their own a. Spiritualand naturalpatern,ityare distinct.
children. b. Therefore,parents may niotbaptise their own children,
16 Because the reasons for the prohibition of sexual rela- that is, become compadresto one another.
tions in the godparent-igodchild and godparent-parent c. Therefore, marriage and sexual relations must be pro-
relationships are icomplex and different for each, it seems hib,itedbetween compadres.
unwise to label the prohibition 'incest' (Erasmus 1950). In This is an example, then, in which the historical 'bits and
many ethnographlicsituations the spiritual relationship and a pieces' have been re-arrangedby the people into a different
sexual (and marital) prohibition are coincident. But it is also but systemnaticpattern. See also Whitten (1965: 103-4).
true that the spiritual bonds sometimes are recognised with- Various investigators have reported that the comnpadrazgo
out the attendiantprohibition. is sometimes used to forestall sexual tensions or advances. In
17 Corblet (1882: 208) noted yet a slightly different con- such cases, too, the reasoning of the folk model is the
stellation of bonds. reverse of thlatof the church.
18 The edict reads: 22 The formalized actions contained in the concept of
Experience teaches, that, by reason of the multitude of respeto emphasize the ritual nature of the dual system [god-
prohibitions, martiages are ofttitmes unwittingly con- parenthood, co-pairenthood]and its crucial significance in
tracted in prohibitedcases, in which marriageseither the the social structure'(R'avicz1967:239).
parties continue to live 'on,not with6outgreat sin, or they 23 Other forms are listed in Anderson (1957: 43-5), Fals-
are dissolved, not without great scandal. Wherefore, Borda (1955: 197-8), Lewis (1951: 351), Ravicz (1967: 243-4),
the hioly Synod, wishing to provide against this incon- Stein (1961: 131),and Wagley (1953: 153).
vonience, and beginning with the impediment arising 24 According to one source, among the Cora the com-
from spiritual relationship, ordains, that, in accordance padrazgo is not contracted at baptism. Civil and church
with the appointments of the sacred canons, one person marriages occasionally are practised; father-in-law and son-
only, whether male or female, or at most one male and in-law become compadres. The godchild position apparently
one female, shiall receive in baptism the individual is not filled (Cerda Silva 1943: 107-9; but see aIso Grimes &
baptized; between whom and the baptized, and the Hinton 1969: 803, 812).
father and mother thereof; as also between the person 25 Parsons (1936: 228 n.96) repoirtedthat in TiZapin, Mexico
biaptizingand the baptized, and the father and mother when a double ear of cornm is found in the harvest 'a god-
of the baptized; and these only; shall spiritual rela- father is sought and he will dress it as a child and give it
tionship be contracted . . . That relationship, in like
manner, which is contracted by confirmatifonshall not back to the owner to keep for good crops. The twin ear is a
pass beyond him who confirms the person, confirmed, sign of abundance. In exactly the same way godparents are
his father and mother, and him who places his hand sought to dress El Nino, the Christ child.' See the discussion
on him; all impediments arising from this kind of in the text concerningthe obligation of godparentsto provide
spi,ritualrelationship between other persons being utterly baptismalvestments.
26 It is true thiat linguistically father-compadres are not
set aside (Wnterw'orth1898: 199-200).
19 As Mintz and Wolf (1950: 345) remarked, it was not distinguiishedfrom godfather-compadres.However, language
until the Council of Tren,tthat the final ban against priests' assuredly does not always directy reflect social relations,
marriages was issued, and this may have been one reason and the use of coampadrefor both father and godfather may
why spiritual bonds were originally extended to them. (Con- emphasisetheir common paternalrelation to the child.
27 See also Ingham (1970) and Vogt (1969: 145, 237). In
versely, it seems possible that the present 'structural
amnesia' of this bond may be related to the fact that priests Vasikika there are some contrasts between affines and
now eannot marry.) kumbari (co-parents), on the one hiand, and consanguines
20 Fieldwork was carried out in 1966-67. A more com- on the other (Friedl 19,65:72-3). It alfsoseemnspossible that
p-lete ethnographic description of the community will be the compadrazgo links families of different barrios in,
published liater. To date the most useful source on rural Tepoztlan ('Lewis1951: 76, 350).
28 This is an example but on a differentplane of the same
Panama is Adaam's(1957) study. I have found nothing in his
survey which contradictswhat is here reported. logic whereby compadrazgo ties miay be in some societies
21 Note how the peasants' rea-soningpartially 'involutes' shielded from anid in others used to buttress economiic
church dogma. Their folk model runs: exchanges.
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The Compadrazgo as a Reflection of the Natural and Spiritual Person

Author(s): Stephen Gudeman

THE compadrazgois found in areas throughoutthe normallyemployedby anthropologists.The symbols

FIGURE 1. Birth and baptismalsets. FIGURE4. Interrelationof the birth,baptismal and

Father = Mother Minister Sponsor Parent -* Godparent

Child Spiritual Child Child/Godchild

PLATES PLATE 6~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

St. Augustine (354-430) Justinian Civil

7th - 8th C. Council of

Minister Godparent 9 C IC.

13th 14th C Number of Baptismal

.Council of Baptism and Transmitted to

Child Godchild Baptized

FIGURE 8. The baptismal godp'arents(and godchild as a variant.

God /Holy Ghost/ Holy Water/Font/

Christ Spiritual Child

FIGuRE10. The baptismalset as a transformationof Christ'sdivine birth.

Political Brothers / Sister/

Finally a look at the terms employed when in-

TABLE 2. The compadrazgo, kinship and household organisation

COMMUNITY HOUSEHOLD ORGANISATION COMPADRAZGO BONDS OTHER

TABLE 3. Participationin major aspects of a funeral

RELATIVES SPIRITUAL 'RELATIVES'

CATALOGUE OF GROUPS CITED

Group (Community, Tribe*, Linguistic**) Country Authority cited

EXTRACTS FROM THE

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