Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
1
c.1485-1576
2
Pedrocco, Filippo, Titian: The complete Paintings (London: Thames & Hudson, 2001) p. 18. Weathy,
Harolde, The Paintings of Titian: Portraits, 2nd edition (London: Phaidon, 1971) p. 19. Hope, Charles A., Titian
as a Court Painter, In: Oxford Art Journal, Published by: Oxford University Press, pp. 7-10, p. 9. Campbell,
Lorne, Renaissance Portraiture: European Portrait Painting in the 14th, 15th, and 16th Centuries (New Haven,
CT: Yale University Press, 1990) p. 234
3
See: Hope, Charles A., Studies on the sources and documents relating to the life and work of Titian,
Appendix (University of Oxford, 1975)
4
Vecelli, Tiziano, To Antoine Granvelle dated 1st September, 1548, In: Studies on the Sources and
Documents Relating to the Life and Work of Titian, Appendix, Vol. 2, Edited by: Hope, Charles A., (University
of Oxford, 1975) p. 846-847, p. 846
5
Amberger, Christoph, Cristoph Amberger a Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle, In: Tiziano e le corti d’
Asburgo: nei documenti degli archivi spagnoli, Edited by: Mancini, Matteo (Venezia: Istituto veneto di scienze,
lettere ed arti, 1998) pp. 172-173
6
c.1505-1562
Page 1 of 15
the 1920s by Cano, a Madrid firm; is now in the Museo Nacional de Prado; measures 335 cm
x 283 cm, and received a wealth of political examinations.
Some comment on the painting‟s symbolism. For example, John Pope-Hennessy
observes the lack of symbolism.7 In contrast, Bruce Cole noted that “the painting symbolises
power and divinity.”8 Cole highlights the paintings symbolism. While others, including
Frances Yates9 and Patricia Meilman,10 view the painting as an imperial piece of propaganda.
Some, including Evelyn Welch, might assign this to the role of art in Italy, which had been an
ally of political control since antiquity.”11 My examination will contribute to this wealth by
focusing on the painting‟s association. Inspired by Bildwissenschaftler, including Frank
Lesske,12 I will focus on one single work, namely Titian‟s Equestrian Portrait of the Emperor
Charles V. Unlike most scholars, I will examine the painting‟s lack of content as opposed to
its content. I will analyse the painting‟s lack of a battle scene by considering Titian‟s
experience in painting violent scenes, the demand for violent pictures, Venetian „political
language‟ and the history of the title. This requires taking a slightly different starting position
than previous examinations.
Similar to some previous studies, my starting position assumes that artistic and
political language can be compared to each other because both are languages. However
unlike most analyses, it assumes that specific political languages can be compared to artistic
languages. The questions, which immediately come to mind, are: What do I mean by
„political language‟? What do I mean by „artistic language‟? By „artistic language‟, I merely
mean different artistic styles and moreover, the expression of political concepts, ideas and
views through art. Indeed, the term „political language‟ can be understood and analysed in
various ways.13 Here, I mean the „political languages‟, which circulated in the sixteenth
century. Regarding method, I will examine concepts; I will merely establish whether or not a
certain political language was used in a certain space, at a certain time and therefore, I
exclude methodological elaborations.14 My examination is based on the four different
7
Pope-Hennessy, John, The Portrait in the Renaissance (London: Phaidon, 1966) p. 176
8
Cole, Bruce, Titian and Venetian Painting, 1450-1590 (Boulder and Oxford: Westview Press, 1999) p.
148
9
Yates, Frances A., Astraea: The Imperial Theme in the Sixteenth Century (London and Boston:
Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975) p. 22. On propaganda: Veen, Henk T. v., Art and Propaganda in Late
Renaissance and Baroque Florence: the Defeat of Radagasius, King of the Goth, In: Journal of the Warburg and
Courtauld Institute, Vol. 47 (1984) Published by: The Warburg Institute, pp. 106-118. Christensen, Carl C.,
Princes and Propaganda: Electoral Saxon Art of the Reformation, In: Sixteenth Century Journal Publishers, Vol.
XX (Winter, 1993) Published by: Sixteenth Century Journal Publishers, pp. 955-958
10
Meilman, Patricia, An Introduction to Titian: Context and Career, In: The Cambridge Companion to
Titian, Edited by: Meilman, Patricia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004) pp. 1-32, pp. 25-26
11
Welch, Evelyn S., Art and Authority in Renaissance Milan (New Haven and London: Yale University
Press, 1995) p. 4
12
Lesske, Frank, Politikwissenschaft, In: Bildwissenschaft: Disziplinen, Themen, Methoden, Edited by:
Sachs-Hombach, Klaus, (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 2005) pp. 236-246
13
See: McNair, Brain, An Introduction to Political Communication (London and New York: Routledge,
2003). Howe, John R., Language and Political Meaning in Revolutionary America (Amherst: University of
Massachusetts Press, 2004)
14
E.g. Pocock, John G. A., Politics, language, and Time: Essays on Political Thought and History
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989). Vertessen, Dieter and Landtsheer, Christ‟l De, A metaphorical
Page 2 of 15
I also noted that „I will concentrate on the painting‟s lack of content‟. I am referring to
the lack of a battle scene, which is depicted in other works, for example, in Schlacht bei
Mühlberg und Gefangenschaft Johann Friedrichs.18 In the following, I will outline the
iconographic-iconological method and the perspective method in order to show they are
suitable for my examination. I am considering the former because it acknowledges
similarities between art and language. I will begin with Erwin Panofsky; subsequently, I will
consider more recent developments. I will highlight that some aspects of it are not suitable
while others are.
election style use of metaphor at election time, In: Political Language and Metaphor: interpreting and changing
the world, Edited by: Carver, Terrell and Pikalo, Jernej (London: Routledge, 2008) pp. 271-285
15
Pagden, Anthony, Introduction, To: The Languages of Political Theory in Early Modern Europe,
Edited by: Pagden, Anthony (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987) p. 3
16
Erasmus, Desiderius, To Andrew Ammonius 5th June, 1516, In: Opus epistolarum Des. Erasmi
Roterdami: denuo recognitum et auctum per, Edited by: Allen, P.S. (Oxonii: in typographeo Clarendoniano,
1906-58) p. 246
17
Gleason, Elisabeth G., Gasparo Contarini: Venice, Rome, and Reform (Berkeley and Oxford:
University of California Press, 1993)
18
Berlin, Deutsches Historisches Museum, seventeenth century
19
Panofsky, Erwin, Ikonographie und Ikonologie. Eine Einführung in die Kunst der Renaissance. In:
Sinn und Deutung in der bildenden Kunst, Edited by: Panofsky, Erwin (Köln: Dumont, 1975) pp. 36-67, pp. 38
f.
20
Barthes, Roland, Elemente der Semiologie (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1983) p. 53. Compare to
Imaginäre e.g. Wulf, Christoph, Bild und Phantasie. Zur historischen Anthropologie des Bildes. In: Bild –
Bilder – Bildung, Edited by: Schäfer, Gerd, and Wulf, Christoph (Weinheim: Dt. Studien Verl., 1999) pp. 331-
345
Page 3 of 15
painting, while an iconological approach dismantles the meaning of a painting.21 Both might
address issues of political language.
Although Panofsky‟s method seems comprehensive at first sight, looking closer one
notices drawbacks and the necessity for development. For example, Paul Taylor pleads for an
expansion by proposing at least ten levels of description22 to understand the artist‟s time.
Also, “it is much more difficult to transform abstract ideas like „patriotism‟ or „love of virtue‟
into concrete images”23 than a narrative. Therefore, the iconographic-iconological method
allows viewing the artist within his/her own time and environment, i.e. it allows seeing
Titian, who was born in Pieve di Cadore but spent most of his in Venice, as a „product‟ of the
same circle to which Contarini belonged.24 However, the method focuses on the content of
the painting and thus, it does not allow examining the lack of content.
In the following, I will outline the manner, in which the perspective method fulfils
this purpose by accounting on its recent revival and on its historical development. I will
conclude that the zenith point invites examining the lack of content.
21
Mitchell, William J.T., Picture Theory: essays on verbal and visual representation (Chicago and
London: University of Chicago Press, 1994) pp. 20 ff.
22
Taylor, Paul, Editor, Iconography without Texts. Warburg Institute Colloquia 13 (London & Turin:
Nino Aragno Editore, 2008)
23
Fröschl, Thomas, Republican Virtues and the Free State: Conceptual Frame and Meaning in Early
Modern Europe and North America, In: Iconography, Propaganda, and Legitimation, Edited by: Ellenius, Allen
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, and New York: Oxford University Press, 1998) pp. 253-275, p. 262
24
This was also noted by Riklin, Alois, Machtteilung: Geschichte der Mischverfassung (Darmstadt:
Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2006) p. 115
25
Foucault, Michel, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (London: Routledge,
2001) chapter 1
26
Searle, John R., Las Meninas and the Paradoxes of Pictorial Representation, In: Critical Inquiry, Vol.
6, No. 3 (Spring, 1980) Published by: The University of Chicago Press, pp. 477-488
27
Note: Foucault‟s and Searle‟s interpretation were also examined by Snyder, Joel and Ted, Cohen,
Reflexions on “Las Meninas”: Paradox Lost, In: Critical Inquiry, Vol. 7, No. 2 (Winter, 1980) Published by:
The University of Chicago Press, pp. 429-447
28
Rehkämper, Klaus, Bilder, Ähnlichkeit und Perspektive: auf dem Weg zu einer neuen Theorie der
bildhaften Repräsentation (Wiesbaden: Deutscher Universitäts-Verlag, 2002) p. 13. Also, see: Vogelmann,
Josef, Darstellende Geometrie (Würzburg: Vogel-Verlag 1976) p. 12
Page 4 of 15
Aristotle,29 Plato,30 and Euclid31 Leon Alberti theorized Filippo Brunelleschi‟s practice 32
and promoted one-point perspective.33 Based on his predecessors and the camera obscura,
Leonardo noted that seeing cannot be explained by means of parallel projection because
the picture is turned around twice in the eye and the size of an object viewed from a certain
distance appears to be proportionate to the increased or decreased distance. 34 Indeed, the
retina merely transforms patterns of light into patterns which can be further converted; it
selects rays of light that are useful and separates them from those which are not;35 i.e. we do
not see what we really see and consequently, the very function of linear perspective is not to
replicate seeing but the impressions of seeing. 36 Thus, the painting should show a battle
scene
Since the painting relates and refers to the Battle itself, I will consider the brutality of
the Battle. The Emperor‟s actions caused dispute amongst historians and his contemporaries.
Some historians, including Kleinschmidt37 and Blockman38 maintain that Charles V‟s
treatment of others hindered a peaceful settlement and made people turn against the
29
Aristotle, The Nicomachean Ethics of Aristotle, Translated by: Peters, Frank, H. (London: K. Paul,
Trench, Trübner, 1906) 438a
30
Plato, Theastetus of Plato (New York: Garland Pub, 1980) 156d-e
31
Euclid, Optica, In: The first six books of the Elements of Euclid, with notes, (Dublin: Thomas
Elrington, 1833)
32
Kemp, Martin, The Science of Art: optical themes in western art from Brunelleschi to Seurat (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1990) pp. 12 ff
33
Alberti, Leon B., De pictura praestantissime, et numquam satis laudata arte, libri tres absolutissimi
(Basileae: Thomas Venatorius, 1540)
34
Vinci, Leonardo Da, The Notebooks of Leonardo Da Vinci, Complete, Translated by: Richter, Jean P.,
Accessed via: http://www.gutenberg.org/catalog/world/readfile?fk_ files=8448&pageno=220, Accessed on:
09/10/2009
35
Hyman, John, The Imitation of Nature (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989) p. 77
36
Panofsky, Erwin, Die Perspektive als symbolische Form, In: Hamburg.-Kulturwissenschaftliche
Bibliothek Warburg. Vorträge Vol. 4 (1927) p. 104
37
Kleinschmidt, Harald, Charles V: The World Emperor (Stroud: Sutton, 2004) p. 186
38
Blockmans, Willem B., Emperor Charles V 1500-1558, Translated by: Hoven-Vardon, Isola v. d..
(London and New York: Arnold, 2002) p. 96
Page 5 of 15
Emperor.39 Thus, they suggest that the Battle was fought in a brutal manner. In contrast,
historians, including Martin Greschat,40 emphasise the righteousness of the Emperor‟s actions
considering the circumstances. A third group of historians, to which Scott Dixon belongs, is
less decisive and notes the difficult situation, in which the Emperor found himself.41 In
addition, some of Charles V‟s contemporaries reported that the Battle was conducted with
great brutality, while others took a rather dry position. However, before diving into analysing
the accounts I will briefly outline the distribution of men. The imperial troops encompassed
55,000 horsemen.42 In contrast, the Protestants combined 1000 horsemen.43
Regarding the accounts, some maintain that the rebels were brutally murdered. For
example, Dr. Ludwig Kremp„s letter to Jacob Sturm (Dorna, 28th April, 1547) reconfirms
this, as he noted that imperial troops killed 1000 foot soldiers when they hunted the Saxons
across the river.44 The account suggests that Charles V was at least responsible for the
brutality with which the Battle was fought as he should have restrained and controlled his
soldiers. On the other hand, Heinrich Lersener (27th April, 1547) noted that the Emperor sent
him ahead to ask Frederick whether or not he is willing to negotiate and thus, avoid
bloodshed. According to Lersener: „Da hab neben sein f.g. ich durch die Elbe gesetzt, und
das vornehmlich umb des befehls willen, den E.f.g. mir des Churfursten sach gethan, ob die
sach noch hett mugen zur Handlung bracht und blutverfiessen verhut werden.“ 45 The
secretary tried to negotiate between the two parties; however, he was unsuccessful. Also,
contemporaries who fought on the Emperor‟s side, including Don Luis of Avila, reported that
the Emperor began to incline to mercy, out of pity for such a great prince. 46 Avila meant the
Elector by “prince”. Avila described that pity overrode Charles V‟s rational judgment. In
Avila‟s view, the Elector should have been executed to save the Empire from decline and to
send a very clear message to those who fought on the Elector‟s side. Considering the
accounts, one concludes that Charles V was unable to stick to his goal of keeping bloodshed
to a minimum during the Battle. The accounts indicate great losses on Frederick‟s side and
cruel manners of fighting executed by the soldiers. It is this brutality, which one should
expect in a painting dedicated to the Battle.
39
Blaschke, Karlheinz, Moritz von Sachsen: Ein Reformationsfuerst, der Zweiten Generation
(Goettingen and Zuerich: Muster-Schmidt Verlag, 1984) p. 91
40
Greschat, Martin, Martin Bucer: Ein Reformer seiner Zeit (Munich: Verlag C.H. Beck, 1990) pp. 162
and 100
41
Dixon, Scott C., The Reformation and Rural Society: The parishes of Brandenburg-Ansbach-
Kulmbach, 1528-1603 (Cambridge, New York and Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1996) p. 60
42
Including Duke Eric of Brunswick, the Margraves Hans and Albrecht Alcibiades of Brandenburg and
Duke Maurice of Saxony
43
For details on numbers see: Held, Wieland, 1547 Die Schlacht bei Muehlberg/Elbe: Entscheidung auf
dem Wege zum albertinischen Kurfuerstentum Sachsen (Leipzig: Sax-Verlag Beucha, 1997) pp. 99 ff
44
Kremp, L., Dr. Ludwig Kremp an Jacop Sturm, In: Die Schlacht bei Mühlberg: Mit neuen Quellen,
Edited by:Lenz, M. (Gotha: Friedrich Andreas Berthes, 1879) p. 41
45
Lersener, H., Bericht 27 April 1547, In: Die Schlacht bei Mühlberg: Mit neuen Quellen, Edited by:
Lenz, M. (Gotha: Friedrich Andreas Berthes, 1879) p. 31
46
Àvila y Zúniga, Comentario de la guerra de alemania hecha por Carlos V. … en el ano 1546 y 1547
(Madrid, 1852)
Page 6 of 15
However, Titian‟s painting does not show a battle scene. In the following, I will attempt
to reason the exclusion of a battle scene. I will do this by elaborating on Renaissance views of
violence in art and the usage of it. I will highlight that there was a demand for violence in art
and that Titian had experience in painting violent pictures.
Renaissance scholars, who looked back to antiquity, took the view that the horrible
could be the subject matter of a beautiful painting. For instance, Giovan Battista Giraldi
Cinthio,47 who translated Aristotle‟s “fear and piety” as “terror” or “horror” and pity, argued
that horror was pleasurable.48 Aristotle assessed that unpleasant things are enjoyable because
one admires the artifice, not the subject.49 However by the sixteenth century, the urge for
religious works which depict violence arose out of the assumption that people feel piety while
gazing upon pictures of violence and this feeling encourages them to express their piety by
materialistic means. Scholars, including D‟Elia, noted that ecclesiastical art shifted from
“pastoral gentleness to one of tragic, even demonic violence”50 The productions of these
works increased because the Council of Trent encouraged them. The Council had changed the
attitude towards violence from one extreme to the other: while previously, violence was to be
avoided, now violence was desired in works of art. The reason behind this rests in its effect. It
was hoped that the spectators would side with those who are suffering and, consequently, the
spectator would donate to the Church. Therefore, there was an increasing demand for violent
works.
In addition, Titian was experienced in painting violent scenes and battle scenes. There
are a number of examples, including Jealous Husband, Rape of Lucretia. Titian‟s experience
of painting violent scenes regarded not only mythological subject matters but, also, secular
ones. Working on the Battle at Spoleto or Battle of Cadore gave Titian the opportunity to
demonstrate his skill in painting battle scenes.51 Titian intended to succeed Giovanni Bellini
in the Senseria of the Fondaco dei Tedeschi and, on 13th May, 1513, he offered it for the Sala
del Maggior Consiglio of the Palazzo Ducale. Although the project was accepted and Titian
received payments for it from 16th December, 1516 onwards; it was still unfinished by 1537.
Similar to the Mühlberg, the title of the painting developed over time. Early documents refer
to it as “the battle”, the battle on land” or “the story” as Aretino calls it in a letter dated
November 9, 1537: “l‟historia che dipignete nel palazzo di San Marco, per honorare i nostri
Signori”.52
Henceforth, neither trend nor Titian‟s experience can shed light on the question: Why
does the painting not show a battle scene? Consequently, one has to look for the answer to
this question elsewhere. The realm, which I suggest here, starts with iconography and
47
Born in Ferrara in 1504.
48
See his Discourse on the Composition of Tragedies and Comedies, which was first published in
Venice in 1554 and uses examples from his own play, Orbecche, 1541. For further details see e.g.: Morrison,
Mary, The Tragedies of G. B.Giraldi Cinthio (Lewston: Edwin Mellen Press, 1997)
49
Plato, Politics 4: 1448b
50
D‟Elia, Una R., The Poetics of Titian’s Religious Paintings (Cambridge and New York: University of
Cambridge Press: 2005) p. 68
51
Destroyed by fire; study in the Louvre
52
Aretino, Pietro, Quoted by: Tietze-Conrat, E., Titian‟s “Battle of Cadore”, In: The Art Bulletin, Vol.
27, No. 3 (Sep. 1945) Published by: The College Art Association, pp. 205-208
Page 7 of 15
iconology (the idea that one has to study an artist‟s environment) and bridges into political
language. It is with the question in sight that I now turn to Contarini‟s political language. I
will analyse whether or not his political language uses the language of the science of politics
because if it is indeed the case that political language and artistic language reflect each other
then the painting‟s lack of historical references should be mirrored in a lack of the language
of the science of politics in Contarini‟s text. I will emphasise that Contarini used the language
of the law of nature and the language of the science of politics.
Some scholars, including Michelle Fontaine and Constance Fureys, regard Gasparo
Contarini as a humanist.53 They group Contarini into the school of natural law because his De
Officio viri boni et probi episcopi elaborates on metaphysics in an Aristotelian manner.54
Contarini portrayed God as ultima causa and acknowledged humans‟ independence from
God because this specific work was requested by Reverendissme Praesul “de officio boni viri
ac probi episcope.”55 Pietro Lippomano was elected as Bishop of Bergamo and subsequently,
asked Contarini to write him a book on the office of a good bishop. Consequently,
Contarini‟s text shows terms with are associated with Aristotle because of the term of the
commission. However, even with reference to Contarini‟s political work, scholars, including
Edward Muir, asserted that Contarini describes the creation of Venice by using the human
body as a metaphor (common at the time).56 According to the metaphor, the nobility equals
the eyes, seeing and directing actions, and the plebeians (cittadini and popolani) equal the
limbs, which follow the orders of the eyes.57 In reciprocity, both depend on each other for
survival. At the same time, Contarini‟s political work uses the language of the science of
politics. A view which is supported by scholars, who think of Contarini as an “Italian
historian.”58 Recently scholars, including Scott Gordon, argue that “Contarini does not argue
that all nobles have a moral right, derived from God or natural law, to participate in the
government of the state; he views this simply as a prudential matter, a requirement of
stability.”59 Gordon suggests that Contarini used this comparison merely because it was
common at the time and moreover, that Contarini thought about governance in a pragmatic
manner. Gordon‟s emphasis on Contarini‟s pragmatism supports my position that Contarini
used the language of the science of politics because this language is pragmatic. Does
Contarini‟s text reconfirm this view?
53
Fontaine, Michelle M., For the Good of the City: The Bishop and the Ruling Elite in Tridentine
Modena, In: The Sixteenth Century Journal, Vol. 28, No. 1 (Spring, 1997) Published by: The Sixteenth Century
Journal, pp. 29-43, p. 41. Furey, Constance M., Erasmus, Contarini, and the religious republic of letters
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005) p. 90
54
Contarini, Gasparo, De Officio viri boni et probi episcopi, Edited by: Donnelly, John. P. (Milwaukee:
Marquette University Press, 2002)
55
Contarini, Gasparo, De Officio viri boni et probi episcopi, Edited by: Donnelly, John. P. (Milwaukee:
Marquette University Press, 2002) p. 26
56
Muir, Edward, Civic Ritual in Renaissance Venice (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981) p. 41
57
Contarini, Gasparo, De magistratibus, & de re publica Venetorum libre quinque (Basileae: Apud
Hieronymum Frobenium Episcopium, 1544)
58
Soll, Jacob, Empirical History and the Transformation of Political Criticism in France from Bodin to
Bayle, In: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 64, No. 2 (Apr., 2003) Published by: University of Pennsylvania
Press, pp. 297-316, p. 312
59
Gordon, Scott, Controlling the State (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 1999) p. 161
Page 8 of 15
Contarini‟s text begins by highlighting Venice‟s good reputation and praising Venice.
Subsequently, he emphasises its location must be credited to the divine and not human
because it protects Venice from enemies, including the successors of the Hunnes, who
destroyed Venetia. The destruction was followed by the unification of Padua, Aquilea,
Vderzo, Concordia and Altina, which led to the origin of the first building in 1100. Moreover,
it led Contarini to claim “immunis sempre ab hostili ui urbs Veneta perseuerauit.”60
Following, he substantiates his claim. According to Contarini: “Quam rem cum mecum ipse
considero, magnopere mirari soleo maiorum nostrorum sapientiam, indu striam, excellente
animi uirtutem, atc adeo incredibilem erga patriam charitatem. Fuere Athenis Lacedemone ac
Romae nunnulli ciues uitae probitate uiri: sed adeo pauci, ut multitudine obruti non multum
rei patriae prosuerint.”61 In this work, Contarini took the position of the narrator, referred to
the virtues of their ancestors and made comparisons to empires of the past in order to
emphasise Venice‟s magnificence. Thus, Contarini‟s treatise promotes the myth of Venice.
The myth included constitutional stability; excellence of the city‟s site; prudence of the ruling
class; harmony between nobility and ordinary citizens and fairness of justice.62
Henceforth, Contarini‟s text had an agenda, conveys a sense of pragmatism and
furthermore, it begins by outlining Venice‟s history, which includes references to emperies of
the past and thus, it can be concluded that Contarini‟s text shows the language of the science
of politics.63 In contrast, the painting does not use an equivalent to this language because it
lacks historical references. Consequently, it seems that Venetian Renaissance artistic and
political language were incompatible. Counter posing this finding, one might question
whether or not the painting truly relates to the Battle and was associated with the Battle since
its creation.
I will examine this matter by tracing the history of the title. Similar to art historians,
including Wilde,64 I will examine the contradiction between title and portrait and on this level
I will question whether or not the painting is a historical document of the Battle at Mühlberg
as pointed out by scholars, including Wulff65 and Hetzer.66 Contrary to the claim, made by
scholars, including Hetzer, that the relationship between the painting and the Battle emerges
to the viewer by merely looking at the work, I will demonstrate that this association was lost
over the centuries, and I will single out that the painting relates to the Battle at Mühlberg.
Today the painting wears the title Retrato ecuestre del emperador Carlos V, i.e. the
title as such does not connect the painting to the Battle; but, the following words,
60
Contarini, Gasparo, De magistratibus, & de re publica Venetorum libre quinque (Basileae: Apud
Hieronymum Frobenium Episcopium, 1544) p. 13
61
Contarini, Gasparo, De magistratibus, & de re publica Venetorum libre quinque (Basileae: Apud
Hieronymum Frobenium Episcopium, 1544) p. 14
62
Vivo, Filippo de, Information and Communication in Venice: rethinking early modern politics
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007) p. 43
63
Note: Contarini‟s view was bias and some references are inaccurate.
64
For example see Wilde, Johannes, Venetian Art from Bellini to Titian (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974)
65
Wulff, Oskar, Farbe, Licht…, In: Jahrbuch der Preussischen Kunstsammlungen, Vol. 62. (Berlin: Nicht
Angegeben, 1941) pp. 108-144, p. 140
66
Hetzer, Theodor, Tizian: Geschichte seiner Farbe, 3rd Edition (Frankfurt/M.: Klostermann, 1969) p. 36
Page 9 of 15
Regarding Hetzer‟s claim, I wish to highlight that these scholars ignore, or are unaware
of, Madrazo‟s elaboration on the painting in the appendix of the catalogue, 1854. Madrazo
elaborates on his reasons for changing the title. Madrazo acknowledges that the long standing
title lacks accuracy and misled scholars and viewers for centuries. However, due to recent
findings by a German historian, this lack and this misguidance can now be corrected.
Although, it is not immediate from Madrazo‟s elaboration that he means Leopold Ranke‟s
Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation70 but he does mention Ranke at one
occasion. Also, Ranke‟s book was noted by Eduardo Vehse in Historia de la casa de Austria,
which was published two years before this edition of the catalogue.71 Therefore, German
historians rediscovered the connection between the Battle and the painting after centuries.
Madrazo incorporated this connection into the title for reasons in order to be more accurate
and to correct the long persisted misguidance.
The painting was titled Charles V on horseback in editions before the Great Revolution.
For example, the catalogue of 1843 calls it “CarlosV á caballo.”72 Thus, there was no
reference to the Battle. In contrast, references to the painting, which were made in much
earlier centuries, noted the interconnection between the painting and the Battle. For example,
an inventory of the property of Mary of Hungary, which was compiled at Cigales on 19th
October, 1558, refers to the painting as “rretrato grande del emperador don Carlos, nuestro
senor, a cavallo, armado, con un morrion en la caveca e descubierto el rostro; estaba de la
suerte, que yba contra los reveldas, quando prendio al duque de Saxonia.”73 Although the
67
Museo Nacional del Prado, Galería On-Line, Accessed via:
http://www.museodelprado.es/coleccion/galeria-on-line/galeria-on-line/obra/el-emperador-carlos-v-a-caballo-en-
muehlberg/, Accessed on: 08/09/2009.
68
Spain during the Great Revolution see e.g. Kiernan, Victor E. G., The Revolution of 1854 in Spanish
History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966). Carr, Raymond, Spain 1808-1975 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982)
69
Madrazo, Pedro de, Catalogo de los cuadros del Real Museo de pintura y escultura de S.M./Redactado
con arreglo a las indicaciones del Director actual de este Real (Madrid : F.M. Alonso, 1854) p. 157
70
Ranke, Leopold v., Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Reformation (Koln: Phaidon Verlag)
71
Vehse, Eduardo, Historia de la casa de Austria, etc., primera (Hamburg, 1852) pp. 241-252
72
Madrazo, Pedro de, Catalogo de los cuadros del Real Museo de Pintura y Escultura de
S.M./Redactado con arreglo a las indicaciones del Director actual de este Real Establecimiento (Madrid:
Aguado, 1843) p. 144
73
Mary of Hungary‟s Inventory, In: Studies on the Sources and Documents Relating to the Life and
Work of Titian, Appendix, Edited by: Hope, Charles A. (University of Oxford, 1975) p. 1178. Pinchart, A.,
Page 10 of 15
inventory does not immediately link the painting to the Battle at Mühlberg, it does in the
course of its illustration of the painting. Also, Aretino‟s letter, written in April, 1548 notes
that the painting shows the Emperor in the armour which he wore during the Battle at
Mühlberg and on the horse which he rode in the Battle.74 Henceforth, the painting does relate
to the Battle at Mühlberg, but this relationship is not immediate because the painting does not
show a battle scene.
In conclusion, in order to reason the contradiction between the content of the painting
and its association I restored to a rather unconventional method by combining aspects of the
iconography- iconology method with aspects of the perspective method. This enabled me to
specifically focus on the Battle, and it enabled me to examine whether or not the
interrelationship between artistic and political language might explain the lack of a battle
scene. I also considered other possible issues but, none of the issues discussed shed light on
this controversy.
Although a Renaissance audience would have understood the painting on its historical
grounds; the interrelationship between the painting and the Battle was lost until it was
rediscovered by Ranke and introduced into the title by Madrazo in the nineteenth century. My
elaboration demonstrated that the painting was associated with the Battle in the sixteenth
century. However, the painting barely refers to its historical background because it does not
show a battle scene. This is incompatible with Titian‟s experience and the increasing demand
for violence pictures at the time. Moreover, the painting‟s artistic language does not
correspond to Venetian political language. I showed that Venetian intellectuals did employ
the language of political science, which uses historical references in order to substantiate its
arguments. However, the painting lacks historical references. It lacks any reference to the
Battle‟s brutality and the misery of war. In contrast to war, the painting shows a peaceful
landscape.
`Tableaux et sculptures de Marie d'Autriche, reine douairière de Hongrie', Revue universelle des arts, III, 1856,
pp. 127-46, with the inventory on pp. 139-41.
74
Aretino, Referred to by Hope, Charles A., Studies on the Sources and Documents Relating to the Life
and Work of Titian (University of Oxford, 1975) p. 106
Page 11 of 15
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