Ioannis Canani de Constantinopolitana Obsidione Relatio

Ioannis Canani de Constantinopolitana obsidione relatio
Byzantinisches Archiv
Begründet von Karl Krumbacher
Als Ergänzung zur Byzantinischen Zeitschrift

herausgegeben von Albrecht Berger
Band 30
Ioannis Canani
de Constantinopolitana
obsidione relatio
A Critical Edition, with English Translation,

Introduction, and Notes of John Kananos’ Account
of the Siege of Constantinople in 1422
Edited by
Andrea Massimo Cuomo
ISBN 978-1-5015-1090-8
e-ISBN (PDF) 978-1-5015-0288-0
e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-1-5015-0290-3
ISSN 1864-9785
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This book is dedicated to Katharina
Foreword
This book contains a new critical edition of John Kananos’ narrative of the Ottoman
siege of Constantinople in 1422. Its purpose is to give historians and curious readers
a fascinating narrative, with its original character restored.
The report of Kananos and its otherwise unknown author have been objects of con-
stant interest over the years; the brief account is, in fact, a valuable picture of the
first great Turkish siege of Constantinople taken by a shrewd eye-witness.
After the editio princeps by Leon Allatios in 1651, Kananos’ Diegesis was includ-
ed in the series Corpus Bonnense Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae (ed. Bekker) in
1838. Maria Elisabetta Colonna dedicated two important studies to this and provided
the text with the first complete translation into a modern language. Emilio Pinto
then published two critical editions, very close to Bekker 1838, in 1968 and 1977
respectively.
The historically relevant details contained in the Diegesis have been subject of
debate by historians and philologists such as Baynes 1949; Williams 1999; Turnbell
2004; Serrano Espinosa 2006; Harris 2007; Nicolle 2007; Shoemaker 2010; Philippi-
des – Hanak 2011. Kananos’ style, in turn, has been the object of acute remarks by
Hunger 1978 and Ševčenko 1981, but not systematically.
Recently, historians of the Ottoman Empire have also looked at Kananos as a
relevant historical source.
An important study, which thoroughly explores the siege of 1422, is Purdie
2009, an open-access MA thesis supervised by Professor John Melville-Jones, whom
I had the opportunity to meet in Perth (WA) in March 2014. Purdie 2009 offers the
first complete English translation of Kananos and provides the Diegesis with an
extensive historical commentary.
I have decided to design my edition to focus on three main objectives, the historical
aspects concerning Kananos’ account having been already thoroughly investigated.
First of all, I have aimed to edit the text more faithfully to the meaning of Ka-
nanos’ original intent. Recent paleographical and linguistic studies endorsed a new
critical edition of the Diegesis and ultimately, the style of the editions of medieval
(and vernacular) texts suggest more conservative and respectful editorial principles.
So this newly published Diegesis returns to the original vernacular character, as
several ‘normalizing’ and ‘Atticizing’ lectiones, due to later copyists and previous
editors, have been removed.
The second objective was to offer Kananos to the widest possible public. To this
end, I made a new translation, sympathetic to the re-edited text, and I provided it
with contextualizing footnotes. I also took into account Turkish sources, especially
VIII | Foreword
the Ottoman Anonymous Chronicles (ed. Giese 1922–1925; see Kastritsis 2007 and
2015) and studies, such as the above mentioned Brill Encyclopedia of Islam.
The third objective was to focus on philological and linguistic issues which, I
think, have been neglected. Thus, I tried to sketch the profiles of Kananos and of his
audience(s); the reasons for his stylistic choices; how he used his sources and the
characteristics of his Greek. Consequently, I kept historical remarks to a minimum.
The book is structured as follows.

Part 1, Introduction. I briefly survey the historical events which led to the siege
in 1422 and I contextualize the Diegesis. Here I describe the manuscripts and illus-
trate the paleographical evidence which required a new critical edition. Further-
more, I explain my editorial principles and how I approach texts written in a low-
registered variety of Medieval Greek. A survey on Kananos’ language concludes this
part. Highly inspiring, were the several discussions within the framework of the
Viennese Forum for Sociolinguistics (www.oeaw.ac.at/sociolinguistics), of Vedi Vienna
Editorial Initiative (www.oeaw.ac.at/byzanz/vedi.htm) and the meetings organized
both in Nicosia and in Vienna by Antonia Giannouli.
Part 2, Critical Edition, Translation and Notes. Here I offer a text with its re-
stored vernacular character, provided with a translation and commentaries ad lo-
cum, as I have already said.
As to the critical edition, I provided the critical text with two apparatus. First, I
recorded parallel passages and probable sources of some interesting locutions em-
ployed by Kananos. Furthermore, I quoted passages from other known historical
sources which also narrate the siege of Constantinople in 1422, in order to enable the
reader to compare Kananos with other accounts, side by side. In the second appa-
ratus, the criticus, I recorded all the different readings which are useful for the un-
derstanding of my editorial choices, and which illustrate the reception of the Die-
gesis throughout the centuries.
As far as the translation itself is concerned, I strove to be as true as possible to
the original and to reproduce in modern English the colors (including unusual
words, repetitions, pleonasms, variations of style, etc.) which I have identified in
the Greek source. However, I had Purdie 2009 as a valuable source. I hope to have
been close to the mark and beg the forgiveness of native speakers of English, who
may have reached the target with greater ease, giving an artistic translation.
Part 3, Thesaurus. Here I list, translate, and analyze all the words used by Ka-
nanos. I focus on their morphology and on how they appear in the manuscripts.
When registering prepositions and conjunctions, I also give examples illustrating
their grammar. My Thesaurus will serve as a complement to the paragraphs of Part 1
concerning the language of Kananos.
Foreword | IX
Now, after two years of intermittent work, I would like to express my gratitude to
Erich Trapp who coordinated the project, funded by the ‘Austrian National Fund’,
Imitation / Innovation: The Vocabulary of Late Byzantine History Writing, within the
framework of which this book has been conceived and realized. It has been a great
honor to work alongside him and see him successfully concluding his Lexikon zur
byzantinischen Gräzität. I am also most obliged to my colleagues in the Division of
Byzantine Research (Austrian Academy of Sciences) and to its head, Claudia Rapp.
They all – particularly Carolina Cupane, Christian Gastgeber, Jana Grusková, and
Andreas Rhoby – have supported me in every single phase of my research.
I wish I could keep the thanksgiving section shorter, but I really owe so many col-
leagues and friends so much! Theodora Antonopoulou, Daniele Bianconi, Ernst
Gamillscheg, Antonia Giannouli, David Holton, Wolfram Hörandner, Geoffrey Hor-
rocks, Elizabeth Jeffreys, Carlo Maria Mazzucchi, Ingela Nilsson, Claudia Römer,
Charlotte Roueché, Peter Schreiner, Raimondo Tocci all prevented me from making
more mistakes than I eventually did! Albrecht Berger, editor of the series Byzanti-
nisches Archiv, and the anonymous reviewers also made useful suggestions and
eased my work a lot. I owe thanks to Paul Chivers and Sophie Kenneally as well,
who looked over my writing and helped express my thoughts in English.
My sincere thanks go to Florian Ruppenstein (Editor Book Production – De Gruyter):

This book would not exist without his generous and professional help.
Unfortunately, despite these copious suggestions, the reader may still come across
several defects in my book. Being solely responsible for all of them, I sincerely apol-
ogize.
Vienna, March 2016

Contents
Works cited in abbreviation | XIII
1 Introduction | XXIX
2 The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi | XXXIII

2.1 The Manuscripts | XXXIII
2.1.1 Vaticanus graecus 579 fols. 355r – 364v = Vaticanus = V | XXXIII
2.1.2 Neapolitanus III B 26, fols. 1r – 10r = Neapolitanus = N | XXXVI
2.1.3 Vallicellianus ms. Allacci XCI = Vallicellianus = A | XXXVII
2.1.4 Critical editions, translations, and other studies | XXXVIII
2.2 Ratio Edendi. The present edition | XL
2.3 Punctuation | XLVI
2.3.1 Aims of the Byzantine punctuation | XLVII
2.3.2 Byzantine punctuation marks and their function. The practice
of V | XLVIII
2.3.3 The punctuation in the present critical edition | L
2.4 Apparatus | LIII
2.4.1 Apparatus II: The apparatus criticus | LIII
2.4.2 Apparatus I: The apparatus fontium seu comparandorum locorum.
Intra- and Intertextuality in Kananos | LIII
2.5 The language of Kananos: An overview | LXXI
Critical edition and English translation | 1
Thesaurus  | 45

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1 Introduction
John Kananos1 offers a vivid eye-witness account of the first serious Turkish attempt
at conquering Constantinople. The onslaught led by Murad II did not happen out of
the blue; on the contrary, it represented the most striking of a series of maneuvers
which the Osmans had launched against the Byzantine Empire for over a century.
In fact, when Osman (1288–1326, see EoI s.v.) came to power, a consistent and
inexorable countdown to the fall of Constantinople had already begun. But it was
under his son’s reign that the crisis of the Byzantine Empire reached the point of no
return. These are the highlights of Urkhan’s reign (1326–1359, see EoI s.v.): 1331,
siege and fall of Nikaia. 1336–1337, siege and fall of Nikomedeia and Pergamon.
1340, the Turks reach the Bosphorus. 1344–1346, alliance between John VI Kan-
takuzenos and Urkhan, who married John’s daughter, Theodora. 1352–1354, the
Turks plunder and devastate the regions of Thrace and Macedonia. “After 1354, the
Byzantine ‘Empire’ consisted of Constantinople, Thrace, Thessaloniki (which was
then accessible to the Byzantines only by sea) and its immediate hinterland, the
islands of the northern Aegean and the despotate of the Morea in the Peloponnese2.”
1359, the Turks are at the walls of Constantinople. They would attempt again to
conquer the city once more at the end of the 14th century, under the rule of Bayazid
I. 1358, the Emperor John V, father of the future emperor Manuel II (1391–1425),
acknowledges the Turkish conquests in Thrace. “Raids were soon followed by the
conquest of the cities: Didymoteichon, falling in 1361, Philippopolis, in 1363 and
Adrianople (Edirne), in 13693.” The only counter-trend can be seen under the sul-
tanate of Mehmed I (1413–1421), who gave Byzantium ten years’ respite.
During the reign of Bayezid I (r. 1389–1403) and during the so-called Ottoman
Interregnum (1402–14134), the Byzantines faced two Turkish attacks, in 1394–1402
and in 1411 respectively5.
||
1 The name of Kananos first appeared quoted in printed books in 1649, when Ismael Bullialdus
(Ismael Boulliau 1605–1694) wrote a very interesting remark in his Ad Ducae Michaelis Ducae Nepo-
tis Historiam Notae. When commenting on the words Ἐν ὀλίγαις δὲ ἡμέραις (Dukas 28,2 = Grecu
231,12), he refers to our siege and notes: “Constantinopoleos obsidionem Phranzes refert ad anni
mundi 6930 ut et Iohannes Cananus, brevi a doctissimo clarissimoque viro Leone Allatio edendus
(p. 251, error in indice).” In this chapter, I am going to sketch Kananos’ profile, although all we
know about Ioannes Kananos, is what we can infer from his Diegesis. Several encyclopedia entries
have been written on Kananos, but only very few of them, such as Kolditz 2013, are worth remem-
bering.
2 Laiou 2008: 827–828.
3 Laiou 2008: 828.
4 See The Oxford Anonymous Chronicle, ed. Kastritsis 2007.
5 See below part 2, n. 6.
XXX | Introduction
During these years, moreover, Byzantine emperors were obliged to pay tribute to the
Ottoman Sultan. Manuel II, protagonist of the siege of 1422 alongside his son, John
VIII, was even forced to follow the Sultan on campaign and became, in effect, one of
his vassals. He was well aware of the Turkish danger6: “Given the city’s isolation in
the midst of the Turkish territory, it was inevitable that sooner or later the Ottoman
Sultans would attempt to capture it and so remove what had become an anomalous
enclave within their domains7.” In a desperate attempt to save his capital, Manuel II
tried everything he could. For example, he was active in diplomatic missions in the
West, while he tried to establish and reinforce neighborly relationships with the
Turks8.
It was within this framework of decline that Murad II (r. 1421–1451) besieged
Constantinople, firmly determined to conquer it. Kananos, who must have been old
enough to have experienced the two previous sieges9, does not explain the causes
which led to the Turkish attack. After all, he only aims to “give an account of the
extraordinarily famous miracle of the Panagia and of the Turkish attack on us and of
the siege of the city”, starting from “the decisive phase of that very cruel conflict”.
He also explicitly declares he would not handle “the hows, and wherefores, and
whys” of the siege. After a short preface and a prologue, Kananos brings his audi-
ence directly in medias res; the opening scene presents Michal Bey and his incur-
sions10, paving the way for the arrival of Murad II.
The opening quotation11 may indicate a critique, in which Kananos addresses
the imperial policy12. There is a common belief among historians that Murad II at-
tacked Constantinople because he wanted to take revenge on Byzantium. See for
example, Bartusis (1992: 117): “When Mehmed I died in 1421, the emperors put forth
the pretender Mustafa as the Byzantine candidate in the tussle for the Ottoman
throne. The next year, after Mustafa was defeated and executed by Mehmet’s son
Murad II, it was necessary to teach Byzantium a lesson.” And also Barker 2010: “Fol-
lowing the Ottoman Turkish wars of succession […], the Byzantine government en-
||
6 See e.g. the letters between Manuel and Demetrios Kydones (e.g. Loenertz 1960 II: 175, l. 80;
German translation by Tinnefeld 1981–2003: III, 93; Dennis 1977: 42–49; 54–57). See also Pertusi
1976 I: x–xi.
7 Harris 2007: 181.
8 See Dennis 1977: xiii–xvii.
9 See Part 2, n. 6.
10 See below, Part 2, ll. 19–24.
11 From the book of Tobit (12,7): “It is good to hide the secret of a king, but it is glorious to reveal
the works of God.”
12 Kananos may then be alluding here to the fact that the Palaeologoi are responsible for the Turk-
ish attack, either because they pursued the union of the Churches (in this case the Turks are seen as
a divine curse caused by the imperial ‘apostasy’); or because they intervened in Turkish war of
succession in 1421 (see below).
Introduction | XXXI
joyed outwardly friendly relations with the victorious Sultan Mehmed I (r. 1412–
1421). Upon his death, a ‘war’ faction, led by young John VIII Palaiologos, co-
emperor and regent for his aged father, Manuel II […], rashly chose to intervene in
Turkish affairs. Disdaining the legal successor, Murad II […], John backed a rival
claimant to the Ottoman throne. However, John misjudged both the ungrateful pre-
tender and the formidable young Sultan. In January 1420 Murad brought his forces
against the pretender, who was quickly suppressed. Now would avenge himself on
Byzantium by attacking the great city of Constantinople.”
This thesis appears in HistTurk (59,36) and Dukas (27,7; 28,1–2) as well. The lat-
ter extensively narrates the Byzantine interference in the Turkish Wars of Succes-
sion. When Dukas recounts the death of Mustafa, the pretender to the throne of
Murad who was executed by hanging as a common criminal, he reports that Murad
wanted to convince his people “that 〈Mustafa〉 was not Bayezid’s son, and therefore
a descendant of Othman, but an impostor created by Emperor Manuel Palaiolo-
gos13.”
As we have seen, Kananos’ account focuses on the final phase of the siege and on
the liberation of the city at the hands of the Mother of God. Nevertheless, Kananos
narrates with great accuracy, the arrival of the Turkish vanguard and its plundering
force on June 10, as well as the appearance of Murad II with the greater part of the
army, about 10,000 men, ten days later. Generally, we can consider John Kananos to
be one of the most reliable and interesting sources of the Constantinopolitan siege
in 1422. In the following pages, we will look more closely at the value of his histori-
cal account, and to compare it with other Greek sources.
The siege lasted from June until the end of August; the blockade was only broken
when Murad II had to subdue a revolt caused by a pretender to the throne14. That is
not, of course, the cause described by Kananos, who ascribes the victory of the Ro-
mans solely to the miraculous intervention of the Mother of God15. The special pro-
tection of God and of the Virgin Mary, which Constantinople enjoyed in 1422, was
also echoed in later accounts, such as those by Sphrantzes, ChronMioni nr. 39 and
by Pero Tafur16; as well as in ChronBrev17.
||
13 Grecu 229,7–9; Magoulias 1975: 160.
14 See EoI, s.v. Murad II: “This siege was raised, either by the effect of Byzantine gold (through the
intermediary of the graecophile vizier Ibrāhīm Pas̲h̲a) or as a result of the rise of a new pretender in
Iznīḳ in the person of Murād’s younger brother Muṣṭafā. The latter was eventually betrayed by his
former supporter Ilyās Pas̲h̲a and killed.” Dukas, Chalk., HistTurk as well, suggest that the Byzan-
tine diplomacy may have been responsible for the Turkish withdrawal.
15 See Harris 2007: 182.
16 See Harris 2007: 182, n. 27; Tafur: 141–142; Philippides – Hanak 2011: 495–497 (495, n. 69).
17 9,49; 13, 1–4; 22,34; 94A, 5 ed. Schreiner 1975–1979.
XXXII | Introduction
Before sketching Kananos’ profile and analyzing the historical and literary value of
his account later in this chapter, I briefly describe the manuscript witnesses and
explain how I edited Kananos’ Diegesis.
2 The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
The text of Ioannes Kananos’s Diegesis, which I present here, is essentially based on
the oldest copy of the Διήγησις, which is preserved in the Vaticanus graecus 579 ff.
355r–364v (hereafter Vaticanus or V). In fact, the other two surviving manuscripts of
Kananos’ narrative (in)directly descend from V, namely, the Neapolitanus III B 26,
ff. 1r–10r (hereafter Neapolitanus or N), written by Alexandros Laskaris18 in Rome in
the milieu of the Collegio Greco between the end of the 16th and the beginning of
the 17th century and the Vallicellianus ms. Allacci CIX, dossier number 19, ff. 196r–
200v (hereafter Vallicellianus or A), written by Leon Allatios shortly after the Nea-
politanus, in the same cultural context. The latter is the direct apographon of N.
In this chapter, I firstly describe the three manuscripts and their relationships.
Then I demonstrate that the best text of Kananos has been transmitted by V. In addi-
tion, I elucidate the criteria I followed in preparing my edition and in presenting the
critical text. I focus particularly on the problems of editing vernacular texts and
explain why I have opted for being a conservative editor, declining to ‘standardize’
and ‘classicize’ Kananos’ use of Greek.
Later in this chapter, I also illustrate why I set the punctuation according to the
Dionysian rules – which are the same rules followed by Kananos and the scribe of V
– and how this system works. Additionally, I describe how I designed the apparatus
of the references and the apparatus criticus. This gives me the opportunity to focus
on intra- and intertextuality in Kananos’ account. I am aware that this information
is usually found in its own chapter – maybe entitled something like ‘The Author’s
Library’ – but I prefer to deal with those issues at that point, when I describe the
apparatus locorum comparandorum.
2.1 The Manuscripts

2.1.1 Vaticanus graecus 579 fols. 355r – 364v = Vaticanus = V
The oldest copy of Kananos’ Diegesis is now preserved in the miscellaneous manu-
script V19. More precisely, it is about a binio, 2 × 2, fols. 355–358, and a quaternio,
3 × 4 fols. 359–36520. There is not any direct evidence that the present composition of
||
18 On Alexandros Laskaris, see: Peri 1970: 10, and in the ‘Appendice’; Fyrigos 1979: 39 (nr. 36);
Tsirpanlis 1980: 276–277 (nr. 33) and 770; Tsirpanlis 1983; RGK 3, nr. 13; De Gregorio 2012: 1065–
1066.
19 See Devreesse 1937: 490–496 and Cuomo 2013: 53–60.
20 The page corresponding to fol. 365 is missing: It must have fallen or been cut out at the time of
copying. Any lacuna in the text can be spotted.
XXXIV | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
the quires is original; an invasive restoration of the manuscript under the papacy of
Pius IX not only provided the entire manuscripts with a new binding but also
pruned the margins of several folios, maybe even cutting out any trace of original
numbering of the quires21. Although we can detect Greek crosses in the upper mar-
gins of fols. 356r, 359r, 362r and 365r, they do not seem to indicate anything. How-
ever, the position of the Diegesis within the miscellaneous Vatican manuscript (i.e.
the penultimate quire of V) seems not to have changed throughout the centuries.
Watermarks are detectable on fols. 356–357; 359–364; 360–363; but it is very
hard to sketch them precisely. The example on fol. 356, nevertheless, is very similar
to “Fleur 118” of Harlfinger 1978 (a. 1425 in the codex Marc. gr. Z 575 [= 849]; scribe:
Nikolaos Phagianes22).
Unfortunately, I was not able to identify the scribe; nevertheless, I see that his
handwriting is similar to that of Matthaios Kamariotes23, and in certain aspects, also
to that of Georgios Scholarios, Kamariotes’ teacher24. Plate 1 illustrates an example
of this unascribed hand.
The Vatican copy is closely related to the scribe and writer of short chronicles
Phlamules Kontostephanos25. He is the last known owner of the Vaticanus26 and he
bound the Diegesis between two texts written by himself27: More precisely, between
the quaternion 4 × 4 (fols. 347–354), containing a religious Kanon28, and the last
quire of the entire manuscript, the quaternion 4 × 2 (fols. 366–371)29.
In addition, it was probably Kontostephanos himself who provided the copy
with a title (in red ink) and also added some of the missing letters in ekthesis. The
||
21 As it happened in f. 250v. See also fols. 229r, 236v, 237r, 244v and Cuomo 2013: 58, n. 41 and 42.
22 See Cuomo 2013: 54.
23 RGK 1, 269; 2, 365.
24 However: “Die Hand des Kamariotes sollte nicht mit der seines Lehrers Georgios Scholarios
(Gennadios II) verwechselt werden (Harlfinger 1974: 24).” On Scholarios see RGK 1,71; 2,92; 3,119;
Barbour 1981: xxiii; 95.
25 On Kontostephanos’ biography see PLP 13127, RGK 3,599 and Cuomo 2013: 55–56.
26 Kontostephanos must have acquired the Vaticanus when both were still in Lesbos. See Cuomo
2013: 56: “Nel primo quarto del xv secolo egli (i.e. Kontostephanos) visse a Lesbo, di cui scrisse una
breve cronaca (i.e. it is preserved in the Vat. gr. 876, fols. 1 and 8. See Schreiner 1975: 222–223). Da
Lesbo, che lasciò al più tardi nel 1424, raggiunse Costantinopoli […] dove svolse una prolifica attivi-
tà di copista.” See also Stefec 2012: 135, n. 167.
27 See Cuomo 2013: 53–58.
28 The Kanon celebrates an icon of the Virgin in Lesbos, as we read in the title: Kανὼν ψαλλόμενος
εἰς θαυματουργοῦσαν εἰκόνα τῆς παναγίας, see f. 349v: ...νῆσος Μιτυλήνη ἠξίωται τῆς σῆς εἰκόνος
ἀειπάρθενε ὁρᾶν, ἣν ἐκ δυσώπει πάντοτε βλάβης ἐκ παντίας (sic) φυλάττεσθαι. As far as I know, the
text is still unedited.
29 It transmits the Ptochoprodromi versus ad imperatorem (ed. Eideneier 1991 [= Id. 20122]: IV Τοῦ
Πτωχοπροδρόμου πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα κ. Μ. Κομνηνὸν τὸν Πορφυρογέννητον 139–175).
The Manuscripts | XXXV
title, on the one hand, did not belong to the original project, and whoever copied it
also miscalculated the place. As Plate 1 shows, we can see that the main scribe drew
the decoration in the upper margin of fol. 355r, also using a different kind of red ink
in comparison to that used for the title. One could still argue that the main copyist
wrote the title later, when he eventually had the correct red ink at his disposal. Never-
theless, the title was clearly added by a different hand because the ductus and some
ligatures (such as περὶ, παρ’ ὀλίγον, παρὰ) never appear in the Diegesis, whereas
they are common in Kontostephanos’ writings30.
On the other hand, the transmitted text of the Diegesis is divided into para-
graphs. At the end of each narrative section, the copyist of V writes a teleia and
begins the next sentence after a longer space. The first letter of the following line is
(usually) a capital, written in red and in ekthesis. Some of those letters, however,
are still missing, as the copyist did not rubricate them all.
If Kontostephanos actually is the one who provided the Diegesis with its title (as
I think), he firstly annexed Kananos’ narrative to the Vaticanus after his autograph
copy of a Canon to the Virgin of Mytilene and only then wrote the title in red ink. In
fact, it is still possible to see red blots in the upper margin of fol. 354v. Similarly, the
letters in ekthesis were also rubricated after the binding of the copy: The T and K on
fol. 356r have caused ink blots on fol. 355v. In addition, on fols. 358v, 359r, 359v and
360r, the teleiai majores after κατεδίκασα (l. 20), Μαχουμέτη (l. 11), ταῦτα (l. 12), and
πάντας (l. 5), have been re-written in red and have stained the respective facing
folios.
To recapitulate, if we only considered the handwriting of the anonymous scribe, we

would date V back to the second half of the 15th century31. Nevertheless, I believe
that the Vatican copy of the Diegesis was written in Constantinople around the mid-
15th century at the latest, because it belonged to Kontostephanos, who is known to
have been an active scribe in Byzantium until the 1450’s. In addition, it is Kon-
tostephanos who included the Diegesis in his miscellaneous manuscript (the Vat. gr.
579). He must have been interested in the content of Kananos’ narrative, which cel-
ebrates the liberation of Constantinople from the Turkish siege as a miracle of Mary.
In fact, the entire Vaticanus contains both historical texts related to Lesbos and
Constantinople and religious texts; Kontostephanos himself shows a certain devo-
tion to the Blessed Virgin32. In respect thereof, one could quite possibly believe that
||
30 See Cuomo 2013; see plate 1.
31 In the first half of the 15th century, we see slightly different hands active in Constantinople, such
as: Georgios Dokeianos (RGK 3,100); Georgios Chrysokokkes (RGK 2,95; 3,127); Ioannes Eugenikos
270 (RGK 2,217; 3,270).
32 On this point, see Cuomo 2013: 56–58.
XXXVI | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
Kananos’ short account has survived thanks to another miracle of the Mother of
God.
2.1.2 Neapolitanus III B 26, fols. 1r – 10r = Neapolitanus = N
The Neapolitanus was copied by Alexandros Laskaris at the end of the 16th century
and contains:
In the first quire (fols. 1–10): Ioannis Canani de Constantinopolitana obsidione
relatio. In the following quires (fols. 11–148): Ioannis Cinnami Epitome rerum ab
Ioanne et Alexio Comnenis gestarum ed. A. Meineke, Ioannis Cinnami Epitome
(CSHB 26). Bonn 1836: 3–300.
The composition of the quires can be schematized as follows: 1 × 10 (10), 1 × 8
(18), 13 × 10 (148).
According to the persuasive presentation which Raimondo Tocci held in Hamburg

in September 2013 at the 8th Colloque International de Paléographie Grecque, the
Neapolitanus was realized by Alexandros Laskaris (* Constantinople ca. 1572 –
† Zakynthos [Ζάκυνθος] after 1601), who studied philosophy and theology at the
Collegio Greco in Rome between 1581 and March, 159733.
Laskaris makes a short annotation on fol. 146r: In decimi tertii folii margine, Vat-
icani codicis infra scripta uerba: Περὶ τοῦ κάστρου τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως οἷον ἦν
τότε, καὶ οἷον ἐστὶ νῦν etc. That Greek scholion, whose title I have just reported, has
been copied from the Vaticanus gr. 163, fol. 233r, where we can still read the original
handwriting of Ioannes Chortasmenos34. This information represents one of the
strongest arguments used by Tocci 2011 to demonstrate that the Vat. gr. 163 was the
antigraphon of the Neapolitanus (as far as Kinnamos’ Epitome is concerned): “Der
Text des Ioannes Kinnamos beginnt im Vat. gr. 163 auf f. 221r, und die autographe
||
33 See below, plate 2, Laskaris’ handwriting. Further examples can be found in RGK 3C, plate 7.
Tocci 2013 was the first to identify Laskaris’ hand in N. On Laskaris, see RGK 3A, nr. 13: “Geboren ca.
1572, aus Konstantinopel, Bruder des Konstantinos Laskaris, Neffe des Patriarchen Jeremias II. [who
was Patriarch of Constantinople three times between 1572 and 1595]; 1581 am Collegio Greco in Rom
belegt, studiert Philosophie und Theologie, lehrt Altgriechisch und Latein; 1596 Lektor, verläßt das
Kolleg 1597, 1601 als Vikar des lateinischen Bischofs auf Zakynthos, wo er auch stirbt.” See also
above, note 18. On Patriarch Jeremias II Tranos, see De Gregorio 2012: 1066, n. 25 with bibliography.
34 The entire scholion can be read in: Lampros, ΝE 5 (1908): 260sqq.; in Hunger 1969: 16 (with a
German translation); in Pinto 1977: 38 n. 3 (with an Italian translation and several changes in the
Greek text). See also Cuomo 2014 s.v. σκευή: “Il τότε del titolo si riferisce all’imperatore Corrado III
che osservò con meraviglia le mura di Costantinopoli secondo la narrazione di Cinnamus (Vat. gr.
163 f. 233r ultime otto righe = ed. Bonn 74,19–75,10), ai margini della cui Epitome rerum il Chorta-
smenos appuntò questa nota.”
The Manuscripts | XXXVII
Marginalie des Chortasmenos steht auf f. 233r, also exakt auf dem 13. Folioblatt. Dies
belegt eindeutig, dass der Kopist des Neapolitanus sowohl für die Marginalie des
Chortasmenos als auch für die Epitome des Ioannes Kinnamos den Vat. gr. 163 als
Vorlage benützte35.”
In addition to Laskaris’ Latin note, the Neapolitanus also transmits two nota-
tions, written by a later hand, namely: ‘n. 579 prope finem’, on fol. 1r (where Kanan-
os’ Diegesis begins) and ‘ex. Codice Vaticano fol. 163. Io. Cinnamus Historia’, on f. 11r
(where Kinnamos begins). It is clear that both comments have been written by a
scholar who was familiar with the fundus Vaticanus and who was also able to find
out that our Vaticanus, the “n. 579”, contains “prope finem” Kananos and that the
Vat. gr. 163 contains Cinnamos with, “in decimi tertii folii margine”, the same mar-
ginal note of the Neapolitanus36. As far as Kananos is concerned, the collatio sup-
ports this scenario. Unfortunately, the author of these two precious comments is still
unknown. At first, I thought that Leon Allatios had made them, as he had access
both to the Vatican collection and to the Neapolitanus; but this assumption cannot
be supported by evidence, as Allatios’ Latin handwriting looks quite different.
2.1.3 Vallicellianus ms. Allacci XCI = Vallicellianus = A
The most recent copy of Kananos’ Diegesis, transcribed by Leon Allatios, is pre-
served in the ms. XCI, Fondo Allacci of the Biblioteca Vallicelliana in Rome, dossier
nr. 19, fols. 196r–200v.
Both the collatio37 and what I have written about the Neapolitanus indicate that
A is an apographon of N, thus the Vallicellianus is irrelevant as far as the constitutio
textus is concerned. Allatios is already known to have also copied the text of Kin-
namos’ Epitome from the same Neapolitanus: According to Tocci (2011: 125–130),
Allatios’ transcript of Kinnamos is preserved in the Vaticanus Barberinus gr. 192
fols. 24r–58v.
Despite being a copy of N, the Vallicellianus contains some errores separativi (A
vs N). I believe they can be explained as Allatios’ attempts to ‘normalize’ and ‘cor-
rect’ the vernacular Greek used by Kananos – furthering those already made by N.
Nonetheless, one could also suspect them of being the result of a comparison with
V. In fact, the manuscript Allacci XCI also contains (dossier nr. 30) a catalog of the
Vatican manuscripts which transmit historically relevant texts. The seventh work
listed therein by Allatios himself is precisely the Diegesis of Kananos. I transcribe
||
35 Tocci 2011: 126.
36 See Tocci 2011 for the relationship between the Kinnamos’ copies of the Vat. gr. 163 and of the
Neapolitanus.
37 See apparatus criticus.
XXXVIII | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
Allatios’ note for the first time here: “Ἰωάννου τοῦ Κανανοῦ διήγησις περὶ τοῦ ἐν
Κωνσταντινουπόλει γεγονότος πολέμου κατὰ τὸ ,ϛϡλ ἔτος, ὅτε Ἀμουράτ Πεις
παρέπεσε ταύτῃ μετὰ δυνάμεως βαρείας, καὶ παρ’ ὀλίγον κατέλαβε ταύτην, εἰ μὴ ἡ
ὑπεράγιος θεοτόκος ταύτην ἐφύλαξεν· ἡ ἀρχὴ: μυστήριον βασιλέως etc. 579 in fine. Et
in medio alia.” This entry is particularly important for at least three reasons. Firstly,
it displays the same title we find in the Vallicellianus and in Allatios’ editio princeps,
which clearly differs from those we find in Vaticanus and Neapolitanus38. Secondly,
it demonstrates that Allatios knew the Vaticanus, because he quoted its call number
‘579’. Thirdly, it reveals that at the beginning of the 17th century, Kananos’ Diegesis
was already in the same position in the Vatican manuscript (in fine) as it is today.
The collatio, however, does not clearly demonstrate that the Vallicellianus is a con-
taminated copy. On the contrary, Allatios undoubtedly took into account the Vati-
canus when he prepared the editio princeps of Kananos’ Diegesis for the Corpus
Parisinum Historiae Byzantinae in 1651.
2.1.4 Critical editions, translations, and other studies
There are four editions of Ioannes Kananos’ Διήγησις: Allatius 1651 (= Allatios/
Allacci/All.), Bekker 1838 (= Bekker/Bekk.), Pinto 1968 and 1977.
Bekker 1838 sometimes corrects Allatios’ edition without advising. Even though
Bekker did not consult VNA, most of his emendations to the text of Allacci 1651 re-
store the original text transmitted by the manuscripts. Surprisingly, Pinto 1968 and
1977 represent a step backwards in respect of Allacci and Bekker. Apart from his
apparatus of references, Pinto 197739 gives false information40. After having com-
pared Colonna 1957a and Pinto 1977, I presume that the latter trusted too much in
Colonna’s collatio of the manuscripts, as both works often share the same mistakes.
All these editions and Colonna 1957a being so imprecise, I decided to collate all the
manuscripts and editions myself, and to comprehensively report the result of this
collatio in my apparatus criticus41. Thus, I trust I can demonstrate that V is the pre-
served archetypon of the entire manuscrit tradition of Kananos’ Diegesis. Moreover,
we should always bear in mind that both Laskaris and Allatios felt entitled to amend
and normalize the Greek of Kananos, particularly when we deal with the not infre-
||
38 See below apparatus criticus ll. 1–4, and plates 1–3.
39 The 1977 contains several important changes and can be considered as Pinto’s definitive word
on Kananos.
40 Here some examples: on p. 61 παλάμης ante ἀγάπης add V (which is impossible); pp. 62, 63
προορατικὸς All. (which is erroneous, because Allatios reads προωρατικὸς, as the mss. do: προο- is
a moderation made by Bekker); p. 67 τὰς om. N (which is false as well, because all the manuscripts,
not only N, omit the article there), etc.
41 See below, 2.4.1.
The Manuscripts | XXXIX
quent errores separativi (V : NA) or lectiones in which A is alone. This implies that
we do not need to suppose another origin for those differences: Laskaris’ and Al-
latios’ bravura is a sufficient and plausible explanation for their interventions.
Nevertheless, the most controversial errores separativi (V : NA) must be listed here
(numbers refer to the lines of my edition):
153–154 Μουσουλμάνων V] Τουρκῶν NA. See 152.

157 ἑωρᾶτο τοῖς πᾶσιν NA] ἑῶρα τοῖς πᾶσιν V.
192 μετὰ βοῆς καὶ κραυγῆς καὶ ὁρμῆς scripserat V sed postea ordinem immutavit eadem m1 β
super βοῆς et α super ὁρμῆς addens. Pristinum servaverunt NA. This correction is barely visible
in V (f. 360v ll. 11–12; manus prima). It suggests that N (and A) did not copy from the same
source as V, where the text is evidently supposed to have the correct order (i.e. as in Vp.corr.). In
fact, if NA had copied from the antigraphon of V, they would not show the same (incorrect)
word order as Va.corr.; unless, of course, they had independently made the same mistake as
Va.corr..
301 μάχιμα τούτων V (cf. 214; 326–327)] μαχιμώτατα τούτων ΝΑ.
326–327 τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον V] τοῦτο ἔργον NA.
362 τῶν Τούρκων V] non habent ΝΑ.
Let us now turn our attention to some of the most significant errores conjunctivi.
Actually, they should rather be seen as mistakes of V which have been duplicated in
NA as well.
76 μέσον Ῥωμανοῦ τοῦ ἁγίου καὶ τῆς Χαρσῆς τε τὴν πύλην VNA, edd.] There is no grammatical
basis for τε τὴν πύλην. I discuss this passage below.
131 τις Bekk. ] τίς VNA, All. I do not see I can justify this type of stress.
249 κραυγὰς VNΑ (cf. 251), pro κραυγάσ〈ας〉?
218 Τατάρων scripsi (cf. Dukas 229,17 Τατάρων)] Ταρτάρων edd., Τάρων sic VΝΑ.
282–283 καὶ ἕτερος ἕτερον · καὶ ἄλλος ἄλλον · καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλων ἀλλήλοις … ἠγωνίζοντο VNA,
edd.] There is no grammatical basis for the accusatives ἕτερον and ἄλλον, which are incom-
plete without a πρός. Additionally, the phrase πρὸς ἀλλήλων ἀλλήλοις is also problematic. I
discuss this passage below.
354 μὲ θράσους καὶ ὁρμῆς edd. ] μὲ θράσος καὶ ὁρμῆς VNA.
In conclusion, Kananos has been translated into Italian four times: Colonna 1957;
Pinto 1968 and 1977; Conca 1984 (20042); and once into English: Purdie 2009. My
translation and notes were written with those studies very much in mind. Several
historians, moreover, have also quoted and translated into English some passages
from Kananos’ Diegesis42.
||
42 See e.g. Bartusis 1992; Barker 1969; Baynes 1949; Geanakoplos 1984; Philippides – Hanak 2011.
XL | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
2.2 Ratio Edendi. The present edition

In his introduction, Kananos himself declares that he would use a low-registered
Greek; V transmits a text in step with Kananos’ stylistic choices; V is the best manu-
script witness. For these reasons, in my publication, I think it is my duty to print the
text of V and to clearly distinguish between vernacular features and mistakes in the
text of the Vaticanus; which entails preserving the former and correcting the latter.
In fact, despite its closeness to Kananos’ age and milieu, and despite being the best
manuscript witness of the Diegesis, the Vatican copy is not an autograph of Kana-
nos and thus it can (and also needs to) be critically emended. Nowadays, electronic
databases, such as TLG, LBG, and the development of lexicographic (see e.g. Kria-
ras) and linguistic studies43, provide editors with invaluable material which make
this task possible.
In the previous paragraph (2.1), I affirm that N, and its apographon A, derive from V.
Furthermore, I also show that both N and A aim to correct Kananos – particularly
his orthography – with the purposes of a) making it more consistent; b) normalizing
it, since Laskaris and Allatios emend the text according to the grammatical and
orthographical rules, with which they were familiar. In another publication44, I
stress Kananos’ rhetorical skills and education45, and suggest that his choice of writ-
ing in the vernacular register has a pragmatic (i.e. communicative) function. I be-
lieve therefore that a critical edition of Kananos’ Diegesis must respect its author’s
stylistic choices, and thus cannot move too far from the best manuscript witness (V),
which preserves the vernacular characteristics that Kananos himself opted for.
It is now necessary to draw attention to everything that this editorial principle im-
plies. I am well aware that scribes sometimes became hesitant and inconsistent.
They would nevertheless follow coherent grammatical rules whilst spelling, punc-
tuating, and stressing. My ratio edendi is as follows: Because the Vaticanus is not an
autograph of Kananos, as mentioned above, I feel justified in making moderations
where necessary. Even in correcting the manuscripts, I have firstly respected the
vernacular character of Kananos’ Diegesis, and secondly, I have not emended the
text of Kananos by following modern and (thus) anachronistic grammatical rules,
but have instead used the Byzantine practice in matters of orthography, stressing
||
43 E.g. Holton, Hinterberger, Horrocks, Rollo, and Wahlgren (see above, the bibliographical sec-
tion).
44 Cuomo 2014.
45 In the prologue we find technical terms which belong to a formal educational path, such as τὸν
κόρον τοῦ λόγου; τὴν σολοικοβάρβαρον φράσιν. They also lead me to think that Kananos was famil-
iar with Georgios Monachos and Gregory of Nazianzus and that he based his rhetorical knowledge
on their writings.
Ratio Edendi. The present edition | XLI
and punctuation46, as far as advances in linguistics and lexicography have allowed

me.
More precisely: I have tried to apply the same Byzantine grammatical rules fol-
lowed by medieval authors and scribes. However, I have produced neither a diplo-
matic edition of V, replicating the inevitable hesitations and inconsistencies of the
scribes, nor a critical edition which is not reader-oriented. In fact, being reader-
oriented does not necessarily imply that an editor has to punctuate, for instance,
according to modern rules, and normalize accents and orthography.
In conclusion, therefore, I have coherently dealt with the possible ‘ἡ ἐξ ἔθους
παρὰ τοῖς Βυζαντίνοις κακὴ γραφή47’, because I applied coherent grammatical (Byzan-
tine nonetheless) norms. Furthermore, by not following the scribes’ idiosyncrasies, I
do not promote any ‘Rückkehr zu der Inkonsequenz, an der die byzantinische
Akzentuationspraxis selber leidet48’ and so avoid the accusation of ‘Rückschritt’.
Applying this method, however, entailed four major problems. The first was to dis-
entangle authentic and original vernacularisms from mistakes due to V’s scribe. I
discuss some cases below. The second problem was to find a reasonable compro-
mise which would enable me to respect all of Kananos’ linguistic choices, yet with-
out distracting modern readers with too unconventional decisions. Eventually, I
decided to always consider as correct and then print the lectiones of V, if they had
already been recorded in other texts written in the same register49 and/or already
described in Thumb, Hatzidakis 1892a, Psaltes, Jannaris, Mayser, Horrocks 20102,
and Rollo 199050. Where a reading of V shows to be clearly incorrect, I have written
in textu either a) scribal conjectures (!) by N and A; or b) conjectural emendations by
Allatios, Bekker, or Pinto; or c) my own moderations. This has allowed me to print a
coherent text, despite the inevitable and occasionally inconsistent lectiones of the
scribes. In regard to punctuation and accentuation, I have followed the Byzantine
rules, as I explain below. Thirdly, whereas it is true that it was the scribe who may
have been inconsistent, and not the grammatical principles he followed, it is also
true that understanding Byzantine practice – particularly in matters of orthography
– is all but an easy task. This is due to the lack of grammar books, normative and
||
46 As to the division of syllables, I follow modern grammatical rules, e.g. κατ/άγω; εἰσ/έρχομαι;
μετ/έχω. None of the manuscripts are consistent on this point nor seem to follow any particular
grammatical principles. V, in particular, divides words in order to have lines all of the same length,
as if he were pursuing a kind of esthetic goal. In V, moreover, most of the words at the end of a line
are abbreviated (also by superposition of letters, contraction or even suspension). On this topic see
Anthonopoulou 2008: ccxxv–ccxxviii; Reinsch 2011: 177 (with bibliography therein).
47 See Lampros 1912–1923: ιγ’–ιε’.
48 Reil 1910: 529.
49 TLG, LBG and Kriaras have been essential instruments for this job.
50 See below “The language of Kananos”.
XLII | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
descriptive texts, systematic studies on, and quantitative analysis of, the morpho-
syntactic characteristics of Medieval Greek51. Thus, Krumbacher’s words52 are still
true today. Finally, the fourth problem is due to the absence of overall accepted
guidelines for editions of Byzantine texts. Increasingly, studies and critical edi-
tions53 actively promote respect for manuscripts in matters of punctuation and or-
thography, and moreover, illustrate how to edit Medieval Greek texts, courageously
opting for unconventional but still coherent editorial choices. In respect thereof,
Ideler’s statement (1842 II: v–vi) has eventually become an accepted methodology:
“moneo hoc unum: ne quis censeat in postremorum saeculorum Graecis
scriptoribus adoptandas esse grammaticas veteris idiomatis leges vel
orthographiam: nobis persuasum erat, codicum ipsorum, haud raro eodem aevo,
quo vixerat auctor, conscriptorum auctoritatem esse respiciendam ac servandam.”
In order to better illustrate both the method I followed and the problems I faced, I
present some examples:
The passage on lines 29–30: Πᾶν ζῶον ὑποζυγὸν καὶ ἀζύγων, διέφθειραν καὶ
ἠφάνισαν54. The word ἀζύγων is the reading of VNA, corrected into ἄζυγον by Al-
latios; both Bekker and Pinto followed Allatios’ emendation. In my edition, I have
printed the reading of the manuscripts ἀζύγων because it can be considered as a
partitive genitive. Moreover, the variatio that ἀζύγων implies, does not clash with
the rest of Kananos’ writing, where other variations and inconcinnitates are also to
be seen.
The passage on l. 49: Ὡς νέφος χαλάζης πλῆρες καὶ τετριγὸς ὀλέθριον55. Πλήρης, the
reading of the manuscripts, fits perfectly with the vernacular character of the text.
According to Lampe and Kriaras (s.v.), πλήρης can grammatically correspond with
||
51 For more on this subject, see Rollo 2008 and Rollo 2014: 337–342, with bibliography therein.
Furthermore, a project directed by Professor David Holton, is producing a grammar of late Medieval
and Early Modern Greek (ca. 1100–1700). This will be published by Cambridge University Press and
appear next year.
52 I quote from Rollo 2008: 454 n. 95: “Solange 〈über〉 diese Dinge [i.e. Medieval orthography,
accentuation, punctuation etc.] unter den Gräzisten nicht eine allgemeine Verständigung erzielt ist,
werden diese ungewohnten Schreibungen zunächst wohl mehr Verwirrung als Nutzen stiften […],
und eine wirklich konsequente Durchführung des Systems wird auf große Schwierigkeiten stoßen.
Vorbedingung einer Verständigung wäre eine systematische Untersuchung des byzantinischen Usus
bezüglich der Akzente, Spiritus, Apostrophe usw., die ich vor vielen Jahren wiederholt, leider vergeb-
lich, angeregt habe.” Emphasis in italics is mine.
53 For example: Angelu 1989, Cuomo 2010, Mazzucchi 2010, Reinsch 2014, and now Tocci 2015.
54 They slaughtered and destroyed all the livestock, yoked and unyoked.
55 Like a cloud full of hail and shrill with death …
Ratio Edendi. The present edition | XLIII
the neuter νέφος56. And I would have actually kept the lectio of the manuscripts, had
it not appeared in a quotation from Gregory of Nazianzus’ Oration 43, where the
sentence regularly shows πλῆρες. It is in fact likely that the scribe of V wrote πλήρης
because he was confused by the ending of the preceding word χαλάζης.
On lines 47–50, I present the following text: Ἀλλὰ καὶ πάμπολλα ἄγων μηχανικώτατα
καὶ μαχιμώτατα ἔργα · προσδοκῶν δι’ αὐτῶν, μέρος τοῦ τοίχου χαλάσει τῆς πόλεως,
καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου · ταύτην κατακρατήσει καὶ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους αἰχμαλωτίσει · καὶ τοῦ
Χριστοῦ τὸ ὄνομα ἀποσβέσει·57 The verbs in italics are my conjectures. More precise-
ly, χαλάσει replaces χαλάση of V and χαλάσαι of ΝΑ; κατακρατήσει replaces
κατακρατήση of V1 and κατακρατήσαι Vp. corr. m. al ΝA; αἰχμαλωτίσει replaces αἰχμα-
λωτήσαι of NA (the ending in V is illegible); ἀποσβέσει replaces ἀποσβέση of VNA.
Since the grammar here requires an infinitive dependent on προσδοκῶν, I
thought that the manuscripts had misspelled the vernacular form of infinitive, with-
out final -ν58. For example, χαλάσαι of ΝΑ (an infinitive aorist) could be considered
as an attempt by the scribes to correct the wrong χαλάση. However, it is easier to
consider -η as a wrong spelling of -ει, instead of -αι. Worth noting is the reading of V
ἀποσβέση: Neither N nor its apographon A, correct this lectio of V. So, I have as-
sumed that the moderation of -η in -ει is more economical. Furthermore, it respects
the reading of V; it explains how the error happened; and finally offers a good lectio,
as it is coherent with the vernacular character of the text.
The following cases show very well my difficulties in defining Kananos’ intent. On
line 125, all the manuscripts transmit ἐδόξευσαν, while on line 213 they attest to the
reading τοξεύειν. Although ἐδόξευσαν could be considered a defensible vernacular
reading59, I am inclined to believe here, that the scribe of V here incorrectly trans-
mits Kananos’ original spelling, which is with τ (ἐτόξευσαν). Consequently, I have
corrected the text of the manuscripts. Similarly, the Vaticanus regularly misspells
σαγίττας (with one τ) and writes ὄψην, πίστην, πόλην and τάξην. In vernacular texts
(see TLG), all these words are regularly attested. In addition, one τ in σαγίτα can
hardly be seen as an error, as Medieval Greek does not have geminate consonants
||
56 For indeclinable πλήρης see also Gignac 1981: 138–139. It is well established in Medieval Greek
as an adjective, and also as an adverb.
57 And what more: Having carried the most ingeniously designed weaponry, he expected to bring
down a section of the walls of the city with the help of those machines and, as a result of this, he
would prevail over it, take the Romans prisoner and quench the name of Christ.
58 In early 15th century, the merger of -ειν and -αι endings had already taken place. So χαλάσει etc.
are all aorist infinitives. See Horrocks 20102: 296: “The aorist infinitive was reformed in the later
middle ages to the model of the present (imperfective) infinitive, i.e. -(σ)αι [-(s)e] > -(σ)ει(ν) [-(s)i(n)]
on the basis of -ειν [-i(n)].” See also Mackridge 1997.
59 See Kr s.v. δοξεύω. All. e Pinto print ἐδόξευσαν.
XLIV | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
except for certain dialects. I must admit that I cannot discern whether they are copy-
ist’s errors or if they mirror Kananos’ orthography. Nevertheless, I chose to put in
textu only πόλην and πίστην. These words, in fact, are also recorded in some ver-
nacular Lamentationes de captivatione Constantinopolis60, which are stylistically and
thematically close to Kananos61.
On l. 125, the Vaticanus offers a reading, ἁρματοφυλακίον, which is clearly an error,

both because of the rough breathing and because of the ending -φυλακίον. In A,
Allatios wrote ἀρματοφυλάκιον, as he found both the breathing and the accent to be
incorrect. However, I am inclined to think that V did not wrongly stress the word,
but only misspelled an -ει-, by writing a -ι-. Consequently, I surmise that the original
word was ἀρματοφυλακεῖον. Apparently, this is a hapax; but the suffix -φυλακεῖον
is very common in Byzantine Greek and produces a lot of composites. I have given
some examples of those below, in the Thesaurus s.v. Ἀρματοφυλακεῖον.
In addition to these, there are few other puzzling passages, in which I have not mod-
ified the text preserved in the manuscripts; but they must be discussed here62.
The sentence on ll. 45–46: Καὶ ὑπελάμβανεν παρ’ αὐτοῦ διοικεῖσθαι τὰ πάντα, καὶ
ὑπὸ τὴν ἐξουσίαν αὐτοῦ, ἄγεται ἅπας ὁ κόσμος·63 One could consider adding a ὅτι
after τὰ πάντα, as Kananos lapsed into the finite construction after the parenthetical
remark, although the previous indirect statement (to which ἄγεται is logically corre-
lated by the second καὶ) was an accusative plus infinitive. Nevertheless, I did not
modify the transmitted syntax, as it seems to be in step with Kananos’ overall style.
The sentence on ll. 52–53: Τότε δὲ αὐτοῦ τῇ κελεύσει τοῦ Μουράτ Πείς τε τῇ κλήσει
τοῦ δεσπότου τῶν Τούρκων ποιοῦνται παστίαν μίαν·64 The τε after Πείς, without a
καί, seems bare to me.
||
60 See Lampros NE 5 [1908]: 248–250; Zoras 1955: 11–13; Pertusi 1976, II: 366–376; 378–386; 396–
402.
61 In Pertusi 1976 II we find: e.g. πόλη, -ης, -ην p. 366, ll. 3,11,14; p. 378, ll.2,9; p. 380, l. 32,49 etc.;
οἱ Τουρκοκαλογέροι p. 380, l. 46; τοῦ τοίχου p. 382, l. 76; τοὺς τοίχους p. 368, l. 21. In addition to
those characteristics, we often find, for example, military details and rhetorical questions. I refer
again at the end of this chapter to stylistic and syntactical similarities between Kananos and the
Lamentationes.
62 I am very grateful to David Holton, Geoffrey Horrocks, and Carlo Maria Mazzucchi for corre-
sponding with me on these subjects.
63 He thought that all things were controlled/provided by him and that the whole world was sub-
jected to his power.
64 At that time, on the order of Murat Bey himself and in the name of that despot of the Turks, they
erected a single terreplein.
Ratio Edendi. The present edition | XLV
The sentence on ll. 75–77: Πλὴν γὰρ ὁ τόπος καὶ σοῦδα καὶ πῦργος πλησίον ὑπῆρχεν
Κυριακῆς τῆς ἁγίας, μέσον Ῥωμανοῦ τοῦ ἁγίου καὶ τῆς Χαρσῆς τε τὴν πύλην καὶ
πλησιέστερον τούτων εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν τὸν ἐπονομαζόμενον Λύκον·65 It is very diffi-
cult to explain the phrase: τε τὴν πύλην. Could this originally have been a gloss to
explain Χαρσῆς? Although the accusative τὴν πύλην is wrong in this context, it is
nevertheless admissible, if the writer (Kananos? A later reader?) was considering
μέσα σε. The copyist of V might then have incorporated the gloss into the text by
adding another ‘and’ – again with a bare τε, as in the passage discussed above.
It is hard to state whether Kananos deliberately used the γάρ of l. 91 in the sense of
δή, or if he made an indiscriminate use of classical particles, as he could not distin-
guish them effectively. Discourse particles were not a part of the spoken vernacular,
but could still be used in ‘vernacular’ verse texts (lots of examples in the Chronicle
of the Morea66 etc.), where γάρ often emphasizes the preceding word – sometimes
with a residual sense of explanation.
The sentence on ll. 100–101: Ἄλλοι τοὺς ἀγωγοὺς ἀνεγύρευον τοὺς ἔκπαλαι τὸ νερὸν
εἰς τὰς στέρνας τῆς πόλεως ἔφερον67. The emphasized words represent an incorrect
syntax in ‘Atticizing’ Greek. Nevertheless, articles for relative pronouns are a com-
mon ‘vernacular’ practice: Here, I could have corrected τοὺς into οὓς, considering
that this is an incidence of the attraction of the relative, to the case of the antecedent
(as in ll. 62–63, 144, 368).
The phrases on ll. 282–283: καὶ ἕτερος ἕτερον · καὶ ἄλλος ἄλλον · καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλων
ἀλλήλοις. The accusatives ἕτερον/ἄλλον may be grammatically justified by the verb
ἠγωνίζοντο. I do not see this is a strong grammatical basis, as they do not have
πρός. The phrase πρὸς ἀλλήλων ἀλλήλοις is also very difficult, since the accusative
is what one would usually expect here, after πρός68; and ἀλλήλων cannot be con-
sidered to be a misreading of the dual accusative ἀλλήλω. It is however unclear if
Kananos originally wrote πρὸς ἀλλήλους, which then became glossed with ἔτερος
ἕτερον · καὶ ἄλλος ἄλλον, and was ultimately (incorrectly) modified into πρὸς
||
65 The field of battle, the moat, and the tower were all near the church of Saint Kyriake, which is
between the Gate of Saint Romanus and the Gate of Charisios, but even nearer, in respect of them, to
the river called Lycus.
66 See Schmitt 1904; Kalonaros 1940; Egea 1988; Egea 1996; Aerts – Hokwerda 2002.
67 Others still, were looking for the conduits that had brought water to the cisterns of the city since
ancient times.
68 And it is indeed an accusative that we find on ll. 290–291. However, προς + gen. occasionally
occurs in mixed-register texts; see Livistros and Rodamne V 678 (ed. Lendari 2007): νὰ μοιάζη πόλε-
μος σωστὸς καὶ φόνος πρὸς ἀλλήλων.
XLVI | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
ἀλλήλων ἀλλήλοις, to resemble the bipartite form of the two glosses (which have
two elements). However, under any circumstances, the doubling of the reciprocal
pronoun ἀλλήλων is a wrong move.
In conclusion, I have preserved the text of V even when it confuses indicative and
subjunctive endings69, because I do not think that Kananos is a brilliant Atticist, nor
that he had the ambition to be one (see ll. 5–19). Moreover, in other cases, I have not
made the text uniform70, because I think that the inconcinnitates, redundant
phrases, etc., are its peculiar characteristics. In addition, given my role as an editor,
I have generally thought it better not to change the transmitted text, nor to compli-
cate the long apparatus criticus by writing ‘exspectaveris’ for every line. After all – I
believe – the Διήγησις survived in ‘draft’ form, as Kananos did not want to, or did
not have the opportunity to ultimately revise it.
2.3 Punctuation
I have punctuated the Diegesis of Kananos according the Byzantine rules which
Kananos and the scribe of V also followed. This does not mean that I have reprinted
the punctuation of the manuscripts.
The system of punctuation, which was taught in Byzantine schools throughout the
centuries, goes back to Dionysius Thrax’ Τέχνη γραμματική (2nd century BC) and his
medieval commentators71. Both Kananos and the scribe of V referred to that system
when they respectively conceived and copied the text72. The Dionysian system em-
ploys three different punctuation marks, each with a particular function.
||
69 Such as on ll. 166–167: ὡς ἵνα ἀπατῶνται οἱ Τοῦρκοι καὶ προσκυνοῦν καὶ δοξάζουν ὡς προφήτην
ἐκεῖνον, where the verbs are vernacular 3rd person plural present subjunctives, marked as such by
ἴνα. After all, the vernacular does not distinguish indicative and subjunctive endings for 3 plural.
70 Such as Τουρκῶν (instead of Τούρκων) on l. 113. In addition, the following passages were very
problematic: l. 234 ποία or ποῖα?; the word σιδηροδεσμουμένους appears once -μουμ- (l. 81) and
twice -μομ- (ll. 90, 126). Which is the correct spelling? Can we consider -μομ- as a vernacular alterna-
tive spelling for -μωμ-?; l. 125 ἀρματοφυλακεῖον from ἁρματοφυλακίον or ἀρματοφυλάκιον?; l. 351
ἀπογῆς or ἀπὸ γῆς?; l. 352 ἀλλὰ ἐξ or ἀλλ’ ἐξ?
71 See Schmidt 1852: 360–382, and Id. 1853: 231–253; 510–520. A critical edition of Dionysius’s
Grammatica is in Uhlig 1883; the commentaries on Dionysius are edited by Hilgard 1901. For this
chapter, the following works are particularly important: Maltese 1993; Gaffuri 1994; Mazzucchi 1997;
Id.: 2010. Further discussion and useful bibliography can be found in: Panteghini 2011; Reinsch
2011; Bydén 2012; Reinsch 2014; Cullhed 2014; Benedetti 2014.
72 See Gaffuri 1994: 98, n. 15. Parkes 1992: 11–12 states that pupils were taught how to punctuate by
the grammatikos during the so-called praelectio phase (see Quint. Inst. II,5,4). The Greek grammar
written by Konstantinos Laskaris and printed in Milan in 1476 proves that Dionysian rules of punc-
Punctuation | XLVII
This chapter focuses on three points: 1) Aims of the Byzantine punctuation; 2)

Functions of the punctuation marks and the Byzantine punctuation applied in V; 3)
How I punctuate.
2.3.1 Aims of the Byzantine punctuation
The Diegesis of Kananos, as with other Byzantine text, was conceived, written
down, and copied to be read aloud73. The punctuation was aimed at providing the
reader with essential and important information concerning 1) where to breathe in
step with syntax and logical pauses in sentences; 2) how long each breathing pause
should last; and 3) the right intonation in reading a sentence/phrase (e.g. the tone of
voice should allow an interrogative sentence to sound different from a statement; or
a dependent clause from the main clause). As is evident from the above, the Diony-
sian punctuation suggests where it is syntactically opportune and correct to
breathe, and thus, is an important form of textual hermeneutic74. Given the im-
||
tuation were still taught during the 15th century (see Constantinus Lascaris. Greek Grammar. Fac-
Simile Edition. Amsterdam 1966 [with an introduction by J.J. Fraenkel]: f. 54r. See Pertusi 1962: 323–
324 and 326).
73 E.g. Cavallo 2007 and 2008: 257. ‘Read aloud’ does not necessarily mean ‘read to a public au-
dience’ nor ‘performed’: “Un’indagine sull’interpunzione autografa o anche tramandata in un
assetto vicino a quello originale […] ha rivelato che essa rispondeva a un sistema funzionale
all’ascolto […] sia che lo scritto fosse letto individualmente sia che fosse recitato in una riunione
collettiva (Cavallo 2004: 577; emphasis is mine).” See also Reinsch 2003; Reinsch 2011a (in particu-
lar page 175) and Bydén 2012: 155–172 (157).
74 Dionysius himself, as well as Byzantine scholars in general, was aware of the hermeneutical
function of the punctuation and explicitly reported on it. I list here, some examples concerning the
importance of the correct punctuation and, consequently, of the correct reading (aloud) and inter-
pretation of texts: 1) Dionysius wrote (GG I/1, 6, 6–8): ἀναγνωστέον δὲ καθ’ ὑπόκρισιν, κατὰ
προσῳδίαν, κατὰ διαστολήν. ἐκ μὲν γὰρ τῆς ὑποκρίσεως τὴν ἀρετήν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς προσῳδίας τὴν
τέχνην, ἐκ δὲ τῆς διαστολῆς τὸν περιεχόμενον νοῦν ὁρῶμεν. It is necessary to read as actors do; i.e.
when they modulate the pitch of the voice according to the accent, and follow the punctuation marks.
When we perform a text, we can evaluate its artistic quality; from the voice-modulations, we see its
techne; and through the punctuation, we understand the meaning which it conveys. 2) Photios, Amphi-
lochia 1, ll. 747–750; and 402–405 (ed. Laourdas – Westerink 1983–1988. I quote the following pas-
sages from Giannouli 2011 and Mazzucchi 2013). Photios ll. 747–750: τί δαὶ λέγω γράμματα; ὅπου γε
καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ πάντων βραχύτατον, ἡ στιγμή, κακουργούμενον ἢ παρορώμενον καὶ τῆς οἰκείας
μετατιθέμενον λήξεως, παντοδαπὰς μὲν καὶ μεγάλας αἱρέσεις ἀπέτεκεν, ἀφρόνων δὲ πολὺν χρόνον
κατενεμήθη φρονήματα, καὶ τοῖς εὐσεβοῦσιν ὥστε θριαμβεῦσαι τὰ τῆς δυσσεβείας δόγματα μακρὰ
παρέσχεν τὰ ἀγωνίσματα. And why do I say letters? When even the most minimal sign among all, the
dot (i.e. punctuation marks, στιγμή) causes serious heresies – and heresies of any sort – when incor-
rectly placed (i.e. a mese instead of a hypostigme), or overlooked, or moved from its appropriate
place. 3) Photios ll. 402–405: αὐτὸς καθ’ ἑαυτὸν ὁ τῆς ἀναγνώσεως τρόπος οἰκείως μὲν τοῖς νοήμασι
τῆς φωνῆς τὸν ἦχον ἐναρμοζόμενος πάσης ἀπορίας ἀποτειχίζει πάροδον· ἐπαλλαττομένης δὲ τῆς
XLVIII | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
portance of the Byzantine punctuation for textual interpretation, its coherence, and
its intuitive and logical intelligibility, I think that the right question is not ‘whether’
any more, but ‘how’ to print Byzantine text, while respecting their congenital punc-
tuation.
2.3.2 Byzantine punctuation marks and their function. The practice of V
The following passage from the Ars Grammatica by Dionysius Thrax clearly explains
how the Byzantine punctuation works:
Στιγμαί εἰσι τρεῖς· τελεία, μέση, ὑποστιγμή. καὶ ἡ μὲν τελεία στιγμή ἐστι διανοίας ἀπηρτισμένης
σημεῖον, μέση δὲ σημεῖον πνεύματος ἕνεκεν παραλαμβανόμενον, ὑποστιγμὴ δὲ διανοίας
μηδέπω ἀπηρτισμένης ἀλλ’ ἔτι ἐνδεούσης σημεῖον. Τίνι διαφέρει στιγμὴ ὑποστιγμῆς; Χρόνῳ· ἐν
μὲν γὰρ τῇ στιγμῇ πολὺ τὸ διάστημα, ἐν δὲ τῇ ὑποστιγμῇ παντελῶς ὀλίγον (Dion. Thrax, Περὶ
στιγμῆς, GG I/1,7,3-8,2).
There are three punctuation marks: teleia, mese, hypostigme. The first of these is the mark we
use 〈at the end of a sentence〉 when a thought/concept has already been completely expressed;
the mese is the sign which indicates when to breathe; finally, the hypostigme indicates that a
concept has not yet been entirely expressed; and still needs completion. Where is the differ-
ence between a στιγμή and a ὑποστιγμή? They differ from each other in their duration; if there
is a στιγμή (i.e. τελεία στιγμή), the pause lasts longer; if there is a ὑποστιγμή, it is very short.
Let us now look at them in turn, starting from the τελεία and the ὑποστιγμή, which
are the two marks related to the syntax.
||
καταλλήλου φωνῆς τῷ νοήματι εἰς τὸ ἀδιανόητον τὸ σαφὲς καταδύεται. The way we read, conven-
iently and naturally marries the loudness/volume (ἦχος) of the voice with the meaning/sense (of a
sentence) and it prevents any misunderstanding. Conversely, if the kind of voice does not properly
match the concept/thought, everything, which would be clear, disappears into the darkness. (It actual-
ly happens in modern languages as well, when we miss the correct intonation of a sentence, and the
listener remains uncertain whether the period is concluded or not). 4) Anonymi Professoris Epistula
88 (ed. Mazzucchi 2012: 449–452), ll. 38–39: ἵνα τί γένηται; ... ἢ ἵνα ὁ μὲν τῇ κάτω · ὁ δὲ. τῇ μέσῃ · ὁ
δὲ. τῇ ἄνω στίξοι στιγμῇ; ἀλλ’ ἵνα τὸ χωρίον ὁ μὲν κατὰ ἄρσιν · ὁ δὲ. κατὰ πρό[σ]θεσιν · καὶ ὁ μὲν.
κατ’ ἐρώτησιν · ὁ δὲ. μὴ κατ’ ἐρώτησιν ἀναγνῷ; … In order that what should happen? So that one
person punctuates using a low dot, while another uses a middle dot, and yet another an upper dot? So
that someone might read the ‘same’ passage as a negative sentence, someone else as a question, and
another as an assertive clause? […] ll. 48–52 πολλῶν ὄντων ἐν οἷς θεωρεῖται προσθήκη, ἔλλειψις ·
συλλαβῆς πρὸς τὴν ἑξῆς ἕνωσις ἢ διάστασις (see Mazzucchi 2012 ad loc.: “Come nelle preposizioni
bisillabiche considerate “proclitiche” o no, nelle scritture sintetiche o analitiche [οὐδείς vs. οὐδ’ εἷς,
τανῦν vs. τὰ νῦν etc.].”) · στιγμῶν διαφωνουμένων ἀνάγνωσις, ἐκεῖνά μοι πάντως αἱρετὰ, ἃ μήτε τὸν
νοῦν συγχεῖ · μήτε τὸν λόγον μειοῖ · μήτε τὴν δύναμιν παραφθείρει τοῦ δηλουμένου · μήτε τὴν
ἑναντίαν τοῦ πατρὸς [id est Gregorius Nazianzenus] ἀποφέρεται δόξαν·
Punctuation | XLIX
The τελεία (teleia, pl. teleiai), is the mark placed on a level with the top of the
letters (e.g. α·). The technical expression for ‘to punctuate with a teleia’ sounds in
Greek “στίζειν τῇ ἄνω στιγμῇ”. It is the equivalent of our period, full-stop. When
there is a teleia, the reader should read the sentence in order to make the listener
understand that the sentence is complete. He can also make a longer pause. Or, as
the Scholia teach: “He who is listening to me, will not require me to add any further
word”, the concept of a sentence being complete75.
Generally, V tends to avoid long clauses and on occasion one might have the
impression that the teleia has been overused. Furthermore, we normally find teleiai
in elliptical sentences or in enumerations, with the aim of providing the narrative
with a faster rhythm. As in almost all medieval manuscripts, V also employs teleia
as a question mark. This particular function is limited to direct interrogative ques-
tions introduced by an interrogative pronoun/adverb. Occasionally, in cases which
may sound ambiguous to an (in)experienced reader, V uses the semicolon (α;), as
we are used to doing.
The ὑποστιγμή (hypostigme, pl. hypostigmai, στίζειν τῇ κάτω στιγμῇ), is the mark
placed level with the bottom of a letter (i.e. α.). It looks like our full-stop; however,
its function is exactly the opposite and does not find any comparison in modern
English punctuation. In fact, it indicates that what follows is the main sentence,
which is required to complete the διάνοια. According to Byzantine commentaries on
Dionysius Thrax, the reader should lower the voice when reading the sentence pre-
ceding the hypostigme, in order to create a kind of emphatic suspense, until the
arrival of the main clause76 which completes the meaning of the whole sentence.
In the Vaticanus, we often find an additional mark, namely the ὑποδιαστολή
(hypodiastole). It looks like our comma (α,), but its function is related to that of the
hypostigme. In fact, it indicates that two (or more) elements in the micro-syntax
belong together: E.g. adjective and substantive; verb and subject; participle and
substantive etc. I think this has no more of a graphic function and does not neces-
sarily imply a breathing pause.
Nota bene: A hypodiastole never divides, but always links, two words belonging
together, as in 8–9: ἕλκει, τὸ ἴδιον τῆς ὀρέξεως. As we can see, τὸ ἴδιον etc. is the
subject linked to its verb (ἕλκει) by a hypodiastole. The following sentence also
shows the linking function of the hypodiastole: προσδοκῶν δι’ αὐτῶν, μέρος τοῦ
τοίχου χαλάσει τῆς πόλεως, καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου (ll. 48–49). The hypostigme after αὐτῶν
reveals that the infinitive χαλάσει depends on προσδοκῶν. The hypodiastole after
||
75 Commentarius Melampodis seu Diomedis (13th century), GG, I/3, 24,26–27: καὶ ὁ ἀκούων
ἀναγκάζει με ἐπαγαγεῖν τινα ἕτερον λόγον.
76 Scholia Marciana (14th century), GG I/3, 313, 24–32.
L | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
πόλεως indicates that the sentence “as a result of this (καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου)” is related to
the previous κῶλον (i.e. as a result of the destruction of the city walls …).
Eventually, it is also possible to find hypodiastolai in sequences such as ὁ μὲν,
... ὁ δὲ, ... . A peculiarity of the Vallicellianus: Allatios punctuates with a hypodias-
tole between a τε (encl.) and a καί77.
The mese, pl. mesai, (τῇ μέσῃ στιγμῇ στίζειν) is the middle-dot and has the function
of our comma and, occasionally, of our semi-colon or colon. It is normally employed
in enumerations, or to separate a series of coordinated independent sentences.
What we would normally put between brackets, dashes and hyphens, appears in the
manuscripts between two mesai. In V, however, it is also possible to find two teleiai
having the same function, like the aside ‘τὸ ἀνθρώπινον πάθος’ (l. 9).
Generally speaking, in manuscripts written in minuscule, it is possible to clearly

recognize all three marks only until the Perlschrift. From the 11th century on, we
observe a reduction to two signs; a hypostigme can easily be (only graphically!)
confused with a mese. In fact, all three signs did survive and kept their distinct func-
tions. Several studies78 have shown and proven how the Byzantine punctuation is a
coherent and effective system. Because of this, and V being very close to Kananos’
lifetime, I decided to punctuate the Diegesis according the medieval practice.
2.3.3 The punctuation in the present critical edition
First of all, a critical edition must be reader oriented; so, I apply the Dionysian sys-
tem according to the following rules.
As in the manuscripts, the upper dot, the teleia “α·”, works as our full-stop. E.g. (ll.
29–30):
Πᾶν ζῶον ὑποζυγὸν καὶ ἀζύγων, διέφθειραν καὶ ἠφάνισαν· They slaughtered and destroyed all
the livestock; yoked and unyoked79.
As a question mark, I always employ the semi-colon: “α;”. E.g. (ll. 178–179): Ποῦ ὁ Θεός σας ὦ
σκοτεινοὶ Ῥωμαῖοι; ποῦ ὁ Χριστός σας; Where is your God, you miserable Romans? Where is your
Christ?
I make no distinction between teleiai majores (α∙, which appear in V on fol. 358v,
l. 20; 359r, l. 11; 359v, l. 12; 360r, l. 5) and normal teleiai.
||
77 See for example below, plate 3, l. 10: γραφεύς τε, καὶ κῆρυξ (ll. 15–16).
78 See Laga 2004; Maltese 1993 and 1995; Mazzucchi 1997, 2010, and 2013; Reinsch 2014 (with
bibliography); Tocci 2015: 141*–149* (with bibliography).
79 As explained above, the comma links the object to the main verbs.
Punctuation | LI
Following V, I sometimes use the signs “-:-” / “:-” / “:” in order to emphasize the
end of a paragraph.
The mesai, middle dots (α·), have the function of modern commas.
E.g. (ll. 360sqq.):
Ἐγένοντο δὲ ταῦτα κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦ ἑξακισχιλιοστοῦ ἐννακοσιοστοῦ τριακοστοῦ ἔτους ·
μηνὸς Αὐγούστου κδʹ· ἡμέρᾳ δευτέρᾳ · ὥρᾳ τῆς ἡμέρας ἑβδόμῃ·
All these events happened in the year 6930, on August 24, on Monday at the seventh hour of
the day.
Ἐκ δὲ τῶν ἡμετέρων μετὰ ἀληθείας, ἐλαβώθησαν μὲν ἐλάττονες ἀπὸ ἑκατὸν · ἀπέθανον δὲ οὐ
πλείονες τῶν τριάκοντα·
More than a thousand among the Turks were wounded and died; on the other hand, speaking
with truth, of our men, fewer than one hundred were wounded and no more than thirty died80.
As the examples show, I leave a short space between mesai and previous words, in
the hope that this will make them more easily recognizable.
I write all the hypostigmai as commas (α,) because I find that the lower-dot may
disturb modern readers. My choice has one disadvantage, namely, that now in my
edition hypodiastolai look like hypostigmai. Even though the context always makes
clear what is what, I apologize for any inconvenience caused. In my defense, I stress
that the Vatican sometimes writes hypostigmai as commas as well: For instance on
fol. 355v, l. 22 (= l. 35) after Ῥωμάνοις; and ibid., l. 24 (= l. 36) after πέρας.
In conclusion, I will now discuss two examples: ll. 352sqq. and ll. 216sqq.
Ἐδιηγοῦντο πρὸς πάντας, ὅτι τοῦ πολέμου τὴν ὥραν ὅταν μὲ θράσος καὶ ὁρμῆς
ἀκρατήτου ἔφθασαν εἰς τὰ τοίχη τοῦ κάστρου ἵνα ἀναβῶσιν ἐπάνω · καὶ διώξωσιν
τοὺς Ῥωμαίους καὶ τὴν πόλιν αἰχμαλωτίσουν, τότε εἶδον γυναῖκαν ὀξέα ῥοῦχα
φοροῦσαν καὶ περιπατοῦσαν ἐπάνω τῶν προμαχιονίων τοῦ ἔξω κάστρου·81
After πάντας we have a comma, a hypodiastole, which emphasizes the function of
ὅτι. Ὅτι is also important because it is related to the τότε at the very end of that long
sentence. After ἐπάνω we have a mese which coordinates the two subjunctives de-
pending on ἵνα. After αἰχμαλωτίσουν, we eventually have the hypostigme which
introduces the main clause.
||
80 In this example, you see the hypostigme after ἀληθείας introducing the two main clauses,
which are in turn coordinated by the mese after ἑκατόν.
81 At the moment of the battle, when they came at the wall of the fortification with hardiness and
uncontrollable desire of fighting, in order to climb them, hunt down the Romans and conquer the
city, at that very moment they saw a women wearing violet clothes and walking on the breastworks
of the outer wall.
LII | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
Ὁ δὲ λαὸς τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ὁρῶν τὰ πολεμικὰ καὶ μάχιμα ἔργα τῶν Τούρκων καὶ τὴν
πλησμονὴν τοῦ φωσάτου γενεῶν τῶν ἀπείρων · καὶ τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν Τατάρων καὶ τῶν
Μουσουλμάνων τὴν τόλμην · καὶ τὰ πρὸ ὀλίγου πραχθέντα · ὅτι ἐντὸς εἰς τὰς σούδας
ἀπέκτειναν οἱ Τοῦρκοι Ῥωμαίους καὶ ἄλλους ἔμπροσθεν εἰς τὰς πόρτας, ἐδειλίασαν
μέγα· καὶ σχεδὸν πρὸς φυγὴν οἱ πλείονες ἐθεώρουν·82
After Ῥωμαίων a hypodiastole can be added in order to visually link ὁ λαός to ὁρῶν.
The mesai after ἀπείρων, τόλμην, and πραχθέντα, coordinate the objects of ὁρῶν.
Particularly, the mese after ἀπείρων seems to emphasize the chiasmus in the follow-
ing κῶλον. The mese after πραχθέντα introduces the epexegetical clause. At the end
of this long sentence, we have the hypostigme, after πόρτας, which indicates that
what follows is the main clause. Oἱ πλείονες ἐθεώρουν are respectively the subject
and the main verb of the following independent clause, which is between two
teleiai.
Additional and general remarks

Oxytone words will have the grave accent before any punctuation mark, excluding
the teleia.
I have not inserted any additional sign, such as exclamation marks; dashes;
brackets; quotation marks; etc. As we have seen, mesai or teleiai may also function
as dashes and hyphens for parenthetical sentences. Furthermore, quotations, direct
speeches, etc., do not require any marks, as they are preceded by mesai (seldom by
teleiai) and/or the context make them recognizable. However, I have written them in
italics, this device being the less invasive.
The Diegesis appears divided into three main parts in the manuscripts: ll. 1–18
the introduction; ll. 19–360 the main body (i.e. the narrative section); ll. 360–370
the concluding doxology. Additionally, the entire account presents internal divi-
sions in paragraphs. In my edition, I have followed the partition of V.
In order to distinguish the three main sections, I have placed the sign “:-” at the
end of each of them. In addition, I have used capital letters for proper names, at the
beginning of direct speeches, after direct speeches, and at the beginning of each
paragraph.
||
82 The Roman people became very frightened and the most of them were maybe contemplating
flight as they looked at the offensive and ingenious weaponry of the Turks, and the abundance of
the army constituted by endless races, and the eagerness of the Tatars and the daring of the Mos-
lems and what had happened shortly before, i.e. that the Turks killed some Romans in the moat and
others in front of the gates.
Apparatus | LIII
2.4 Apparatus
2.4.1 Apparatus II: The apparatus criticus
In the second apparatus, the criticus (for short Apparatus II or app. crit.), I have
given a thorough account of the collatio. This was necessary, for at least four rea-
sons. First, because I suggest a new stemma codicum, where V is the preserved
archetypon of the manuscript tradition. Second, because it is important to know
how N, A, and previous editors dealt with the orthography of V. Third, because the
collatio of the manuscripts provided by Colonna 1957a, and Pinto’s critical editions
are surprisingly inaccurate. Fourth, since we lack instruments, such as grammar
books, systematic works of reference, and generally accepted editorial guidelines,
which may help us to edit Medieval Greek texts written in vernacular, I thought it
was also essential to give a detailed account of single orthographical variants. Con-
sequently, I designed the Apparatus II so that 1) it is now always clear where the text
I edit comes from; 2) the reader can easily compare my editorial choices with these
by Laskaris, Allatios, Bekker, and Pinto; 3) the relationships between the manu-
scripts and all editions are distinctly displayed. For this reason, I have opted for an
apparatus positivus most of the time. When it is negativus, the printed text is pre-
served in all and every witness, not quoted in apparatus. Perhaps, if Kananos’ Die-
gesis had been a longer text, I would have really had to opt for a more concise and
sober apparatus criticus, even if it would have entailed omitting several important
details in the story of the Medieval Greek language and its reception.
2.4.2 Apparatus I: The apparatus fontium seu comparandorum locorum. Intra- and
Intertextuality in Kananos
The Apparatus I is divided into three parts, respectively marked with the letters a),
b), and c). The first part actually serves as an apparatus of references; the second
allows the reader to synoptically consider Kananos and other historical sources,
which also report the siege of 1422; the third indicates several cross-references,
which are a peculiarity of Kananos’ narrative.
2.4.2a Apparatus I, section “a)”
The first section of ‘Apparatus I’ indirectly contains general information concerning

the educational path of Kananos; the literary genre which the Diegesis belongs to;
and possible sources and loci paralleli of some locutions used by Kananos. Let us
consider them in turn.
LIV | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
Kananos’ education
In the prologue, we can see that Kananos was all but a naïve writer. He has clearly
been taught the fundamentals of rhetoric, for he is comfortable using technical
terms such as ὁ κόρος τοῦ λόγου83 and σολοικοβάρβαρος φράσις84. He is also familiar
with narrative techniques, as he declares himself to be intentionally using a low-
registered Greek, because he has a particular target audience; and he also knows
the topoi of historiographical prologues85.
The literary genre

Explaining to which literary genre the account of Kananos belongs, is not an easy
task, because several elements from different literary types are to be found therein.
Borrowing and adapting a Peter Schreiner expression86, Kananos’ Diegesis can be
defined as a Logos historikos kirchlicher Inspiration.
||
83 According to Gregory of Nazianzus, whose writings were used for the teaching of rhetoric, the
wordiness (i.e. verbosity) is a defect. Greg. Naz., Or. 40, PG 36, 360B = ed. Moreschini (SC 358), Paris
1990: 198,6–10: Σήμερον περὶ τοῦ βαπτίσματος βραχέα διαλεξόμεθα, καὶ τῆς ἐντεῦθεν ἡμῖν
ὑπαρχούσης εὐεργεσίας· εἰ καὶ χθὲς ἡμᾶς ὁ λόγος παρέδραμε, τῆς ὥρας κατεπειγούσης, καὶ ἅμα τοῦ
λόγου τὸν κόρον φεύγοντος. Κόρος δὲ λόγου πολέμιος ἀκοαῖς, ὡς ὑπερβάλλουσα τροφὴ σώμασι.
This expression became somehow proverbial. See: Loenertz 1964: 115,357–358; G. Prinzing 2002:
Pon. 26,219–221 and 151,496–497; Maximos Planudes, Ep. 69, 130–131,31sq. (ed. Leone 1991). Cf. also
Michel Italikos, Or. 43, 266,1–5 (ed. Gautier 1972).
84 The expression σολοικοβάρβαρος φράσις describes a text sullied with foreign words and sole-
cisms. Here, Kananos creates a hapax as he condenses in a single word, the concepts of
σολοικία/σολοικισμός and βαρβαρισμός. The expression not only reveals that Kananos knew that the
concept of hellenismos (i.e. pure Greek phrase, the opposite of σολοικοβάρβαρος φράσις) is an essen-
tial requisite for writing properly; but also allows us to make interesting comparisons. In fact, we
find both ideas of σολοικία/σολοικισμός and βαρβαρισμός in other texts and prologues as well. See:
Papadopoulos 1876: 123: ἵνα σολοικοβάρβαρα μηδόλως γράφῃς ἔπη, etc.; Isidoros Glabas, Ep. 5, uses
σολοικοβαρβαρώδης as an antonym of ‘Attic/Pure Greek’. See Lampros (ed.). Ἰσιδώρου
μητροπολίτου Θεσσαλονίκης ὀκτὼ ἐπιστολαί. In: ΝE 9. 1912: 353–391, particularly 378,29–sqq.: Ἅπερ
ὥριζες σολοικοβαρβαρώδη Μούσης ἦν ἀξιολόγου πλήρη καὶ ἰύγγων γέμοντα πνευματικῶν καὶ ἡμῖν
λίαν ἐπέραστα. Μὴ παύσῃ τοίνυν οὕτω τοὺς σοὺς φίλους εὐφραίνων καὶ ἀττικίζων, ὡς αὐτὸς φαίην
ἂν, τῷ πνεύματι, ἀλλ’ οὐ σολοικίζων. Georgios Monachos also uses the concepts of solecism and
barbarism for describing a particular kind of prosa: Georgii Monachi Chronicon, 2,16–24 (ed. de Boor
1904 [corr. cur. Wirth 1978]): οἱ γάρ τοι πνευματικοὶ τὰ πνευματικὰ συγκρίνοντες καὶ ἀνακρίνοντές
τε καὶ μεταλλεύοντες ὡς ἐπιστήμονες καὶ δόκιμοι τὰς ἱερολογίας οὐ λαμπρὰς καὶ γριφώδεις καὶ
τετορνευμένας λέξεις καὶ συντάξεις ἐντέχνους καὶ καλλιεπείας, ἐν αἷς τὸ ψεῦδος πολλάκις διὰ τῆς
δεινοτάτης μεθόδου καὶ κατασκευῆς ἐπικρύπτοντες οἱ δεινοὶ καὶ τοὺς ἀπερισκέπτως καὶ
ἀβασανίστως ἀναγινώσκοντας ἐκλανθάνοντες ἐπιζητοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ τὰς ἀληθείᾳ λαμπρυνομένας
ῥήσεις, εἰ καὶ διὰ βαρβαριζούσης καὶ σολοικιζούσης ἐκφωνοῦνται γλώττης.
85 For example: The above-mentioned captatio benevolentiae and the fact that he clearly points
out what the argument of his narrative will be and also declares that he will “omit everything con-
cerning the hows and whences and whys” of the Turkish attack.
86 ChronBrev I: 109.
Apparatus | LV
For example, several elements belong to the Geschichtsschreibung, such as Kananos’

accuracy in recording the chronology (ll. 19–24), in describing the Turkish and Ro-
man weaponry (e.g. ll. 78–92), in providing topographic details (ll. 28; 144); and the
interest in the Turkish preparations for the war (e.g. l. 122). Furthermore, Kananos
seems to be interested in the psychology of his characters87, and to have done some
research, perhaps comparing different (even Turkish?) sources88.
In addition, in the spurious title, we firstly encounter the term ‘διήγησις’ defin-
ing the nature of Kananos’ narrative. In the prologue (ll. 5–19), the author refers to
himself (ll. 15–16) as a γραφεύς (τε καὶ κήρυξ [sic, see thesaurus s.v. κῆρυξ]). Fur-
thermore, Kananos uses ἱστορέω and διηγέομαι (as synonyms) in order to describe
his activity; he defines his work as a ἱστορία, and points out the argument of his
narrative, which is (ll. 16–17): “Τὸ πολυθρύλητον θαῦμα τῆς Παναγίας · καὶ τὴν καθ’
ἡμῶν τῶν Ἀγαρηνῶν ἐπιδρομὴν · καὶ τὴν πολιορκίαν τῆς πόλεως (Τhe extraordinari-
ly famous miracle of the Panagia and the Turkish attack on us, and the siege of the
city).”
If we want to find parallels among other historiographical works (though not in
the matter of style), we should mention the Προσφώνημα εὐχαριστήριον εἰς τὴν
ὑπεραγίαν θεοτόκον by Demetrios Chrysoloras89; the anonym Διήγησις περὶ τοῦ
γεγονότος θαύματος παρὰ τῆς ὑπεραγίας Θεοτόκου, which also narrates the libera-
tion of Constantinople from the Turkish army captained by Bayazid in 1394–1402 as
a miracle of the Mother of God90; and the later Διήγησις περὶ τῆς τελευταίας
ἁλώσεως τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης by Ioannes Anagnostes91.
Several elements also seem to belong to hagiographic and, more broadly, ecclesias-
tical literature. In his introduction, Kananos uses the word ἰδιώτης/ἰδιῶται which is
||
87 For example: The Turks who let themselves be impressed by Mersaita’s charisma (see ll. 141–
168); and the Romans who were perhaps even contemplating flight (see ll. 220: καὶ σχεδὸν πρὸς
φυγὴν οἱ πλείονες ἐθεώρουν).
88 See l. 326sqq.: καὶ δῆλον, ὅτι...
89 See Gautier 1961: 340–357.
90 See Gautier 1965: 100–117. Hunger 1958 ascribed Gautier’s Διήγησις to Ioannes Chortasmenos,
whereas Gautier 1965: 100 rejeced that hypothesis. In his work Byzance d’Église et les pays roumains
face à la montée ottomane 1354–1432 (non vidi), Dumitru Nastase “hält den Bericht (unter Hinweis
auf die vorangegangenen analogen Ereignisse, vor allem die Rettung Konstantinopels 626 bei der
Belagerung durch Aaren und Perser) für die hagiographische ‘Adaptierung’ eines Teils der Chronik
des Chortasmenos” (Hunger 1978 I: 482, n. 186b). See also Nastase 1989: 389–404 (particularly 392–
395). I find it remarkable, that Hunger 1978 uses the expression “hagiographische ‘Adaptierung’” for
Gautier’s Διήγησις. The same adjective “hagiographic” would perfectly fit the description of Kanan-
os’ narrative as well.
91 See Tsaras 1958; Hunger 1978 I: 484–5; Odorico 2005: 255–291; Russell 2010: passim.
LVI | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
frequently used in Byzantine Prooimia and also in hagiographic literature92. I also

believe that the word ἰδιώτης has a pragmatic function: Kananos describes both
himself and his target audience as belonging to the so-called “Durchschnitts-
Rhomäer” or “lettore medio93”.
The Diegesis begins with a quotation from the book of Tobit (12,7):
A king’s secret it is prudent to keep, but the works of God are to be declared and made known.
This sentence has a strong communicative power, particularly if we link it to the

following passage: “It seems preferable to me to omit everything concerning the
hows and wherefores and whys of this misfortune, destruction, and the worst catas-
trophe, which ever befell the miserable and wretched Romans.” In fact, if we explic-
itly say that we are going to omit saying something, we automatically intrigue our
audience.
Taking quotation literally and re-considering the deliberate omission of any expla-
nation of the casus belli, we (and Kananos’ audience as well) may perceive the echo
of a certain contemporary complaint against the policy of the Palaeologoi. On the
one hand, critics of the Palaeologoi can allude to the attempt to unify the Orthodox
Church with the Roman. From the point of view of the anti-unionists, Murad II at-
tacking Constantinople is a sort of punishment sent by God. In fact, it was generally
believed that if Byzantium had survived so far, it was “only by the confession of the
faith94”. On the other hand, the “secret of the king” may be the Imperial support to
Mustafa Celebi (1393–1422) during the war of succession, against Murad II95. When
the latter overcame Mustafa, he undertook a punitive expedition against Manuel II,
besieging Constantinople.
However, Kananos did not necessarily aim to suggest all those over-
interpretative speculations in his audience. In fact, the verse of Tobit may well have
been borrowed by Kananos from the Prologue of Life of St. Mary of Egypt by St.
Sophronius of Jerusalem. Sophronius’ work begins in a very similar way to that of
Kananos and its beginning is worth quoting here:
||
92 See the Prooimion of the life of Daniel the stylite, see Delehaye 1923; Schwartz 1939: 86; and the
Prooimion of the Historia Ecclesiastica by Eusebius of Caesarea. The use of the word ἰδιώτης/ἰδιῶται
echoes the New Testament, see particularly Act 4,13: Θεωροῦντες δὲ τὴν τοῦ Πέτρου παρρησίαν καὶ
Ἰωάννου, καὶ καταλαβόμενοι ὅτι ἄνθρωποι ἀγράμματοί εἰσιν καὶ ἰδιῶται, ἐθαύμαζον ἐπεγίνωσκόν τε
αὐτοὺς ὅτι σὺν τῷ Ἰησοῦ ἦσαν. I quoted that passage from: Kruger 2004, and Kruger 2010: 13–20.
93 See respectively: van Dieten 1979: 77; Cavallo 2007 (= 2006); Cavallo 2008: 250–257.
94 Russell 2010: 126; and in general the entire fourth chapter.
95 See Barker 2010.
Apparatus | LVII
“It is good to hide the secret of a king, but it is glorious to reveal and preach the works of God”
(Tobit 12,7). Thus spoke the Archangel Raphael to Tobit when he performed the wonderful heal-
ing of his blindness. Actually, not to keep the secret of a king is perilous and a terrible risk, but
to be silent about the works of God is a great loss for one’s soul. And I, in writing the life of St.
Mary of Egypt, am afraid to hide the works of God by silence. Remembering the misfortune
threatened to the servant who hid his Godly talent in the earth, I am bound to transmit the holy
account that has reached me. And no one should suspect that I have dared to write untruth, or
doubt this great marvel --may I never lie about holy things! However, if it happened to be peo-
ple who do not believe this account despite having read it, may the Lord have mercy on them
because […] they consider impossible these wonderful things accomplished by saints. But now
we must begin to tell this most amazing story, which has taken place in our generation.
Comparing Sophronius’ prologue with the exordium of the Diegesis, I note several
affinities, particularly, the sentence: “Remembering the misfortune threatened to
the servant who hid his Godly talent in the earth, I am bound to transmit the holy
account that has reached me.” Moreover, the Life of St. Mary of Egypt was a popular
text. If Kananos was inspired by Sophronius and really wanted to allude to his text,
we may even consider the quotation from Sophronius’ narrative as a hermeneutical
key for the entire Diegesis, which can be read in the light of the Life of St. Mary96.
Generally, we can gather allusions to the Bible, to hagiographic literature, to homi-

letic and liturgical chants. I have not recorded all of them because most are very
general.
For instance: Expressions such as “ξύλον κάρπιμον” and “δένδρον εὔκαρπον” (l.
41) are generically biblical; others, such as on ll. 289–290, can also be found in
hymns. Moreover, the words of lament, which Kananos writes on Constantinople,
remind us of those said about Babylon the Great, in the Book of Revelation97. The
way in which Mersaita has been described, calls to mind those antagonists we can
find in several Lives of Saints98. He is also often described as a biblical anti-hero. For
||
96 See TLG for other plausible parallels, as similar quotations from the book of Tobit can be found
in Georgios Monachos (Chronicon Breve PG 110, 276,40), Nikephoros Xanthopoulos (Historia Eccle-
siastica 6, 10,69), and some other hagiographical works.
97 See 14,8; 16,19; 17,5 and in particular the 18th chapter.
98 Another possible parallel can be observed in FgrH 434 (extracted from Photios). It is a fragment
from Memnon’s History of Heraclea describing the figure of the tyrant Clearchus. Although one may
doubt that Kananos read Photios, it is nevertheless interesting to report here, Memnon’s passage in
the translation by A. Smith (http://attalus.org/translate/memnon1.html): “[Memnon] says that
Clearchus was the first to attempt to make himself tyrant of the city. Clearchus had received an
education in philosophy; he was one of the pupils of Plato, and for four years he had been a pupil of
the rhetorician Isocrates. But he turned out to be truly savage and bloodthirsty towards his subjects,
and reached the peak of arrogance, so that he called himself the son of Zeus, and tinged his face
with unnatural dyes, adorning it in all kinds of different ways to make it appears glistening or ruddy
to those who saw him; and varied his clothing to appear fearsome or elegant.”
LVIII | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
example, Mersaita explains the pre-arranged signal for the final attack in the follow-
ing way (see ll. 190–194):
I dispose as follows. When you will see me sitting on a high horse, and notice on my right hand
a drawn sword, and when you will hear me cry out three times, then hurl yourselves at the Ro-
mans, with battle cries, screams, great onrush, clapping of hands, clash of arms and with all
your musical instruments! The walls of the city will automatically fall down and you will, un-
hindered, enter the city and conquer it!
Mersaitas’ proclamation and, more broadly, the entire picture concerning the Turk-
ish expectations, echoes the fall of Jericho, an episode narrated in the book of Josh-
ua, 6,1–2199.
In addition to that, other ‘biblical’ elements can be seen. The art of divination and
the human wisdom of the Turks contrast with the weakness of the Romans, who
actually won only thanks to God. Such a relationship between good and evil charac-
ters is a topic in hagiography, and generically recalls biblical themes as well. See,
for example, 1 Corinthians 2, 3–5, where it is written:
I came to you in weakness and fear and much trembling, and my message and my proclama-
tion were not with persuasive (words of) wisdom, but with a demonstration of spirit and power,
so that your faith might rest not on human wisdom but on the power of God.
The role of the Mother of God and Her miracle are also the cornerstone of the narra-
tive. They are anticipated in the first lines and then reappear only at the very end. In
this way, Kananos creates a kind of suspense and reaches an impressive crescendo;
after the description of the unexpected flight of the Turks there is only room for the
concluding doxology.
||
99 “Now Jericho was in a state of siege because of the presence of the Israelites, so that no one left
or entered. And to Joshua the Lord said, ‘I have delivered Jericho and its king into your power. Have
all the soldiers circle the city, marching once around it. Do this for six days, with seven priests
carrying ram’s horns ahead of the ark. On the seventh day march around the city seven times, and
have the priests blow the horns. When they give a long blast on the ram’s horns and you hear that
signal, all the people shall shout aloud. The wall of the city will collapse, and they will be able to
make a frontal attack.’ Summoning the priests, Joshua, son of Nun, then ordered them to take up
the ark of the covenant with seven of the priests carrying ram's horns in front of the ark of the Lord.
[…] As the horns blew, the people began to shout. When they heard the signal horn, they raised a
tremendous shout. The wall collapsed, and the people stormed the city in a frontal attack and took
it. They observed the ban by putting to the sword all living creatures in the city: Men and women,
young and old, as well as oxen, sheep and asses. Joshua directed the two men who had spied out
the land, ‘Go into the harlot’s house and bring out the woman with all her kin, as you swore to her
you would do.’ Etc.” Transl. by The New American Bible, online on http://www.vatican.va/archive/
ENG0839/_INDEX.HTM.
Apparatus | LIX
In conclusion: Kananos narrates the final phases of the Turkish siege in 1422 and the
miraculous liberation of Constantinople from the Turks by the hand of the Mother of
God. In designing his account, Kananos follows a certain hagiographical current
and celebrates the ‘supernatural defender(s)’ of the city as several authors did be-
fore him100. On the other hand, Kananos reveals himself to be an accurate and curi-
ous historiographer. Hagiographical and historiographical elements are finally
combined in a form which recalls public orations and celebrative sermons: In fact, it
is probable that this Διήγησις was originally conceived to be performed during an
anniversary of the liberation of Constantinople, or commemorative celebrations.
Possible sources
I prefer not to consider the passages I recorded in Apparatus I, section a), as
sources. Nevertheless, remarkable allusions to other texts can be detected. They
immediately give the impression that Kananos was familiar with historical writings
which had the siege of a city as a subject. In some instances (ll. 258; 258–260), I have
suggested parallels with Eustathios’ The Capture of Thessaloniki.
Other allusions, furthermore, seem to indicate that Kananos was familiar with
gnomologia and florilegia and that he used those instruments when composing his
narrative. For example, Kananos writes (ll. 258–260):
Γὰρ ἐν μιᾷ καιροῦ ῥοπῇ, μυριάδας βελῶν · τουτέστιν σαγίττας · ἐτόξευσαν ἐπάνω τῶν
Ῥωμαίων· καὶ ἔπεσον εἰς τὰ τοίχη τῆς πόλεως · καὶ ἐντὸς, ὥστε καὶ τὸν αἰθέρα ἐκάλυψαν · καὶ
αὐτὸ τὸ φῶς τοῦ ἡλίου ἐσκέπασαν·
Indeed, in a single decisive moment, they launched thousands of reeds – meaning arrows –
over the Romans. They fell on the walls of the city and even inside and were so many that they
covered the sky and obscured the light of the sun.
Indubitably, the passage αὐτὸ τὸ φῶς τοῦ ἡλίου ἐσκέπασαν (the arrows being the
subject) goes back to Herodotus101. I cannot exclude the fact that Kananos had read
Herodotus’s Historiae in their entirety, and was able to directly quote passages from
them. However, I think it is more likely that Kananos cites the much ‘over-quoted’
extract from Herodotus, from anthologies, gnomologia or from other texts he knew,
such as, for example, from Eustathios’ The Capture of Thessaloniki102.
||
100 Baynes 1949: 165–178; Williams 1999: 156–170; Turnbell 2004: 33–46, 47–57; Harris 2007: 40–
58 (with bibliography therein); Nicolle 2007: 153–157; Shoemaker 2010: 53–115.
101 Hdt. 7, 226,1.
102 Consequently, I have written in Apparatus II that the excerpt from Herodotus is a very often-
quoted passage. I have also mentioned, as an example of these, Eustathios’ The Capture of Thessa-
loniki, 94, 10–11 (ed. Kyriakidis 1961): καὶ ἦν ἰδεῖν κατὰ τὴν Ἡροδότειον Μοῦσαν νέφη βελῶν, τῶν τε
κατὰ πέτρας τῶν τε κατὰ ὀιστούς, δι’ ὧν ὁ ἀὴρ ἐσκιάζετο. See also PP III 215, 21–22: τῷ πλήθει μὲν
τῶν βελῶν ὁ ἥλιος ἀπεκρύπτετο ἐν ὥρᾳ πολέμου. Another passage, worth mentioning here, is the
LX | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
Another example suggesting Kananos’ familiarity with gnomologia and florilegia

can be found on l. 342:
φάσκοντες γὰρ αἱ παρὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν μαρτυρίαι ἀξιοπιστότεραί εἰσιν·

It is commonly said that the enemies’ testimonies are absolutely worth believing in.
This oft-quoted saying103 goes back at least to Basil of Caesarea (Basil the Great)104. It
is the only part in which Kananos uses the verb φάσκω in order to introduce a quote.
One certainty, however, among several uncertainties, is that Kananos was familiar
with the writings of Gregory of Nazianzus, particularly with his 43rd oration. Leav-
ing aside possible Gregorian reminiscences due to Kananos’ rhetorical education
(see above), I have identified three important affinities between the Diegesis and
Gregory’s 43rd oration. Let us consider them in turn.
The saying on l. 39 “ὡς νέφος χαλάζης πλῆρες καὶ τετριγὸς ὀλέθριον” goes back
to Gregory’s Or. 43, 30, 1. Here Kananos borrows the words used by Gregory to de-
scribe the arrival of the Emperor Valens, the “champion of Arianism105”.
The expression on ll. 276–277: “καὶ ὡς καπνοῦ κινήσαντος σμῆνος ἄλλος ἐπ’
ἄλλῳ διεγείρεται· καὶ ἀνίσταται γένος ἅπαν καὶ ἡλικία πᾶσα · καὶ ἕκαστος μεθ’ ὧν
ἠδύνατο ὅπλων·” goes back to Gregory’s Or. 43, 57,3.
Similarly, the passage on ll. 307sqq., “ἀλλὰ καὶ γυναῖκες πολλαὶ εἰς ἀνδρὸς
θάρσος μεταλλαττόμεναι ἐπὶ τοῦ πολέμου τὴν ὥραν τὴν φρικτοτάτην ἐκείνην οὐκ
ἀπεκρύβησαν…” is a reference to Gregory’s Or. 43, 57,4.
As one can see, all the quotations sound proverbial, and Kananos may have copied
them from florilegia or borrowed them from other texts he knew. However, the last
two are actually part of a broader process of an imitation of Gregory’s Funeral Ora-
tion. In chapters 56–57106, Gregory tells the story of a “woman of distinguished
birth,” who “shortly after the death of her husband, was being violently importuned
by the assessor of a judge, who sought to draw her into marriage against her will”.
Even though she had “made God her protector against the outrage” and Basil the
Great managed to defend her, a judge sought to seize the supplicant and became
furious, because of Basil’s interference. As a result of this, the judge ordered Basil
“to appear in court and justify himself … as if he were a man condemned”. During
||
expression by which Kananos (l. 228) and Eust. Thess. (22,24) elliptically indicate the church of
Hagia Sophia: ἡ Σοφία “τοῦ μεγίστου θεοῦ”.
103 We find the gnome in Niketas Choniates as well, Χρονικὴ Διήγησις 414, 13: ἵνα δὲ καὶ ταῖς ἀπὸ
τῶν ἐχθρῶν μαρτυρίαις τὸ πλῆθος πιστωσώμεθα τῶν πεσόντων.
104 In sanctam Christi generationem, PG 31, 1469, 29–30.
105 See McCauley et alii. 19682 (1951; repr. 2004): 53, n. 29.
106 All the translations from GregNaz Or. 43 are by McCauley 19682.
Apparatus | LXI
the trial, the judge appeared full of wrath and arrogance against Basil. The people
who attended the case, considered the offences towards Basil as made against
themselves and reacted.
But the city, as soon as it was aware of the evil and the peril common to all, for each person
considered this outrage a danger to himself, became completely distracted and fired with pas-
sion. And like a swarm of bees roused by smoke, one after another was stirred and arose, men
of all classes and ages, but particularly the imperial armorers and weavers. For in such circum-
stances these men are rather impetuous and are daring because of the freedom they enjoy.
Each man had for a weapon what his craft supplied him or anything else improvised for the oc-
casion. With torches in their hands, with clubs ready, and hurling stones before them, they ran
in a single mass and with one cry in an enthusiasm they all shared. Anger makes a formidable
soldier or general. Even the women, provoked by the situation, were armed at this time. They
no longer remained women, but, strengthened by zeal, they took on the courage of men.
Kananos rephrases this passage when he describes the reaction of the citizens of
Constantinople against the Turks. The heroic and desperate defense of the city hap-
pened precisely at the moment of greatest danger and anguish. Similarly, in Grego-
ry’s account, people reacted when the judge’s violence reached a peak. Both in Ka-
nanos and in Gregory, “men of all classes and ages” were involved, some of them
either had weapons or “anything else improvised for the occasion”. Women too,
played an active role in the revolt, as we have seen.
Kananos paraphrases Gregory’s oration in order to narrate a decisive moment in
the defense of the city; the fact he resorted to literary allusions does not imply that
the narrated event never happened107. In fact, Kananos usually draws expressions,
full of meaning and emotion, from the fount of the common framework of cultural
reference, which was deeply-rooted in the minds and hearts of the Byzantines both
“educated and uneducated”. Among Kananos’ public, those, who could grasp all
the allusions and suggestions of literary texts (i.e. the majority, given the popularity
of the works quoted), would have also been able to enjoy the emotions, which quot-
ed texts often evoke, and not only to get the bare historical facts.
Moreover, if, as I believe, the Diegesis of Kananos was orally performed during
commemorative celebrations of the liberation of the city, its first audience must
have been largely made up of survivors of the Turkish siege. I like to think, in this
||
107 See for instance Bartusis 1992: 308–9 who writes: “In moments of crisis an entire town was
mobilized, the army joined by the citizenry. John Kananos describes how the siege of Constantino-
ple in 1422 brought out the best in the city’s inhabitants […]. It seems, however, that only direct
threats motivated most townspeople to take up arms. In the early fourteenth century Thomas Magis-
tros wrote a treatise called On the Relation of Citizens to the State (Peri Politeias) in which he
suggested that all the subjects of a well-ordered state should be trained in arms and be ready to
supplement the state’s army.” On ‘reality and invention’ in Byzantine history writing see Lilie 2014:
193Asqq.; 204Asqq.; part. 209A–210B.
LXII | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
case, that all the literary allusions would have made them proud of having taken
part in an epic enterprise, worth of legend.
Everything presented in part 2.4.2a can be summarized in the words of Guglielmo

Cavallo, who really seems to have captured an accurate profile of John Kananos108:
Qual è dunque a Bisanzio il lettore comune che ci siamo sforzati di fare emergere […]? Forse
nella più parte dei casi è un ecclesiastico; è quasi sempre un individuo di sesso maschile; è for-
nito di una salda alfabetizzazione, ed è perciò capace di leggere e scrivere; in più casi ha acce-
duto ai gradi di istruzione della ἐγκύκλιος παιδεία ma quasi sempre fermandosi al primo stadio
e comunque non andando oltre la cosiddetta grammatica; se qualche volta ha avuto accesso
anche alla retorica, si è fermato ai primi progymnasmata; se laico, è per lo più un funzionario
civile o militare, e se ecclesiastico rientra quasi sempre nelle gerarchie di rango medio o medio-
alto; ha una certa disponibilità di denaro per acquistare libri, ma può anche scriverne da sé,
averne in dono o prenderne in prestito; secondo il grado di istruzione può leggere testi scritti
[…] in ‘middle style’ o in ‘low style’, ma può anche praticare scritti in uno stile più elevato ove
questi siano adatti a maniere di lettura differenziate, sì che anche ad un lettore medio fosse
possibile capire almeno l’essenziale; richiede libri forniti di un alto quoziente di leggibilità;
legge ad alta voce.
2.4.2b Apparatus I, section “b)”
In the second section of Apparatus I, which begins with the letter b), I have made it
possible for the reader to compare the known historical narratives of the siege in
1422 with that of Kananos.
More concretely, I have always quoted the text of the most useful and interest-
ing passages from the parallel sources, whereas I have only indicated the reference
(by page and line), in all other cases.
As far as I know, the siege of 1422 is described in the following sources as well:
ChronBrev 9,42 = P. Schreiner, Die byzantinischen Kleinchroniken. I–III (CFHB xiii/1–

3). Wien 1975–1979. With German translation.
9,49
1422/6930 (Ind. 15)
ἔτει ͵ϛϡλαʹ, ἰνδικτιῶνος ιεʹ, 〈αὐγούστῳ κδʹ〉, ἡμέρᾳ 〈βʹ〉, ἐν ἡμέρᾳ τοῦ ἁγίου Εὐτυχοῦς, μαθητοῦ
τοῦ ἁγίου Ἰωάννου τοῦ Θεολόγου, ἐκαστροπολέμησεν ὁ ἄθεος Μουράτης τὴν Μεγαλόπολι. καὶ
ἐνίκησαν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ ἐσκοτώθησαν οἱ Τοῦρκοι, χιλιάδες πολλές. γίνωσκε ὅτι μετὰ τὸ
ἀναληφθῆναι τὸν κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν ἔγραψεν ὁ ἀπόστολος Ματθαῖος τὸ εὐαγγέλιον
||
108 Cavallo 2008: 257.
Apparatus | LXIII
μετὰ ηʹ χρόνους, τὸ δὲ κατὰ Μάρκον μετὰ ιʹ χρόνους, τὸ δὲ κατὰ Λουκᾶ μετὰ ιεʹ χρόνους, τὸ δὲ
κατὰ Ἰωάννην μετὰ λεʹ χρόνους.
13, 1–4
(1.) 1422/6930 (Ind. 15)
ἔτους ͵ϛϡλʹ, ἰνδικτιῶνος ιεʹ, μηνὶ ἰουνίῳ ιʹ, ἡμέρᾳ τετράδι, ὥρᾳ τετάρτῃ μετὰ τὸ μεσημέρι,
ἐπιλάλησεν ὁ Μιχάλπεϊς τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν.
(2.) 1422/6930 (Ind. 15)
καὶ τῇ κʹ τοῦ αὐτοῦ μηνός, ἡμέραν σάββατον, ἦλθε καὶ ὁ ἀμηρᾶς ὁ Μουράτ πεϊς, ὥρᾳ ἕκτῃ μετὰ
τὸ μεσημέρι.
(3.) 1422/6930 (Ind. 15)
καὶ τῇ κδʹ αὐγούστου, τῆς αὐτῆς ἰνδικτιῶνος, ἐπολέμησεν αὐτὴν ἤτοι τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν,
ἡμέρᾳ δευτέρᾳ, ὥρᾳ 〈.〉 ἀπ’ ἀρχῆς τοῦ μεσημερίου ἕως ὅλης τῆς δευτέρας μετὰ μεσημέρι ἤτοι
ὥρας δύο.
(4.) 1422/6931 (Ind. 1)
καὶ τῇ ϛʹ σεπτεμβρίου, τῆς αʹ ἰνδικτιῶνος, τοῦ ͵ϛϡλαʹ ἔτους, ἡμέρᾳ κυριακῇ, ἐξῆλθεν ἀπεδῶ,
ὥρᾳ τῆς ἡμέρας ἀρχή.
22,34
1422/6930 (Ind. 15)
εἰς τὴν ἡμέραν δὲ τοῦ κυροῦ Μανουὴλ ἐποίησε μάχην ὁ Μουράτπεϊς μὲ τὴν Πόλιν καὶ
ἐπολέμισεν αὐτὴν καὶ οὐκ ἴσχυσεν.
94A, 5
1422/6930 (Ind. 15)
τοῦ ͵ϛϡλʹ ἐπολέμησε ὁ Ἀμουράτης τὴν Πόλιν πόλεμον μεγάλην, μηνὶ αὐγούστῳ κδʹ.
Chalk 227,21–234,18 (Bekker) = Vol. II, 7,14–13,8 (Darkó) = Laonici Chalcocondylae

Atheniensis, Historiarum libri decem. Ex rec. I. Bekker. Bonnae 1843 = Historiarum
Demonstrationes, rec. E. Darkó. Vols. I–II. Budapest 1922–1927. Engl. transl. Kaldel-
lis 2014 I: 376–387.
Dukas 181,21–188,9 (Bekker) = chap. 28,1–6, p. 229,10–237,6 (Grecu) = Ducae Micha-

elis Ducae nepotis, Historia Byzantina. Rec. I. Bekker. Bonnae 1834 = Ducas, Historia
Turco-Bizantina (1341–1462). Rec. V. Grecu. Scriptores Byzantini 1. Bucharest 1958.
Engl. transl. Magoulias 1975: 160–164.
Sphrantzes X,1–2 = Maisano 1990: 22, 1–9. Engl. transl. Philippides 1980: 376–387.
Dorotheos of Lesbos = Taxidis 2011.
EcthChron 3,17–24 = Ecthesis Chronica and Chronicon Athenarum, edited with criti-
cal notes and indices by Sp. Lampros. London 1902.
(3,16) 〈Ὁ σουλτὰν Μουράτης〉 ... Kαὶ διελύθη ἡ πανήγυρις καὶ ἐκυρίευσε πᾶσαν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν
Δύσεως | καὶ Ἀνατολῆς. Ὀργισθεὶς οὖν τοὺς Πολίτας, ἐποίησεν αὐτοῖς πᾶν | δεινόν, καθ’
LXIV | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
ἑκάστην ἁρπάζων καὶ λεηλατῶν τὰ πέριξ τῆς | Πόλεως, καὶ, παρακαθήμενος τῇ Πόλει ἐγγὺς
τριετίας, οὐκ |20 ἴσχυσε λαβεῖν αὐτήν· ἐπιέζετο οὖν ἡ Πόλις ὑπὸ τοῦ λιμοῦ· | ὅμως ὀψέποτε
παρῃτήσατο αὐτὴν ἀπῆλθεν. Ἐποίησεν | οὖν εἰρήνην καὶ ὅρκους τοῦ μὴ ἄλλοτε παρευρεθῆναι
κατὰ τῆς | Πόλεως.
HistTurk = ChronTurk 59,34–60,27 = G. Zoras, Χρονικὸν περὶ τῶν Τούρκων σουλτά-

νων. Athens 1958 (see also notes on pp. 181–182). See List of abbreviations s.v.
HistTurk.
(59,34) Καὶ ἀπὸ κεῖ, ὡσὰν ἐσυμμάζωξε καὶ ἐβεβαίωσε καὶ βεβαίωσε ὁ Μουράτης τὴν βασι|λείαν
(35) του καὶ τὴν ἐστερέωσε, ἐμάζωξε τὰ φουσσᾶτα του καὶ ἑτοιμάστη νὰ | πολεμήσῃ τὴν
Κωνσταντινούπολι, νὰ κάμῃ τὴν ἀντιμοιβή. Καὶ ἔστειλε | ὀμπρὸς τὸν Μιχάλογλη μὲ φουσσᾶτα
τῆς Ῥούμελης· καὶ ἐδιάβη τὸ μέρος | (60,1) τῆς Πόλης καὶ ἐδιαγούμιζε καὶ σκλαβίαν πολλὴ
ἔκαμνε 〈ἐ〉ς τὰ χωρία τῆς Πό|λης, τῶν Ῥωμαίων. Καὶ ἐδιάβη καὶ κοντὰ εἰς τὰ τειχία τῆς Πόλης
καὶ ἐπο|λέμα. Ἀμμὴ ἀκόμη λουμπάρδες, τουφέκια δὲν ἤτανε πολλά. Καὶ εἰσὲ ὀλίγες | ἡμέρες
ἦρθε καὶ ὁ σουλτὰν Μουράτης μὲ τὰ ἐπίλοιπα φουσσᾶτα καὶ μὲ τοὺς |5 γιανιτζάρους καὶ εἶχε καὶ
τὰ φουσσᾶτα τῆς Ἀνατολῆς. Καὶ ἐσίμωσε καὶ | αὐτὸς εἰς τὰ τειχία καὶ ἐτέντωσε. Καὶ
ἐκρατούσανε οἱ τέντες του ἀπὸ τὴν | μίαν μερέαν τῆς Πόλης ἕως εἰς τὴν ἄλλη. | Καὶ ἐπολέμα τὰ
τείχα μὲ λουμπάρδες. Ἀμμὴ τὰ τειχία ἤτανε δυνατὰ καὶ δὲν τὰ ἐβλάπτανε. Καὶ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι ἀπὸ
μέσα ἐπολεμούσανε καὶ ἀντιστέ|κανε (10) τῶν γιανιτζάρων ἀνδρειωμένα. Καί, ἐπειδὴ
ἐπολεμούσανε πολλὲς ἡμέ|ρες καὶ εἶδε πὼς δὲν ἠπορεῖ νὰ τὴν ἐπάρῃ, ἐστεκέτονε πικραμένος.
Ἀμμὴ | πάλι δὲν ἔπαυε μέρα – νύκτα νὰ τήνε πολεμᾷ. Καὶ τότε ἔστειλε ὁ βασιλέας ὁ
Παλαιολόγος ἀπὸ μέσα ὅτι νὰ κάμουσι ἀγάπη. Καί, ὡς τὸ ἤκουσε ὁ σουλ|τὰν Μουράτης,
ἐγέλασε καὶ τοὺς ἐδίωξε τοὺς μαντατοφόρους. Ἀμμὴ, ὡσὰν |15 δὲν ἠπόρειε νὰ τὴν ἐπάρῃ, ἐπῆρε
τὸ φουσσᾶτα του καὶ ἐδιάβη. Καὶ πάλι | ἐστείλανε μαντατοφόρους οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, ὅτι νὰ θελήσῃ νὰ
κάμουσι ἀγάπη. Καὶ | πάλι δὲν ἤθε νὰ κάμῃ ἀγάπη. Τότε οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι ἐστείλανε μαντατοφόρο εἰς
τὸν ἀδελφό του τὸν Μουσταφᾶ, ὁποὺ εὑρισκέτονε εἰς τὸν ἀφέντη τῆς Καρα|μανίας, ὁποὺ ἤτονε
ὁ μικρότερος καὶ νέος δεκατρίων χρονῶν. […] (60,21) Καὶ ἀπὸ κεῖ | ἔβαλε διαλαλημὸ καὶ ἐμάζωξε
φουσσᾶτο Τούκρους καὶ ἀπέρασε καὶ ἐδιάβη | εἰς τὴν Ἀνατολὴ καὶ ἐπῆρς τὸ Ἱερὸν μὲ τὴν
βοήθειαν τῶν Ῥωμαίων.
PP III 215,10–216,22 = Isidoros Card. Ruteno = S.P. Lampros, Παλαιολόγεια καὶ

Πελοποννησιακά. Vols. I–IV. Athens 1912–1930. See List of abbreviations s.v. Ecthe-
sis Chronica.
(215,10) Ὅθεν ἀγείρας στρατὸν πανταχῆ οὐκ εὐαρίθμητον, ἡμῶν μὴ προγινωσκόντων, | ἀμητοῦ
ἐν ὥρᾳ προσβάλλει μάλα δεινῶς τῇ καθ’ ἡμᾶς μεγίστῃ | τῶν πόλεων, καὶ πόλεμον ἀναρριπίζει
τῶν πώποτε γιγνομένων | τὸν χαλεπώτατον. Πολλῶν τοίνυν καὶ μεγάλων ἐπικειμένων ταύτῃ
|15 τὸ πρότερον καὶ οὗτος τῶν τηνικαῦτα γενομένων εἷς ἦν. Καὶ | πρῶτον μὲν ἤρξατο ληίζειν
ἅπαντα τὰ πέριξ τῆς Πόλεως. Ὁ μέντοι | λαὸς προφθάσας οὐκ ἀνηρπάγη τῇ τῶν πολεμίων
ἐφόδῳ, ἐπεὶ | προκατείχετο τῶν γενησομένων καὶ αὑτὸν ὅ τι τάχιστα ηὐτρεπίσατο· | Εἶτα
συνειλοχὼς ἑλεπόλεις καὶ ταύτας συχνῶς τῷ τείχει μάλα δεινῶς |20 εὐτρεπίζει ἐξώλης· καὶ
πρῶτον μὲν ἀκροβολισμοῖς ἀλλήλοις βάλ|λοντες, μετέπειτα καὶ τὰς κλίμακας, νύκτωρ καὶ μεθ’
ἡμέραν οὐ διέλιπε ταύτην πολιορκῶν· τῷ πλήθει μὲν τῶν βελῶν ὁ ἥλιος | ἀπεκρύπτετο ἐν ὥρᾳ
πολέμου, ἤπειρος δὲ κύκλῳ τοῦ ἄστεως τῷ | πλήθει τῶν πολεμίων, καὶ τὸ ἡμέτερον ἐν
στενώσει καὶ ἀπορίᾳ |25 τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐτύγχανεν· περιῃρεῖτο δὲ πάντοθεν σχεδὸν τὰς |
ἐλπίδας, καὶ διὰ τοῦθ’ ὡς εἰκὸς ἔξωθεν ἑωρᾶτο καὶ τὸ πλεῖστον | μέρος ἐπέρρει οὐ μόνον τὸ
ἐνδεῶς ἔχον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ περιττεῦον | ταῖς χρείαις ὅ τε κατέχων ἐν ἀμηχανίᾳ περιειστήκει
Apparatus | LXV
πολλῇ, τῶν | πραγμάτων μηδαμῶς ἐνορώντων ἐπὶ τὸ βέλτιον, τὰ πέριξ δὲ τῆς |30 πόλεως τὰ μὲν
κρατήσαντες, τὰ δὲ ληισάμενοι. Τούτων μὲν οὕτω | γιγνομένων, ὁ τῶν Σκυθῶν ἡγούμενος
διαδιδράσκει τῶν πολεμίων | μετὰ πεντήκοντα στρατιωτῶν· καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖσε τὸ τηνικαῦτα
διατε|λῶν (216,1) ἦν σύμμαχος τῶν πολεμίων οὔκουν ἐθελούσιος. Καὶ εὐθὺς | καταλέγει τὴν
βουλὴν καὶ τὴν δύναμιν αὑτοῦ ἅπασαν. Ἐντεῦθεν | σημεῖον ἐναργὲς ἦν τὸ γινόμενον φέρον ἡμῖν
βοήθειαν, ἀποστρο|φὴν δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων τοῖς πολεμίοις. Ἀλλ’ ἐκεῖνος οὐκ ἔληγε |5 πάντα
πράττων καὶ κατασκευαζόμενος ὅπως παραστήσηται ταύτην,| πῇ μὲν ἱστῶν ἑλεπόλεις καὶ
τειχομαχίαις, πῇ δὲ κλίμακας ἐντιθεὶς | τῷ τείχει· ἀλλὰ μὴν οὐδ’ ὀρυγῆς ἐνέλιπεν ἀλιτήμων
ὑπένερθεν | τῶν θεμελίων διαπραττόμενος. Ἀλλ’ εἰς κενὸν ἦν ὁ κόπος αὐτῷ. | μέρος γὰρ οὐκ
ὀλίγον διορυξάμενος ἄχρις αὐτῶν τῶν βάθρων τοῦ |10 τείχους τοῦ ἄστεως, οὐδόλως αὐτοῖς
παρῆκε τὸ ὕδωρ ὑπένερθεν | τούτων διορύττειν, ἀλλὰ παντελῶς ἀπεῖργε τοῦ ἐγχειρήματος. Μὴ
| δυνηθέντες οὖν περαιτέρω προβῆναι, ἐν ἀμηχανίᾳ περιειστήκεσαν. | Μὴν μὲν ὑπῆρχεν ὅθ’ οἱ
πολέμιοι ἤρξαντο πολιορκεῖν Ποσει|δεών, Γαμηλιών, Ἀνθεστηριών, Ἐλαφηβολιών· τῇ πέμπτῃ
τοῦ |15 μηνὸς τούτου μόγις τὰ τῆς μάχης κατέληξε, καὶ τὸ πολέμιον ἄρα | διεσκέπτετο
ὑπονοστῆσαι. Καταλιπὼν οὖν οὐκ ὀλίγους τῶν κρειτ|τόνων μέχρι χιλίων, τοὺς δ’
ὑπολειφθέντας λαβὼν ἀπῄει κατῃσχυ|μμένος, πολλὰ τῆς προπετείας αὐτοῦ καὶ αὐθαδείας
καταμεμψάμενος. | Καὶ ἃ μὲν ἐβούλετο ἥκιστα διεπράξατο, οἷς δ’ οὐκ ἤλπισεν ἄρα |20
συνήντησεν, ἥ τε Πόλις ἀνύμνει, περισωθεῖσα τῇ τῶν βαρβάρων | ἐφόδῳ καὶ μέσης ψυχῆς τῇ
τοῦ Θεοῦ λόγου μητρὶ ὡς δι’ ἐκείνης |22 σωθεῖσα ᾖδε τὰ χαριστήρια.
ChronMioni = E. Mioni, Una inedita cronaca bizantina (dal Marc. gr. 595), in: Rivista
di Studi Bizantini e Slavi 1 (1981), = Miscellanea A. Pertusi 1, 71–87 (76). With Italian
translation.
Nr. 39 Μηνὶ ἰουνίῳ ιʹ ἔτους ͵ϛϡλʹ ἦλθεν ὁ Μιχάλογλις καὶ ἀπέκλεισε τὴν πόλιν· ἦλθε δὲ καὶ ὁ
Μοράτης μετὰ φωσάτου πολλοῦ καὶ παρέκειντο καὶ ἐτειχομάχουν· τῇ δὲ κδʹ τοῦ αὐγούστου
συνῆψε πόλεμον μέγαν καὶ ἠπράκτησε βοηθείᾳ τῆς πανυπεράγνου θεοτόκου καὶ τῇ ϛʹ τοῦ
σεπτεμβρίου ὑπέστρεψεν ἄπρακτος.
Il 10 giugno 6930 (= 1422) venne Michaloglis e assediò la Città. Giunse anche Murad con un
numeroso esercito, si unirono e assalirono le mura. Il 24 agosto attaccò una grande battaglia,
ma non raggiunse lo scopo per l’aiuto della piissima Deipara. Il 7 settembre si allontanò senza
risultato. Mioni (ChronMioni: 84) also comments: “Murad II, ucciso Mustafà, muove contro
Manuele che aveva aiutato il rivale e pone l’assedio a Costantinopoli che si salva ancora una
volta per la saldezza delle sue fortificazioni.” The Italian translation and commentary are by
Mioni.
The reader can now compare Kananos with all these texts, by using App. I, letter ‘b’.
Nevertheless, it is worth mentioning the main differences between the sources here.
For this chapter, the following studies were very important: Barker 1969: 363–367;
ChronBrev II: 414–415; Philippides – Hanak 2011: 494, n. 68.
The beginning of the siege (ll. 19–52)

Sphrantzes says that Michal Bey109 arrived on June 8th, 1422 “to blockade our city”;
while Murad II arrived on June 15th and “took command of the siege operations”.
||
109 On Michal Bey see Moravcsik 1958 II: 191; below Part 2, n. 7.
LXVI | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
Kananos says that Michal Bey arrived on Tuesday June 10th, 1422. The date given by
Kananos presents problems, because June 10 was a Wednesday in that year110. Short-
ly after, Kananos repeats the date (again the 10th), this time without the day of the
week, which prevents us from comparing the two passages. As far as I can see, there
is no reason to believe that the text is corrupted in V, so I cannot give an explana-
tion for the mistake. Kananos also says that Murad came on June 20th (no day giv-
en), which is ten days after Michal Bey’s appearance. This timing is compatible with
that reported by Sphrantzes.
Both ChronBrev 13 and ChronMioni corroborate Kananos’ dating. Indeed, the
ChronBrev 13 gives Wednesday, June 10th for the arrival of Michal Bey, and Satur-
day, June 20th for Murad’s appearance. ChronBrev 13 correctly indicates the days of
the week111. ChronMioni matches ChronBrev 13 on the arrival of Michal Bey, alt-
hough it neither indicates the day of the week, nor says when Murad eventually
came.
ChronBrev 13 and Kananos, however, disagree as to the time of day of the re-
spective arrivals: Kananos affirms that Michal Bey arrived “at the second hour of the
day”, while the chronicle says he came “at the fourth hour after midday”. Kananos
gives no hour for Murad, while the more detailed chronicle puts his arrival “at the
sixth hour after midday”. Kananos estimates Michal Bey’s force at “twice five thou-
sand”, but gives no figures for Murad’s forces. Chalkokondyles (II 7,15sqq.; 7,17sqq.
Darkó; Kaldellis 2014 I: 377), ChronBrev, ChronMioni, ChronTurk all agree with
Kananos, as they also distinguish between the arrival of Michal Bey and of Murad.
Dukas (Grecu 231,14–16; Magoulias 1975: 161) only generally affirms that “after the
entire army of more than two hundred thousand troops had been assembled, Murad
marched against the city”.
Byzantine envoys to Murad II (ll. 126–131)

Our sources do not precisely inform us about Byzantine envoys to Murad II, and
they clearly disagree with each other.
Dukas seems to allude to three distinct Byzantine diplomatic missions. The first
took place in April 1422: “When Manuel II learned that Murad was ready to march
against him that very month (it was April), he dispatched an ambassador to him by
the name of Theologos Korax (Grecu 229,14–16; Magoulias 1975: 161).” The second
mission must have taken place shortly after the first: “As Mehmed and Vizier Ba-
yazid both died and, finally, Mustafa, who had come to power with the assistance of
the Romans, friendship’s sweetness deteriorated into enmity’s bitterness when the
sovereignty passed into Murad’s hands. Hoping to transfer the bitter back into the
sweet, the emperor dispatched to Murad his ambassadors, Lachanas Palaiologos
||
110 See Part 2 n. 4.
111 See apparatus criticus in Schreiner’s edition.
Apparatus | LXVII
and Markos Iagaris […], to present convincing arguments that the emperor was not
really the cause of Murad’s misfortunes (Grecu 231,1–7; Magoulias 1975: 161).” It is
important to point out that “Murad refused to see or listen to the ambassadors and
placed them under custody for a few days”; and that Theologos Korax “had not
accompanied the emperor’s ambassadors (Grecu 231,18; Magoulias 1975: 162)”. The
third mission dates back to the blockade: “Although Emperor Manuel was bedrid-
den, and death, so to speak, was always nearby, he contrived the following scheme
against Murad (Grecu 235,19–20; Magoulias 1975: 161).” I.e. he tried to incite Musta-
fa, a surviving child of Mehmed I, to act against the Sultan.
Chalkokondyles writes about two diplomatic missions, the first of which took
place during the final phase of the siege: “The Greeks sent envoys to him while he
was there, but he did not want to agree terms with them (Darkó II 12,6–7; Kaldellis
2014 I: 387).” A second one, aimed at securing a treaty with Murad, took place when
the Sultan had already left the field of battle: “A few days later, he departed for
home and dismissed his army. The Greeks sent envoys to plead with Murad, but he
sent them back and would not grant their request (Darkó II 12,8–10; Kaldellis 2014 I:
387).”
Kananos and Sphrantzes are the only sources which report Murad II arriving
and bringing the ambassadors with him, in chains, who had been sent to him in
order to arrange a treaty of friendship. Sphrantzes alone, gives their names “Deme-
trios Kantakouzenos, and Matthaios Laskaris, and also Angelos Philomates”. Philo-
mates had apparently been sent to Murad on a previous occasion. This means that
Sphrantzes reports two diplomatic missions; both must have taken place between
April and June.
ChronTurk also alludes to two unsuccessful diplomatic missions (60,14 and
60,15–16) and reports, as Dukas and Chalkokondyles do, that the Byzantines turned
to Mustafa (ChronTurk 60,13–19)112.
In conclusion, we cannot doubt that the Byzantines made every effort to prevent
a Turkish attack, which they considered to be inevitable. Moreover, it is probable
that the ambassadors, who appear in chains on Kananos’s stage, are those who had
been sent in April113. Nevertheless, our sources describe the different Byzantine dele-
gations too vaguely; as a result of this, I cannot determine which source is the most
reliable and how many diplomatic missions actually took place.
Manuel II and John VIII (ll. 234–239)

Manuel, who had previously weathered many such ordeals, was no longer in a posi-
tion to provide active leadership; but John was able to lead a vigorous defense per-
||
112 See also Barker 1969: 360, n. 108: “Dölger, Regesten nos. 3390 and 3391, p. 108, follows Dukas
in distinguishing two [sic] separate embassies (April and June 8th, respectively).”
113 See Dukas 28,1–2; Barker 1969: 360–361.
LXVIII | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
sonally and with distinction. Among our sources, only Kananos and Dukas give
accounts of the respective dispositions of the two emperors during the siege.
Dukas sketches Manuel II as “an old man 〈who〉 had long ago entrusted the em-
pire to his son John and had now devoted himself to the study of Holy Scriptures
(Grecu 229,13–14; Magoulias 1975: 160)”. Shortly after (28,3), he writes that “the
Emperor, a sick old man, had taken up residence in the Monastery of the Periblep-
tos, while Emperor John was occupied with the city’s defenses (Grecu 233,4–6; Ma-
goulias 1975: 162)”. Despite having depicted Manuel as too old and sick to be an
active player in the siege, Dukas (28,6; Grecu 235,19–20) says that it is precisely the
old emperor who contrived an effective scheme to distract Murad and to prevent him
from continuing the siege.
Kananos agrees with Dukas, as he states that “being exhausted because of ill-
ness and age, one of the emperors was neither able to take up his arms nor to mount
a horse, thus he remained inside the palace114 and helped as far as his strength ena-
bled him115. However, the other, fully armed, mounted his horse, as it was necessary,
and went out by the Gate of St. Romanos, and took position near the gateway”.
The Siege and the deployment (ll. 52sqq.)

The Turks encamped all along the Theodosian walls116. Dorotheos of Mytilene (Taxi-
dis 2008: 163), Chalk., ChronTurk and PP, all agree with Kananos.
Chalkokondyles, ChronTurk and Kananos mention the Turkish bombardments
and various firearms; they all underline the ineffectiveness of those weapons. Chalk.
also focuses on a historical survey (Darkó II 10,9–11,20; Kaldellis 2014 I: 383–385) on
the bombards; Kananos lists several machines and sometimes employs even Turkish
and military technical terms.
Similarly, Kananos is the only source to mention Mersaitas and his charismatic
traits. Moreover, the parallel between the Turkish horde (consisting not only of the
military but also of common people, who had gathered in the hope of taking part in
the ransacking of the city), and the Byzantine defenders (who also counted among
their numbers civilians, women, clerics, etc.) can be found only in Kananos.
‘We had in fact no one who could help us either to arouse us or to urge on’ (l. 235)
Kananos says that the Romans began to react after realizing that no one would come
and help them in repelling the Turks. This may be an echo of a resolution of the
Venetian government: “On August 26th (!), 1422, the Venetian State issued instruc-
||
114 Note that Dukas indicates the Monastery of the Peribleptos as Manuel’s residence during the
siege.
115 I.e. with diplomacy, according to Dukas.
116 See ll. 54–55, and App. I, c] ad loc.; and plates 4–6: They are based on Philippides – Hanak
2011. See also Asutay-Effenberger 2007: passim.
Apparatus | LXIX
tions to its bailo at Constantinople, who was to assure the Emperor of Venetian
friendship, but should tell him that the Venetians would be unable to send any help
to the besieged city before the next spring. […] Meanwhile, the bailo was to offer
mediation between the Emperor and the Sultan, even if Murad had already left the
vicinity of the city117.”
The general assault and the Turkish departing from Constantinople (ll. 360–364)
Our sources agree in indicating August 24th as the date of the general assault, with
the exception of Sphrantzes who gives August 22nd. This time, Kananos gives the
day of the week (Monday) correctly. ChronBrev 13,3 and 94A,5 support Kananos on
dating. ChronBrev 13,3 even tells of a surprisingly short attack: “And on the 24th
August, on Monday, he [Murad] assaulted it, which is Constantinople, from an hour
before the beginning of midday to the completion of the second hour after midday
that is two hours (transl. Barker 1969: 364–365, n. 115).” ChronBrev and Kananos
seem then, to disagree on this point, as the latter says that “an extremely violent
fight and a very hard battle broke out and lasted for a long time (see ll. 293–295)”.
Our sources also disagree on when the Turks abandoned the siege. Kananos does
not give the date of the Turkish departure from Constantinople. Moreover, from his
account, we assume that Murad lifted the siege only because of the failure of the
main assault, on August 24.
Sphrantzes and ChronBrev 13 give September 6th as the date, while Dukas ob-
serves that: “For three months Murad and his troops had besieged the city.” How-
ever, he does not explicitly indicate when Murad begun the siege, nor where exactly
the Turkish troops were deployed. ChronMioni alone gives September 7th. PP III
also gives September (Ἐλαφηβολιών) as the month when Murad left118.
The role of the Mother of God (ll. 360–370)

When describing the end of the siege and the liberation of the city, our sources split
into two groups: The first underlines divine assistance; the second alludes to more
secular and objective reasons.
Sphrantzes writes that “with God’s help, Murad’s efforts were rendered fruitless”.
Kananos recognizes in the Mother of God the cause of victory119, without forgetting
to underline the “inspired-by-God” courage of the Romans. ChronMioni describes
this scene in a similar way; however, it mentions the fundamental role played by the
||
117 Barker 1969: 364 n. 114.
118 See Grumel 1958: 177.
119 We have already mentioned how Kananos’ account fits into the traditional narratives which
have as a subject the supernatural defenders of Constantinople.
LXX | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
Theodosian walls in repulsing the Turks. ChronBrev 9 only reports that “the Romans
won and several thousand Turks became disoriented”.
Chalkokondyles, Dukas, and ChronTurk ascribe Murad’s departure to more
practical causes. Dukas’ account is the most complete: “Murad was busily engaged
building siege engines and mangonels for the assault against Constantinople. With-
in a few days, a courier arrived announcing to Murad: ‘Your brother Mustafa has
entered Prusa and the citizens have welcomed him and acclaimed him ruler. He has
now left Prusa with the šarabdar Ilyas and is making his way to Nicaea.’ Informed of
these developments, Murad reflected: ‘The Emperor of the Romans has unleashed
another Mustafa to bring me tribulations.’ In order to bring an end to the hostilities,
he gave orders for the dismantling of the breastworks, the removal of the siege
engines, and the disbanding of his many troops in battle array. He returned to Adri-
anople, after he abandoned the siege (Grecu 235,29–236,6; Magoulias 1975: 164).” It
is worth comparing Dukas’ last lines in this passage with Kananos ll. 326–327:
“Talking about their weaponry, it is known that they unwillingly left to the Romans
those that were close to the city wall, but wittingly set to fire the biggest one.” Both
sources reveal a certain strategy, as far the Turkish withdrawal is concerned.
Chalkokondyles only writes that: “A few days later, he departed for home and
dismissed his army (Darkó II 12,7–8; Kaldellis 2014 I: 387)”, without giving any de-
tailed explanation. In a previous passage, however, he mentioned Murad’s frustra-
tion, as he had not made progress in the siege: “Murad grew angry and despondent,
for he had thought that he would take the city (Darkó II 12,4–5; Kaldellis 2014 I:
385).” Chalkokondyles, moreover, thoroughly documents Murad’s efforts to be rid of
Mustafa, the pretender to his own throne120. ChronTurk (60,17–27) does not add any
remarkable detail.
In conclusion, ChronMioni, Kananos, and Sphrantzes describe the miraculous
intervention of (the Mother of) God as being the cause of the liberation of Constanti-
nople. Other sources, on the contrary, underline that Murad lifted the siege after the
failure of the main assault (which took place on August 24). They also explicitly
allude to the decisive role of the Byzantine diplomacy which produced Mustafa,
another pretender to the Ottoman throne121.
2.4.2c Apparatus I, section “c)”
In the third section of the Apparatus I, I have underlined all the cross-references we
can find in Kananos. The Diegesis, in fact, is characterized by an unusually high
number of formulas and repetitions. This peculiar characteristic of Kananos’ prose
||
120 Darkó II 12,10–13,15; Kaldellis 2014 I: 387–389.
121 On this point see also Philippides 1990: 145 n. 12 and 13.
The language of Kananos: An overview | LXXI
shows that our author opted for a stereotypical prosa. It does not necessarily indi-
cate a lack of ability in writing. If we read the account aloud, we can observe that
the repetitions are particularly effective and actually give a kind of rhythm to the
narrative, helping with the memorization of the information, and bringing the Die-
gesis close to the later Lamentationes (see above) and other accounts in verses. More
than other previously mentioned elements, the repetitions suggest to me that Ka-
nanos originally designed his account for public recital.
To conclude this introduction, I have schematized the characteristics of Kananos’

language. For a thorough survey of his vocabulary and syntax, however, see the
Thesaurus122.
2.5 The language of Kananos: An overview

Phonetics
Effects involving vowels and consonants
Kananos alternatively uses ζάγρα / τζάγρα; ἐδόξευσαν123 / ἐτόξευσαν; πολυθρύλητον /
-θρύλλητον; Μοάμετ / Μωάμεθ / Μωάμετ124; τοίχη / τείχη.
As far as the Attic paired -τ- and the koine -σσ- are concerned, I have recorded
10125 and 4126 cases respectively. Their use does not seem to indicate any stylistic
pattern.
The Vatican manuscript uses the moveable (or protective) -ν everywhere127, while N
and A seem to use it only in order to avoid hiatus. In addition to those cases where
Classical Greek also allowes its use, V employs the moveable (or protective) -ν also
for the singular accusative of the third declension (θυγατέραν [θυγατέρα NA],
νύκταν128); in the third singular person both of passive aorist129 and of aorist III
||
122 The following studies have been taken into account for the compilation of this schema: Hat-
zidakis 1892a and E. Mayser, Grammatik der griechischen Papyri aus der Ptolemäerzeit. I–III. Leip-
zig – Berlin 1906–1983. In addition to them, worth mentioning are also: Maisano 1990 (CFHB 29):
38*–51* (= Rollo 1990); Reinsch 2001 (CFHB 40/1) & 2014; Cesaretti 2015 (particularly 368–401).
123 As I have written above, I consider ἐδόξευσαν to be a misspelling of the copyist of V.
124 See Moravcsik 1958 II: 209.
125 ἀνακηρύττειν, ἥττημαι, ἧτταν, ἡττημένοι, πράττειν, ἔπραττεν, κρείττονες, μεταλλαττόμεναι,
ἐξεπλήττοντο, ἐλάττονες.
126 γλῶσσα, γλῶσσαν, φυλάσσονται, προστάσσω.
127 See Jannaris § 221; App. III, §§ 9. 16–21 et al.; A. Thumb, Handbuch der neugriechischen Volks-
sprache. Straßburg 19102: 23.
128 The word νύκταν coexists alongside νύκτα in every manuscript.
129 Hatzidakis 1892a: 111, n. 1; Psaltes p. 214, n. 1.
LXXII | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
(ἀπέβην and ἀνέβην ×2) and in the third singular person of mid. pass. imperfect
(εὑρίσκετον, ἐξαίρετον)130.
In the matter of accents, the loss of the sense of vowel quantities affected the way
words were stressed, as in καλογέροι and Τουρκοκαλογέροι. The interchangeable
forms Τουρκῶν / Τούρκων131 are also worth mentioning here.
Enclitics and Proclitics

I consider the honorific title Πείς as an enclitic, thus I wrote in textu forms such as:
Ἀμουράτ Πεις and Μιχάλ Πεις. The Vatican manuscript also considers the vernacu-
lar με (< μετά) as a proclitic (e.g. on fol. 360r, l. 20). I do not.
Crasis
κἀγώ; τοὔνομα.
Morphology
Confusion between declensions: κάστρη (pro κάστρα); δυστυχοῖς (pro δυστυχέσι);
γυναῖκα, γυναῖκαν (which coexist with γυναῖκας, -ός and -ῶν); θυγατέραν; νύκταν
(which coexist with νύκτα); χεῖραν. A similar case is also recorded in verbal mor-
phology: κεκραιπαληκοί (-κοί pro -κότες).
Vernacular pronominal forms: σάς = ὑμᾶς (pron); σας = your (poss adj encl); μας
×3, our, (pron encl)132.
Masculine adjectives used as feminine: μεγίστους ×2; ἄξιος133.
Vowels / consonants inversions: θράσος = θάρσος and δρεπανηφόρος =
δερπανηφόρος.
Also worth mentioning is the coexistence of ἐκεῖσαι and ἐκεῖσε134.
Mέ (με)135 and νά are alternatively employed with μετά and ἵνα.
Verbal morphology
Double augmented verbs: ἐδιελάλησαν; ἐκατέβησαν; ἐκατεδέξατο; ἐκατεθαύμαζον;
ἐκατήντησεν; ἐσυνεμαρτύρουν; ἐσυνήχθησαν.
Infinitives without final -ν: αἰχμαλωτίσει; ἀποσβέσει; ἐξιχνιάσει; χαλάσει (the
form χαλάσειν is also used)136.
||
130 Hatzidakis 1892a: 111, n. 1.
131 See Moravcsik 1958 II: 320ff.
132 Psaltes § 308; Jannaris § 532ce, 534.
133 See Psaltes § 303.
134 Jannaris §§ 122, 435.
135 As I have said before, the Vatican ms. writes με as a proclitic.
136 See Mayser I, 793 and Hatzidakis 1892a: 141–143. And above, p. XLIII.
The language of Kananos: An overview | LXXIII
The desinence -ουν is used for the third person plural of both indicative and
subjunctive137.
The diphthong -ου is used instead of -ω particularly in subjunctive.
The third person plural of imperfect of contracted verbs ending in -άω and -έω is
-οῦσαν. E.g. ἐτιμοῦσαν, ἐκρατοῦσαν, ἐτρυποῦσαν (< τρυπάω), ὠθοῦσαν, ἐχαλοῦσαν
(< χαλάω)138.
The following verbs are perfects with aorist value: δέδωκαν and δέδωκε139.
Future indicative and subjunctive aorists are morphologically identical because
of the confusion between the quantity of vowels. E.g. ἀγοράσουν; αἰχμαλωτίσουν;
ἀποθάνομεν; ἀφανίσουν; βοηθήσουν; διώξουσιν (alternatively used with διώξωσιν);
δοξάζουν; ἔχουν (alternatively used with ἔχωσιν) etc.
Also worth mentioning are: αἰχμαλωτίσουσι (verb pres subj 3pl act); αἰχμαλω-
τίσουσιν ×2 (verb pres subj 3pl act); κρατήσουσιν ×2 (verb 3rd pl fut ind).
Syntax
Nά followed by subjunctive or indicative sometimes expresses future140.
Kananos also indicates future by using the periphrasis: θέλω + inf.141, and only
employs the verb μέλλω (ἔμελλε τοῦτο γενέσθαι)142 once.
The use of καί is pleonastic and makes Kananos’ language, already markedly
vernacular, even more colloquial. Pleonasms can also be found in several other
cases such as: ἵνα ἀναβῶσιν ἐπάνω; ὅπως νά; ὥς ἵνα etc. See Thesaurus s.vv. ἵνα and
ὥς.
In complements of comparison, Kananos uses the genitive; though not exclu-
sively. Some examples: ἐλάττονες ἀπὸ ἑκατόν (fewer than one hundred), οὐ πλείονες
τῶν τριάκοντα (no more than thirty) τῶν ἀρχιερέων οἱ κρείττονες (as a superlative:
the most important of the chief priests), μυριοπλάσιον τοῦ κακίστου θανάτου
κάκιστον (ten thousand times worse than the worst death, + gen of comparison),
ὑψηλὸς παρὰ πάντας (as a comparison).
In conclusion, the following passages must be mentioned:

Anacolutha, such as l. 100: ἄλλοι τοὺς ἀγωγοὺς ἀνεγύρευον τοὺς ἔκπαλαι τὸ νερὸν
εἰς τὰς στέρνας τῆς πόλεως ἔφερον… and l. 122 πᾶσα οἰκία παντὸς ἀνθρώπου
τοῦ εὑρισκομένου εἰς τὴν δεσποτείαν τῶν Τούρκων ἀνατολῆς καὶ δύσεως
πάσης, δέδωκε τούτων ἑκάστη ἀπὸ δέκα ἕως εἴκοσι σαγίττας τῶν τόξων·
||
137 Hatzidakis 1892a: 110–112; Jannaris § 777; Psaltes p. 209.
138 Hatzidakis 1892a: 124; Jannaris § 789; Psaltes p. 214.
139 Jannaris § 801, App III, § 29.
140 See Mayser I, 234sqq. and also Helms, p. 331.
141 Jannaris § 1894, App IV, § 4.
142 See Jannaris § 1894, App IV, § 4.
LXXIV | The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi
Attractions of relative pronouns, such as ll. 62–63: μετὰ τζαγρῶν τε καὶ τόξων … τῶν
ἀπείρων ὧν ἔφερον διατούτου; ll. 144: ἀπέστειλεν ἀποκρισιαρίους ἀπὸ τῆς
Προύσης ἧς ἐκατοίκει πρὸς τὸν δεσπότην τῶν Τούρκων; and l. 368: τὸ μέγιστον
ἔργον τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἧς εὐεργετήθημεν·
Hyperbata, such as l. 279: ἕτεροι δὲ, οὐδὲ ἐξ αὐτῶν εὐποροῦσαν·
Inconcinnitates, such as ll. 327sqq.: τὰ μὲν, πλησίον τοῦ κάστρου τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις
ἄκοντες καταλείψαντες (participle instead of tempus finitum)· τὰ δὲ, μακρότερα
ἑκόντες τῷ πυρὶ παρέδωκαν·
Inconcinnitates and repetitions, such as ll. 351sqq.: πλὴν οὐκ ἀπὸ γῆς, οὐδὲ ἐξ
ἀνθρώπων τὴν δύναμιν εἶχαν · ἀλλ’ ἐξ οὐρανοῦ καὶ ἀοράτου δυνάμεως·
Variations in final clauses, such as ll. 60sqq.: τὸ μὲν, ὡς τὸ ἔθος εἰς προσοχὴν τῆς
παστίας· τὸ δὲ, ἵνα φυλάσσονται δι’ ἐκείνης·
|
Critical edition and English translation
Διήγησις περὶ τοῦ ἐν Κωνσταντινουπόλει γεγονότος πολέμου κατὰ τὸ ͵ϛϡλον
ἔτος, ὅτε ὁ Ἀμουράτ Πεις παρέπεσε ταύτῃ μετὰ δυνάμεως βαρείας καὶ παρολί-
γον ταύτην ἐκράτει, εἰ μὴ ἡ ὑπέραγνος Μήτηρ τοῦ Κυρίου ταύτην ἐφύλαξε,
συγγραφεῖσα παρὰ κυρίου Ἰωάννου τοῦ Κανανοῦ·
5 Μυστήριον βασιλέως κρύπτειν καλὸν · τὰ δὲ ἔργα τοῦ Θεοῦ ἀνακηρύττειν ἔνδοξον,

εἶπε γὰρ ὁ ἄγγελος τῷ Τωβίτ· τοῦτο νῦν καὶ ἐμὲ λίαν ὠθεῖ καὶ θαρρύνει καὶ τολμηρὸν
ποιεῖ κήρυκα · ὅπως τὸ πανθαύμαστον θαῦμα τῆς Παναγίας μου διηγήσομαι·
ἐκκόπτει δέ με ἡ ἀπειρία τοῦ λόγου · ἀντωθεῖ δέ με πάλιν καὶ ἕλκει, τὸ ἴδιον τῆς
ὀρέξεως· τὸ ἀνθρώπινον πάθος· καὶ ἥττημαι καὶ τὴν ἧτταν ὁμολογῶ· καὶ ἀπὸ τούτων
10 τὴν ἱστορίαν ἠρξάμην· καὶ δέομαι τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας ταύτην · καὶ τῶν γραμμάτων
τὴν πείραν ἔχοντας, μήτε τὸν κόρον τοῦ λόγου ἀκηδιάσωσι, μήτε τὴν σολοικοβάρβα-
ρον καταγνώσονται φράσιν · ἐπεὶ κἀγὼ τῆς ἀπειρίας μου τῶν γραμμάτων ὁμολογῶ
τὴν ἀσθένειαν· ἀλλὰ οὐδὲ διὰ σοφοὺς ἢ λογίους ἔγραψα ταῦτα · ἀλλὰ διὰ ἰδιώτας καὶ
μόνον· ὡς καὶ ἐγὼ ἰδιώτης· ἵνα οἱ ἰδιῶται ὡς ἰδιῶται ἀπεριέργως καὶ ἀκαταγνώστως
15 ἀναγινώσκουσιν ταύτην· διὰ δὲ δὴ ταῦτα πάντα τολμηρὸς ἐγενόμην γραφεύς τε καὶ
κήρυξ· καὶ τὸ πολυθρύλητον θαῦμα τῆς Παναγίας · καὶ τὴν καθ’ ἡμῶν τῶν Ἀγαρηνῶν
ἐπιδρομὴν · καὶ τὴν πολιορκίαν τῆς πόλεως, ἱστόρησα κατὰ τὴν τοῦ λόγου μου
δύναμιν· καὶ ἀπὸ τούτων ἠρξάμην -:-
Ἐν ἔτει τριακοστῷ δευτέρῳ τῆς ἡγεμονίας τῶν βασιλέων Μανουὴλ τοῦ Παλαιο-
20 λόγου καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ Ἰωάννου · ἐν τῷ ἑξακισχιλιοστῷ ἐννακοσιοστῷ τριακοστῷ
a) 5 Μυστήριον – ἔνδοξον Sept. Tb. 12,7 et cf. Sophronii Hierosol., Vitam Mariae Aegyptiacae PG
87.3 col. 3697 ll. 1sq. Prol. Cf. etiam Georgii Monachi Chronicon Breve PG 110, 276,40 ‖ 8 ἡ
ἀπειρία – ἕλκει] cf. Sophronii Hierosol., Vitam S. Mariae Aegyptiacae, PG 87.3 col. 3713, ll. 4; 12;
27; 67; cf. etiam Theodori Ducae Lascaris (ed. Festa), Ep. 121, ll. 8–9: εἰ γὰρ ὁποίαν τινὰ καὶ δρᾶσαι
βουληθῶ ἀρετήν, ἀντωθεῖ με ἡ ἀλογία. ‖ 9 ἥττημαι – ὁμολογῶ] cf. Greg. Naz. Or. 2, PG 35, 408,6.
b) 19–24 ἐν ἔτει – ἐκαλεῖτο] cf. ChronBrev 13, 1: Ἡμέρᾳ τετράδι, ὥρᾳ τετάρτῃ μετὰ τὸ μεσημέρι. |
Sphrantzes X,1 (= 22, 1–2): τῇ ηῃ τοῦ Ἰουνίου | ChronTurk 59, 36–37: Καὶ ἔστειλε (scil. ὁ Μουράτης)
ὀμπρὸς τὸν Μιχάλογλη μὲ φουσσᾶτα τῆς Ῥούμελης. Cf. et ChronTurk 181 nr. 6 | Chalk. II 7,15–17:
προέπεμψε (scil. ὁ Ἀμουράτη) δὲ Μιχαλόγλην, πρυτανέα τε ἅμα καὶ στρατηγὸν τῆς Εὐρώπης. καὶ
λαβὼν οὗτος τὸ ἀπὸ τῆς Εὐρώπης στράτευμα ἅπαν, ἐπέδραμέ τε τὴν Βυζαντίου χώραν.
c) 16–18 καὶ τὸ – ἠρξάμην] cf. 33–36 τὸ δὲ τὸ – διηγήσασθαι ‖ 19–24 ] cf. 36–43 τὸ μὲν –
ἐποιήσαντο
1–4 Tit. in sup. mg. rubro colore postea add. V2, habent NA ‖ 4 συγραφεῖσα V | συγγραφεῖσα –
Κανανοῦ om. et +Ἰωάννου τοῦ Κανανοῦ in sup. mg. habet A ‖ 6 Τωβίτ VN] Τωβήτ A, edd. | θαρρήνει
V ‖ 8 ἐκκόπτει NA, edd.] σκόπτει (an pro σκοτοῖ?) V | δέ με ἡ NA, All., Bekk.] δ’ ἔμε ἡ ex corr. m? : ε1
s.l. add. ἡ, quod omiserat m1, ex ε V? ; δ’ ἐμὲ ἡ Pinto | ἀντωθεῖ A, edd.] ἀντ’ ὠθεῖ VN | δέ με2 NA,
All., Bekk.] δ’ ἔμε V ; δ’ ἐμὲ Pinto ‖ 9 ἤττειμε V | ἥτταν Ν ‖ 11 πείραν V] πεῖραν ΝΑ, edd. | κῶρον
V | ἀκηδιάσωσι] -ω- ex corr. V? ‖ 11–12 σωλοικο- V ‖ 13 ἰδιῶτας VN ‖ 15 -γινώσκουσι NA, edd.
δὴ NA, edd.] δεῖ V | τὲ N ‖ 16 κήρυξ VN, All. ] κῆρυξ A, Bekk., Pinto | πολυθρύλητον V, Pinto]
πολυθρύλλητον NA, All., Bekk. ‖ 17 πολυορκίαν V, cf. Hesych. s.v. πολυορκία ‖ 19 Ἐν] ἐ- rubro
A narrative about the battle that took place in Constantinople in the year 6930
(1422), when Bey Amurat swooped down on it with heavily-armed forces and
almost conquered it, had not the most pure Mother of the Lord defended it,
written by Ioannes Kananos.
It is good to hide the secret of a king, but it is glorious to reveal the works of God, the
angel told Tobias. This now highly incites and emboldens me and makes me a brave
herald in order that I can proclaim the utterly wonderful miracle of my Panagia1. The
lack of experience in the use of words deflates me, but my own aspiration – which is
a human sentiment – moves me forward in the fight again and draws me in. I am
overcome and I concede defeat and thus, I began my account. And I beg my readers
and those who are expert in writing, neither to grow weary of the wordiness of my
writings nor to condemn my phrase sullied with foreign words and solecisms,
because I myself admit the weakness of my inexperience in writing. In fact, I did not
write this account for the wise and for eloquent but rather for uneducated people,
being also uneducated, and with the purpose that the uneducated read my narrative
as uneducated, with simplicity and without reproach2. For all these reasons then, I
have become a brave writer and herald, and, within the limits of my linguistic skills,
I have given an account of the extraordinarily famous miracle of the Panagia and of
the Turkish attack on us, and of the siege of the City, starting from the following
events.
In the thirty-second year of the reign of the emperors, Manuel Palaeologus and
his son John3, in the 6930th year of the world, and in the fifteenth year of the
1 Παναγία, as an adjective used as a noun, means “all-holy woman” and has been variously
translated: Allatios writes sanctissima virgo, while Colonna Madre di Dio – which actually translates
the most common epithet Θεοτόκος – and Pinto la santa vergine, and Conca 20042 Vergine
Santissima. I opt for the transliteration of the word Παναγία (i.e. Panagia), as Purdie 2009 (see Ead.
Ibid.: 26–7).
2 Hunger 1978: 482–484 defines this passage as a captatio benevolentiae. Pleas as this are common
and topical in Prooemia (see Maisano 1985 and Purdie 2009: 27), in Kananos this appeal is however
more than that, as it precisely corresponds to the level of Greek we find in the Diegesis, which is
indeed full of barbarisms (e.g. Turkish, Latin and Romanic loanwords) and of solecisms (i.e.
vernacularism both in spelling and in grammar). It is interesting to note, alongside Ševčenko 1981:
310, that while Kananos confesses his solecistic and barbarous elocutio, he uses φράσις, the
technical term for “style”, and addresses a learned audience. See also below, Thesaurus.
3 John, son of Manuel II (1391–1425), is the future John VIII (1425–1448). He was appointed co-
emperor on January 19, 1421.
4 | Text
ἔτει · ἰνδικτιῶνος πεντεκαιδεκάτης · δεκάτῃ μηνὸς Ἰουνίου · ἡμέρᾳ τρίτῃ · τῆς ἡμέρας
ὥρᾳ δευτέρᾳ, κατέδραμεν αὖθις ἄφνω στρατιὰ καθ’ ἡμῶν Μουσουλμάνων · δὶς πέντε
τὸν ἀριθμὸν χιλιάδες · ἔχοντες καὶ στρατάρχην ἄνδρα μανὸν καὶ αἱματοβόρον · καὶ τὸ
ὄνομα τούτου Μιχάλ Πεις ἐκαλεῖτο· καὶ πᾶσαν πόλιν καὶ χώραν τὴν ὑπὸ τὴν βασιλι-
25 κὴν ἐξουσίαν · ἐν μιᾷ καιροῦ ῥοπῇ, ὑπὸ τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἐποιήσαντο· καὶ ἡμᾶς ἀπεστέρη-
σαν τῆσδε τῆς πόλεως πάντα τὰ πλησίον καὶ ταύτης ἔφθειραν · ἐλεηλάτησαν ·
ᾐχμαλώτευσαν· καὶ τοὺς μὲν τῶν ἀνδρῶν, κατέσφαξαν · τοὺς δὲ καὶ πόρρω τοῦ
b) 24–25 καὶ πᾶσαν – ἐποιήσαντο ] cf. EcthChron 3,17–19: Ὀργισθεὶς οὖν τοὺς πολίτας, ἐποίησεν
πᾶν δεινόν καθ’ ἑκάστην ἁρπάζων καὶ λεηλατῶν τὰ πέριξ τῆς Πόλεως· | ChronTurk 59,37–60,3 Καὶ
ἐδιάβη τὸ μέρος τῆς Πόλης καὶ ἐδιαγούμιζε καὶ σκλαβίαν πολλὴ ἔκαμνε 〈ἐ〉ς τὰ χωρία τῆς Πόλης, τῶν
Ῥωμαίων. Καὶ ἐδιάβη καὶ κοντὰ εἰς τὰ τειχία τῆς Πόλης καὶ ἐπολέμα. | PP III 215, 15–20: Καὶ πρῶτον
μὲν ἤρξατο ληίζειν ἅπαντα τὰ πέριξ τῆς Πόλεως. […] Εἶτα συνειλοχὼς ἑλεπόλεις καὶ ταύτας συχνῶς
τῷ τείχει μάλα δεινῶς εὐτρεπίζει ἐξώλης· | ChronMioni nr. 39: Μηνὶ ἰουνίῳ ι’ ἔτους ͵ϛϡλʹ ἦλθεν ὁ
Μιχάλογλις καὶ ἀπέκλεισε τὴν πόλιν·
c) 25 ἐν – ῥοπῇ] cf. 258
colore et in ἐκθέσει V ; in ἐκθέσει tantum NA | ἡγεμονείας Α ‖ 20 ἑξακισχιλιοστῷ edd.]

ἐξακισχιλιοστῷ VNA (-χολιοστῷ N)
24 Μιχάλ Πεις scripsi] Μιχάλ Παιις VA, Μιχὰλ Παιίς N, Μιχάλπαϊς All., Bekk., Μιχάλπαις Pinto
ἐκαλλεῖτο V ‖ 26 ταύτης] ταῦτα dubitanter in app. coni. Bekk. | ταύτης ἔφθειραν VNA, All., Bekk.]
Post ταύτης add. τὰ χωρία Pinto (post πλησίον interpunxerunt All., Bekk.) | ἐλεηλάτησαν A, edd.]
ἐλεηλάτισαν VN ‖ 27 ᾐχμαλώτευσαν] ᾐ- ex αι- A1 | κατέσφαξαν VNA, ex coniectura Bekk., Pinto]
κατέφραξαν All.
Translation | 5
indiction, on the tenth day of the month of June, on the third day of the week4, at the
second hour of the day5, an army of twice five thousand Moslems once again6
suddenly rushed on us. Their general was a wild and bloodthirsty man named
Michal Bey7. In a single decisive moment, they took possession of every city and
land under the imperial control. They deprived us of the area in the surroundings of
Constantinople. They spoiled everything belonging to our City, they plundered it,
and they conquered it8. They slaughtered some of the men and deported others far
4 According to the Byzantine calendar, the “third day of the week” is Tuesday. In 1422 the 10th of
June was actually a Wednesday. See V. Grumel, La Chronologie. Paris 1958, 262: Easter Sunday was
on April 12 that year. In addition to that, it is impossible to take δεκάτῃ and τρίτῃ together (as Pinto
did), quasi Kananos were indicating June 13.
5 I.e. between 7 and 8 am.
6 Kananos calls here to his audience’s mind at last two sieges of Constantinople. The first one was
led by Bayazid I in 1394–1402 (see Gautier 1965 [Hunger 1978 I: 482, n. 186b and Nastase 1989];
Purdie 2009: xvi–xviii), the second one was led by Murad’s uncle Musa in 1411 (see Purdie 2009:
xxi and xxvi); that of 1359 being too remote to be remembered. Kananos, therefore, must have been
old enough to have witnessed those two attacks.
7 On the word „bey“ (πεις) translitterated into Greek and written as an enclitic particle, see above,
the language of Kananos. Μιχάλ Πεις is the Greek form of Ḵẖiḍr Beg, who belonged to the old noble
family of Mīḵẖāl-og̲ẖlu and was the grand-son of Köse Mīḵẖāl who is said to be the forefather of this
dynasty. Köse Mīḵẖāl ʿAbd Allāh, originally a Greek, appears in the reign of ʿOṯẖmān I as lord of
Chirmenkia at the foot of Mount Olympus near Edrenos, and later as an ally of the first Ottoman ruler
earned great merit for his share in aiding the latter’s expansion. Converted to Islam, Köse Mīḵẖāl
appears again in the reign of ʿOṯẖmān’s son Orḵẖan. The rank of commander of the aḳi̊nd̲j̲i̊ s [q.v.]
became hereditary in the family of Köse Mīḵẖāl. Our Μιχάλ Πεις, alias Ḵẖiḍr Beg, distinguished
himself in the wars of Murād II’s reign. He died in 870/1465 and was buried at Edirne beside his
ancestor Köse Mīḵẖāl. (Source: Babinger, Fr.. “Mīḵẖāl-Ogẖlu.” Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edi-
tion. Edited by: P. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, W.P. Heinrichs. Brill Online,
2015. Reference. Universitaet Wien. 21 May 2015 http://referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/
encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/mikhal-oghlu-SIM_5193. First appeared online: 2012. First printed
Edition: ISBN: 9789004161214, 1960–2007. I do not use quotation marks because I freely modify
the text of the Encyclopaedia of Islam. I abbreviate this source with the acronym EoI.)
8 This sentence bothered some previous editors. I interpret it as follows: “They also spoiled
(ἔφθειραν), plundered (ἐλεηλάτισαν) and conquered (ᾐχμαλώτευσαν) everything that was in its (of
Cpl i.e. τῆσδε τῆς πόλεως) surroundings.” The addition of τὰ χωρία after ταύτης (l. 26) by Pinto, with
the aim of providing with an object for ἔφθειραν, is therefore unnecessary. See also Purdie 2009: 31.
The aim of this preliminary ravaging and looting of the surrounding countryside was that of
depriving Cpl of food and also of increasing the number of mouths to be fed within the city, when
many people fled inside the walls searching for a refuge (see Purdie 2009: 32–34 [33]). Already in
the past, “Turkish acquisition of such towns as Bursa (1326), Nicea/Iznik (1331) and Nicomedia/
Izmid (1337) was the result not of formal siege, but rather of prolonged blockade. The Ottomans
sought – and with success – to cut off each of these towns from contact with the outside world
(quotation from EoI s.v. Ḥiṣār nr. v)”. Moreover, the cruelty against the landscape and the population
and also the effect of causing more panic among the besieged. This feral behavior, however, clashes
with what emerges from sources of other sieges: “Towards the population of the adjacent lands the
Ottomans adopted an attitude of mudārā , i.e., of mildness and restraint designed to reconcile them
6 | Text
Ἰκονίου καὶ Ἀρατζάπητας Κύφας διαβιβάσαντες· τὰς δὲ γυναῖκας ἀσελγῶς αἰσχρουρ-

γήσαντες · τὰ δὲ βρέφη εἰς περιτομὴν τῷ Μωάμετ προσέφερον· καὶ πᾶν ζῶον ὑποζυ-
30 γὸν καὶ ἀζύγων, διέφθειραν καὶ ἠφάνισαν· τὴν δὲ ζημίαν τῶν γεννημάτων καὶ τῶν
ἀμπελώνων τὴν λύμην, τίς ἄρα καὶ ποία δυνήσεται γλῶσσα ταύτην ἐξιχνιάσει; καὶ γὰρ
ἐν τῷ καιρῷ τῆς συγκλείσεως ἀπαραπροσδοκήτως κατέδραμον, καὶ ἡμᾶς ἀπέκλει-
σαν · καὶ ὑπὸ τὴν δεσποτείαν αὐτῶν πάντα τὰ ἔξω ἐγένοντο· τὸ δὲ τὸ πῶς καὶ πόθεν
καὶ δι’ ἥντινα ἡ συμφορὰ καὶ φθορὰ καὶ ταῦτα τὰ δεινότατα χαλεπὰ τοῖς δυστυχοῖς
35 καὶ ἀθλίοις ἐπέβην Ῥωμαίοις, σιωπᾶν ἡμῖν ἄμεινον ἔδοξεν· τῆς δὲ πικροτάτης μάχης
ἐκείνης καὶ τοῦ φρικτοτάτου πολέμου τὸ πέρας, χρὴ διηγήσασθαι· Τὸ μὲν γὰρ
πρῶτον στράτευμα τῶν Μουσουλμάνων ἐκείνων, τῇ δεκάτῃ τοῦ Ἰουνίου κατέδραμε
καὶ ἡμᾶς ἀπέκλεισεν · ὡς προέφημεν· τῇ δὲ εἰκοστῇ τούτου, ἑτέρα ἐφάνη στρατιὰ
Μουσουλμάνων ὡς νέφος χαλάζης πλῆρες καὶ τετριγὸς ὀλέθριον· καὶ πᾶσαν καὶ
40 παντοίαν τὴν ὑπὸ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἠμαύρωσαν γῆν· καὶ ὡς φλὸξ ἀστραπῆς καιομένης
πάντα κατέκαυσε καὶ ἐμπύρισε· καὶ πᾶν ξύλον κάρπιμον καὶ δένδρον εὔκαρπον καὶ
τὰς κουρβούλας τῶν ἀμπελώνων ἐκ ῥίζης ἀπέτεμον· καὶ πᾶν ἄλλο δεινὸν καὶ
ὀλέθριον καθ’ ἡμῶν ἐποιήσαντο· Ὁ δὲ στρατάρχης ὁ μέγας καὶ πάντων ἐκείνων
a) 39 ὡς νέφος – ὀλέθριον] cf. GregNaz Or. 43, 30, 1 (loc. a mult. laud.) ‖ 41 ξύλον κάρπιμον] cf.
Gen. 1, 11 (loc. a mult. laud.) | δένδρον εὔκαρπον] cf. Platonis Epigr., 32,5, Anth. Lyr. Gr. Fasc. 1
(ed. Diehl), Leipzig 19493 (loc. a mult. laud.). Cf. etiam TLG e.g. Digenes Acritas 8, 3920; ThMag.
Eclogam s.v. εὔκαρπα; scholion in Soph. OT 37,3 (ed. Longo).
b) 33–35 τὸ δὲ – Ῥωμαίοις] cf. Taxidis 2011: 39,13;18 διὰ τὰς ἁμαρτίας ἡμῶν ‖ 36–38 τὸ μὲν –
ἀπέκλεισεν et 43–44 ὁ δὲ – ἦλθεν] cf. ChronBrev 13,2; 22,34 | Sphr. X 1,2–3: τῇ ιεῃ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἦλθε
καὶ ὁ Μουράτης καὶ αὐθέντης αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐπολιόρκει τὴν πόλιν. | ChronTurk 60,3–5: Καὶ εἰσὲ ὀλίγες
ἡμέρες ἦρθε καὶ ὁ σουλτὰν Μουράτης μὲ τὰ ἐπίλοιπα φουσσᾶτα καὶ μὲ τοὺς γιανιτζάρους καὶ εἶχε καὶ
τὰ φουσσᾶτα τῆς Ἀνατολῆς. | ChronMioni nr. 39: ἦλθε δὲ καὶ ὁ Μοράτης μετὰ φωσάτου πολλοῦ καὶ
παρέκειντο καὶ ἐτειχομάχουν· | Chalk II 7,17–20: μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐστρατοπεδεύετο, καὶ αὐτίκα
ἀπήλαυνεν Ἀμουράτης ὁ Μεχμέτεω, τούς τε νεήλυδας ἔχων καὶ τὴν θύραν ἅμα, ὅσοι βασιλεῖ ἕπονται,
ὅποι ἂν στρατεύηται.
c) 31 τίς ἄρα – ἐξιχνιάσει] cf. 80; 221; 233–234; 256–258 ‖ 33–36 ] cf. 16–18 ‖ 36–43 ] cf.
19–25 ‖ 43–44 ὁ δὲ – ἦλθεν] cf. 6, 10–12, app. I ‘b’
28 διαβηβάσαντες V ‖ 28–29 αἰσχρουργήσαντες] αἰσ- legi nequit; ρ1 s.l. add. V1 ‖ 29 Μωάμετ

scripsi] Μοάμετ V, Μωάμεθ NA, edd. ‖ 29–30 ὑποζυγὸν scripsi] ὑπὸζυγὸν VNA (ὑπὸ ζυγὸν edd.)
30 ἀζύγων VNA] ἄζυγον edd. | γεννημάτων A, edd.] γενημάτων VN ‖ 31 ποία A, edd.] ποῖα VN
δυνήσεται Pinto] δυνήσετε VN (-τε s.l. V1) ; δυνήσηται (η2 ex corr. m1) A, Αll., Bekk. | ἐξιχνιάσει
VNA] ἐξιχνιάσαι edd. ‖ 32 συγκλείσεως edd.] συγκλήσεως VNA ‖ 32–33 ἀπέκλεισαν NA, edd.]
ἀπέκλησαν V (cf. 32; 38) ‖ 33 ὑπὸ] ο ex corr. A1 | πάντα] s.l. V1 | τὸ2 VΝ] καὶ Α, edd. ‖ 34 δι’
ἥντινα VN (διήντινα V), Pinto] δι’ ἣν αἰτίαν A, All., Bekk. | χαλαιπὰ VN | δυστιχοῖς V ‖ 35 ἐπέβην V
(cf. 53; 163; 238; 241)] ἀπέβη NA, edd. | ἡμίν sic A | ἄμηνον V ‖ 36 φρικτοτάτου Pinto]
φρικτωτάτου V ; φρικωτάτου NA ; φρικωδεστάτου All., Bekk. ‖ 38 ἀπέκλεισεν NA, edd.] ἀπέκλησεν
V (-εν s.l. V1), cf. 32; 32–33 | τῇ] τ- rubro colore et in ἐκθέσει V ‖ 39 πλῆρες scripsi (πλήρες Pinto)]
πλήρης VNA, All., Bekk. | τετριγὸς scripsi] τετρυγὸς VNA, edd. | ὀλέθριον Bekk., Pinto] ὀλέθριος
VNA, All. (ὀλέθριος ex ὀλέθριον corr. ut vid. V1 ; -ιος ex corr. N) ‖ 40 παντίαν V ‖ 41 δένδρον
εὔκαρπον ex δένδρων εὐκάρπων V1 ‖ 42 τοὺς κουρβούλους V (ligaturae -ους ut in τοίχους 48 = f.
356r l. 7 ab imo) | ἄλλο] ἄλο V | δυνόν V | καὶ2 om. V
Translation | 7
away, even beyond Iconium and Artzapita Kypha9. They acted lewdly and indecently
towards the women, and the male infants were taken to be circumcised, as an
offering to Mahomet, and they slaughtered and destroyed all the livestock, yoked
and unyoked. Which tongue will be able to describe the loss of our products and the
damage of the vineyards?
Indeed, at the beginning of the siege, they suddenly pursued and besieged us10,
and everything outside the City came under their control. It seems preferable to me
to omit everything concerning the hows and wherefores and whys of this misfortune,
destruction, and the worst catastrophe, which ever befell the miserable and wretch-
ed Romans. However, the decisive phase of that very cruel conflict, of that awful war,
must be narrated.
On the tenth day of June, the first army of those Moslems overran and trapped us
in (the City), as I previously said. On the twentieth day of that same month, however,
another army of Moslems appeared like a cloud full of hail and shrill with death, and
they destroyed each and every part of the land that was under Roman rule11, and
like a blaze of scorching lightning they burnt everything out and set everything on
fire. They also uprooted every fruit-bearing branch and each fruitful tree, even the
shoots of the vines. They did every kind of atrocity and destruction against us. At this
point, the great general, emir and despot of all those people, arrived.
to Muslim rule, to win, if possible, their co-operation and also to demonstrate to the beleaguered
towns that submission would not mean ruin (quotation from EoI s.v. Ḥiṣār nr. v).
9 An unidentified locality.
10 I am trying to preserve the repetition of the original Greek: συγκλείσεως and ἀπέκλεισαν.
From this passage, the question arises how complete the blockade of the City was. Kananos (ll.
54–55 [see App. I]) and other sources (part. PP and ChronTurk, see ll. 54–55, App. I, b) only report
of Turkish army attacking the Theodosian walls. Moreover, we do not have evidence of ships
blocking the Golden Horn in 1422 (see Chalk. I, 165, 20–166, 4). In fact, as Purdie (2009: 36–37)
wrote, “It seems most likely that the Turks were not in possession of a sufficiently substantial fleet to
impose a complete investment of Cpl in 1422”. In 1416 a Venetian fleet had destroyed a Turkish fleet
off the coast of Gallipoli [D.M. Nicol, Byzantium and Venice. A Study in Diplomatic and Cultural
Relations. Cambridge 1988 [digital printing 2002]: 355; F.E. Thiriet, Régestes des délibérations du
sénat de Venise concernant la Romanie. Vol. II 1400–1430. Paris 1959: 1622. Purdie 2009: xxiii]. In
1421, “Murad II, in pursuit of his uncle Mustafa, had paid the Podestà of New Phocaea to engage
and fit out sufficient ships for the transport of his army from Asia to Gallipoli” (Purdie 2009: 36–37.
Sphr. IX, 4; Dukas PG coll. 952A–B, 968A).
11 See Gregorios of Nazianzos Or. 43, 30, 1: “There suddenly arose a cloud full of hail and shrill
with death, devastating every church on which it burst and fell.” It is told of the Emperor Valens,
“champion of Arianism”. See, Funeral Orations, St. Gregory Nazianzen and Saint Ambrose, (The
Fathers of the Church 22), transl. by Leo P. McCauley et alii, Washington 19682 (repr. 2004), 53, n.
29. The translation of Gregory is by Leo P. McCauley.
8 | Text
ἀμηρὰς καὶ δεσπότης, ἔφθασεν· ἦλθεν· μανὸς καὶ ἠγριωμένος· ἀλαζὼν, ἐπηρμένος ·
45 ὑπέρογκος, καὶ γαυριωμένος · καὶ τὴν ὀφρὺν εἰς οὐρανὸν αἴρων · καὶ ὑψηλὸς παρὰ
πάντας ἐνόμιζεν εἶναι· καὶ ὑπελάμβανεν παρ’ αὐτοῦ διοικεῖσθαι τὰ πάντα, καὶ ὑπὸ τὴν
ἐξουσίαν αὐτοῦ, ἄγεται ἅπας ὁ κόσμος· ἀλλὰ καὶ πάμπολλα ἄγων μηχανικώτατα καὶ
μαχιμώτατα ἔργα · προσδοκῶν δι’ αὐτῶν, μέρος τοῦ τοίχου χαλάσει τῆς πόλεως, καὶ
ἀπὸ τούτου, ταύτην κατακρατήσει καὶ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους αἰχμαλωτίσει · καὶ τοῦ Χριστοῦ
50 τὸ ὄνομα ἀποσβέσει· ἀλλὰ καὶ στρατιὰς στρατιῶν καὶ γενεὰς γενεῶν καὶ πλήθη
πληθῶν, πεζῶν καὶ ἱππέων ἔσχε τοσοῦτον, ὥστε ἅπας ὁ κόσμος ἐκεῖνος ἐσκέπετο ὑπ’
ἐκείνων· Τότε δὲ αὐτοῦ τῇ κελεύσει τοῦ Μουράτ Πείς τε τῇ κλήσει τοῦ δεσπότου
τῶν Τούρκων ποιοῦνται παστίαν μίαν· ἀλλ’ αὕτη ἡ μία πολλὰς ὑπερέβην μεγίστους ·
καὶ γὰρ ἀπὸ τὸ ἓν ἄκρον τῆς πόλεως τῆς Χρυσίας ἕως τὸ ἕτερον ἄκρος τῆς Ξυλοπόρ-
55 της ἐκράτει: καὶ ἦν δὲ ἡ παστία πλησίον τοῦ κάστρου, ὅσον τόξου βολὴν καὶ οὐ
πλέον· καὶ ἦν δὲ πᾶσα στερεὰ καὶ ὀχυρωτάτη ἀπὸ ξύλων μεγίστων καὶ χονδρῶν
a) 45 τὴν ὀφρὺν – αἴρων] cf. Eust. Macrembolitis, librum 9 de Hysmine et Hysminia, 2.4 (= p. 109,
ll. 15–16 ed. Marcovich 2001) ‖ 45–46 ὑψηλὸς παρὰ πάντας] cf. Psal. 98,2 ‖ 51–52 ἅπας –
ἐκείνων] cf. Ex 10, 5
b) 54–55 ἀπὸ – ἐκράτει] cf. PP III 215, 22–25: τῷ πλήθει μὲν τῶν βελῶν ὁ ἥλιος ἀπεκρύπτετο ἐν
ὥρᾳ πολέμου, ἤπειρος δὲ κύκλῳ τοῦ ἄστεως τῷ πλήθει τῶν πολεμίων | ChronTurk 60, 5–7: Καὶ
ἐσίμωσε καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς τὰ τειχία καὶ ἐτέντωσε. Καὶ ἐκρατούσανε οἱ τέντες του ἀπὸ τὴν μίαν μερέαν
τῆς Πόλης ἕως εἰς τὴν ἄλλη. | Chalk. II 7,20–22: καὶ τὰ Ἀσίας στρατεύματα ἔχων παρεγένετο, καὶ
ἐστρατοπεδεύετο ἀπὸ θαλάσσης εἰς θάλασσαν. | Chalk. ΙΙ 10,9–10: Ἀμουράτης μὲν οὖν ὡς ἐπέλασε,
καὶ ἐπολιόρκει Βυζάντιον ἀπὸ θαλάττης εἰς θάλατταν... ‖ 56–57 καὶ ἦν – παστίας] cf. Taxidis 2011:
39,20 ἀλλὰ τί εἰς τείχη τοιαῦτα πλοκὸς λεπτοτάτων ξύλων περιφοβεῖ;
c) 54–55 ἀπὸ – ἐκράτει] cf. 209–210; 252; 292–293 ‖ 55 πλησίον – βολὴν] cf. 189
44 ἀμηρὰς V] -ᾶς ΝΑ, edd. | δεσπότης, ἔφθασεν· ἦλθεν· μανὸς... V] δεσπότης, ἔφθασεν· ἦλθεν
μανὸς... ΝΑ (simili modo interpungunt edd.) | ἦλθεν V] ἦλθε NA, edd. | ἠγριομένος V
45 ὑπέρογγος V | γαυριωμένος NA, edd.] γαυριομένος V. Perf. sine redupl. (cf. 157; 300; 329)
αἵρων Α ‖ 46 πάντας] -ας s.l. compendiose V1 | ὑπελάμβανεν V] ὑπελάμβανε NA, edd. | αὐτοῦ VNA,
Bekk. (spiritus non legitur All.)] αὑτοῦ Pinto | διηκεῖσθαι V ‖ 47 πάμπολα V | μηχανικότατα V
48 μαχιμότατα V | προσδοκὼν sic V | τοίχου NA, edd.] τοίχους (cf. 42, app. crit. κουρβούλους) V
χαλάσει scripsi] χαλάση V ; χαλάσαι ΝΑ, edd. (cf. 64 et 69) ‖ 49 κατακρατήσει scripsi] κατακρατήση
V1 ; κατακρατήσαι VP. corr. m. al Ν ; κατακρατῆσαι A, edd. | αἰχμαλωτίσει scripsi (-ει legi nequit V)]
αἰχμαλωτήσ.. V ; αἰχμαλωτίσαι NA, edd. Sed cf. 194 (et 65; 103; 170; 174) ‖ 50 ἀποσβέσει scripsi]
ἀποσβέση VNA, ἀποσβέσαι edd. | στρατιᾶς VN | γενεᾶς V ‖ 51 παιζῶν V ‖ 52 Μουράτ Πείς τε
scripsi (cf. 26)] Μουράτ Παιῆ τε VNA (τε: exspectaveris καὶ; sed cf. τε; cf. l. 189; 294) ; Μουράτ Πεί
(Πείς Pinto) edd. | Post Πείς om. τε edd. | Post κλήσει, add. τε edd. ‖ 53 ποιοῦνται edd.] ποιοῦντα
VNA | ἀλλ’ αὔτη V ‖ 54 ἄκρον … ἄκρος VNA] ἄκρων … ἄκρος All. ; ἄκρον … ἄκρον Bekk., Pinto
55 ἐκράτη ut vid. V ‖ 56 ὀχυρωτάτη (ο ex ω m1) Α, Bekk., Pinto] ὀχυροτάτη V ; ὠχυρωτάτη Ν, All.
Translation | 9
He came12. Such a wild and savage man! He was a braggart, vain, immoderate
and haughty man. Moreover, raising his eye to heaven arrogantly and swollen with
pride and high of bearing, he considered himself to be far above all men and thought
that all things were managed by him and that the whole world was subjected to his
power. And what more? Having carried the most ingeniously designed weaponry, he
expected to bring down a section of the walls of the City with the help of those
machines and, as a result of this, he would prevail over it, take the Romans prisoner
and quench the name of Christ. He had, in addition, army upon army, man upon
man and multitude upon multitude, foot and horse, and so many that all that land
was covered by them.
At that time, on the order of Murat Bey himself and in the name of that despot of
the Turks, they erected a single terreplein13. Despite being a single construction, it
overshadowed many very large ones; indeed, it towered above everything from one
end of the City at the Golden Gate, to the other at the Xyloporta14.
The terreplein was as close to the city wall15 as a bowshot, but no closer16. All of
it was robust and very well reinforced with immense timbers and sturdy planks. And
12 The general, the emir and despot of the Turks is the sultan Murat II, sixth ruler of the Ottoman
Empire. He was born in 1403/4 (806) and ascended the throne in May 1421 (D̲j̲umādā I 824), when
he arrived in Edirne some days after his father Meḥemmed I’s death. Immediately after his accession
he had to face the pretender known in Turkish history as Düzme Muṣṭafā and his ally D̲j̲unayd. It is
probably in the succession war that we may find the causes, withheld by Kananos, which led the
Ottomans to besiege Constantinople. In fact, both Düzme Muṣṭafā and D̲j̲unayd “were supported by
the Byzantine emperor Manuel and at first were successful in the European part of the empire.
Bāyezīd Pas̱ẖa, sent from Bursa, was defeated and killed in the battle of Sāzli̊ Dere (between Serres
and Edirne) and the allied Greek forces took Gallipoli. Then Murād himself had to face them in Asia;
he succeeded in sowing discord between Muṣṭafā and D̲j̲unayd and defeated the first in the battle of
the bridge of Ulubād. Then Murād went over, with the help of ships from the Genoese colony of New
Phocea (Yeñi Foča), recovered Gallipoli, after which he entered Edirne and killed the pretender. In
1422 (825) he began a siege of Constantinople; this siege was raised, either by the effect of
Byzantine gold (through the intermediary of the graecophile vizier Ibrāhīm Pas̱ẖa) or as a result of
the rise of a new pretender in Iznīḳ in the person of Murād’s younger brother Muṣṭafā” (Source:
Kramers, J.H. “Murād II”. EoI.).
13 According to The Oxford Dictionary: “A level space where a battery of guns is mounted.”
14 See plates 4–6.
15 In this passage, Kananos describes how close to the ‘κάστρον’ the terreplein was built. The word
‘κάστρον’ normally means ‘fortress/fortification’. From the context here, I translate that word as ‘city
walls’. Since the terreplein, in fact, was built all along the city walls, I cannot believe that Kananos
refers to a particular ‘fortress’ and, least of all, to that building fortified with four towers that stood
close to the Golden Gate (as Conca 20042: 788, n.11); and on which remains Mohamed II the
Conqueror built the famous Yedi Kulé in 1458 (see Nicolle 1983: 23).
16 That is to say, roughly between 100 and 900 meters. See W. McLeod, The Range of the Ancient
Bow, in Phoenix 19 (1965), 1–14 and Id., Addenda, in Phoenix 26 (1972), 78–82. See also P.
Klopsteg, Turkish Archery and the Composite Bow. Evanston 1947, 1–3 (the composite bow, favored
by the Turks, could shoot up to 900 meters), and Purdie 2009: 49–50.
10 | Text
σανίδων · καὶ πλοκοτὰς ἀπὸ βέργας, ἔθηκαν ἔμπροσθεν τῆς παστίας, ἵνα δέχωνται
τὰς σαγίττας τῶν τόξων καὶ τῶν τζαγρῶν τῶν Ῥωμαίων · καὶ τῶν βουμπάρδων τὰς
πέτρας· ὄπισθεν δὲ ταύτης ἐθέσπισεν ἵνα ἵστανται στρατιῶται ἐκ πασῶν γενεῶν τοῦ
60 στρατεύματος τούτου τολμηροὶ καὶ ἀνδρεῖοι· τὸ μὲν, ὡς τὸ ἔθος εἰς προσοχὴν τῆς
παστίας· τὸ δὲ, ἵνα φυλάσσονται δι’ ἐκείνης· οἱ δὲ, ἵνα μάχονται · ἐξ ἐκείνης ὄπισθεν
μετὰ τζαγρῶν τε καὶ τόξων καὶ τῶν σκευῶν τῶν μεγάλων καὶ τῶν μικρῶν τῶν
ἀπείρων ὧν ἔφερον διατούτου· Τὰς δὲ σκευὰς τὰς μεγίστους ἐκείνας ὁποίας εἶχαν
τὰς ἐλπίδας ὅτι δι’ ἐκείνας τὰ τοίχη τῆς πόλεως θέλουν χαλάσειν καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου τὴν
65 πόλιν αἰχμαλωτίσαι, ἔστησαν περιέργως εἰς τόπον ἐν ᾧ σοῦδαν οὐκ εἶχεν ὁμοίαν
σουδῶν τῶν ἑτέρων · ἀλλὰ κεχαλασμένη ὑπῆρχεν καὶ ἔκπαλαι γέμουσα χῶμαν· καὶ,
ἄντικρυς ταύτης, πῦργος εὑρέθην ἐκ συμβάματος λίαν σεσαθρωμένος καὶ ἐσκισμένος
b) 63 Τὰς δὲ σκευὰς] PP III 215,20–22: Kαὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἀκροβολισμοῖς ἀλλήλοις βάλλοντες,
μετέπειτα καὶ τὰς κλίμακας, νύκτωρ καὶ μεθ’ ἡμέραν οὐ διέλιπε ταύτην πολιορκῶν. | ChronTurk 60,3
& 8: Ἀμμὴ ἀκόμη λουμπάρδες, τουφέκια δὲν ἤτανε πολλά. […] Καὶ ἐπολέμα τὰ τείχα μὲ λουμπάρδες. |
Chalk. II 10,9–11: Ἀμουράτης μὲν οὖν ὡς ἐπέλασε, καὶ ἐπολιόρκει Βυζάντιον ἀπὸ θαλάττης εἰς
θάλατταν τηλεβόλοις τε ἔτυπτε τὸ τεῖχος καὶ ἐπειρᾶτο…
57 scripserat ἔθηκεν sed, -εν lineola deleto additoque -αν s.l., corr. N1 ‖ 58 τζαγρῶν VΝΑ, edd. (cf.
68) | τῶν4] των V ‖ 60 ἀνδρείοι V ‖ 61 τότε μὲν N | φυλάσσονται V, Pinto] φυλάσσωνται NA, All.,
Bekk. | μάχονται V, Pinto] μάχωνται NA, All., Bekk. | δ’ ante ἐξ addidisse V, perperam monuit
Pinto ‖ 62 τζαγρῶν V, Bekk., Pinto] ζαγρῶν NA, All. (cf. 58) ‖ 63 εἶχαν N] ἦχαν V ; εἶχον A, edd.
64 ἐλπίδας] -ας s.l. V | τοίχη scripsi ut solet V. Hic nescio utrum V τοίχη an τείχη scripsisset (cf. in
eodem codice f. 357v, l. 14)] τείχη ΝΑ, edd. | χαλάσειν Bekk., Pinto] χαλάσην VNA, All.
66 γέμουσα VN (Bekk. dubitanter ex coniectura)] γέμουσαν A, edd. ‖ 67 πῦργος VΝ] πύργος Α, edd.
(cf. 69; 74; 75) | συμβάματος scripsi] συμβάσματος VNA, edd. | σεσαθρομένος ut vid. A
Translation | 11
they placed bundles of entwined branches in front of the terreplein, to receive the
arrows from the bows and crossbows of the Romans and the stones from their
bombards17.
Murad Bey decreed that brave and courageous soldiers, who came from all
nations, should stay behind that terreplein, so that they could defend it, as is the
custom, and whilst the breastwork could actually also defend them. Moreover, some
soldiers were to fight from behind the breastwork with crossbows and bows and the
countless large and small pieces of artillery that they had brought for this purpose18.
They carefully deployed their largest cannons (with which they hoped to bring
down the walls of the City and, as a result of this, to prevail over it) close to that
place where we had not a moat like the other moats, for it was in ruins and had
already for a long time been filled up with earth. Right in front of this moat there was
a tower which had fallen into disrepair – what an adverse circumstance! – and was
17 Kananos implicitly reveals that also the Romans were provided with cannons. The Turks,
however, seem to overestimate the Roman defense. In another passage, in fact, Kananos “stresses
the feebleness of the Roman’s capacity to resist and their lack of defensive weaponry”. Purdie 2009:
50. Alternative translation in Geanakoplos 1984: 387.
18 On ll. 55–59, Kananos mentions a terreplein (παστία), an earthen breastwork whose length was
6.5 / 7 kilometers, as it extended from the Golden Gate to the Xyloporta, from the Sea of Marmara to
the Golden Horn. This structure is said to have been reinforced with enormous pieces of timbers and
sturdy planks (στερεὰ καὶ ὀχυρωτάτη ἀπὸ ξύλων μεγίστων καὶ χονδρῶν σανίδων · καὶ πλοκοτὰς ἀπὸ
βέργας). The terreplein had a double function. On the one hand, it provided protection from the
bombards of the Romans. On the other hand, it provided a good place for the siting of the siege guns.
I was not able to find any other contemporary source, neither Greek nor Turkish, which describes a
similar structure. However, later sources give evidence, e.g., “of emplacements with “doors” opening
and closing, as the cannon fired at the fortress (Barletio, 310r: Skutari in 1478–9 [on Barletio, see
Babinger, DbI s.v.]); of “bastioni di terra, chiusi e serrati di vimine e virgulti, intorno à grossi pali
contesti” (Bosio, ii, 330: Rhodes in 1480); and of “mantelletti foderati di fuori di grossi tavoloni di
legno incastrati con travi, e dentro erano pieni di terra, molto ben pestata e battuta” (Bosio, ii, 553:
Rhodes in 1522 – cf. also Fontanus, in Lonicerus, ii, 390). Where earth was lacking (as in rock-
bound Malta), “sacas de lana, gumenas viejas, tiendas viejas, y velas” might be used to build
“bestiones, trincheas, y hinchir fossos” or “cueros de bueyes para reparos, y muchos de cabras...
para hazer bestiones” or even “paglia con del lino a fare ripari da piantare l’artiglieria” (Verdadera
relacion, 22v, 23r and Cirni, 53v: Malta in 1565). There is mention, too, of pre-fabricated materials
and devices, e.g., at Malta in 1565: (i) wooden frames filled with earth and employed as “cestones
para las piecas” (Verdadera relation, 37v); (ii) “tronere di legno fatte à posta per piantare l’artiglieria,
le quali fermavano con certi chiodi grossissimi” (Cirni, 46v); and (iii) “i fusi di ferro, i ceppi, le
piatteforme, i gabbioni, e le troniere di legnami, tutte fatte, e pronte” (Bosio, iii, 512). At Rhodes in
1522 some of the Ottoman guns, set on “tavoloni”, fired on the fortress at night, being covered over
with earth and sand in the day-time, so that the Christians might not locate them (Bosio, ii, 554).”
Quotation from: The EoI s.v. Ḥiṣār, to which I still refer for more interesting and complete
information (see particularly the sections iv [The Mamlūk Sultanate] and v [Ottoman Empire]).
12 | Text
ἀπὸ ἄνωθεν, ἕως κάτω· καὶ προσδοκῶντες οἱ Τοῦρκοι ὅτι τῶν μεγίστων βουμπάρδων
αἱ πέτραι, τὸν σεσαθρωμένον πῦργον ἐκεῖνον θέλουν χαλάσειν· καὶ ἐπεὶ ὁ τόπος
70 σοῦδαν οὐκ ἔχει τοὺς Τούρκους νὰ ἐμποδίσῃ, ἀκωλύτως εἰς τὸ ἔξω κάστρον θέλουσιν
φθάσειν · καὶ ἐκ τοῦ χαλάσματος τοὺς Ῥωμαίους θέλουν διώξειν · καὶ τὴν πόλιν
θέλουν δουλώσειν· πλὴν εἰς κενὸν ἐκατήντησεν τέλος ἡ τῶν ἀσεβῶν προσδοκία· ἐπεὶ
ἑβδομήκοντα βόλια τῆς σκευῆς τῆς μεγίστης ἐκείνης τὸν σεσαθρωμένον ἐκεῖνον
ἔκρουσε πῦργον, καὶ οὐδεμίαν βλάβην τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις τοῦτο προὐξένησεν, ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ
75 τοῖς Τούρκοις ὠφέλειαν· πλὴν γὰρ ὁ τόπος καὶ σοῦδα καὶ πῦργος πλησίον ὑπῆρχεν
Κυριακῆς τῆς ἁγίας, μέσον Ῥωμανοῦ τοῦ ἁγίου καὶ τῆς Χαρσῆς τε τὴν πύλην καὶ
πλησιέστερον τούτων εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν τὸν ἐπονομαζόμενον Λύκον· καὶ ταῦτα μὲν
περὶ τῶν βουμπάρδων τὴν ἀπραξίαν· Περὶ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν κατασκευῶν τῶν
μαχίμων, τῶν παντοίων ἐκείνων τῶν κατὰ τῆς πόλεως εἰργασμένων εἰς πολιορκίαν
80 ἐκείνης καὶ ἀφανισμὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων, τίς διηγήσεται ἄρα; πλὴν ἐκ τῶν πολλῶν
ὀλίγας διηγήσομαι ἄρτι· πύργους ξυλίνους μεγίστους μὲ τροχοὺς σιδηροδεσμουμέ-
νους πολλοὺς ἐποιήσαντο τότε · ὅσον τὸ ὕψος τῶν πύργων τῆς πόλεως · μᾶλλον καὶ
b) 72–78 ἐπεὶ – ἀπραξίαν] cf. PP III 215,30–216,12: e.g. Ἀλλ’ εἰς κενὸν ἦν ὁ κόπος αὐτῷ. μέρος γὰρ
οὐκ ὀλίγον διορυξάμενος ἄχρις αὐτῶν τῶν βάθρων τοῦ τείχους τοῦ ἄστεως, οὐδόλως αὐτοῖς παρῆκε
τὸ ὕδωρ ὑπένερθεν τούτων διορύττειν, ἀλλὰ παντελῶς ἀπεῖργε τοῦ ἐγχειρήματος. | Chalk.
II,10,9–14: Ἀμουράτης μὲν οὖν ὡς ἐπέλασε, καὶ ἐπολιόρκει Βυζάντιον ἀπὸ θαλάττης εἰς θάλατταν,
τηλεβόλοις τε ἔτυπτε τὸ τεῖχος καὶ ἐπειρᾶτο, οὐ μέντοι κατέβαλέ γε. εἷλκον δὲ οἱ λίθοι τῶν
τηλεβόλων σταθμὸν τρία ἡμιτάλαντα, ὥστε ἀντεῖχε τὸ τεῖχος ὀχυρόν τε ὂν πρός τε τούτους τοὺς
τηλεβόλους, καὶ οὐδαμῇ ὑπεῖκον. | ChronTurk 60, 8–9: Ἀμμὴ τὰ τειχία ἤτανε δυνατὰ καὶ δὲν τὰ
ἐβλάπτανε.
c) 70–71 εἰς τὸ ἔξω κάστρον θέλουσιν φθάσειν] cf. 309
68 Τοῦρκοι ex corr. V1 ‖ 69 τῶν σεσαθρομένος (-ος ex -ων) Α | πῦργον VΝ] πύργον Α, edd. (-ον ex
-ων A). Cf. 67; 74; 75. | χαλάσειν Bekk., Pinto] χαλάσην VNA, All. ‖ 70 ἀκολύτως V | θέλουσιν VN]
θέλουσι A, All. ‖ 71 φθάσειν Bekk., Pinto] φθάσην VNA, All. | διώξειν Bekk., Pinto] διώξην VNA,
All. ‖ 72 δουλώσειν Bekk., Pinto] δουλώσην VNA, All. | εἰς ex corr. V1 | ἐκατήντησεν V]
ἐκατήντησε NA, edd. | προσδοκία] -α s.l. V1 ‖ 73 βόλια V, Pinto] βολία NΑ ; βοκία All., Bekk.
σκευῆς VN, Pinto] βολῆς A, All., Bekk. ‖ 74 ἔκρουσε ex corr. N1 | πῦργον V] πύργον NA, edd. (cf. 67;
69; 75) | οὐδὲ μίαν N | προὐξένησεν] -εν s.l. compendiose V1 ‖ 75 πλὴν] ἦν Bekk. | πῦργος VN]
πύργος A, edd. (cf. 67; 69; 74) | ὑπῆρχεν V, Pinto] non habent NA, All., Bekk. ‖ 76 καὶ1 bis habet
N | τε τὴν πύλην VNA, edd.] Corrigendum videtur ‖ 77 ταῦτα] τ2, quod rubro colore adpingendum
erat, non habet V ‖ 78 ἀπραξίαν] -πρ- ex corr. N1 ‖ 79 ἠργ- ut vid. V, cf. 89 | πολιορκίαν NA (ι1 ex υ
ut vid. corr. A1), edd.] πολυορκίαν V, cf. 17 ‖ 81 με V ‖ 81–82 σιδηροδεσμου- VNA, edd. Sed cf. 90
et 126
Translation | 13
full of cracks from top to bottom19. The Turks expected that the stones from their
largest bombards would demolish that crumbling tower. Moreover, since the place
had no moat to impede the Turks, they also expected to reach the outer fortifications
unhindered, hunt the Romans down from this breach and enslave the City.
The expectations of the infidels, however, in the end came to nothing, since
seventy shots from the largest cannon struck20 that crumbling tower and effected no
harm to the Romans, nor did benefit the Turks. The field of battle21, the moat, and
the tower were all near the church of Saint Kyriake, which is between the gate of
Saint Romanus and the Gate of Charisios, but even nearer, in respect of them, to the
river called Lycus22. That is all, concerning the ineffectiveness of the bombardment.
Concerning other equipments (i.e. cannons) and other engines of war, of every
kind that had been made for the siege of the City and the annihilation of the
Romans: who then could describe them? Nevertheless, I shall now describe a few of
the many.
At that time, they constructed many immense wooden siege towers, with
ironclad wheels, and these towers were as high as the tops of the towers of the city,
19 M. Carroll, A Contemporary Greek Source of the Siege of Constantinople 1453. The Sphrantzes
Chronicle. Amsterdam 1985: 177 states that: “According to Janin’s estimates [see Janin 19642: 280]
this tower would be no more than two hundred and seventy five meters from the old Pempton gate,
but at least six hundred and fifty meters from the St Romanus gate on the rise.” Quotation from
Purdie 2009: 54. Further bibliography: R. Janin, Constantinople byzantine: développement urbain
et répertoire topographique. Paris 19642 : 280. St. Turnbull, The Walls of Constantinople AD 324–
1453. Illustrations by P. Dennis. Oxford 2004: 21. See plates 4–6.
20 It is generally said, that fire arms and cannons were employed for the first time during this siege.
Nevertheless, it is worth mentioning that the word ‘σκευή’ also appears in a Chortasmenos’ scholion
on Kinnamos (see above Part 1). In his short note, Chortasmenos seems to allude to Turkish cannons
already during the siege of Bayezid (1394–1402). See also Cuomo 2014, s.v. σκευή.
21 With the generic expression “ὁ τόπος”, Kananos is referring to the area of the fortifications at
which the Turks aimed their projectiles. Despite having deployed all along the Theodosian walls, the
Turks focused their bombardments on that section of the walls, as described here.
22 See plates 4 and 5. See also Philippides – Hanak 2011: 331–344; and 415, n. 68: “Kananos is
the only author of the Late Middle Ages to supply the name of the river Lycos, currently flowing
under the avenue Vatan Caddesi that pierces the fortifications between the Gate of St. Romanos and
the Pempton.” According to Kananos, then, Murad II considers the Pempton or Fifth Military Gate
(see plates 4 to 6) as the weakest point in the land fortification. His son, Mehmed the Conqueror,
would also choose the same place as a field of battle in 1453. “The Pempton occupies the lowest
elevation in the entire line of fortifications, which elevation begins to drop at the Gate of Saint
Romanos. The terrain then slowly rises again northward to reach the highest point in the periphery
(the peak of Constantinople’s Sixth Hill at 77 meters) in the Adrianople/Edirne sector. Traditionally
… the sector of the Pempton … had been viewed as the weakest link in the land fortifications
(Philippides – Hanak 2011: 481).”
14 | Text
ὑπερεῖχον ἐκείνους· καὶ ζεύγη βοῶν καὶ βουβαλίων ἀπείρων εἴχασιν ἐξ ἑτοίμου ἵνα
τοὺς πύργους ταυρίσουν μετὰ σχοινίων · καὶ πλησίον τῆς σούδας φέρωσιν · καὶ ἐξ
85 ἐκείνων τὸ ἔξω κάστρον πολεμήσωσιν καὶ ἀφανίσουν· ἀλλὰ καὶ φαλκούνια ἐποιή-
σαντο · καὶ χελώνας · καὶ ἀρκουδάμαξα· καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ ξύλινα καὶ μηχανικώτατα
ἔργα καὶ ἑλεπόλεις ἐκατεσκεύασαν · καὶ μηχανικὰς ἀγκάλας μὲ τροχοὺς μικρούς· καὶ
μεγάλας σκεπαστὰς · καὶ μεσέας ὑπὲρ ἀριθμὸν διεπράξαντο· καὶ κατέναντι τῶν
πορτῶν τῆς πόλεως τεράστια μεγάλα εἰργάσαντο· κάστρη ξύλινα ὑπερμεγέθη ἐποιή-
90 σαντο μὲ τροχοὺς σιδηροδεσμουμένους · ὥστε τοὺς θεωροῦντας ἐκεῖνα καὶ ἀγνοοῦν-
τας τῶν κάστρων τοὺς πολέμους, καὶ τὸ ἀχρησίμευτον γὰρ ἐκείνων λίαν ἐξέπληξεν
καὶ μέγα ἐθρόησεν· Ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν γῆν ἄλλοι ἔσκαπτον ἐκ τῆς παστίας ὄπισθεν καὶ
εἰς βάθος πολὺ ἐκατέβησαν, ὡς ἵνα κάτωθεν ἀπὸ τὴν κάτω ὄψιν τῆς σούδας περάσω-
σιν ἀθεωρητί τὴν νύκτα ἄνω ἱσταμένων Ῥωμαίων καὶ μαχωμένων · καὶ φθάσωσιν εἰς
95 τὰ τοίχη τοῦ καθολικοῦ καὶ μεγίστου κάστρου τῆς πόλεως · καὶ κόψωσι τοῦτο
c) 83 εἴχασιν ἐξ ἑτοίμου] cf. 188 ‖ 90–92 ὥστε τοὺς θεωροῦντας – ἐθρόησεν·] cf. 119–120;
216–220
83 ζεύγοι V. Cf. 89; 111; 116; 146 | ἐτοίμου A, All. ‖ 84 ταυρίσουν V, Pinto] ταυρίσουσι NA, All.,
Bekk. | σούδας A, Bekk., Pinto] σοῦδας VN, All. Cf. 93 ‖ 85 πολεμήσωσι NA, edd. | ἀφανίσουν V,
Pinto] ἀφανίσωσιν NA, All., Bekk. ‖ 86 χελῶνας V | μηχανικότατα (-τατα s. l. compendiose) V
87 ἐλεπόλοις ut vid. V | με V ‖ 89 πορτῶν All.] πόρτων VNA, Bekk., Pinto | ἠργάσαντο V, cf. 79
κάστροι V. Cf. 83 | ὑπερμεγέθη] θ non habet V ‖ 90 με V | σιδηροδεσμου- Pinto (cf. supra 81–82)]
σιδηροδεσμομένους VNA (ο2 ex corr. V1), All., Bekk. ; an -δεσμωμένους scribendum?
90–91 ἀγνωοῦντας V ‖ 91 ἐκείνων] ί ex ῖ corr. N1 | ἐκείνων λίαν V] Post ἐκείνων habent καὶ NA,
edd. | ἐξέπληξε NA, edd. ‖ 93 πολλὺ V | ἐκατέβησαν] -αν s. l. compendiose V1 | ὄψην V | σούδας
A, edd.] σοῦδας VN ‖ 94 ἀθεωρητί V] ἀθεώρητοι ΝΑ, edd. | μαχωμένων VN] μαχομένων A, edd.
95 τοίχη (-οί- ex corr. m1) V] τείχη NA, edd.
Translation | 15
or even higher23. They also had at their disposal countless bull and buffalo teams,
ready to tow the towers with ropes and to bring them near the moat, so that they
could storm the outer wall and raze it.
In addition to that, they made falcons, battering rams (called tortoises), and
armored fighting vehicles (called arkoudamaxa) and built many other wooden and
very ingeniously designed machines. They also provided some siege engines with
mechanical arms <moved> by small wheels24, and some others with huge coverings.
They built also numberless siege machines of mid-size. But it is right in front of the
gates of the City that they made awe-inspiring devices. They built, in fact, such
enormous military contraptions with iron-clad wheels, that those who looked at
them and were unaware of the assault at the city wall, were utterly terrified and
frightened out of their wits, despite their ineffectiveness25.
Meanwhile, other Turks were digging into the earth behind the terreplein, and
they went down very deep. Their purpose was to cross the moat up from below
unobserved during the night, while the Romans were fighting above, and to reach
the walls of the whole and greatest fortification of the City and to smite with
weapons, unseen by any one, and to set wooden supports, as is the usual practice in
23 See the EoI, s.v. Ḥiṣār nr. iv: “Tīmūrlang (i.e. Timur alias Tamerlane, r. 1370–1405) used a
‘wooden fortress’ or ‘tower’ in his siege of Damascus in 803/1400, which was burnt down by the
defenders. He built another which served him no better. Sultan Barsbāy erected a burd̲j̲ when he laid
siege to Āmid in 836/1433, but it was ineffective. Neither Ibn Faḍl Allāh al-ʿUmarī (d. 749/1349) nor
al-Ḳalḳas̱ẖandī (d. 821/1418) mentions the burd̲j̲ or the dabbāba in their chapters on siege
machines.”
24 The purpose of these “mechanical arms” was probably that of approaching the walls and
attempting assaults. “… ramps of wooden beams plastered with wet earth as a defence against
artificial fire aided the assault forces to cross the ditches and storm the walls (the EoI, s.v. Ḥiṣār nr.
v)” have also been employed at Rhodes in 1480 (Bosio, ii, 327) and at Malta in 1565 (Cirni, 56v, 68r,
also Bosio, iii, 547–8, 568, 609–10, 611). As well, they made falcons [a short, fat cannon] and
tortoises [a wheel wooden hut covered with hides and used for mining] and great bears [some type of
siege device named after the constellation] and many other wooden and most ingenious works, and
fashioned city-destroyers and ingenious arms with small wheels, and constructed great and
middling shelters beyond number, and against the gates of the city they moved great monsters; they
made enormous wooden towers with iron-covered wheels.
25 On ll. 78–92, Kananos describes a great variety of war machineries and the way in which they
had been employed. Again, the lack of contemporary sources does not allow us to be more precise.
Nevertheless, it seems that the Ottomans long continued to use similar techniques in later sieges.
See “e.g., (i) mantlets [i.e.: A movable shelter or screen used to protect soldiers or a bulletproof
screen on a military vehicle.] at Otranto in 1480 (Foucard, 163), at Malta in 1565 (Cirni, 113r, 114v),
at Nicosia in 1570 (Lorini, 71: “palchi di tavole, coperti con pelle di bufali a guisa di testuggine, per
difendersi da’ fuochi”) and also at Hamadān in 1724 (L. Lockhart, The fall of the Ṣafavī Dynasty ...,
Cambridge 1958, 269); (ii) wooden towers at Malta in 1565 (Bosio, iii, 673, 684: “un’altra Machina
di legnami... in modo di Torre”, furnished with a platform designed to hold five or six arquebusiers
and to be raised or lowered at will); and (iii) “trabuchi” at Rhodes (Sanuto, xxxiii, 573 and xxxiv, 67)
during the siege of 1522).” Source: the EoI s.v. Ḥiṣār nr. v.
16 | Text
λαθραίως πάντων· καὶ πουντελειάσωσιν κατὰ τὸ ἔθος τῶν πολεμούντων· εἶτα πῦρ εἰς
τὰ ξύλα τῶν πουντελείων ἀνάψωσιν, ὅπως τὴν ξυλίνην κατασκευὴν τὴν κρατοῦσαν
τὸ κάστρον καταφλέξωσιν · καὶ ἄφνω πεσοῦνται τὰ τοίχη τῆς πόλεως· καὶ ἅμα εὐθὺς
τῶν Τούρκων τὰ στρατεύματα θρασέως κατὰ τῶν Ῥωμαίων εἰσβάλλουσιν · καὶ ἐκ τοῦ
100 χαλάσματος ἐκείνους διώξουσιν καὶ τὴν πόλην κρατήσουσιν· ἄλλοι τοὺς ἀγωγοὺς
ἀνεγύρευον τοὺς ἔκπαλαι τὸ νερὸν εἰς τὰς στέρνας τῆς πόλεως ἔφερον · ὅπως τινὰ ἐξ
αὐτῶν ἐπιτύχωσιν · καὶ λαθραίως τῶν Ῥωμαίων διὰ τοῦ ἀγωγοῦ ἐντὸς γενέσθαι τῆς
πόλεως νυκτὸς καὶ ἀπαραπροσδοκήτως ταύτην κρατήσουσιν καὶ αἰχμαλωτίσουσιν·
Πλὴν καὶ κήρυκας ἐξαπέστειλεν πανταχόθεν ὁ δεσπότης τῶν Τούρκων· καὶ
105 ἐδιελάλησαν οὕτως καὶ εἶπον ἐνόρκως · Ὅτι τῆς πόλεώς τε τὸν πλοῦτον καὶ τὸν λαὸν
ἅπαντα ὁ ἀμηρὰς, εἰς διαγουμὰν παραδίδη καὶ κοῦρσος τοῖς Μουσουλμάνοις· καὶ
φθάσετε εἰς τὸ κέρδος· ταῦτα μὲν εἶπε μετὰ τεχνάσματος δὲ τοιούτου · ὅπως νὰ
συναχθῶσιν τὰ στρατεύματα πάντα τῶν Μουσουλμάνων, ὁποῖον καὶ ἐγένετο τότε·
ὡς γὰρ ἐξεχύθη ἡ φήμη εἰς τὰ ἔθνη τῶν Μουσουλμάνων πῶς ἐπαραδόθην ἡ πόλις εἰς
110 διαγουμὰν καὶ αἰχμαλωσίαν σχεδὸν ἐκ πάσης γῆς καὶ γενεᾶς Μουσουλμάνων,
ἔφθασαν πρὸς τὸ κέρδος · μὴ μόνον οἱ ἐπιστήμονες εἰς τὰ κούρση καὶ τοὺς πολέμους,
ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ ἀνεπιστήμονες · καὶ σαρλίδες · τουτέστιν, πραγματευταὶ · καταλλάκται ·
μυροψοὶ καὶ τζαγκάροι · ἀλλὰ καὶ Tουρκῶν πολλοὶ καλογέροι ὑπὲρ αἰτίας τοιαύτης
ἐσυνήχθησαν πάντες· οἱ μὲν στρατιῶται, διὰ τὸ κοῦρσος· οἱ δὲ σαρλίδες, ἵνα ἀγορά-
115 σουν τὰ κουρσιμαῖα, ἤγουν τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους· καὶ οἱ μὲν, τὰς γυναῖκας· ἄλλοι, τοὺς
c) 104–120 ] cf. infra 216–220 (et 276–290; 302–306)
96 πουντελειάσωσιν VΑ, edd.] -σωσι Ν | πολεμοῦντων Pinto ‖ 97 ξυλίνην] ξυλο… propter

refectionem codicis, cetera legi nequit V ‖ 98 κάστρον] -ον ex corr. A1 | τείχη NA, edd.
99 εἰσβάλλουσιν VN, Pinto] ἐμβάλλουσιν A, All., Bekk. ‖ 100 ἐκείνου Α | πόλην V] πόλιν ΝΑ, edd.
101 ἀνεγύρευον V, Pinto] ἐγύρευον NA, All., Bekk. ‖ 102 γενέσθαι VNA, All., Bekk.] γενόμενοι dub.
in app. Bekk. ; γενήσονται Pinto ‖ 103 κρατήσουσι Ν, Pinto | αἰχμαλωτίσουσιν A, edd.]
αἰχμαλωτήσουσιν VN ‖ 104 Πλὴν] π-, quod rubro colore adpingendum erat, non habet V
ἐξαπέστειλεν V] ἐξαπέστειλε NA, edd. ‖ 105 ἐδιελάλησαν V, Pinto] διελάλησαν ΝΑ, All., Bekk.
τὸν1] ο ex corr. V1 ‖ 106 ἅπαντα] -τα ex corr. V1 | ἀμηρὰς (-ας compendiose) V] -ᾶς ΝΑ, edd.
διαγουμὰν VA, Pinto] διαγουμᾶν Ν ; διακομὰν All., Bekk. ‖ 108 συναχθῶσιν V] συναχθῶσι ΝΑ, edd.
109 ἐπαραδόσθην sic Α ‖ 110 γενεὰς V ‖ 111 ἔφθασαν] ἔ- ex corr. V1 | Post ἐπιστήμονες scripserat
σαρ (cf. σαρλίδες l. 112), sed linea delevit V1 | κούρσοι VN. Cf. 83 ‖ 112 καὶ2 ex corr. V1 | τουτέστιν
(ex τοῦτ’ ἔστιν) V] τουτέστι NA, edd. | πραγματευταὶ VNA] πραγματεῦται edd. | καταλλάκται Bekk.,
Pinto] καταλάκται VNA, All. ‖ 113 Tουρκῶν VNA, All., Bekk.] Τούρκων Pinto ‖ 114 ἐσυνήχθησαν]
-αν compendiose s.l. V1 ‖ 115 κουρσημαία VN
Translation | 17
siege-craft. They would then set fire to the timbers: their purpose was to let the
wooden devices, which supported the fortification, burn down so that the walls of
the City would rapidly fall down26 and, at the same time, companies of the Turks
would promptly pounce on the Romans and, from the breaches, pursue them and
seize the City27.
Others still, were searching for the conduits that had brought water to the cisterns
of the city since ancient times, in the hope that they would come across one of them
and, undetected by the Romans, enter the City through a conduit during the night,
and so unexpectedly seize and enslave it.
Furthermore, the despot of the Turks dispatched heralds everywhere, and they
proclaimed and swore the oath: “The emir hands over to the Moslems for plunder
and spoil, both the wealth of the City and its people. Therefore, rush for the spoil!”
Thus spoke the emir. The purpose of that strategy was to gather all the armies of the
Moslems and this was what actually took place then. When the rumor spread across
all the nations of Muslims, that the City was to be in the clutches of plunderers and
slave-traders, men from nearly every Moslem land and tribe came for the predation;
not only professionals in looting and warfare, but also adventurers! And sarlides,
meaning merchants, money-changers, unguent sellers, shoemakers and even many
Turkish monks. All those people gathered for the following reasons: the soldiers for
the pillage; the dealers in order to purchase the booty, meaning the prisoners of war.
And some wanted the women, others the men, others the male infants, others
26 The here mentioned wooden “puntelli” supported, I think, the vault of the tunnels dug by the
Turks and not the fortifications. The plans of the assailants was that of setting fire to the wooden
supports, in the hope that the tunnels, which evidently went under the city walls, would fall, and
falling, would weaken or even destroy the corresponding portion of wall over them.
27 “The Ottomans also retained the old method for bringing down the walls of a fortress, i.e., to dig
approach trenches, to excavate the foundation of the walls, wooden beams being employed to
support the stone-work, and then to set fire to the beams, so that the walls would collapse, once the
timber was burnt through (cf., at Rhodes in 1522, Bosio, ii, 574 and Tercier (1759), 754; also
Montecuculi, 345 [on Montecuccoli, Raimondo see Brunelli, DbI s.v.]).” Kananos seems here to
describe the “Mining (naḳb), a system of siege warfare which had been known for many centuries
but which had been used quite rarely before the 6th/12th century, reached the peak of its success in
the late 6th/12th and in the 7th/13th centuries, used particularly by the Muslims. It was carried out
in the following way. An underground tunnel (naḳb, pl. nuḳūb , and much more rarely sirb ,
pl. asrāb , or surūb ) would be started a certain distance from the fortification or wall, and would be
dug towards it. Immediately under the fortification, it would be widened, deepened and
strengthened with timber props; then it would be filled with brushwood, straw and other
combustible materials, and the whole construction would be set alight. The wooden props, together
with all the combustibles, would be burnt, and the undermined fortification would collapse. […] The
best defence against such attack was for the besieged to dig a counter-tunnel, and, when the
enemy’s line of approach was discovered, to dig into it, kill the miners or smoke them out, and to
destroy their work.” In fact, the Romans seem later to have undertaken this strategy, as Kananos
below writes (p. 37): “They also killed right in the breaches other Moslems who were trying to breach
the walls and the towers”. Quotation from the EoI, s.v. Ḥiṣār nr. v.
18 | Text
ἄνδρας· ἄλλοι, τὰ βρέφη· καὶ ἄλλοι, τὰ ζῶα· καὶ ἄλλοι, τὰ πράγματα· οἱ δὲ Τουρκοκα-
λογέροι τὰς καλογραίας ἡμῶν κέρδος καὶ κοῦρσος εὐεργεσίαν νὰ ἔχουν παρὰ τοῦ
δεσπότου τῶν Τούρκων· διὰ γοῦν τὴν προσδοκίαν ταύτην, ἐσυνάχθην ἐκ πάσης γῆς
Μουσουλμάνων ἀναρίθμητα πλήθη · ὥστε, ἐκατεθαύμαζον πάντες οἱ θεωροῦντες τὴν
120 πλησμονὴν τοῦ φωσάτου· τότε δὴ καὶ σαγίττας συνῆξαν τοσοῦτον ἀναρίθμητον
πλῆθος · ὥστε ἐδυσπιστοῦμεν τὸ πρῶτον τὴν φήμην τοῦ λόγου ἕως τοῦ πολέμου τὴν
ὥραν· Ἡ δὲ συναγωγὴ τούτων, ἐγένετο οὕτως· πᾶσα οἰκία παντὸς ἀνθρώπου τοῦ
εὑρισκομένου εἰς τὴν δεσποτείαν τῶν Τούρκων ἀνατολῆς καὶ δύσεως πάσης, δέδωκε
τούτων ἑκάστη ἀπὸ δέκα ἕως εἴκοσι σαγίττας τῶν τόξων· ἀλλὰ καὶ πλείονας τούτων
125 ἐτόξευσαν τοῦ πολέμου τὴν ὥραν · ὁποίας τὸ ἀρματοφυλακεῖον εἶχεν τοῦ Τούρκου
καὶ τὰ ταρκάσια τοῦ φωσάτου· εἶχεν καὶ μετ’ αὐτοῦ τότε σιδηροδεσμουμένους τοὺς
ἀποκρισιαρίους τοῦ βασιλέως, ὁποίους αὐτὸς ᾐτήσατο μᾶλλον, ἵνα πέμψῃ περὶ
εἰρήνης τε καὶ ἀγάπης· αὐτὸς δὲ ὡς βάρβαρος ὠμὸς καὶ ἀπάνθρωπος, σίδηρα καὶ
φυλακὰς αὐτοὺς κατεδίκασεν· καὶ τοὺς ἀναιτίους ὡς ὑπαιτίους ἠπείλει εἰς θάνατον ·
130 προσβαλλόμενος δὲ τάχα καὶ αἰτίαν ἀλλὰ ψυχρὰν, ἔλεγε γὰρ · Διότι με οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι
ἀναισχύντως συνέτυχον, διὰ τοῦτο αὐτοὺς φυλακὴν κατεδίκασα· Ἀλλὰ καὶ τότε τις
τῶν Μουσουλμάνων ὑψηλός τε καὶ μέγας καὶ φοβερὸς παρ’ ἐκείνοις · ὡς ὅτι ἐκ
a) 131 ἀναισχύντως συνέτυχον] cf. ἀναισχύντως συνετύχαινον MetAnna 41,3 Hunger (ad XI, 9, 3 =
349, 75, Reinsch 2001)
b) 118–120 διὰ – φωσάτου] cf. Chalk. II 7,23sqq. ‖ 126–131 εἶχεν – κατεδίκασα] cf. Dukas
913A–B et 972A | Sphr. X, 1 (= 1,5sqq.): φέρων (scil. ὁ Μουράτης) μετ’ αὐτοῦ καὶ δεσμίους τοὺς
ἀποκρισιαρίους, οὓς προαπέστειλαν εἰς ἐκεῖνον διὰ κατάστασιν ἀγάπης Δημήτριον τὸν
Καντακουζηνὸν καὶ Ματθαῖον τὸν Λάσκαριν καὶ τὸν γραμματικὸν Ἄγγελον τὸν Φιλομμάτην. | cf. et
ChronTurk 60,12–17: Καὶ τότε ἔστειλε ὁ βασιλέας ὁ Παλαιολόγος ἀπὸ μέσα ὅτι νὰ κάμουσι ἀγάπη.
Καί, ὡς τὸ ἤκουσε ὁ σουλτὰν Μουράτης, ἐγέλασε καὶ τοὺς ἐδίωξε τοὺς μαντατοφόρους. ἀμμὴ, ὡσὰν
δὲν ἠπόρειε νὰ τὴν ἐπάρῃ, ἐπῆρε τὸ φουσσᾶτα του καὶ ἐδιάβη. Καὶ πάλι ἐστείλανε μαντατοφόρους οἱ
Ῥωμαῖοι, ὅτι νὰ θελήσῃ νὰ κάμουσι ἀγάπη. Καὶ πάλι δὲν ἤθε νὰ κάμῃ ἀγάπη. Etc.
c) 119–120 οἱ θεωροῦντες – φωσάτου] cf. 90–92; 216–220 ‖ 132 ὑψηλός τε καὶ μέγας] cf.
157–158
116 βρέφη Ν, (β ex φ corr. m1) Α, edd.] βρέφοι V. Cf. 83 et 29 ‖ 117 κούρσος Ν. Cf. supra 106; 114
118 Τούρκων V, edd.] Τουρκῶν ΝΑ. Sed cf. 113 | γουν A | πρὸς δοκίαν ut vid. N | ἐσυνάχθην V]
ἐσυνάχθησαν ΝΑ, edd. | πάσης γῆς V] Post πάσης habent τῆς NA, edd. Cf. supra 110 ‖ 120 σαγίτας
V | συνήξαν V ‖ 121 τὸ πρῶτον] ex τοῦ πρώτου N1 ‖ 122 Ἡ rubro colore add. V?. Etiam in N hic
novum caput incipit ‖ 123 δέδωκε] -ε s.l. V ‖ 124 σαγίτας V ‖ 125 ἐτόξευσαν Bekk.] ἐδόξευσαν
VΝΑ, Αll., Pinto | ἀρματοφυλακεῖον scripsi] ἁρματοφυλακίον VN (sed spiritus non legitur N) ;
ἀρματοφυλάκιον Α, ἁρματοφυλάκιον edd. | εἶχεν V] εἶχε NA edd. Cf. infra 126 ‖ 126 ταρκάσια V]
ταρχάσια NA, All. Bekk ; ταρφάσια Pinto | εἶχεν VNA : εἶχε edd. Cf. supra 125 | σιδηροδεσμου-
Pinto (cf. supra 81–82)] σιδηροδεσμο- VNA, All., Bekk. An σιδηροδεσμω- scribendum?
127 βασιλέως] -λεως compendiose s.l. V1 | ᾐτήσατο NA (ἠ- N), edd.] ἠτοίσατο V, an ἡτοι〈μά〉σατο
scribendum? | μᾶλλον] λ1 ex corr. V? ‖ 128 εἰρήνης] εἰ- ex corr. A1 | Post καὶ1 scripserat π..... sed
lineola delevit A1 ‖ 129 κατεδίκασε ΝΑ, edd. | ὑπ’ αἰτίους Ν | ἠπείλει] -ει ex corr. V1Α1
130 προσβαλλόμενος ΝΑ] προβαλλόμενος V, edd. ‖ 131 αὐτοὺς φυλακὴν V] Post αὐτοὺς habent εἰς
NA, edd. | τις Bekk.] τίς VNA, All., Pinto. Cf. 138 ‖ 132 ὑψηλός] ὑ- rubro colore et in ἐκθέσει V?
Translation | 19
animals, and others again the wealth. The Turkish monks, in turn, came for our nuns
and for the spoils, which they considered as a generous gift from the despot of the
Turks. With these expectations then, innumerable hordes of Moslems were drawn
from everywhere. They were so great in number that all those who looked at that
immense army were astounded.
At that time, they also collected arrows in such numberless quantities that we
initially distrusted the news concerning their actual amount, up until the time of the
battle.
The collection of the arrows occurred in the following way. Every house and
every man found in the Turkish Empire throughout the whole of the east and the
west, individually gave from ten to twenty arrows of the bows. At the hour of the
battle, however, they shot more arrows than just those collected. In fact, the arsenal
of the Turks as well as the quivers of the army also had some.
At that time, the despot of the Turks also had with him, chained in iron fetters,
the envoys from our emperor, precisely those whom he himself had demanded to be
sent for negotiating peace and friendship. Being a brutal and inhuman barbarian, he
condemned them to irons and prison and threatened those innocent men with death
as if they were guilty, probably even putting forward an argument, although incon-
sistent, for a charge, since he said: “For this reason I have sentenced these men to
imprisonment: because the Romans have behaved impudently towards me28.”
28 On Byzantine delegation(s) to Murad II see: Philippides – Hanak 2011; Purdie 2009: xxviii & lxv;
Barker 1969: 360, n. 18; Maisano 1990: 23, n. 1.
20 | Text
σειρᾶς τε καὶ γένους τοῦ Μαχουμέτη κατήγετο· τοῦτον καὶ ὡς πατριάρχην αὐτὸν
ἐτιμοῦσαν · καὶ ὡς προφήτην αὐτὸν προσεκύνουν · καὶ ἐσέβοντο τοῦτον ὡς αὐτὸν
135 τὸν Μωάμετ· τοσοῦτον καὶ τοιοῦτος μέγιστος ἦν ἐν ἐκείνοις, ὅτι τὴν θυγατέραν τοῦ
ἀμηρὰ καὶ δεσπότου τῶν Μουσουλμάνων παρθένον οὖσαν, ἥρπαξεν παρὰ γνώμην
ἐκείνου· καὶ ἔφθειρεν καὶ ἐκράτησεν καὶ ἔσχεν ἐκείνην ἐν τῷ κοιτῶνι καὶ τῷ κλινιδίῳ
ἐκείνου· καὶ οὐδεὶς ἐτόλμησεν αὐτὸν σκῶψαι ἤ τι εἰπεῖν πρὸς ἐκεῖνον· ἀλλὰ καὶ
μᾶλλον ὁ ἀμηρὰς καὶ ἀδελφὸς ὁ τῆς κόρης εἶπεν · Ἡγίασεν ταύτην ἡ συνουσία τοῦ
140 πατριάρχου τοῦ συγγενοῦς τοῦ Μωάμετ · καὶ τὸ γεννηθὲν ἐξ ἐκείνης, ἅγιον ἔστω ὡς ἐξ
αἵματος τοῦ Μωάμετ · κατὰ τὸν νόμον καὶ ἁγιασμὸν τοῦ Ῥασοὺλ Μαχουμέτη· Αὐ-
τὸς δὲ ὁ μέγιστος καὶ πολὺς παρ’ ἐκείνοις ὁ εὐγενὴς πατριάρχης · ὃν εἶχον προορατι-
κὸν καὶ προφήτην τοὔνομα Μηρσαΐτης τῇ Περσικῇ διαλέκτῳ, ἀπέστειλεν ἀποκρισια-
ρίους ἀπὸ τῆς Προύσης ἧς ἐκατοίκει πρὸς τὸν δεσπότην τῶν Τούρκων· καὶ εἶπεν ·
145 Ὅρα μήπως συνάψῃς πόλεμον μετὰ τῶν Ῥωμαίων καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἀπολέσῃς καὶ τὰ
γένη τῶν Μουσουλμάνων, ἕως ὅτε ἐγὼ νὰ φθάσω καὶ δηλώσω τὴν ὥραν τῆς συμπλο-
κῆς τοῦ πολέμου· ὡς ὁ μέγας ἡμῖν διδάσκει Ῥασοὺλ ὁ προφήτης· καὶ γινώσκω δὲ τοῦτο
ὡς προορατικὸς καὶ προφήτης· Ταῦτα δὲ ἀκούσας τῶν Τούρκων ὁ δεσπότης, ἔπραξεν
ὡς ὁρίσθην· καὶ ἀνέμενε τὸν ψευδοπροφήτην · καὶ μεθ’ ἡμέρας ὀλίγας ἔφθασεν·
150 ἦλθεν ὁ Μηρσαΐτης, καὶ πατριάρχης τῶν Τούρκων μετὰ πεντακοσίους τουρκοκαλογέ-
ρους ἐπὶ ἡμιόνου καθήμενος· καὶ τῷ σχήματι, σοβαρώτατος· καὶ τὸ μεγαλεῖον,
δεινότατος· τὰ δὲ πλήθη τῶν Μουσουλμάνων εἰς ἀπαντὴν ἐξέδραμον τὴν ἐκείνου·
καὶ ὡς ἄγγελον ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ καταβάντα τὰ μωροθαύμαστα γένη τῶν Μουσουλμά-
a) 153 ὡς ἄγγελον – οὐρανοῦ] cf. Ap. 20,1: καὶ εἶδον ἄγγελον καταβαίνοντα ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ.
c) 134 ὡς προφήτην – προσεκύνουν] cf. 166–167 προσκυνοῦν – ἐκεῖνον ‖ 140–141 ὡς ἐξ αἵματος
τοῦ Μωάμετ] cf. 158 ὡς ἀπόγονος τοῦ Μωάμετ ‖ 142–143 προορατικὸν καὶ προφήτην] cf. 148;
161 ‖ 143 τῇ Περσικῇ διαλέκτῳ] cf. 243 ‖ 146 ἕως ὅτε ἐγὼ νὰ φθάσω – τὴν ὥραν] cf. 162–163
ἕως ὅτου νὰ φθάσει – γινώσκω ‖ 148 ὡς προορατικὸς καὶ προφήτης] cf.161 ‖ 153–154 τὰ
μωροθαύμαστα – Μουσουλμάνων] cf. 246
133 συρᾶς V | Μαχουμέτη V] Μαχουμέτ Ν ; Μουχουμέτ Α, edd. ‖ 135 Μωάμετ VN] Μωάμεθ A,
edd. | ἦν ἐν ἐκείνοις V ] ἦν ἐκεῖνος NA, All., Bekk. ; ἦν οὖν ἐκεῖνος Pinto | θυγατέραν V, Pinto]
θυγατέρα NA, All., Bekk. ‖ 136 ἀμηρὰ V] -ᾶ ΝΑ, edd. | ἥπραξε NA, edd. ‖ 137 ἔφθειρε NA, edd.
ἔκρατησε NA, edd. | κοιτῶνι A, edd.] κιτῶνι VN | κλινηδίῳ sic, ι1 et η ex corr. V1 ‖ 138 ἐτόλμησεν]
η ex corr. V1 | σκῶψαι Α, edd.] σκώψαι Ν ; σκόψαι (-αι ex corr.) V1 | ἤ τι Pinto] ἢ τί VΝΑ ; ἤτοι All.,
Bekk. Cf. supra 131 ‖ 139 ἀμηρὰς V] -ᾶς ΝΑ, edd. | ἡγίασεν V (ἡγίασε edd.)] ἠγίασεν ΝΑ
140 συγκενοῦς V | Μωάμετ VΑ (Μωαμετ Ν)] Μωάμεθ edd. | γενηθὲν V ‖ 141 Μωάμετ V] Μωάμεθ
ΝΑ, edd. | Μαχουμέτη VNΑ, sed cf. supra p. 133 ‖ 142 πολὺς] ex corr. m?. π rubro colore et in
ἐκθέσει V? ‖ 142–143 προορ- Bekk., Pinto] προωρατικόν VNΑ, All. ‖ 143 Μηρσαΐτης] -ΐ- sic V
περσικῷ ut vid. V | διαλεκτῷ sic Α ‖ 145 μήπως VN, Pinto] μήπω Α, All., Bekk. | ἀπολέσῃς]
ἀπωλέσῃς Ν ‖ 146 γένοι V. Cf. 83 ‖ 148 προο- Bekk., Pinto] προωρατικὸς VNA, All. | ἀκούσας] -ο-
ex corr. V1 ‖ 149 ὁρίσθην VNA] ὡρίσθην sic edd. ‖ 151 σοβαρότατος VN ‖ 152 ἀπαντὴν V]
ὑπαπαντὴν NA, Bekk., Pinto ; ὑπαπάντην All. ‖ 153 ἐκ τοῦ V, Pinto] ἐξ NA, Bekk., All. | γένη] -η ex
corr. V1 ‖ 153–154 Μουσουλμάνων V] Τουρκῶν NA, Τούρκων edd.
Translation | 21
At that time, there was one of the Moslems, a tall and big man, who was consid-
ered an awe-inspiring figure by them because he descended from the lineage and
race of Mahomet29.
They also revered him as a patriarch and greeted him as a prophet, and vener-
ated him as Mohamed himself. He was of such an importance among them, that he
abducted the virgin daughter of the emir and despot of the Moslems against his will
(= against her father’s will), and he deflowered her, possessed her, and kept her in
his bedchamber and in his bed. And no one dared either to ridicule him, or to speak
against him. But even more: the emir and the girl’s brother said: “The union with the
patriarch akin to Mohamed made her sacred, and the child that is born from her be
also sacred, as it descends from the blood of Mohamed, according to the law and the
sanctification of Mohamed.”
The patriarch himself, named Mersaita in the Persian tongue, greatest and noble
among them who considered him to be a soothsayer and a prophet, sent emissaries
from Prousa (Bursa), where he dwelled, to the despot of the Turks and said: “Beware
not to join battle against the Romans and not to endanger the army and the tribes of
the Moslems until the moment I come and show the hour for struggling in battle, as
Rhasul, the great prophet, teaches us. I know it because I am a soothsayer.” Having
heard these words, the despot of the Turks did accordingly, as it had been ordained.
He waited for the false prophet, who arrived after a few days.
Mersaita, the patriarch of the Turks, came sitting on a mule, alongside five-
hundred Turkish monks. He was extremely awesome in his figure and exceedingly
terrible in his majesty. The multitude of the Moslems hastened to meet him. The
tribes of the Moslems, who are regularly amazed by foolish things, received him as if
29 With these words, Kananos introduces one major participant, later called Mersaites “the patriarch
of the Turks”. “Sayyid s̱ẖams al-dīn meḥemmed born ʿAlī al-ḥüseynī al-buḵẖārī, popularly known as
Emīr Seyyid, or Emīr Sulṭān, the patron saint, so to speak, of Bursa (Brusa). He is supposed to have
been a descendant of the 12th Imam, Muḥammad al-Mahdī, and hence a Sayyid. His father, Sayyid
ʿAlī, known under the name of Emīr Külāl, was a Ṣūfī in Buḵẖārā. He himself, born in Buḵẖārā in
1368 (770), joined the Nūrbaḵẖs̱ẖiyya branch of the Kubrawiyya in his early youth. […] He was
highly esteemed by Sulṭān Bayazīd I, and married his daughter, Ḵẖundī Sulṭān, by whom he had
three children (a son and two daughters). […] When Murād II began his reign in 824/1421, he
asked Emīr Sulṭān to invest him with his sword, and the saint is also said to have accelerated the
defeat of the ‘False Muṣṭafā’ […] who contested Murād II’s right to the throne, by the force of his
prayers (Leunclavius, Hist . Mus ., 493 f.). In the next year, he, and a following of 500 dervishes,
took part in the siege of Constantinople. The fall of the city, which he prophesied, did not, however,
occur. Kananos, a Byzantine who took part in the siege, gives a detailed and vivid description of the
appearance of the Mīr-Sayyid […], the ‘Patriarch of the Turks’ […]; the Ottoman historians, on the
other hand, do not mention this lack of success. Emīr Sulṭān died in 1429 (833) in Bursa, as a result
of the plague. Soon afterwards legends told of miracles (menāḳib) wrought by the saint.” Reference:
Mordtmann, J.H.; Taeschner, F. “Emīr Sulṭān” in: The EoI, Universitaet Wien. 21 May 2015 http://
referenceworks.brillonline.com/entries/encyclopaedia-of-islam-2/emir-sultan-SIM_2187.
22 | Text
νων ὑπεδέξαντο τοῦτον· καὶ μὴ μόνον τοὺς πόδας ἐκείνου ἠσπάζοντο καὶ τὰς χεῖρας,
155 ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ ἡμιόνου τοὺς χαλινοὺς καὶ τοὺς πόδας οὗ ἐποχεῖτο· ὁμοίως καὶ ὁ δεσπό-
της τῶν Τούρκων, δουλοπρεπῶς ὑπεδέξατο τοῦτον· αὐτὸς δὲ σοβαρὸς καὶ μεγαλοϋ-
πέροχος ἑωρᾶτο τοῖς πᾶσιν· πλὴν δὲ ἐπηρμένος καὶ γεγαυριωμένος ὡς ὑψηλός τε καὶ
μέγας · καὶ ὡς ἀπόγονος τοῦ Μωάμετ, ἐκατεδέξατο μόλις · καὶ ἐφθέγξατο
ταῦτα· Γινώσκετε Μουσουλμάνοι· καὶ σὺ αὐτὸς ὁ πάντων τούτων δεσπότης· ἐγὼ
160 μὲν ἀπεστάλην παρὰ τοῦ μεγάλου προφήτου Ῥασοὺλ Μαχουμέτη · ἵνα ὑμῖν εἴπω τοῦ
πολέμου τὴν ὥραν ὡς προορατικὸς καὶ προφήτης · ὅπως δουλώσωμεν τοὺς Ῥωμαί-
ους · καὶ αἰχμαλωτίσωμεν καὶ τὴν πόλιν· ἑτοιμάζεσθε δὲ πρὸς τοῦτο ἕως ὅτου νὰ
φθάσει ἡ ὥρα ὁποίαν ἐγὼ γινώσκω· Kαὶ ταῦτα εἰπόντος, ἀπέβην τοῦ ἡμιόνου οὗ
ἐποχεῖτο· καὶ εἰσῆλθεν εἰς τένταν τὴν ἱσταμένην ἀπὸ κεντούκλου · καὶ ἤρξατο
165 ἀναγινώσκειν τὰς βίβλους τοῦ Μωάμετ καὶ τὰ Ῥάμπλια πράττειν· μετὰ ὑποκρίσεως δὲ
ταῦτα ἐποίει, ὡς ἵνα ἀπατῶνται οἱ Τοῦρκοι καὶ προσκυνοῦν καὶ δοξάζουν ὡς προφή-
την ἐκεῖνον· καθὰ καὶ ὁ δεσπότης τῶν Τούρκων · καὶ πάντες οἱ Μουσουλμάνοι ἀληθῆ
καὶ βέβαια ἐκρατοῦσαν πάντα τὰ λαληθέντα ἐκ τούτου· καὶ πάντες τὴν κέλευσιν
ἀνέμενον τὴν ἐκείνου, ἵνα προστάξει τοῦ πολέμου τὴν ὥραν · καὶ δράμωσιν πάντες
170 καὶ κρατήσουν τὴν πόλιν καὶ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους αἰχμαλωτίσουσιν πάντας· Ταύτη δὴ
ἡ κενὴ καὶ ματαία ἐλπὶς, μέγα θράσος καὶ τόλμην καὶ εὐφροσύνην τοῖς Τούρκοις
ἐνέπλησε τότε· καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου ἔχαιρον καὶ ἐσπατάλουν· ἀλλὰ καὶ καθ’ ἡμέραν καὶ
νύκτα τὰς παλάμας ἐκρότουν· καὶ τοῦ Μηρσαΐτη τὴν φωνὴν ἀνέμενον ὡς ἀγγέλου
ἀληθεστάτου, ὡς ἵνα αἰχμαλωτίσουσι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους· ἀλλὰ καὶ καθ’ ἡμέραν καὶ
175 νύκταν καὶ ὥραν, τὴν γλῶσσαν αὐτῶν καθ’ ἡμῶν ὡς δίστομον ξίφος ἠκόνισαν· καὶ
a) 175 τὴν γλῶσσαν αὐτῶν καθ ἡμῶν ὡς δίστομον ξίφος ἠκόνισαν] cf. Ach. Tat. 8, 9,5 (ἀκονάω)
c) 157–158 ὑψηλός τε καὶ μέγας] cf. 132 ‖ 158 ὡς ἀπόγονος τοῦ Μωάμετ] cf. 140–141 ὡς
ἐξαἵματος τοῦ Μωάμετ ‖ 161 προορατικὸς καὶ προφήτης] cf. 142–143; 148 ‖ 162–163 ἕως ὅτου
νὰ φθάσει – γινώσκω] cf. 146 ‖ 165–166 μετὰ ὑποκρίσεως δὲ ταῦτα ἐποίει…] cf. 194–195 καὶ ταύ-
τας – δημηγορῶν ἔλεγεν ‖ 166–167 προσκυνοῦν – ἐκεῖνον] cf. 134 ὡς προφήτην – προσεκύνουν
167–168 πάντες οἱ – ἐκ τούτου] cf. 183–184 ταῦτα – εἴχασιν ‖ 172–173 καθ ἡμέραν καὶ νύκτα] cf.
174–175 καθ’ ἡμέραν καὶ νύκταν καὶ ὥραν
156 Τούρκων V, edd.] Τουρκῶν NA | σοβαρὸς] ρ ex corr. A1 ‖ 156–157 μεγαλοϋπέροχος] -οϋ- sic V
157 ἑῶρα τοῖς V | γεγαυριομένος V ‖ 158 Μωάμεθ ΝΑ, edd. ‖ 159 Γινώσκετε Μουσουλμάνοι in
litura V1 | Μουσουλμάνοι] σ rubro colore et in ἐκθέσει V? | αὐτὸς] ὸ ex corr. N1 ‖ 160 Ῥασοὺλ] Ῥ ex
corr. V1 | ὑμῖν Ν, edd.] ἡμῖν VΑ ‖ 161 προο- Bekk., Pinto] προωρατικὸς VΝΑ, All. | ὅπως] ω ex corr.
V1 ‖ 162 ἑτοιμάζεσθε N, Bekk., Pinto] ἑτοιμάζεσθαι V ; ἐτοιμάζεσθε A, All. ‖ 163 φθάσει V, Pinto]
φθάση NA, All. ; φθάσῃ Bekk. | ὁποίαν V, Bekk., Pinto] ὁποῖαν ΝΑ, All. Cf. 185 | ἀπέβην V] ἀπέβη
NA, edd. ‖ 164 εἰς τένταν V] εἰς τὴν τένταν NA, edd. ‖ 165 Μωάμετ V] Μωάμεθ ΝΑ, edd.
166 ἀπατῶνται] -αι ex corr. V1 | Τούρκοι V ‖ 168 βέβαια ] έ ex corr. V1 | ἐκρατοῦσαν V] κρατοῦσιν
ΝΑ, edd. ‖ 169 ἔμενον ΝΑ, edd. | προστάξει V, Pinto] προστάξῃ ΝΑ, All., Bekk. | δράμωσι ΝΑ,
edd. ‖ 170 κρατήσουν V, Pinto] κρατήσωσι ΝΑ, All., Bekk. | αἰχμαλωτίσουσιν] -λωτήσουσιν V ;
-λωτήσωσι A, All. (ω2 ex corr. A1) ; -λωτίσουσι Ν ; αἰχμαλωτίσωσι Bekk., Pinto. Cf. 49 ‖ 171 ἐλπὶς] ἐ
rubro colore et in ἐκθέσει V ‖ 173 νύκτα VNA, edd. Sed cf. 175 | Μηρσαΐτη ] -ΐ- sic V
174 -λωτίσουσι Bekk., Pinto] -λωτήσουσι VNA, All. Cf. etiam 49 ‖ 175 νύκταν V, Pinto] νύκτα NA,
All., Bekk. | ἠκόνισαν VNA, Pinto] ἠκόνιζαν sic All., Bekk.
Translation | 23
he were an angel coming down from heaven. And they kissed not only his feet and
hands but also the reins and the hooves of the mule on which Mersaita was riding.
Similarly, even the despot of the Turks slavishly received him. Mersaita himself,
pompous and immensely outstanding, was observed by everybody. Being tall, hardy,
and a descendent of Mohamed, he barely deigned to motion towards the crowd and
uttered as follows: “Give ear, Moslems, and you yourself, ruler of all these people! I
have been sent by the great prophet Rhasul Mohamed in order to reveal the right
moment for giving battle – I am a soothsayer and a prophet – so that we can enslave
the Romans and capture also the City. Get ready for that until when the hour comes,
the hour that I myself know.”
Having said that, dismounted Mersaita the horse on which he was riding, came
to (his) tent, made of felt, and began to read the books of Mohamed30 and to perform
the Rhamplia31. He theatrically performed them in order to deceive the Turks into
prostrating and revering him as a prophet. His speech and his performance were so
expressive, that the despot of the Turks as well as all the Moslems held as right and
true everything he said.
They all were waiting for his command, which would indicate the hour for the
battle, and for all them to hasten to conquer the City and take all the Romans
prisoner.
This vain and foolish hope filled the hearts of the Turks with great courage,
nerve and mirth. For this reason, they were happy and revelling in that situation.
Indeed, by day and night, they would clap their hands, waiting for the voice of
Mersaita, as of the most truthful angel, in order to capture the Romans. Moreover,
every day, night and hour, they provoked us sharpening their tongues against us like
30 Perhaps he recited the Koranic “Chapter of the Rum” that promises the city of Constantinople to
the Muslims. So Mavroudi 2014.
31 See Nyström 2009: 184; 210–223; and particularly 236: “Looking at this episode, it is striking
that Kananos seems to have taken his readers’ familiarity with ‘τὰ Ῥάμπλια’ for granted: he sees no
need to explain what was going on in Mersaïtes’ tent. Furthermore, geomantic divination is
apparently something that a fifteenth-century imam could be expected to resort to. Would it matter
here that Mersaïtes is depicted as a Persian, speaking and singing hymns in ‘Persian dialect’?
Further on in Kananos’ text Mersaïtes is reported to have said that wise men from Persia had
calculated the right time (for capturing Constantinople) ‘through the power of the stars and the skills
of astronomers.’ It is not clear whether this statement still points to geomancy or to astrology in a
wider sense. John Kananos emphasizes that the Theotokos could counteract the astrologers’
prediction because her power did not come from earth (οὐκ ἀπὸ γῆς) or from people but from heaven
and from an invisible force.”
24 | Text
φωνὰς ἀγρίους καὶ ἀνημέρους ἔλεγον ἀναιδῶς καὶ ὑβριστικῶς· μὴ μόνον κατὰ
πατριαρχῶν τε καὶ βασιλέως αἰσχροτάτας φωνὰς ἀνέπεμπον, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ τῆς
πίστεως ἡμῶν· τολμηρῶς ὀνειδίζοντες καὶ ἀναιδῶς βλασφημοῦντες, ἔλεγον · Ποῦ ὁ
Θεός σας ὦ σκοτεινοὶ Ῥωμαῖοι; ποῦ ὁ Χριστός σας; ποῦ εἶναι οἱ ἅγιοί σας νὰ σᾶς βοηθή-
180 σουν; αὔριον τὴν πόλιν ἐπαίρνομεν · καὶ ἐσᾶς αἰχμαλώτους καὶ σκλάβους ἔχομεν · καὶ
τὰς γυναῖκας σας · καὶ τὰ παιδία σας ἔμπροσθεν ὑμῶν ἀτιμάσομεν · καὶ τὰς καλογραίας
σας μὲ τοὺς Τουρκοκαλογέρους μας νὰ παντρέψομεν· μὰ τὴν πίστην μας ἀλήθεια, ὁ
προφήτης μας ἔτζη λέγει· Ταῦτα δὲ ὡς βέβαια καὶ ὁμολογούμενα οἱ ἀσεβεῖς
εἴχασιν· καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὸν Θεὸν ἡμῶν ὀνείδιζον ἀσεβῶς ταῦτα· ὡς δὴ ἔφθασεν ἡ
185 τελεία ἡμέρα τοῦ πολέμου τῶν Τούρκων · ὁποίαν παρ’ ἐκείνοις ὁ μέγας προεθέσπισεν
Μηρσαΐτης ὁ προφήτης ἐκείνων, εἶπεν πρὸς τὸν στρατάρχην καὶ δεσπότην τῶν
Μουσουλμάνων · Μὴ βράδυνε ἐπὶ πλέον· ἀλλὰ ταχέως τὰς τάξεις τάξον καθοπλισθῆ-
ναι · καὶ πᾶν μηχανικώτατον καὶ πολεμικώτατον ἔργον ἔχοντες ἐξ ἑτοίμου · καὶ σὺν
τούτοις γενέσθω τῆς πόλεώς τε πλησίον ὅσον τόξου βολὴν εἰς τὸ κάστρον· καὶ
190 σύνθημα εἶπεν· Προστάσσω τοιόνδε· ὅταν ἐφ’ ἵππου ὑψηλοῦ με καθήμενον θεωρή-
σητε καὶ ἐν δεξιᾷ τῇ χειρί μου σπάθην γεγυμνωμένην θεάσητε · καὶ τρὶς τῆς φωνῆς μου
ἀκούσητε, μετὰ ὁρμῆς καὶ βοῆς καὶ κραυγῆς καὶ κρότων καὶ ὀργάνων κατὰ τῶν
Ῥωμαίων εἰσβάλετε· καὶ αὐτομάτως πεσοῦνται τὰ τοίχη τῆς πόλεως · καὶ ἀκωλύτως
γενέσθαι ἐντὸς καὶ ταύτην αἰχμαλωτίσατε· καὶ ταύτας μὲν τὰς ληρολογίας ὁ Μηρσαΐ-
a) 187–188 ἀλλὰ ταχέως etc.] cf. 1 Chron 15,28; 2 Chron 15,14. Cf. etiam infra 198–199
190–194 Προστάσσω – αἰχμαλωτίσατε] cf. Iosue 6, 1–27
c) 183–184 ταῦτα – εἴχασιν] cf. 167–166 πάντες οἱ – ἐκ τούτου ‖ 188 ἔχοντες ἐξ ἑτοίμου] cf. 83
189 πλησίον – κάστρον] cf. 55–56 ‖ 190 σύνθημα] cf. ὡς ἐκ συνθήματος 292 | ἐφ’ ἵππου ὑψηλοῦ]
cf. 241 ‖ 192 μετὰ ὁρμῆς – ὀργάνων] cf. 250–252; 293; 354
177 πατριαρχῶν VNA, All., qui tamen in versione sua ‘patriarcham’ scripsit, Pinto] πατριάρχου
dubitanter Bekk. | βασιλέως VA (-ως compendiose V), All., Bekk.] βασιλέων N, Pinto ‖ 179 ἅγιοί
σας νὰ σᾶς scripsi ] ἅγιοί σας νὰ σας V, Bekk., Pinto (σὰς Bekk., Pinto) ; ἅγιοι σας νά σὰς ΑΝ, All. (σᾶς
Ν) ‖ 180 αὕριον ut vid. V | ἐπαίρνομεν scripsi] ἐπέρνομεν VΝΑ, edd. | ἐσᾶς ΝΑ, edd.] ἐσὰς V
181 τὰς γυναῖκας σας Α] τὰς γυναῖκα σας Ν ; τὰς γυναίκα σας V ; τὰς γυναῖκά σας Pinto | παιδία σας
VN, Pinto] παιδιά σας sic A, All., Bekk. | ὑμῶν ex ἡμῶν A1 | ἀτιμάσομεν V, Pinto] ἀτιμάσωμεν ΝΑ,
All., Bekk. ‖ 182 με V | μας1 V, Pinto] non habent NA, All., Bekk. | παντρέψομεν V, Pinto]
παντρέψωμεν ΝΑ, All., Bekk. | πίστην V] πίστιν NA, edd. ‖ 183 καὶ] κ rubro colore et in ἐκθέσει V?
184 εἴχασιν] ἤχασιν V, εἴχασι ΝΑ, edd. | ὠνείδιζον Ν | δὴ] δὲ V ‖ 185 ὁποῖαν Α. Cf. 163
προεθέσπισε ΝΑ, edd. ‖ 186 Μηρσαΐτης] -ΐ- sic V | εἶπε ΝΑ, edd. ‖ 187 βράδυνε edd.] βραδύναι V ;
βράδυναι ΝΑ ‖ 188 μηχανικότατον V | πολεμηκότατον sic V ‖ 190 εἶπε ΝΑ, edd. | προστάσω sic V.
Illic incipit novum caput (cf. infra ὅταν) | τοιόνδε] δ ex τ V? | ὅταν] ὅ, quod erat in ἐκθέσει rubro
colore pingendum, non habet V | με] μὲ ut vid. A ‖ 191 τρὶς Bekk., Pinto] τρεῖς VΝΑ, All.
192 μετὰ βοῆς καὶ κραυγῆς καὶ ὁρμῆς scripserat V sed postea ordinem immutavit eadem m1 β super
βοῆς et α super ὁρμῆς addens. Pristinum servaverunt NA, edd. ‖ 193 εἰσβάλλετε V | τοίχη scripsi ut
V solet] τείχη ΝΑ, edd. ; τΰχοι V | ἀκωλύτως N, edd.] ἀκολύτως sic Α ; ἀκολλήτως V ‖ 194 γενέσθαι
VΝΑ, All., Bekk.] γένεσθε Pinto | αἰχμαλωτί- Bekk., Pinto] αἰχμαλωτή- VA, All. An recte? Cf. 49
194–195 Μηρσαΐτης] -ΐ- sic V
Translation | 25
a double edged sword, and shamelessly and arrogantly kept on using wild and
savage words against us. They addressed the most depraved insults not only at the
patriarchs32 and the emperor, but also at our faith. Daringly offending and shame-
lessly blaspheming, they said: “Where is your God, you miserable Romans? Where is
your Christ? Where are your saints who will help you? Tomorrow we shall take the
City and we shall capture and make slaves of you, and we shall dishonor your wives
and your children in front of you and give your nun in marriage to our Turkish
monks. By our faith, our prophet tells us the truth in this way!” The infidels held
indeed his words as trustworthy certainty and for this reason they profanely
blasphemed our God in this way.
When the perfect day for the battle arrived, the day that the great Mersaita had
foretold to them, their prophet spoke to the general and despot of the Moslems [=
Murad II]: “Do not delay any longer! On the contrary, set rapidly the army in array
fully equipped and, having all our most ingeniously designed and most offensive
weaponry at the ready, deploy with these machines within a bowshot from the City
walls.” He also explained the planned signal for the attack: “I dispose as follows.
When you will see me being astride a high horse, and notice on my right hand a
drawn sword, and when you will hear me crying out three times, then hurl
yourselves at the Romans, with great onrush, battle cries, screams, clapping of
hands, clash of arms and with all your musical instruments! The walls of the City
will automatically fall down and you will, unhindered, enter the City and conquer
it!33”
32 I do not think it is necessary to correct the reading of the manuscripts πατριαρχῶν into
πατριάρχου. The word “patriarchs” (pl.) can be referred to all orthodox bishops and prelats who were
in Cpl at that time.
33 See above, pp. LVII–LVIII.
26 | Text
195 της ὡς βεβαίας ὁμολογῶν τοῖς Μουσουλμάνοις δημηγορῶν ἔλεγεν · ὡς ἔχων τὰς
προφητείας ἐκ τοῦ Μωάμετ καὶ Ῥασοὺλ Μαχουμέτη τὰς βίβλους· καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν, εἶπεν
ταῦτα· ὁ δὲ στρατάρχης καὶ δεσπότης τῶν Τούρκων τὸ κελευσθὲν ἐκπληρώσας · καὶ
προστάξας τὰς τάξεις ἁπάσας καθοπλισθῆναι · καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν παρασκευὴν τοῦ
πολέμου φέροντες ἀναχεῖρας· εὐθὺς τὰ πλήθη τῶν Μουσουλμάνων καὶ τὰ στρατεύ-
200 ματα πάντα τὸ προσταχθὲν ἐκπληροῦσιν· καὶ μὲ ὅπλα παντοῖα καὶ παρασκευὰς τὰς
μεγίστας καὶ τὰ μηχανικώτατα ἔργα ἐσπάραξαν κατὰ τάξιν· καὶ οἱ μὲν, σκάλας
ἔφερον · καὶ σκάλας παντοίας μικρὰς καὶ μεγάλας· ἄλλοι δὲ, τζόκους· καὶ ἕτεροι
σείστας· καὶ ἄλλοι πῦρ μετὰ μαζαλάδων· ἕτεροι δὲ, σκλώπους· ἄλλοι δὲ, σιδηρᾶ
μάχιμα · ὅπλα δερπανηφόρα μετὰ κονταρίων μακρέων· τὰ ἐπονομαζόμενα, φάλκας·
205 ἕτεροι δὲ, σκουτάρια στερεὰ καὶ μεγάλα · καὶ τὰ πάντα μετὰ σιδήρων· καὶ πλοκοτὰς
δὲ ἄλλοι, καὶ παβέζια ἄλλοι· ἄλλοι δὲ, ἀγκύρας σιδηρέας· καὶ ἄλλο πᾶν πολεμικὸν
ἔργον ἔφερον ἀναχεῖρας· καὶ κατάφρακτοι πάντες μετὰ ἰσχυρᾶς καὶ σιδηρᾶς
πανοπλίας καὶ περικεφαλαίας μεγίστους· Καὶ τοσοῦτον ὑπῆρχεν τῆς στρατείας
ἐκείνης τὸ πλῆθος, ὅτι ἀπὸ τὸ ἓν ἄκρον τῆς πόλεως τῆς Χρυσίας ἄχρι καὶ τὸ ἕτερον
210 τὸ ἄκρον τῆς Ξυλοπόρτης ἐκράτει· οἱ δὲ στρατηγοὶ τοῦ φωσάτου τὰς συντάξεις τῶν
Τούρκων ἔστησαν κατὰ τάξιν πλησίον τοῦ κάστρου· ὡς ἐθέσπισεν ὁ ψευδοπροφήτης·
τοὺς δὲ τοξότας ἐκείνους τοὺς ἀναριθμήτους τῶν Τούρκων, ἐκέλευσαν πάντας ὁμοῦ
τοξεύειν ἐπάνω τοῦ κάστρου καὶ τῶν προμαχιονίων · ὡς ἵνα λαβώσουν καὶ φονεύ-
σουν τινὰς τῶν Ῥωμαίων · καὶ φοβηθῶσιν οἱ ἄλλοι καὶ φύγωσιν ἐκ τοῦ τοίχους · καὶ
215 ἀπὸ τούτου ἄδειαν, εὕρουν καὶ ἀναβῶσιν οἱ Μουσουλμάνοι ἐπάνω ἀνεμποδίστως καὶ
κρατήσουν τὴν πόλιν· ὁ δὲ λαὸς τῶν Ῥωμαίων ὁρῶν τὰ πολεμικὰ καὶ μάχιμα ἔργα τῶν
Τούρκων καὶ τὴν πλησμονὴν τοῦ φωσάτου γενεῶν τῶν ἀπείρων · καὶ τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν
Τατάρων καὶ τῶν Μουσουλμάνων τὴν τόλμην καὶ τὰ πρὸ ὀλίγου πραχθέντα · ὅτι
ἐντὸς εἰς τὰς σούδας ἀπέκτειναν οἱ Τοῦρκοι Ῥωμαίους καὶ ἄλλους ἔμπροσθεν εἰς τὰς
c) 195 ὡς βεβαίας – ἔλεγεν] cf. 165–167 ‖ 198–199 προστάξας – ἀναχεῖρας] cf. 187–188
209–210 ὅτι ἀπὸ – ἐκράτει] cf. 54–55; 292–293. Cf. etiam 252 ‖ 216–220 ὁ δὲ – μέγα] cf.
119–120 (et 234; 257–258)
195 βεβαίας] ε ex αι V1 ‖ 196 προφητείας] εί ex ί ut vid. V? | Mωάμεθ Α, edd. | Μουχουμέτη Α

εἶπεν (cf. 186; 190) V] εἶπε NA, edd. Cf. 139; 144 ‖ 199 ἀναχεῖρας VA] ἀνὰ χεῖρας Ν, edd.
200 ἐκπληροῦσι ΝΑ, edd. | με V | παντοία V ‖ 201 μεγίστας A, edd.] μέγιστας Ν ; μεγίστους V
μηχανικώτατα A, edd.] μηχανηκότατα (-τατα s.l. compendiose m1) V, μηχανικότατα N ‖ 203 σείστας
scripsi] σύστας VΝΑ ; συστάς edd. | ἄλλοι πῦρ] ἄλλο πὺρ Α | σιδηρᾶ Bekk., Pinto] σιδηρὰ sic VΝΑ,
All. ‖ 204 μάχημα V | δρεπ- ΝΑ, edd. ‖ 206 παβέζια V, Pinto] παβέτζια NΑ, All., Bekk. Cf. 58; 62
ἀγκύρας scripsi] ἀγγύρας A, edd. ; ἄγγυρας VΝ. Cf. 265 | πᾶν VNA, Pinto] non habent All., Bekk.
207 ἀνὰ χεῖρας ΝΑ, edd. | ἰσχυρᾶς NA, edd.] -ὰς V | σιδηρᾶς NA, edd.] -ὰς V ‖ 208 ὑπῆρχεν (-εν s.l.
compendiose m1) V] -ῆρχε NA, edd. | στρατείας V] στρατειᾶς sic ΝΑ, All. ; στρατιᾶς Pinto, Bekk.,
recte fortasse ‖ 210 ἐκράτη V ‖ 211 τάξην V ‖ 212 ἐκείνους] -εί- ex corr. V1
1 1
213–214 φονεύσουν NA (ο ex ω corr. N ), edd.] φων- V ‖ 214 φοβηθῶσϊν V | τείχους ΝΑ, edd.
215 ἄδειαν ex corr. V? ‖ 216 κρατήσουν V, Pinto] κρατήσωσι ΝΑ, edd. | μάχημα V ‖ 218 Τατάρων
scripsi (cf. Dukas 229,17 Τατάρων)] Ταρτάρων edd. ; Τάρων sic VΝΑ ‖ 219 εἰς1] εἰς ex corr. ut vid.
V1 | σοῦδας V | Τούρκοι V
Translation | 27
Mersaita proclaimed this nonsense to the Moslems with theatrical emphasis,

pretending all to be true, because he got the prophecies from Mohamed and the
books from Rhasul Mohamed.
He said all these things. The general and despot of the Turks, in turn, accom-
plished what Mersaita had set out to do. He ordered the entire army to be fully armed
and to carry all the weapons in their hands. Immediately, myriads of Moslems and
the entire army carried his orders out. The divisions deployed neatly with every kind
of weapon, and with the greatest devices and the most advanced machines. Some
soldiers brought ladders, ladders of all kinds: both small and large. Others brought
heavy hammers and others yet beams, and others fire with torches, and others even
hand cannons (= handgonne). Some men came along with the phalkai, which are
iron battle weapons with hooks mounted on the top of long spears. Other soldiers
had sturdy and large shields, completely covered with iron. Some others carried
defensive structures made of wood (= plokotas) and others pavetzia34. Some soldiers
had grappling hooks and other weapons in their hands. They were all protected by
sturdy iron armors and huge helmets.
The dimension of their army was so great that it controlled everything from one
far end of the City to the other, from the Golden Gate to the Xyloporta. The generals
of the army deployed the Turkish troops in ranks near the fortifications, as the false
prophet had ordained. They also ordered all these innumerable archers to shoot all
at one time, at the upper side of the fortifications and of the breastwork in order to
wound and kill some of the Romans, to terrify some of them, and to put the others to
flight from the City walls. In this way, the Moslems would find a way to climb unhin-
dered the city walls and conquer the City.
The Roman people became very frightened and most of them were perhaps even
contemplating flight as they looked at the offensive and ingenious weaponry of the
Turks, and the abundance of the army constituted by endless races, and the
eagerness of the Tatars and the daring of the Moslems and what had happened
34 They are not scythe-shaped weapons, but rather instruments to secure the ropes to the top of the
walls in order to climb up.
28 | Text
220 πόρτας, ἐδειλίασαν μέγα· καὶ σχεδὸν πρὸς φυγὴν οἱ πλείονες ἐθεώρουν· ὢ ὥρας τῆς
πικροτάτης ἐκείνης· ὢ λύπης τῆς ἀφορήτου· ὢ ἀπελπισίας μεγίστης· τίς οὐκ ἔφριξε
τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην; τίς οὐκ ἐτρόμαξεν τὴν ὥραν ταύτην, ὁρῶν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους εἰς
τοσαύτην δειλίαν καὶ τοὺς Μουσουλμάνους εἰς θράσος τοσοῦτον; καὶ τίς τῶν ἀκατα-
πλήκτων τότε οὐ κατεπλήγην · καὶ τῶν ἀνδρείων οὐκ ἐφοβήθην; οὐχὶ τὸν θάνατον
225 λέγω· φυσικὸς γὰρ ὑπάρχει· ἀλλὰ τῆς μεγαλοπόλεως ταύτης τὴν ἅλωσιν καὶ τὴν
αἰχμαλωσίαν τοῦ γένους· τῶν γυναικῶν ἀτιμίας· τῶν σωφρόνων τὰς αἰσχρουργίας·
τὴν περιτομὴν τῶν βρεφῶν· τῶν ναῶν τὴν ἀπώλειαν· τῶν ἁγίων εἰκόνων τοὺς ἐμπαι-
γμούς· τοῦ μεγίστου θεοῦ τὴν Σοφίαν ὑμνητήριον τοῦ Μωάμετ καὶ κατοικητήριον
τῶν δαιμόνων · καὶ μασγίδιον ἀποκαταστῆσαι τοῦ Ῥασοὺλ καὶ Μωάμετ· τὸ δὲ χεῖρον
230 καὶ βλαβερὸν καὶ μυριοπλάσιον τοῦ κακίστου θανάτου κάκιστον, τῇ μεταθέσει καὶ
ἀπωλείᾳ τῆς εὐσεβοῦς πίστεως τῶν Χριστιανῶν πρὸς τῶν Μουσουλμάνων τὸ σέβας ·
καὶ τὴν περιτομὴν τοῦ Μωάμετ· ὢ θρήνου μεγίστου ἄξιος ἡ ὥρα ἐκείνη· ὢ τρικυμίας
ἀκατασχέτου· τίς ἡμῶν τὰς οἰμωγὰς οὐ συνεπένθησε τότε; τίς ἀκοὴ φέρει τὸ
ἄκουσμα · ποία ὄψις τὸ θέαμα; καὶ γὰρ εἰς τὰς τοσαύτας καὶ τοιαύτας καὶ τηλικαύτας
235 ἀνάγκας, οὐδένα βοηθοῦντα ἢ διεγεῖραι ἢ παροτρῦναι ἡμεῖς εἴχομεν· ἐπεὶ ὁ μὲν εἷς
βασιλεὺς κατατρυχόμενος ὑπῆρχεν, ἐκ νόσου καὶ γήρους καὶ οὐκ ἠδύνατο ὁπλισθῆ-
ναι, ἢ ἀναβῆναι ἐφ’ ἵππου· ἀλλὰ ἐντὸς τοῦ παλατίου εὑρίσκετον καὶ τὸ κατὰ δύναμιν
ἔπραττεν· ὁ δ’ ἄλλος, ἀνέβην ἐφ’ ἵππου καθωπλισμένος ὡς ἔδει · καὶ τὴν πύλην
ἐξῆλθεν Ῥωμανοῦ τοῦ ἁγίου· καὶ ἔστη ἐκεῖσε πλησίον τῆς πόρτης· Ὡς δὲ ἔφθασεν
a) 228 τοῦ μεγίστου θεοῦ τὴν Σοφίαν] cf. e.g. Eust. Thess. 22,24 (ed. Kyriakidis 1961): φεύγουσιν εἰς
τὸ τῆς μεγίστης τοῦ Θεοῦ Σοφίας εὐαγέστατον τέμενος.
b) 234–235 ποία – εἴχομεν] cf. PP III 215, 25–30: περιῃρεῖτο δὲ πάντοθεν σχεδὸν τὰς ἐλπίδας, καὶ
διὰ τοῦθ’ ὡς εἰκὸς ἔξωθεν ἑωρᾶτο καὶ τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος ἐπέρρει οὐ μόνον τὸ ἐνδεῶς ἔχον… | Dukas
223,4–6: ἦν γὰρ οἰκῶν τότε ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν τῇ μονῇ τῆς Περιβλέπτου, ἀσθενὴς καὶ γέρων, ὁ δὲ
Ἰωάννης ὁ βασιλεὺς ἠσχολεῖτο πρὸς τὰ ἀντίμαχα τῆς πόλεως, καὶ μέρος τῶν ἀρχόντων καὶ τὸ
βασμουλικὸν ἅπαν κατεβόησαν κατ’ αὐτοῦ, ὕβρεις καὶ λοιδορίας ἐκχέοντες.
c) 220 πρὸς φυγὴν – ἐθεώρουν] cf. 358 ‖ 233–234 τίς ἡμῶν – θέαμα] cf. 119–120; 216–220;
257–258 ‖ 234–235 ποία – εἴχομεν] cf. 269–270
220 ἐδειλΐασαν (sic), ει et ί ex corr. V1 | πλείονας sic N ; A non liquet ‖ 221 ἀπελπησίας VN | ἔφυξε
V ‖ 222 ἐτρόμαξε NA, edd. ‖ 223 θράσος VN, Pinto] θάρσος Α, All., Bekk. ‖ 224 κατεπλήγη ΝΑ,
edd. | ἐφοβήθη ΝΑ, edd. | οὐχὶ τὸν θάνατον] bis habent NA, edd. | οὐχὶ] οὐχὴ V ‖ 225 ἅλωσιν N,
Bekk., Pinto] ἄλωσιν VΑ, All. ‖ 226 γυναικῶν ἀτιμίας VNA, All. (fallitur Pinto)] γυναικῶν τὰς ἀτιμίας
Bekk., Pinto | αἰσχρουργΐας V ‖ 228 Σοφίαν All. (cf. Lampros NE IV [1907]: 113)] σοφίαν edd.
Μωάμετ V] Μωάμεθ ΝΑ, edd. ‖ 229 μασγΐδιον V] μασγήδιον ΝΑ, edd. | Μωάμετ VN] Μωάμεθ Α,
edd. ‖ 231 ἀπολείᾳ V | εὐσεβοὺς V ‖ 232 Μωάμετ VNA] Μωάμεθ edd. | τρικυμίας VA (-ι- ex corr.
V?)] τρυκυμίας N ‖ 233 οἰμωγὰς] ἠμωγὰς V ‖ 234 ποία edd.] ποῖα VNΑ | καὶ τοιαύτας V, Pinto] non
habent NA, All., Bekk. ‖ 235 διεγείραι V | παροτρῦναι Bekk., Pinto] παροτρύναι VNΑ, All.
236 οὐκ ἠδύνατο VNA] οὐκ om. All., Bekk. unde ἠδυνάτει coniecit Lampros (cf. NE 4 [1907]: 381 et
ibid. 113) ‖ 237 εὐρίσκετον V ‖ 238 ἀνέβην scripsi ut solet V] ἀνέβη VΑ, edd. ; ἀνάβη Ν. Cf. 241
κάθω- A, edd.] κάθο- VN, recte fortasse ‖ 239 ἐξῆλθε NΑ, edd.
Translation | 29
shortly before, i.e. that the Turks killed some Romans in the moat and others in front
of the gates.
Oh, that most bitter hour, that unendurable grief! Oh that moment of deepest
desperation! Who did not quiver in fear that day? Who did not tremble at that
moment, seeing the Romans so cowardly and the Moslems so courageous? Who
among the unmovable was not terrified? And who among the brave had not fear? I
am talking not about the fear of dying – death is, in fact, a natural thing – I am
rather talking about the fear of experiencing the capture of this Megalopolis and the
enslavement of its people; the fear of the violation of our women, of the obscenities
against the chaste, of the circumcision of our children, of the destruction of the
churches, of the moacking of the holy images! Who then was not afraid of the
possibility that the church of Hagia Sophia would be converted into a place to praise
Mohamed and for the quartering of demons, into a mosque for the Rhasul and
Mohamed? And who feared not the idea; which is something more harmful, and
worst of all, even ten thousand times worse than the worst death. By that, I mean the
idea of the destruction of the holy faith of the Christians and their conversion to the
worship of the Moslems and their circumcision for Mohamed35? Oh, that hour of the
greatest bewailing! Oh, that overwhelming wave of emotion! Who among us did not
join in the weeping at that time? Which hear could stand that sound, and which eye
that sight?
In that situation full of great and overwhelming anguish36, we had in fact no one
who could help us either to arouse us or to urge on. Being exhausted because of
illness and age, one of the emperors was neither able to take up his arms nor to
mount a horse, thus he remained inside the palace and helped as far as his strength
enabled him37. However, the other, fully armed, mounted his horse, as it was neces-
sary, and went out by the gate of St. Romanos, and took position near the gateway.
35 Kananos paints here a vivid portrait of what the inhabitants of Cpl believed would have
happened, if the Turks had taken the City. It is interesting to note, that it is not at all a hyperbole,
because every fear, of which he writes, actually happened in 1453 (see the accounts of several eye-
witnesses of that event in Pertusi 1976 I–II).
36 εἰς τὰς τοσαύτας καὶ τοιαύτας καὶ τηλικαύτας ἀνάγκας ] I opted for a free translation, for Kananos
is here quite redundant.
37 This passage raises a very important question for the dating of the Διήγησις: Is Kananos here
getting confused and anachronistically referring to Manuel II who in summer 1422 had already been
hit by that illness from which he never recovered? If it were so, October 1, 1422 would be the termi-
nus post quem for the date of composition of Kananos’ account. In fact, from other sources we know
that on that day, “while conducting diplomatic discussions, Manuel suffered a stroke which left him
partially paralyzed. The business of government was carried on by John VIII. Manuel never really
recovered” (Dennis 1977: xvi). See also ChronBrev 13, 7. “Anno 1422/6931 (Ind. 1) καὶ τῇ αὐτῇ
ἡμέρᾳ, ὥρᾳ πρώτῃ μετὰ μεσημέρι, ἐγένετο τὸ νόσημα τὸ τῆς ἡμιπληξίας τὸν αὐθέντην ἡμῶν, τὸν
βασιλέα τὸν ἅγιον, αὐτὸν τὸν κῦρ Μανουήλ.” and Sphrantzes: XI, 1 (Maisano 1990: 23). As far as the
quoted passage from Dukas in App. I b is concerned, see Barker 1969: 363 n. 112.
30 | Text
240 ἡ ὥρα ὁποία ἣν ὁ ἄθεος ἀνέμενε Μηρσαΐτης ἤγουν ἡ μία ἐκάζοθεν ἐκ τὸ μέσον
ἡμέρας, ἀνέβην ἐφ’ ἵππου ὑψηλοῦ καὶ μεγάλου· καὶ οἱ περὶ ἐκεῖνον πεντακόσιοι
ἄνδρες τοὺς ἔφερεν Τουρκοκαλογέρους · ὡς ἵνα ἔχωσιν οὗτοι κέρδος καὶ κοῦρσος τὰς
καλογραίας τῆς πόλεως, ἀνεβόησαν ὕμνον τῇ Περσικῇ διαλέκτῳ πρὸς τὸν Μωάμετ
καὶ εὐφημίας πρὸς Μηρσαΐτην· καὶ τρὶς ἐποιήσαντο τοῦτο, ἕως ὅτε αὐτὸς ἔλθῃ πρὸς
245 τὴν μάχην· πλὴν καὶ σκουτάριον ἐβάσταζαν ἔμπροσθεν τούτου μέγιστον παρὰ φύσιν ·
ὡς ἵνα θαυμάζουσιν ἀπὸ τούτου τὰ μωροθαύμαστα ἔθνη τῶν Μουσουλμάνων τὸν
Μηρσαΐτην ἐκεῖνον· αὐτὸς δὲ ὅταν πλησίον ἦλθεν πρὸς τὰς συντάξεις τῶν Μουσουλ-
μάνων, ἀνεβόησεν μέγα · Ῥασοὺλ, Ῥασοὺλ Μαχουμέτη· καὶ γυμνώσας τὸ ξίφος καὶ
ὠθήσας τὸν ἵππον · καὶ κραυγάσ〈ας〉 πρὸς τὰς συντάξεις τὸ · Ἀλὰχ Ταγκρὺ Ῥασοὺλ
250 Μαχουμέτη· συνανεβόησαν ἅμα καὶ τῶν Μουσουλμάνων τὰ πλήθη· καὶ μετὰ ὁρμῆς
καὶ κραυγῆς καὶ κρότων καὶ ὀργάνων καὶ μυρίων ἄλλων ἀλαλαγμάτων τε καὶ σαλπίγ-
γων, ἔφθασαν εἰς τὰ τοίχη τοῦ κάστρου · ἀπὸ τῆς Ξυλοπόρτης ἕως καὶ τῆς Χρυσίας ·
τὴν αὐτὴν λέγω καὶ μίαν ὥραν τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης· καὶ πᾶν πολεμικὸν ὄργανον
ἔφερον ἀναχεῖρας· καὶ ἠκούμβησαν εἰς τὰ τοίχη· ἔθηκαν σκάλας, ἀνέβαιναν εἰς τὸ
255 κάστρον · ἐτρυποῦσαν τοὺς πύργους· καὶ οὐδεὶς εὑρέθην ὁ ἐμποδίσας ἐκείνους · ἐκ
τοῦ μεγίστου φόβου, καὶ δειλίας ὁποίας ἔλαβον οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι· τίς γὰρ οὐκ ἐτρόμαξε τὴν
ὥραν ἐκείνην; τίς οὐκ ἔφριξε ταύτης τὴν θέαν; τίς ἀκοὴ φέρει τὸ ἄκουσμα · ποία ὄψις
a) 250–252 μετὰ ὁρμῆς – σαλπίγγων] cf. 1 Chron 15,28; 2 Chron 15,14 et supra ll. 192–193; 293
b) 247–252 αὐτὸς – σαλπίγγων] cf. Chalk II, 11,21–12,5: Τότε μὲν οὖν Ἀμουράτης ὁ Μεχμέτεω
τηλεβόλοις καὶ ἄλλαις μηχαναῖς πειρασάμενος τοῦ τείχους περὶ ἡμέρας ἱκανὰς προσέβαλε τῷ τείχει
ἁπανταχῇ καὶ ἑλεῖν. ἐπειρᾶτο. ἐξεκρούσαντο δὲ αὐτὸν ἀπό τε τῶν κλιμάκων καταβαλόντες οἱ
Ἕλληνες τοὺς βασιλέως νεήλυδας, καὶ ἐνίων ἀποταμόμενοι τὰς κεφαλὰς ἀπηνέγκαντο. Ἀμουράτης
δ’, ὡς οὐδὲν προεχώρει ἡ τοῦ ἄστεως αἵρεσις, ἤσχαλλέ τε καὶ ἠθύμει, ᾤετο δὲ αἱρήσειν τὴν πόλιν.
252 ἔφθασαν – Χρυσίας] cf. PP III 215,22–25: τῷ πλήθει μὲν τῶν βελῶν ὁ ἥλιος ἀπεκρύπτετο ἐν
ὥρᾳ πολέμου, ἤπειρος δὲ κύκλῳ τοῦ ἄστεως τῷ πλήθει τῶν πολεμίων, καὶ τὸ ἡμέτερον ἐν στενώσει
καὶ ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἀναγκαίων ἐτύγχανεν· ‖ 253–254 τὴν αὐτὴν – τοίχη] cf. PP III 216,4–8
c) 241 ἐφ’ ἵππου ὑψηλοῦ καὶ μεγάλου] cf. 190 ‖ 243 τῇ Περσικῇ διαλέκτῳ] cf. 143 ‖ 246 τὰ
μωροθαύμαστα – Μουσουλμάνων] cf. 153–154 ‖ 250–252 καὶ μετὰ ὁρμῆς – σαλπίγγων] cf. 192;
293; 354 ‖ 252 ἔφθασαν – Χρυσίας] cf. 54–55; 209–210: 292–293 ‖ 257–258 τίς1 – θέαμα] cf.
119–120; 216–220; 233–234
240 ὁποία edd.] ὁποῖα VN ; ὁποια Α | ἥγουν VN | μία edd.] μῖα VNΑ ‖ 241 ἀνέβην sic VNA, edd. Cf.
238 ‖ 244 τρὶς Bekk., Pinto] τρεῖς VNΑ, All. ‖ 245 ἐβάσταζαν V] -ον NA, edd. ‖ 246 θαυμάζουσιν V,
Pinto] θαυμάζωσιν NΑ, All., Bekk. | ἦλθε ΝΑ, edd. ‖ 248 ἀνεβόησε ΝΑ, edd. | Ῥασοὺλ1] Ῥ ex corr.
A1 ‖ 249 ὀθήσας V | ἴππον V | κραυγάσ〈ας〉 scripsi] κραυγὰς VNΑ (cf. 251) ; κράξας edd.
250 Μαχουμέτη in inf. mg. V1 ‖ 251 ἀλαλλαγμάτων V | τε V, Pinto] non habent NA, All., Bekk.
252 τοίχη (οί ex η ex corr. ut vid.) V1] τείχη NA, edd. ‖ 254 ἀναχεῖρας scripsi, ut V solet] ἀνὰ χεῖρας
VNA, edd. | τείχη ΝΑ, edd. | ἀνέβαιναν VNp.corr Α, edd. (-ε- ex -αι- et -αι- ex -ε- N1). Cf. 264
256 ὁποίας VN, edd.] ὁποῖας Α ‖ 257 ἔφρϊξε V (ϊ ex ϋ corr. m1) | ταύτης VN, Pinto] ταύτην Α, All.,
Bekk. | ποία edd.] ποῖα VNA
Translation | 31
As the hour arrived for which the ungodly Mersaita was waiting, that is to say
one hour after midday, he mounted his great and tall horse. And those five-hundred
men around him, the Turkish monks whom he had brought so that they could have
the nuns of our City as their part of the spoil and plunder, shouted aloud a hymn in
the Persian tongue to Mohamed and songs of praise to Mersaita. They did so three
times, until he himself went to the battle. And even more: they raised a shield in
front of him, something out of the ordinary!
Their purpose was that the tribes of the Moslems, who use to be amazed by
foolish things, might marvel at Mersaita because of that spectacle.
When he himself arrived close to the ranks of the Moslems, they cried out greatly
“Rhasul, Rhasul Mohamed”. And after he had brandished the sword, urged on his
horse and proclaimed aloud “Alach Taankry Rhasul Machometi [i.e. Allah is God and
Mohamed his prophet]”, the myriad of the Moslems shouted out together with him
and run out to the walls of the fortification with an irresistible impetus, with shout-
ing, clapping of hands and with a lot of other loud noises and of trumpets, covering
the entire line from the Xyloporta to the Golden Gate, in the same single hour of that
day. In their hands they carried every kind of war device and took a stand close to
the walls. They placed ladders and began climbing up the fortification and boring
into the towers. And no one could be found to hinder them, since the Romans were
overwhelmed by utter terror and such cowardice. After all, who did not tremble at
that hour? Who was not shocked at that sight? Which ear could stand the sound;
which eye the spectacle?
32 | Text
τὸ θέαμα; καὶ γὰρ ἐν μιᾷ καιροῦ ῥοπῇ, μυριάδας βελῶν · τουτέστιν σαγίττας · ἐτόξευ-
σαν ἐπάνω τῶν Ῥωμαίων· καὶ ἔπεσον εἰς τὰ τοίχη τῆς πόλεως · καὶ ἐντὸς, ὥστε καὶ
260 τὸν αἰθέρα ἐκάλυψαν · καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ φῶς τοῦ ἡλίου ἐσκέπασαν· καὶ ἡμᾶς πάντας
φόβος ἐκράτησεν καὶ δειλία ἐξέπληξεν, καὶ μικρὸν ἀπεκρύβημεν· ἀλλ’ οὐ μακράν·
ἀλλ’ ὄπισθεν τῶν προμαχιονίων ἐστάθημεν· ὡς δὲ οἱ Τοῦρκοι γυμνὸν τὸ κάστρον ἀπὸ
ἀνθρώπους ἰδόντες, ὑπέλαβον ἀφυλάκτως εἶναι · καὶ μετὰ θράσους μεγίστου καθ’
ἡμῶν εἰσβάλλουσι πάντες· καὶ οἱ μὲν, μετὰ σκαλῶν ἀνέβαινον ἄνω εἰς τὸ κάστρον· οἱ
265 δὲ, καὶ μὲ τὰς ἀγκύρας · καὶ τὰς φάλκας ἐκείνας· ἄλλοι δὲ, ἐτρυποῦσαν μὲ σείστας
τοὺς πύργους· ἄλλοι ἐχαλοῦσαν μὲ τζόκους τὸ κάστρον· ἄλλοι ἔκαψαν τὰς πόρτας
τοῦ ἔξω κάστρου· καὶ πᾶν τολμηρὸν καὶ ἀνδρεῖον οἱ ἀσεβεῖς ἐποιοῦντο πρὸς
κατάπληξιν τὴν ἡμετέραν· ταῦτα ὁρῶντες οἱ δυστυχεῖς καὶ ἀπελπισμένοι Ῥωμαῖοι εἰς
ἑαυτοὺς ἐπανῆλθον · καὶ περιεργασθέντες πῶς πόθεν ἀλλαχόθεν χεῖραν· οὐκ ἔχοντες
270 βοηθείας · οὔτε τινὰ πρὸς τὸ διεγεῖραι καὶ παροτρῦναι τὸν λαὸν πρὸς τῶν Τούρκων
τὴν μάχην τὴν φρικτοτάτην ὥραν ἐκείνην · καὶ ἐξενεγκόντες οὗτοι, ἑαυτοὺς διεγεί-
ρονται, πρὸς ἀνδρείαν καὶ τόλμην· καὶ γὰρ οἱ δειλοὶ τὸ πρότερον καὶ φυγοὶ, καὶ
κατατρυπούμενοι, ἄφνω τολμηροὶ εὑρέθησαν καὶ γενναῖοι πολεμισταὶ καὶ ἀνδρεῖοι ·
καὶ περιφρονηταὶ τῶν πληγῶν καὶ δεινῶν λαβωμάτων · καὶ τῶν παντοίων θανάτων·
275 καὶ τῆς Παναγίας τῇ βοηθείᾳ τῇ τόλμῃ ῥωσθέντες, ὁρμῶσι ξιφήρεις κατὰ τῶν
a) 258–260 μυριάδας βελῶν – ἐσκέπασαν] cf. Hdt. 7, 226, 1 (loc. a mult. laud.). Cf. TLG e.g. Eust.
Thess. 94, 10–11: καὶ ἦν ἰδεῖν κατὰ τὴν Ἡροδότειον Μοῦσαν νέφη βελῶν, τῶν τε κατὰ πέτρας τῶν τε
κατὰ ὀιστούς, δι’ ὧν ὁ ἀὴρ ἐσκιάζετο (ed. Kyriakides 1961). Cf. et PP III 215,22: τῷ πλήθει μὲν τῶν
βελῶν ὁ ἥλιος ἀπεκρύπτετο ἐν ὥρᾳ πολέμου.
b) 269–270 περιεργασθέντες etc.] cf. PP III 216,1–4: Καὶ εὐθὺς καταλέγει τὴν βουλὴν καὶ τὴν
δύναμιν αὑτοῦ ἅπασαν. Ἐντεῦθεν σημεῖον ἐναργὲς ἦν τὸ γινόμενον φέρον ἡμῖν βοήθειαν,
ἀποστροφὴν δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων τοῖς πολεμίοις. | cf. Taxidis 2011: 43,100–102 (et 44,112sqq.):
Λοιπόν, ἀγαπητοί, πρὸς τὴν Μητέρα τοῦ Λόγου, τὴν μόνην ἡμῶν ἐλπίδα καὶ καταφυγὴν, καιρὸς
ἐφέστηκε προσδραμεῖν ἡλικία πᾶσα, ἄνδρες καὶ γυναῖκες, νέοι καὶ πρεσβῦται.
c) 258 ἐν μιᾷ καιροῦ ῥοπῇ] cf. 25 (et ibid. App I, a) ‖ 269–270 περιεργασθέντες – τὸν λαὸν] cf.
234–235 ‖ 273–274 τολμηροὶ – θανάτων] cf. 305–306 ‖ 275–277 καὶ τῆς Παναγίας etc.] cf.
302–306 (et 104–120; 216–220)
258 τουτέστι ΝΑ, edd. | σαγίτας V ‖ 259 τείχη ΝΑ, edd. ‖ 260 αἰθέρα] ἐθέρα V ‖ 261 ἐκράτησεν
V] ἐκράτησε ΝΑ, edd. | ἐξέπληξε ΝΑ, edd. ‖ 264 ἀνέβαινον] cf. 254 | ἄνω VN, Pinto] non habent A,
All., Bekk. ‖ 265 ἀγκύρας scripsi] ἀγγύρας A, edd. ; ἄγκυρας V (cf. 206) | μὲ2 A, edd.] με VΝ
σείστας scripsi] σύστας VΑ ; συστὰς edd. ; non liquet N ‖ 266 ἐχαλοῦσαν μὲ V, Pinto] ἐχαλοῦσαν με2
VΝ ; ἐχαλούσανε μὲ ΑN, All., Bekk. | τζόκους ex corr. V? ‖ 267 ἀνδρείον V | ἐπειοῦντο sic V
268 δυστυχεῖς] δ ex corr. V1 ‖ 269 ἀλαχόθεν V ‖ 270 παροτρύναι Α ‖ 271 φρικτο- Bekk., Pinto]
φρικτωτάτην V (-ι- ex corr. m1) ; φρικωτάτην Α, Αll. Non liquet N ‖ 271–272 διεγείροντε Α
272 διλοὶ V | πρώτερον V ‖ 273 κατατρυπούμενοι A, edd. (N non liquet)] κατατρυπομένοι V sic
fortasse pro κατατροπωμένοι (perf. sine redupl.) | ἀνδρείοι V ‖ 274 λαβομάτων V ‖ 275 ξϊφήρεις ]
ϊ1 ex corr. V1
Translation | 33
Indeed, in a single decisive moment, they launched thousands of reeds – mean-

ing arrows – down on to the Romans. They fell on the walls of the City and even
inside, and were so many that they covered the sky and obscured the light of the sun.
Fear took control of all of us and cowardice overwhelmed us and we hidden away,
but not too far away, as we stood behind the battlements.
When the Turks saw the fortifications empty of men, they supposed those to be
also unguarded and so, with the utmost courage, they all rushed upon us.
Some of them used ladders to climb up the fortification. Others used grappling
hooks and those phalkai <which I previously mentioned>. Others were intent at
breaching (litt. boring) the towers by means of tree-trunks, and others at breaking
down the fortifications with heavy hammers. And others tried to set fire to the gates
of the outer fortress. The infidels did everything that was brave and courageous in
order to terrify us.
Seeing that scene, the wretched and hopeless Romans re-examined their
situation, trying to find out how and from what place they might get help. Since we
had no hope, nor was there anyone to arouse and inspire the people for the battle
against the Turks at that terrifying time, they exposed themselves and rose bravely
and courageously to fight. In fact, the same people who were previously cowardly,
inclined to take flight, and anguished, were all of a sudden found to be courageous,
excellent, and brave soldiers, disdainful of blows, terrible wounds, and death in
every shape. The help of the Panagia strengthened their courage and, armed with
swords and stones, they stormed against the ungodly. Like a horde of flying bees
being aroused by smoke from a beehive, one man was spurred on by another.
34 | Text
ἀσεβῶν · καὶ μὲ λίθους· καὶ ὡς καπνοῦ κινήσαντος σμῆνος ἄλλος ἐπ’ ἄλλῳ διεγείρε-
ται· καὶ ἀνίσταται γένος ἅπαν καὶ ἡλικία πᾶσα · καὶ ἕκαστος μεθ’ ὧν ἠδύνατο ὅπλων·
ἕτεροι δὲ, καὶ ἄνευ τῶν ὅπλων· ἄλλοι, μετὰ ξίφων τε καὶ κονταρίων· ἕτεροι δὲ, οὐδὲ
ἐξ αὐτῶν εὐποροῦσαν · ἀλλὰ τὰς ταύλας ὅπου ἐτρώγαν καὶ τὰ τυμπάνια τῶν
280 βουτζίων ἔδησαν μὲ σχοινία, καὶ ἐβάσταζαν ἀντὶ σκουταρίων· τινὲς δὲ, οὐδὲ μετ’
αὐτῶν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἦλθον· ἀλλὰ μὲ λίθους καὶ μόνον · ἐμάχοντο τολμηρῶς καὶ
ἀνδρείως · ὡς κατάφρακτοι μετὰ παντοίων τῶν ὅπλων· καὶ ἕτερος ἕτερον · καὶ ἄλλος
ἄλλον · καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλων ἀλλήλοις, ἀνδρείως καὶ θαρσαλέως ἠγωνίζοντο καὶ ἐπαρο-
τρύναντο, πρὸς τὴν σφοδροτάτην μάχην ἐκείνην, λέγων · Ναὶ ὦ φίλοι · ὦ ἀδελφοὶ · ὦ
285 συμπατριῶται, ἀγωνισώμεθα σήμερον· σπουδάσωμεν· προκινδυνεύσωμεν ἑαυτοὺς
ὑπὲρ ἐμαυτῶν καὶ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων · καὶ ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας τοῦ γένους καὶ τῆς
πατρίδος ἡμῶν καὶ τῆς μεγαλοπόλεως ταύτης · καὶ τὸ μεῖζον, τῆς ἀληθοῦς πίστεως
τῶν Χριστιανῶν· τί οὖν; ἐὰν μὴ νῦν ἀποθάνομεν, οὐ τεθνηξόμεθα πλέον; ποιήσωμεν
τὴν ἀνάγκην φιλοτιμίαν · δράμωμεν πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον τοῦ πολέμου · ὡς οἱ μάρτυρες
290 πρὸς τὸ στάδιον τῶν τυράννων· ταῦτα διαλεγομένων καὶ παροτρυνομένων πρὸς
ἀλλήλους, ἔσπευδον πάντες καὶ ἠγωνίζοντο ὡς κεκραιπαληκοὶ καὶ βεβαπτισμένοι ἐξ
οἴνου· καὶ ὡς ἐκ συνθήματος ἅμα ἐκ τοῦ ἑνὸς ἄκρου τῆς πόλεως, ἄχρι καὶ τοῦ
ἑτέρου · ἐν μιᾷ φωνῇ καὶ ὁρμῇ καὶ κραυγῇ κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων εἰσβάλλουσιν· καὶ
σφοδροτάτου συρραγέντος πολέμου · καὶ καρτερωτάτης τῆς μάχης ἐφ’ ἱκανῆς τε τῆς
295 ὥρας, πολλοὶ ἐκ τῶν δύο μερῶν ἐλαβώθησαν καὶ ἀπέθανον· τὸ δὲ ἀκατάπληκτον τῶν
ἀνδρικωτάτων καὶ γενναιοτάτων Ῥωμαίων, δειλοὺς καὶ τρεπτοὺς τοὺς Μουσουλμά-
a) 276–277 καὶ ὡς καπνοῦ – ἠδύνατο ὅπλων] cf. GregNaz. Or. 43, 57, 3: καὶ ὡς καπνοῦ σμῆνος κινή-
σαντος, ἄλλος ἐπ’ ἄλλῳ διεγείρεται καὶ ἀνίσταται, γένος ἅπαν καὶ ἡλικία πᾶσα, οἳ περὶ τὴν
ὁπλοποιητικὴν καὶ βασίλειον ἱστουργικὴν μάλιστα. ‖ 276–326 καὶ ὡς καπνοῦ etc.] cf. GregNaz. Or.
43, 56–57 ‖ 288–289 ποιήσωμεν τὴν ἀνάγκην φιλοτιμίαν] cf. GregNaz. Or. 15, PG 35, 924,23
289–290 οἱ μάρτυρες – τυράννων] Cf. Anal. Hymn. Graec., Iunii XI, Can. 17,1, od. 4, 13–15 et od. 6,
7–8 ‖ 291–292 κεκραιπαληκοὶ – οἴνου] cf. Ps 77 (78), 65
c) 292 ὡς ἐκ συνθήματος] cf. 189-190 καὶ σύνθημα εἶπεν ‖ 292–293 ἅμα ἐκ – ἑτέρου] cf. 54-55;
209–210; 252 ‖ 293 ἐν μιᾷ φωνῇ καὶ ὁρμῇ καὶ κραυγῇ] cf. 192; 250–252; 354 ‖ 295–296 τὸ δὲ
ἀκατάπληκτον – Ῥωμαίων] cf. 365–366 τὸ δὲ τῶν – ἀκατάπληκτον
276 μὲ A, edd.] με VΝ | κινήσαντος dub. Bekk., Pinto] κινήσαντες VNΑ, All. | σμήνος V | ἐπάλλῳ
V ‖ 276–277 διεγύρεται V ‖ 279 ταῦλας VN ‖ 280 ἔδυσαν V | μὲ A, edd.] με VΝ ‖ 281 μὲ A, edd.]
με VΝ | τολμηρῶς] ω ex corr. V1 ‖ 283 Post ἄλλον iterum habet καὶ ἕτερος ἕτερον V | πρὸς
ἀλλήλων ἀλλήλοις] cf. 290–291 πρὸς ἀλλήλους | ἠγονίζοντο V ‖ 284 ἐκείνην] η ex corr. V1
285 συμπατριῶται] συμπατρίστε V | ἀγωνισόμεθα V | προκινδυνεύσομεν V ‖ 286 ἐμαυτον sic V1,
-ῶν compendiose s.l. V? ‖ 288 ἀποθάνομεν V, Pinto] ἀποθάνωμεν NΑ, All., Bekk. | ποιήσομεν V
290 παροτρυνομένων Np.c. A, edd.] παρατρυνομένων V, Na.c. ‖ 291 ἠγονίζοντο V | κεκραιπαληκοὶ
edd.] καικρεπαλικοὶ V, καικραιπαληκοὶ NΑ ‖ 292 ἐκ1 VN, Pinto] ἐξ Α, All., Bekk. | ἅμα VNA, Pinto]
non habent All., Bekk. ‖ 293 εἰσβάλλουσι ΑN, edd. ‖ 294 καρτεροτάτης V | Post τῆς2 scripserat
μάχης sed postea linea del. V1 ‖ 295 ἐλαβόθησαν V | ἀκατάπληκτον] ο ex corr. A1
296 ἀνδρικωτάτων A (ι ex ει m1), edd.] ἀνδρικοτάτων V | γενναιοτάτων VN, Pinto] γενναιωτάτων A,
All.
Translation | 35
Moreover, the entire population, from any age group, was moved to action38. And
each fought with whatever weapons he could find, and some even fought without
any, and others with swords and spears. Others entered the fray without even having
them, however, they bound ropes around the tables, where they would eat, and the
lids of barrels, carrying these instead of shields. Some men came to the battle
unarmed. However, they boldly and bravely fought with stone alone, as if they were
protected with all kinds of weapons.
One man courageously and bravely fought beside the other and urged each other
to that extremely violent battle saying: “Yes, o friends! O brothers! O fellow country-
men! Let us fight today! Give it your all! For our own sakes, for the sake of our women
and children, for our freedom and that of our Empire; for the freedom of this
Megalopolis and – what is more important – for the true faith of Christians! What
then, if we do not die now? Does it mean that we shall never die? Let us change this
calamity into a desire for honor! Let us hurry to the danger of the battle, as once did
the martyrs to the stadium of the tyrants.”
Urging each other with those words, they attacked and fought as if they were
intoxicated and steeped in wine. From one end of the City to the other, they also
simultaneously rushed on the enemies, as if activated by a pre-arranged signal: one
single voice, one single charge, one single shout. Then, an extremely violent fight
and a very hard battle broke out and lasted for a long time. Many of the fighters from
both sides were wounded and died.
The firm nature of the most valorous and courageous Romans revealed the
Moslems to be cowardly and weak.
38 It is worth quoting here a longer passage from the 57 chapter of Gregory of Nazianzos’ Or. 43,
which Kananos uses as a model for his description: “But the city, as soon as it was aware of the evil
and the peril common to all, for each person considered this outrage a danger to himself, became
completely distracted and fired with passion. And like a swarm of bees roused by smoke, one after
another was stirred and arose, men of all classes and ages, but particularly the imperial armorers
and weavers. For in such circumstances these men are rather impetuous and are daring because of
the freedom they enjoy. Each man had for a weapon what his craft supplied him or anything else
improvised for the occasion. With torches in their hands, with clubs ready, and hurling stones before
them, they ran in a single mass and with one cry in an enthusiasm they all shared. Anger makes a
formidable soldier or general. Even the women, provoked by the situation, were armed at this time.
They no longer remained women, but, strengthened by zeal, they took on the courage of men.”
Trans. McCauley 1953. See above, Part 1.
36 | Text
νους ἀπέδειξεν· καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἀναβαίνοντας μετὰ τῆς φάλκας ἐπάνω τοῦ ἔξω κάστρου,
τὰς κεφαλὰς ἀπέτεμον τούτων καὶ πρὸς βασιλέα ἔφερον· τοὺς δὲ Μουσουλμάνους
τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς ἐτρυποῦσαν τὸ κάστρον καὶ τοὺς πύργους, ἀπέκτειναν ἐντὸς εἰς
300 τὰς τρύπας· τὰ δὲ πλήθη τὰ ἄλλα τὰ γεγαυριωμένα καὶ ἐπηρμένα τῶν Τούρκων
ἐλάβωσαν · ἐφόνευσαν, ἐδίωξαν · καὶ τὰ πολεμικὰ καὶ μάχιμα τούτων ἔργα ἀπήρασιν·
καὶ μὴ μόνον οἱ στρατιῶται καὶ οἱ ἐπιστήμονες τοῦ πολέμου ἠργάζοντο ταῦτα, ἀλλὰ
καὶ τῆς πολιτείας οἱ ἄρχοντες · καὶ τῆς χώρας οἱ ἐπιστήμονες καὶ τὸ κοινὸν ἅπαν καὶ
τῶν ἱερέων καὶ τῶν μοναχῶν τὰ συστήματα· καὶ τῶν ἀρχιερέων οἱ κρείττονες · καὶ
305 πνευματικῶν τῶν ὁσίων οἱ ὁσιώτατοι · καὶ τῶν ἔξω χωρῶν οἱ ἄνθρωποι, τολμηροὶ καὶ
γενναῖοι καὶ περιφρονηταὶ τῶν πληγῶν καὶ τραυμάτων καὶ τῶν θανάτων ἐφάνησαν·
ἀλλὰ καὶ γυναῖκες πολλαὶ εἰς ἀνδρὸς θάρσος μεταλλαττόμεναι ἐπὶ τοῦ πολέμου τὴν
ὥραν τὴν φρικτοτάτην ἐκείνην οὐκ ἀπεκρύβησαν · οὐδὲ ὡς γυναῖκες ἐδειλίασαν·
ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον τοῦ πολέμου, τὴν ὥραν εἰς τὸ ἔξω κάστρον ἔφθασαν· καὶ αἱ μὲν,
310 πέτρας εἰς τὸ τοῖχος ἀνέβαζον, πρὸς τοὺς πολεμιστὰς τῶν Ῥωμαίων · καὶ ἠνδρείωναν
αὐτοὺς · καὶ ὠθοῦσαν αὐτοὺς πρὸς τὴν μάχην καὶ τὸν πόλεμον· ἄλλαι δὲ, ἐκρατοῦσαν
ᾠὰ καὶ στουππιὰ · καὶ τοὺς λαβωμένους ἰάτρευον· ἄλλαι ὕδατα καὶ οἴνους ἐπότιζαν
αὐτοὺς φλεγομένους τῇ δίψῃ ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου· ἄλλαι δὲ, τοὺς γνησίους αὐτῶν
ἀδελφοὺς καὶ τέκνα καὶ τοὺς ὁμοζύγους κατεμπόδιζον μὴ καταβῆναι ἀπὸ τοῦ τοίχους
315 τοῦ κάστρου · καὶ τοῦ πολέμου σχολάσαι· ἀλλὰ ἀφόβως καὶ ἀκλονήτως καὶ θαρσα-
λέως πολεμίζειν τοῖς Τούρκοις ἔλεγον· ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ προσοχῆς καὶ στρατιᾶς ἐκεῖναι
περιεπάτουν ἐκεῖσαι· ἐστρατεύοντο δὲ καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλας μία τὴν ἄλλην ἐνουθέτει,
καὶ ἔλεγεν · Βλέπε μὴ πλησιάσῃς τὸ κάστρον τὸ μέγα · ὅτι τῶν Τούρκων αἱ σαγίτται
κρούουν ἐκεῖσαι καὶ εἰς τὸ μέρος ἐκεῖνο· ἀλλὰ περιπατεῖτε πλησίον εἰς τὸ μέρος τοῦ
320 ἔξω κάστρου, ἵνα σκέπεσθε ὑπὸ τούτου· πλὴν ἐλαβώθησαν καί τινες, μὲ σαγίττας · καὶ
οὐδὲ αὐτὸ τὰς ἄλλας ἐθρόησεν ἵνα εἰσέλθουσιν ἐντὸς τοῦ κάστρου τῆς πόλεως· ἀλλὰ
a) 307–308 γυναῖκες – ἀπεκρύβησαν] cf. GregNaz. Orationem 43, 57, 4 (loc. a mult. laud.)
b) 297–298 τοὺς μὲν – ἔφερον] cf. Chalk. II, 11–12: Ἐξεκρούσαντο δὲ αὐτὸν ἀπὸ ... ἀπηνέγκαντο.
c) 302–306 μὴ μόνον – ἐφάνησαν] cf. supra 276–277 (et 104–120; 216–220; 302–306)
305–306 τολμηροὶ – ἐφάνησαν] cf. 273–274 ‖ 309 εἰς τὸ ἔξω κάστρον ἔφθασαν] cf. 70–71
298 πρὸς A, edd. (non liquet N)] τὸν V ‖ 299 ἀπέκτειναν V (-ει- dubitanter lego), Pinto] ἀπέκτεινον
A, All. Bekk. Non liquet N ‖ 300 γεγαυριομένα V | Τουρκῶν Α ‖ 301 μάχιμα τούτων V (cf. 214;
326–327)] μαχιμώτατα τούτων ΝΑ, edd. | ἐπήρασι ΝΑ, edd. ‖ 303 χῶρας V ‖ 305 χορῶν VΝ
307 θάρσος V, Pinto] θάρσους ΑN, All., Bekk. | μεταλλαττόμεναι N, edd.] μεταλαττομέναι V ;
μεταλαττόμεναι A ‖ 308 φρικτοτάτην Bekk., Pinto] φρικτω- V ; φρικω- Ν, All. ; φρυκω- Α ‖ 309 αἱ]
ἡ V ‖ 310 τεῖχος ΝΑ | ἠνδρείωναν dubitanter scripsi] ἠνδρίωναν N ; ἠντρίωναν V ; ηὐδρίωναν Α,
All. ; ηὐδρείωναν sic Bekk., Pinto ‖ 312 ᾠᾶ V | στουπιά V | λαβωμένους edd.] λαβομένους VNA
εἰάτρευον Ν | ὕδατα] υ ex ι V1 | Post οἴνους habet καὶ V | ἐπότιζαν V] ἐπότιζον NΑ, edd.
314 κατεμπόδιζον] ζ ex ξ V1 | τείχους ΝΑ, edd. ‖ 315–316 θαρσαλαίως V ‖ 316 ἐκείναι V
317 ἐκεῖσαι VA, All.] ἐκεῖσε Ν, Bekk., Pinto ‖ 318 σαγίται V, σαγίτταις, ut vid., Ν ‖ 319 κρούουν]
-ού- s.l. postea add. et acc. super ου2 del. N1 | ἐκεῖσαι VA, All.] ἐκεῖσε N, Bekk., Pinto ‖ 320 μὲ VΝΑ,
edd. | σαγίτας V ‖ 321 εἰσέλθουσιν V, Pinto] εἰσέλθωσιν ΝΑ, All., Bekk.
Translation | 37
Then the Romans cut off the heads of those who were climbing with their hooks
(phalkai) up to the top of the outer fortification and brought them to the Emperor.
They also killed right in the breaches other Moslems who were trying to breach the
walls and the towers. They wounded, killed and fought off the rest of the myriad of
the arrogant and presumptuous Turks, and even sized their powerful weaponry.
It was not only soldiers and experts in warfare who did this, but also the leaders
of the state, peasants, the entire population and the ranks of priests and monks. The
most important prelates, the holiest of the holy confessors and men from outside the
City revealed themselves to be brave, courageous and disdainful of blows, wounds
and death.
Assuming a masculine courage, even many women did not hide themselves at
the most terrible hour of the battle, nor were as afraid as women. On the contrary,
they also went to the outer fortifications at the hour of the battle. Some of them
carried stones to the walls to the Roman soldiers, encouraged them, and urged them
into combat and to the battle. Other women held in their hands eggs and oakum and
tended to the wounded. Others offered water and wine to those who were scorched
by thirst because of the fight. Others prevented members of their family, their
brothers, sons and husbands from descending from the walls of the fortification39
and from resting from the battle. They rather told them to fight against the Turks
without fear, with courage and bravery. Those women also went about there in order
and in ranks. They became embroiled in competitiveness and yet helped each other
and said: “Beware not to approach the large fortification because the arrows of the
Turks strike there, even until that point. Walk close to the outer fortifications instead,
in order to be protected by them.”
Nevertheless some women were wounded by arrows. However, this did not
terrify the others so much that they had to get back inside the fortification of the City.
39 As we have already pointed out (see note 38) the entire description of the insurrection engaging
the entire population of Constantinople is made rephrasing a long passage of Gregory’s Oration 43.
The gnomic sentence “γυναῖκες – ἀπεκρύβησαν” is used by several authors, including Ioannes
Anagnosta, who writes in his Diegesis about: “… women, even those in high standing, bringing
stones, and forgetting that they were women, displaying masculine qualities and standing beside
men. (Already quoted by Purdie 2009: 87).”
38 | Text
ἐσπούδαξαν καὶ ἐκεῖναι τὸ δυνατὸν αὐτῶν εἰς τὴν μάχην, μέχρι τὸ πέρας ἴδωσιν τοῦ
πολέμου· ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ πρὸς δυσμὰς ἐξέκλινε τὸ φῶς τοῦ ἡλίου καὶ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι ἀκλονή-
τως ἵσταντο πρὸς τὴν μάχην τὴν φρικτοτάτην τῶν Τούρκων · καὶ ἠγωνίζοντο καὶ
325 ἀνδρείως · οἱ ἀσεβεῖς ἀπὸ τούτων καὶ ἄπρακτοι εὑρεθέντες καὶ ᾐσχυμμένοι καὶ
ἡττημένοι ἀναιδῶς, στραφέντες ἔφευγον· καὶ δῆλον, ὅτι τὰ πολεμικὰ καὶ μάχιμα
τούτων ὅπλα · τὰ μὲν, πλησίον τοῦ κάστρου τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἄκοντες καταλείψαντες ·
τὰ δὲ, μακρότερα ἑκόντες τῷ πυρὶ παρέδωκαν· καὶ τέρας ἔδοξεν τοῦτο καὶ ἐξαίσιον
ἔργον, πῶς οἱ ἐπηρμένοι καὶ γαυριωμένοι τὸ πρότερον ἄφνω κατηφεῖς εὑρέθησαν καὶ
330 ἀχρεῖοι · καὶ πῶς οἱ πρότερον ἐπεθύμουν τὸν πόλεμον τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ἀπαραπροσ-
δοκήτως τὸ λοιπὸν ἔφυγον ἀπὸ τούτων· καὶ γὰρ ἀληθῶς τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον ἀοράτως
ἐπέμφθη ἐκ δυνάμεως θείας· καὶ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τοῦτο ἰδόντες, ἐξεπλήττοντο μὲν τὸ
θαῦμα · ἔχαιρον δὲ τὴν φυγήν τε τῶν πολεμίων ἐκείνων· καὶ χαίροντες, ἔλεγον · Ὢ
γλυκύτητα ἡμέρας ταύτης καὶ ὥρας· ὢ μεταλλαγῆς θαυμασίας · καὶ ἐναλλαγῆς ἀνελπί-
335 στου· ὢ ἀπαραπροσδοκήτου ἐλευθερίας καὶ εὐφροσύνης· ὢ εὐθυμίας ἀνεκλαλήτου καὶ
ἡδονῆς ἀνεκφράστου· καὶ γὰρ ταῦτα τῶν πολυάθλων Ῥωμαίων λεγόντων, ἔχαιρον
ἅμα καὶ σκιρτῶντες εὐθύμουν· τὰς παλάμας ἐκρότουν καὶ τρανῶς τὸν Θεὸν εὐχαρί-
στουν, καὶ τὴν Παναγίαν ἀνέπεμπον ὕμνους· καὶ ἐκ ψυχῆς δοξάζοντες, ἔλεγον · Τοῦτο
τὸ πολυύμνητον καὶ πολυθρύλητον καὶ ἐξαίσιον καὶ ἐξαίρετον καὶ θαυμάσιον καὶ
340 θαύματος ἄξιον θαῦμα τῆς Παναγίας ἀληθῶς καὶ ἀναμφιβόλως ὑπῆρχεν · ὡς καὶ τὰς
μαρτυρίας ἔχομεν παρὰ μαρτύρων ἀπαραγράπτων κατὰ τοὺς φιλευσεβεῖς νόμους·
φάσκοντες γὰρ αἱ παρὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν μαρτυρίαι ἀξιοπιστότεραί εἰσιν· ἐπειδὴ δὲ οἱ
ἐχθροὶ καὶ πολέμιοι ἡμῶν δέδωκαν μαρτυρίαν τοιαύτην, πάνυ ἐστὶν ἀληθέστατον τὸ
θαῦμα τῆς Παναγίας· ἔλεγεν γὰρ ὁ Μηρσαΐτης καὶ πατριάρχης τῶν Τούρκων · ὅτι ἡ
345 πόλις ἐπρόκειτον παρ’ ἡμῶν αἰχμαλωτισθῆναι, ὡς οἱ σοφοὶ τῆς Περσίας εἰς τὸν καιρὸν
τοῦ Μωάμετ ἐψηφοφόρησαν περὶ τούτου· καὶ εὗρον, ὅτι εἰς τὸ ἔτος καὶ τὸν μῆνα καὶ
a) 325–326 ᾐσχυμμένοι καὶ ἡττημένοι] cf. GregNaz Orationem 23 (PG 35. 1153,24) ‖ 340–342 τὰς
μαρτυρίαις – εἰσιν] cf. Basil. Caes. In sanctam Christi generationem, PG 31, 1469, 29–30. Loc. a mult.
laud. E.g. NicChon. 414, 13: ἵνα δὲ καὶ ταῖς ἀπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν μαρτυρίαις τὸ πλῆθος πιστωσώμεθα τῶν
πεσόντων...
b) 323–326 ἐπεὶ – ἔφευγον] cf. Chalk. II, 12,1–4 ‖ 326–328 καὶ δῆλον – παρέδωκαν] cf. Dukas
235,29–236,6; Chalk. II, 12,7–8
322 ἐσπούδαζαν V | ἐκείναι V | ἴδωσιν VN] ἴδωσι Α, edd. ‖ 323 ἐπεὶ] acc. bis apposuit V
324 φρικτο- Bekk., Pinto] φρικτωτάτην VΝΑ, All. | ἠγωνίζοντο V (ω ex corr. m1), N] ἠγον- Α
325 ᾐσχυμμένοι Pinto] ᾐσχυμένοι VΝΑ, αἰσχυνόμενοι All. Bekk. ‖ 326 μάχημα VΝ
327 καταλήψαντες sic, -ες compendiose s.l. V1 ‖ 328 ἔδοξεν VΝΑ] ἔδοξε edd. ‖ 329 γαυριωμένοι N,
All. (perf. sine redupl.)] γαυριομένοι V ; γαυριωμένη A | πρότερον] πρώτερον V ‖ 330 ἀχρεῖοι]
ἀρχίοι V | πρότερον] πρώτερον V ‖ 331 τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον V ] τοῦτο ἔργον NA, edd.
332 ἐξεπλήττοντο V] διεπλήττοντο NA, edd. ‖ 334 μεταλαγῆς V | ἐναλαγῆς V ‖ 335 παραπροσ-
δοκήτου V ‖ 338 exspectaveris τῇ Παναγίᾳ ‖ 339 πολυθρήλυτον V | καὶ4 non habet V | θαυμάσιον]
θ ex καὶ N1 ‖ 342 ἐπιδὴ V ‖ 343 δέδοκαν V ‖ 344 ὁ (ante Μηρσαΐτης) non habet Pinto
345 ἐπρόκειτον V, All.] ἐπρόκειτο ΝΑ, Bekk. | κερὸν V ‖ 346 Μωάμετ V] μωάμεθ NA, edd. | ἐψη- ]
ψ ex φ V
Translation | 39
On the contrary, even these women hastened to the battle, within the limits of their
nature, until they saw that the war was over. As the light of the sun was setting in the
west, the Romans were still standing unmoved in front of the most terrible battle
against the Turks and were courageously fighting. Because of that, the infidels found
themselves unsuccessful, put to shame and shamefully defeated. So, having done an
about-turn, they fled.
Talking about their weaponry, it is known that they unwillingly left to the
Romans those that were close to the City wall, but wittingly set to fire the biggest one.
It seemed to be a miracle, an extraordinary fact, to see how those previously
bold and haughty, were suddenly found to be humiliated and powerless, and to see
how those who previously had been full of eagerness for the battle against the
Romans, then, unexpectedly, fled from them. And truly this event was due to an
invisible and divine power. When the Romans saw that, they were amazed at this
miracle and rejoiced at the flight of their enemies, and rejoicing, said: “Oh, the
sweetness of this day and moment! Oh what a miraculous transformation! What an
unhoped-for change! Oh, unexpected freedom and happiness! Oh, ineffable freedom
and unspeakable pleasure!” Exclaiming that, the Romans, winners of many battles,
were celebrating and rejoicing and exulting. They were clapping their hands and
vividly thanking God and were raising hymns to the Panagia. And extolling her in
their souls, they said: “This was truly and unquestionably the much-celebrated,
extraordinary, marvelous, and praiseworthy miracle of the Panagia; for we also have
testimonies from irrefutable witnesses, according to the sacred laws. Indeed, it is
commonly said that the enemies’ testimonies are more worth believing in. Since our
enemies and adversaries have given this testimony, <it can only be that> this is really
the truest miracle of the Panagia.” In fact, Mersaita, the patriarch of the Turks, said
that40: “The City was lying ready to be taken from us, as the Persian wise men had
determined about this at the time of Mohamed. And they had discovered that in this
40 Direct speech introduced by ὅτι. It happens here for the first time in Kananos’ account.
40 | Text
τὴν ἡμέραν ταύτης τῆς ὥρας ἡ πόλις παρ’ ἡμῶν πρόκειται κρατηθῆναι· καὶ ἔμελλεν
τοῦτο γενέσθαι κατὰ τὴν δύναμιν τῶν ἀστέρων καὶ τὴν τέχνην τῶν ἀστρονόμων· ἀμὴ ἡ
γυναῖκα ἐκείνη ἡ ὀξέα φοροῦσα καὶ περιπατοῦσα τοῦ κάστρου καὶ τῶν προμαχιονίων
350 ἐπάνω ἀφόβως τοῦ πολέμου τὴν ὥραν, ἐκείνη ἀντέπραξεν τὰς δυνάμεις τῶν ἄστρων
καὶ τὴν τέχνην τῶν ἀστρολόγων· πλὴν οὐκ ἀπογῆς, οὐδὲ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων τὴν δύναμιν
εἶχεν · ἀλλ’ ἐξ οὐρανοῦ καὶ ἀοράτου δυνάμεως· Ὁμοίως καὶ τὰ στρατεύματα πάντα
τῶν Τούρκων ἐσυνεμαρτύρουν ἐνόρκως τὸν Μηρσαΐτην ἐκεῖνον, καὶ ἐδιηγοῦντο πρὸς
πάντας, ὅτι τοῦ πολέμου τὴν ὥραν ὅταν μὲ θράσους καὶ ὁρμῆς ἀκρατήτου ἔφθασαν
355 εἰς τὰ τοίχη τοῦ κάστρου ἵνα ἀναβῶσιν ἐπάνω · καὶ διώξωσιν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους καὶ τὴν
πόλιν αἰχμαλωτίσουν, τότε εἶδον γυναῖκαν ὀξέα ῥοῦχα φοροῦσαν · καὶ περιπατοῦσαν
ἐπάνω τῶν προμαχιονίων τοῦ ἔξω κάστρου· καὶ ταύτην ἰδόντες, σκότος καὶ ζάλη καὶ
τρόμος καὶ φόβος ἄφνω εἰς τὰς ψυχὰς εἰσῆλθε τῶν πάντων· καὶ πρὸς φυγὴν ἔβλεψαν,
καὶ εἰς πόλεμον οὐδὲ ὅλως· καὶ ἀπὸ δυνάμεώς τε καὶ τέχνης τῆς γυναικὸς γὰρ ἐκείνης,
360 ἔλαβον τὴν δειλίαν καὶ ἠλευθερώθην ἡ πόλις:- Ἐγένοντο δὲ ταῦτα κατὰ τὸν
καιρὸν τοῦ ἑξακισχιλιοστοῦ ἐννακοσιοστοῦ τριακοστοῦ ἔτους · μηνὸς Αὐγούστου κδʹ·
ἡμέρᾳ δευτέρᾳ · ὥρᾳ τῆς ἡμέρας ἑβδόμῃ· καὶ παρὰ μὲν τῶν Τούρκων, ἐλαβώθησαν
καὶ ἀπέθανον ἐπέκεινα μιᾶς χιλιάδος· ἐκ δὲ τῶν ἡμετέρων μετὰ ἀληθείας, ἐλαβώθη-
σαν μὲν ἐλάττονες ἀπὸ ἑκατὸν · ἀπέθανον δὲ οὐ πλείονες τῶν τριάκοντα· καὶ χαίρετε
365 ὦ φίλοι χαίρετε· τὸ μὲν τὴν ἐλευθερίαν τῆς πόλεως, τὸ δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων τὸ γενναῖον
b) 360–362 ἐγένοντο – ἑβδόμῃ] cf. Sphrantzes X,2: Καὶ τῇ κβᾳ τοῦ Αὐγούστου μηνὸς ἐπολέμησεν
αὐτὴν δὴ τὴν πόλιν καθολικὸν πόλεμον. | ChronBrev 13, 3–4; 94A, 5 | PP III 216,13–14: Μὴν μὲν
ὑπῆρχεν ὅθ’ οἱ πολέμιοι ἤρξαντο πολιορκεῖν Ποσειδεών (scil. Iun.), Γαμηλιών (scil. Iul.),
Ἀνθεστηριών (scil. Aug.), Ἐλαφηβολιών (scil. Sept.). | ChronMioni nr. 39: τῇ δὲ κδ’ τοῦ Αὐγούστου
συνῆψε πόλεμον μέγαν ‖ 365–366 τὸ μὲν – Παναγίας] Sphrantzes X,2: Καὶ τῇ ϛῃ τοῦ Σεπτεβρίου
μηνὸς τοῦ λαοῦ ἔτους ἀπῆλθεν ἄπρακτος ἀπὸ τῆς Πόλεως βοηθείᾳ θεοῦ. | PP III 216,14–22: Tῇ
πέμπτῃ τοῦ μηνὸς τούτου (scil. Septembris ut vid.) μόγις τὰ τῆς μάχης κατέληξε, καὶ τὸ πολέμιον
ἄρα διεσκέπτετο ὑπονοστῆσαι. Καταλιπὼν οὖν οὐκ ὀλίγους τῶν κρειττόνων μέχρι χιλίων, τοὺς δ’
ὑπολειφθέντας λαβὼν ἀπῄει κατῃσχυμμένος, πολλὰ τῆς προπετείας αὐτοῦ καὶ αὐθαδείας
καταμεμψάμενος. καὶ ἃ μὲν ἐβούλετο ἥκιστα διεπράξατο, οἷς δ’ οὐκ ἤλπισεν ἄρα συνήντησεν, ἥ τε
Πόλις ἀνύμνει, περισωθεῖσα τῇ τῶν βαρβάρων ἐφόδῳ. καὶ μέσης ψυχῆς τῇ τοῦ Θεοῦ λόγου μητρὶ ὡς
c) 348 κατὰ – ἀστρονόμων] cf. 350–351 τὰς δυνάμεις τῶν ἄστρων καὶ τὴν τέχνην τῶν
ἀστρολόγων ‖ 349 γυναῖκα ἐκείνη ἡ ὀξέα φοροῦσα καὶ περιπατοῦσα] cf. 356 ‖ 354 μὲ θράσους καὶ
ὁρμῆς] cf. 192; 250–252; 293 ‖ 356 τότε εἶδον – φοροῦσαν] cf. 349 ‖ 358 πρὸς φυγὴν ἔβλεψαν] cf.
220 ‖ 365–366 τὸ δὲ τῶν – ἀκατάπληκτον] cf. 295–296 τὸ δὲ ἀκατάπληκτον – Ῥωμαίων
347 ἔμελλεν scripsi] ἔμελεν V ; ἔμελλε NA, edd. ‖ 350 ἀντέπραξεν V] ἀντέπραξε ΝΑ, edd.
351 ἀπογῆς V] ἀπὸ γῆς NA, edd. ‖ 352 εἶχεν edd.] ἦχεν V (cf. supra 125; 126), εἶχαν NA | ἀλλὰ ἐξ
V ‖ 354 μὲ] με V | μὲ θράσους καὶ ὁρμῆς edd.] μὲ θράσος καὶ ὁρμῆς VNA. Cf. 263 ‖ 355 τοίχη V]
τείχη ΝΑ, edd. | διώξωσιν V] διώξωσι ΝΑ, edd. ‖ 356 γυναῖκαν V, Pinto] γυναῖκα ΝΑ, All., Bekk.
ῥοῦχα VNA] ῥοῦκα edd. ‖ 360 ἠλευθερώθην V] ἠλευθερώθη ΝΑ, edd. ‖ 361 κερὸν V | Αὐγούστου]
-γούστου s. l. add., postea fortasse, V1 ‖ 362 τῶν Τούρκων V] non habent ΝΑ, All., qui vertens, recte
interpretatus est ‘Ex Turcis quidam vulnerati…’. Bekk. dubitanter addidit in app. | ἐλαβόθησαν V
365 χαίρετε] -ε2 ex corr. A1
Translation | 41
year, in this month, on this day, at this hour, the City would lay ready to be taken.
And this was indeed about to happen with the force of the stars and the art of the
astronomers. But that woman wearing violet clothes and fearlessly walking on the
fortification and on breastwork of the City at that moment, she opposed the forces of
the stars and the art of the astronomers. Moreover, she did not get her force from
earth, nor from men, but from a divine and invisible power.”
In the same way, even every company of Turks confirmed on oath what Mersaita
had testified and told everyone that at the peak of the battle, when they came at the
wall of the fortification with the hardiness and uncontrollable desire of fighting, in
order to climb it, hunt down the Romans and conquer the City, at that right moment
they saw a woman wearing violet clothes and walking on the breastworks of the
outer wall. At the sight of her figure, darkness, squall, quaking and fear suddenly
entered all their minds and they looked to flight and not at all to war. And thanks to
the force and the art of that woman, the Turks became fearful and the City was
liberated.
All these events happened in the year 6930, on August 24, on Monday at the
seventh hour of the day41. More than a thousand among the Turks were wounded
and died; on the other hand, speaking with truth, of our men fewer than one
hundred were wounded and no more than thirty died.
Let us celebrate, friends, let us celebrate the liberation of the City, the nobility
and the determination of the Romans and the most wonderful miracle of the
41 About at 1pm.
42 | Text
καὶ ἀκατάπληκτον· τὸ δὲ τὸ πανθαύμαστον θαῦμα τῆς Παναγίας· καὶ ταύτην

ὑμνήσατε· δοξολογήσατε· καὶ ὕμνους εὐχαριστηρίους ἀναπέμψατε εἰς τὸ μέγιστον
ἔργον τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἧς εὐεργετήθημεν παρὰ τῆς ἐνδόξου καὶ ἀειπαρθένου Μητρὸς
τοῦ Κυρίου καὶ Θεοῦ καὶ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ· αὐτῷ ἡ δόξα εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας·
370 Ἀμήν :+
δι’ ἐκείνης σωθεῖσα ᾖδε τὰ χαριστήρια. | ChronMioni nr. 39: καὶ ἠπράκτησε βοηθείᾳ τῆς
πανυπεράγνου θεοτόκου καὶ τῇ ϛʹ τοῦ σεπτεμβρίου ὑπέστρεψεν ἄπρακτος.
368 εὐεργετίθημεν V
Translation | 43
Panagia. And let us praise her, glorify her and raise hymns of gratitude for this
greatest event of the liberation that we have been given by the glorious and ever-
virgin Mother of the Lord, who is God and our Savior Jesus Christ, to whom be the
glory forever. Amen.
|
Thesaurus
Throughout the following Thesaurus, the genitive is generally omitted for regular
nouns of the first and second declensions. I refer to the text of Kananos by indicat-
ing the line number. Numbers written in brackets indicate if a listed word is to be
found in the apparatus criticus.
Α
ἀγάπη ἡ, friendship, ἀγάπης 128 (περὶ εἰρήνης τε καὶ ἀ.). As in Anonimi historia impe-
ratorum II, 1766–7. See Kr.
Ἀγαρηνός ὁ, Hagarenes (negative acceptation), Ἀγαρηνῶν 16–7. Kr.
ἄγγελος ὁ, angel, -ον 153; -ος 6; -ου 173.
ἄγγυρα ἡ, grappling hooks, a device with iron claws, attached to a rope, ἀγγύρας 206,
265 (see app. crit.). See Kr s.vv. ἄγκορα, ἄγκουρα, ἄγκυρα.
ἁγιάζω, make sacred, sanctify, ἡγίασεν 139 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act ἡγίασεν ταύτην ἡ
συνουσία τοῦ πατριάρχου the union with the patriarch made her sacred [i.e. Ba-
yazid’s daughter]).
ἁγιασμός ὁ, sanctification, ἁγιασμόν 141 (κατὰ τὸν νόμον καὶ ἁ.).
ἅγιος -α -ον, holy, ἁγίας 76; -οι 179; -ον 140; -ου 76, 239 (Ῥωμανοῦ τοῦ ἁ.); ἁγίων 227
(τῶν ἁ. εἰκόνων).
ἀγκάλη ἡ, arm (fig.), ἀγκάλας 87. See Kr (3).
ἄγκυρα ἡ, (206), (265). See s.v. ἄγγυρα.
ἀγνοέω, contr., be unaware, ignorant of, ἀγνοοῦντας 90–1 (part pl pres act masc
acc).
ἀγοράζω, buy, trade, purchase, acquire, ἀγοράσουν 114–5 (verb 3rd pl aor subj act,
vernacular. ἵνα ἀ. τὰ κουρσιμαῖα). See GE, b (mid pass).
ἄγριος -α -ον, wild, fierce, ἀγρίους 176 (φωνὰς ἀ.).
ἀγριόω, contr., (passive) be cruel, savage, ἠγριωμένος 44 (part sg perf mp masc nom
μανὸς καὶ ἠ. wild and savage [Murad II]).
ἄγω, ἄγεται 47 (verb 3rd sg pres ind mp); ἄγων 47 (part sg pres act masc nom).
ἀγωγός ὁ, aqueduct, conduit, ἀγωγοῦ 102 (διὰ τοῦ ἀ.); ἀγωγούς 100 (ἄλλοι τοὺς ἀ.
ἀνεγύρευον τοὺς ἔκπαλαι τὸ νερὸν). See GE, a: “ἀ. ὕδατος aqueduct, Mon. Anc.
Gr. 19. 5 (pl.)1”. See also LBG ἀγωγιμαῖος.
ἀγωνίζομαι, fight, battle, struggle, ἀγωνισώμεθα 285 (verb 1st pl aor subj mp [horta-
tory subjunctive]); ἠγωνίζοντο 283, 291, 324 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind mp).
ἄδεια ἡ, absence of fear, licence to bring forward plans, security, ἄδειαν 215. See also
GE, b.
ἀδελφός ὁ, brother, compatriot, ἀδελφοί 284 (ὦ ἀ.); ἀδελφός 139 (ἀ. ὁ τῆς κόρης i.e.
Bayazid’s son); ἀδελφούς 314.
ἀειπάρθενος -ου, ἡ, ever-virgin, ἀειπαρθένου 368 (i.e. Mary, the Mother of God).
||
1 Res gestae divi Augusti: ed. A. E. Cooley, Cambridge – New York 2009.
48 | Thesaurus
ἄζυγος -ον, unyoked, ἀζύγων 30 (πᾶν ζῶον ὑποζυγὸν καὶ ἄ.). See app. crit.: ἄζυγον is
Allatios’ conjecture.
ἄθεος -ον, ungodly, ἄθεος 240 (ὁ ἄ. ἀνέμενε Μηρσαΐτης [Mersaita]). See L 2.
ἀθεώρητος -ον, unobserved, unseen, ἀθεωρητί 94. See app. crit. and Apoll. Dysc. De
Adv. 161,15; De Conj. 232,10 (ed. R. Schneider – G. Uhlig, GG 2.1. Leipzig 1878).
Conversely Suid α, 717.
ἄθλιος -α -ον, wretched, ἀθλίοις 35 (τοῖς δυστυχοῖς καὶ ἀ. … Ῥωμαίοις).
αἰθήρ -έρος, ὁ, sky, αἰθέρα 260.
αἷμα -ατος, τό, blood relationship, kin, αἵματος 141 (ἐξ α. τοῦ Μωάμετ [Mersaita]).
See s.v. ἀπόγονος.
αἱματοβόρος ὁ, bloodthirsty, αἱματοβόρον 23 (μανὸν καὶ α. [Mīḵẖāl-Og̱ẖlu Mehmet]).
See Ševčenko 1981: 310, n. 72. Kr.
αἴρω, raise, αἴρων 45 (τὴν ὀφρὺν εἰς οὐρανὸν α.).
αἰσχρός -ά -όν, shameful, base, immoral, αἰσχροτάτας 177 (superl α. φωνὰς
ἀνέπεμπον).
αἰσχρουργέω, contr., commit obscene acts, αἰσχρουργήσαντες 28–9 (part pl aor act
masc nom τὰς δὲ γυναῖκας ἀσελγῶς α. [the Turks]). See GE Byz. aor. inf.
αἰσχρουργῆσαι | part. αἰσχρουργήσας. See also LBG s.vv.: αἰσχρουργέω,
αἰσχρούργημα, αἰσχρουργός. Kr (-ουργῶ).
αἰσχρουργία ἡ, obscenity, αἰσχρουργίας 226.
αἰσχύνω, dishonour, pass. to be put to shame, ᾐσχυμμένοι 325 (part pl perf nom mid-
pass ᾐ. καὶ ἡττημένοι ἀναιδῶς [the Turks]).
αἰτέω, contr., request, ask for something, ᾐτήσατο 127 (verb 3rd sg aor ind mid
ὁποίους αὐτὸς ᾐ. μᾶλλον, ἵνα πέμψῃ). See GE 2: “with ἵνα or ὅπως that”.
αἰτία ἡ, charge, motive, αἰτίαν 130 (αἰτίαν … ψυχράν [See e.g. Mt. 27,37]); αἰτίας 113
(ὑπὲρ α. τοιαύτης ἐσυνήχθησαν πάντες [See e.g. Mt. 19,3]).
αἰχμαλωσία ἡ, αἰχμαλωσίαν 110, 225 (e.g. τὴν α. τοῦ γένους the enslavement of the
people of Cpl.). See Kr (1).
αἰχμαλωτεύω, take prisoner, capture, enslave, ᾐχμαλώτευσαν 27 (verb 3rd pl aor ind
act ἔφθειραν · ἐλεηλάτησαν · ᾐ. they spoiled it, they plundered it, they con-
quered it [the Turks/the land about Cpl.]).
αἰχμαλωτίζω, conquest, capture, take prisoner, enslave, -τίσαι 65 [see also 49] (verb
aor inf act θέλουν χαλάσειν καὶ τὴν πόλιν α. they hoped to bring down the walls
of the City and … prevail over it); -τίσατε (verb fut ind 3pl act); -τίσει 49 [see also
65] (verb inf act, vernacular, see above p. XLIII, προσδοκῶν δι’ αὐτῶν τοὺς
Ῥωμαίους α.); -τισθῆναι 345 (verb fut inf pass ἡ πόλις ἐπρόκειτον [see s.v.
πρόκειμαι] παρ’ ἡμῶν α. ready to be taken); -τίσουν 356 (verb pres subj 3pl act,
vernacular ἵνα … τὴν πόλιν α.); -τίσουσι 174 (verb aor subj 3pl act, vernacular,
without ny, ὡς ἵνα α.); -τίσουσιν 103, 170 (verb aor subj 3pl act, vernacular,
ὅπως … α.; ἵνα α.); -τίσωμεν 162 (verb fut ind 1pl act, ὅπως … α. Mersaita is
speaking). The object of αἰχμαλωτίζω is here always Cpl. or its people.
Thesaurus | 49
αἰχμάλωτος ὁ, spoil of war, prisoner (of war), αἰχμαλώτους 115 (τὰ κουρσιμαῖα, ἤγουν
τοὺς αἰ. booty), 180 (αἰ. καὶ σκλάβους prisoners and slaves). This word is always
masculine in Kananos; see GE, a: τὰ αἰχμάλωτα booty Xen. Hel. 4.1.262.
αἰών -ῶνος, ὁ (ἡ), αἰῶνας 369 (in the concluding doxology).
ἀκατάγνωστος -ον, ἀκαταγνώστως 14 without condemning, criticizing (adv ἀ.
ἀναγινώσκουσιν).
ἀκατάπληκτος -ον, unshakeable, impassive, unperturbed, adamant, firm,
ἀκατάπληκτον 295, 366 (τὸ δὲ ἀ. τῶν ἀνδρικωτάτων καὶ γενναιοτάτων
Ῥωμαίων; τὸ δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων τὸ γενναῖον καὶ ἀ.); ἀκαταπλήκτων 223–4 (καὶ τίς
τῶν ἀ. τότε οὐ κατεπλήγην;).
ἀκατάσχετος -ον, uncontrollable, unstoppable, ἀκατασχέτου 233 (ὢ τρικυμίας ἀ.
[genitive of exclamation]).
ἀκηδιάω, ἀκηδιάσωσι 11 (verb pres subj 3pl act μήτε τὸν κόρον τοῦ λόγου ἀ.). In
Kananos, it means to judge, coordinated with καταγνώσονται (see s.v.
καταγιγνώσκω). See LBG s.vv. ἀκηδιάζω, πρωτοδικαστής.
ἀκλόνητος -ον, unmoved, ἀκλονήτως 315, 323–4 (adv ἀφόβως καὶ ἀ. καὶ θαρσαλέως
πολεμίζειν). See LBG s.vv. ἀκλονητί, ἀκλονήτως.
ἀκοή -ῆς, ἡ, ear, ἀκοὴ 233, 257 (formula τίς ἀ. φέρει τὸ ἄκουσμα;).
ἀκονίζω, sharpen, provoke, ἠκόνισαν 175 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act, vernacular τὴν
γλῶσσαν αὐτῶν καθ’ ἡμῶν ὡς δίστομον ξίφος they provoked us sharpening
their tongues). See Kr and GE (ἀκονάω sharpen the tongue, fig. as in Achilles
Tatios3), and also below s.v. δίστομος.
ἀκουμβῶ (lat. accumbo), ἠκούμβησαν 254 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act, vernacular
ἠκούμβησαν εἰς τὰ τοίχη [the Turks] took a stand close to the walls). See LBG
(also s.v. ἀκουμβίζω), Kr s.vv. ἀκουμβίζω, ἀκουμπίζω, ἀκουμπῶ.
ἄκουσμα -ατος, τό, sound, yell, ἄκουσμα 234, 257 (τίς ἀκοὴ φέρει τὸ ἄ.).
ἀκούω, hear, receive instruction, ἀκούσας 148 (part sg aor act masc nom); ἀκούσητε
192 (verb 2nd pl aor subj act ὅταν … ἀ. [Mersaita is here speaking.]).
ἀκράτητος -ον, irrepressible, owerwhelming, ἀκρατήτου 354 (= ἀκρατήτως).
ἄκρον -ου, τό, outermost, extremities of the outer wall of Cpl., ἄκρον 54, 209, 210
(noun sg neut acc always ἀπὸ τὸ ἓν ἄκρον τῆς πόλεως); ἄκρος = ἄκρον (ἕως τὸ
ἕτερον ἄκρος); ἄκρου 292 (noun sg neut gen ἐκ τοῦ ἑνὸς ἄ. τῆς πόλεως). See
LBG ἄκρος τό, ἄκρος 54. See above and Kr s.v. ἄκρον.
ἀκώλυτος -ον, unhindered, ἀκωλύτως 70, 193 (adv).
ἄκων -ουσα -ον, unwillingly, ἄκοντες 327.
ἀλαζών -όνος, ὁ, ἡ, braggart, boaster, ἀλαζών 44.
||
2 Xenophon, Historia Graeca (Ἑλληνικά): ed. C. Hude, Leipzig 1930 (Teubner); J. Hatzfeld, Paris
1936–39 (Les Belles Lettres).
3 Ach. Tat., 8,9,5 (ed. E. Vilborg, Stockholm 1955; J.-Ph. Garnaud, Paris 1991 [Les Belles Lettres])
and in several other places.
50 | Thesaurus
ἀλάλαγμα -ατος, τό, battle cries, ἀλαλαγμάτων 251.

Ἀλάχ ὁ, 249, proper noun, indecl. Allah. The Turkish acclamation Allah tangri-tangri
Resul Muhammet has been here transliterated by Kananos into Ἀλὰχ Ταγκρὺ
Ῥασοὺλ Μαχουμέτη.
ἀλήθεια ἡ, ἀλήθεια 182, doctrinal truth as in GE, a: Clem. Str. 7.16.94.14; ἀληθείας 363
(μετὰ ἀ.).
ἀληθής -ές, true, real, ἀληθέστατον 343 (superl ἀ. τὸ θαῦμα); ἀληθεστάτου 174 (su-
perl ὡς ἀγγέλου ἀ.); ἀληθῆ 167 (ἀ. καὶ βέβαια … πάντα τὰ λαληθέντα); ἀληθοῦς
287 (τῆς ἀ. πίστεως); ἀληθῶς 331, 340 (adv).
ἀλλά part. procl., ἀλλ’ ×5; ἀλλά ×30. ἀλλὰ καί (47, 50, 85, 92, 112, 113, 124, 131, 138,
155, 172, 174, 177, 302–3, 307, 309, 316) often means moreover, futhermore, also.
ἀλλαχόθεν, 269, adv, from another place, elsewhere.
ἀλλήλων, each other, one another, ἀλλήλας 317 (pron pl fem acc); ἀλλήλοις 283
(pron pl masc dat); ἀλλήλους 291 (pron pl masc acc); ἀλλήλων 283 (pron pl
masc gen πρὸς ἀλλήλων ἀλλήλοις sic). See l. 283, l. 290–1, and s.v. πρός.
ἄλλος -η -ο, always as a pron, ἄλλαι 311, 312, 313 interrelated; ἄλλας 321; ἄλλην 317;
ἄλλο 42, 206; ἀλλοι ×17 (see e.g. 205–6); ἄλλον 283 (interrelated ἄλλος ἄλλον);
ἄλλος 238, 276, 282; ἄλλους 219, 264; ἄλλῳ 276; ἄλλων 78, 251 (pron: μυρίων ἄ.;
adj: τῶν ἄ. τῶν κατασκευῶν).
ἅλωσις -εως, ἡ, capture, ἅλωσιν 225.
ἅμα, 98, 250, 292, 337, adv, at once, at the same time.
ἀμαυρόω, contr., destroy, ἠμαύρωσαν 40 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act καὶ πᾶσαν καὶ
παντοίαν τὴν ὑπὸ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἠ. γῆν they destroyed each and every part of the
land that was under Roman rule). See L.
ἀμείνων -ον, gen -ονος, comp of ἀγαθός, better, preferable, ἄμεινον 35 (σιωπᾶν ἡμῖν
ἄ. ἔδοξεν).
ἀμή, 348, adversative conjunction, vernacular, but. See Kr.
ἀμήν, 370, adv, amen. In the concluding doxology.
ἀμηράς / ἀμηρᾶς, ὁ, Emir, Ottoman head of State, ἀμηρά 136 (noun sg masc gen),
ἀμηράς 44, 106, 139 (noun sg masc nom). See LBG. Kananos designates with this
word Murad II and once (indirectly) Bayazid. See app. crit and Moravcsik 1958
II: 66–67.
Ἀμουράτ, 2, proper noun, indecl. (Murad II).
ἀμπελών -ῶνος, ὁ, vineyard, ἀμπελώνων 31, 42.
ἀνά, (254) See ἀναχεῖρας.
ἀναβάζω, bring close to, carry, ἀνέβαζον 310 (verb 3rd pl act imperf αἱ μὲν, πέτρας
εἰς τὸ τοῖχος ἀ. πρὸς τοὺς πολεμιστάς some of them carried stones to the walls to
the [Roman] soldiers). See L, LBG and Kr (also s.v. ἀνεβαίνω).
||
4 Κλήμης Ἀλεξανδρεύς, Stromateis (Στρωματεῖς τῶν γνωστικῶν ὑπομνημάτων), ed. C. Mondésert,
Paris 1951–54, ll. 1–2 (Sources Chrétiennes); A. Le Boulluec, Paris 1981, l. 5 (Sources Chrétiennes).
Thesaurus | 51
ἀναβαίνω, climb up, get on, -βαίνοντας 297 (part pl pres act masc acc τοὺς ἀ. ἐπάνω
[pleonasm] τοῦ ἔξω κάστρου); -βῆναι 237 (verb aor inf act οὐκ ἠδύνατο … ἀ. ἐφ’
ἵππου); -βῶσιν 215, 355 (verb 3rd pl aor subj act ὡς ἵνα ἀ. ἐπάνω; ἵνα ἀ. ἐπάνω
[pleonasm]); ἀνέβαιναν 254 (verb 3rd pl ind act imperf. ἀ. εἰς τὸ κάστρον)
ἀνέβαινον 264 (verb 3rd pl ind act imperf οἱ μὲν … ἀ. ἄνω εἰς τὸ κάστρον);
ἀνέβην 238, 241 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act, vernacular ὁ δ’ ἄλλος, ἀ. ἐφ’ ἵππου
[John VIII]; Μηρσαΐτης … ἀ. ἐφ’ ἵππου).
ἀναβοάω, contr., chant, start to sing, cry out, ἀνεβόησαν 243 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind
act ἀ. ὕμνον [the Muslims]); ἀνεβόησεν 248 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act ἀ. μέγα [Mer-
saita]).
ἀναγιγνώσκω, read, ἀναγινώσκειν 165 (verb pres inf act ἤρξατο ἀ. τὰς βίβλους);
ἀναγινώσκοντας 10 (part pl pres act ἀ. ταύτην scil. τὴν διήγησιν);
ἀναγινώσκουσιν 15 (verb 3rd pl pres ind ἀ. ταύτην scil. τὴν διήγησιν).
ἀνάγκη ἡ, ἀνάγκας 235 (suffering, anguish, see GE, b); ἀνάγκην 289 (need, destiny,
calamity, see GE, a).
ἀναγυρεύω, search, look for, ἀνεγύρευον 101 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act trans). See
LBG, Kr and also L ‘add.’ (with other meanings).
ἀναιδής -ές, shameless, brazen, ἀναιδῶς 176, 178 (adv e.g. ἔλεγον ἀ. καὶ ὑβριστικῶς
[Mersaita]; ἡττημένοι ἀναιδῶς 326 [the Turks]).
ἀναίσχυντος -ον, impudent, disrespectful, ἀναισχύντως 131 (adv με οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι ἀ.
συνέτυχον).
ἀναίτιος -ον, innocent, ἀναιτίους 129 (τοὺς ἀ. ὡς ὑπαιτίους ἠπείλει εἰς θάνατον). See
also L.
ἀνακηρύσσω, att. ἀνακηρύττω, proclaim, ἀνακηρύττειν 5 (verb pres inf act). In the
quotation of Tobit 12,7.
ἀναμένω, wait for, expect, ἀνέμενε 149, 240 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind act); ἀνέμενον
169, 173 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act).
ἀναμφίβολος -ον, certain, plain, ἀναμφιβόλως 340 (adv ἀληθῶς καὶ ἀ.).
ἀναπέμπω, address, hurl, raise / offer up (a prayer, praise, hymn) as in L 3,
ἀναπέμψατε 367 (verb 2nd pl aor imperat act ὕμνους ἀ. εἰς τὸ μέγιστον ἔργον
τῆς ἐλευθερίας); ἀνέπεμπον 177, 338 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act κατὰ βασιλέων
αἰσχροτάτας φωνὰς ἀ.; τὴν Παναγίαν [sic] ἀ. ὕμνους).
ἀνάπτω, set fire to, ἀνάψωσιν 97 (verb 3rd pl aor subj act ὡς ἵνα πῦρ εἰς τὰ ξύλα ἀ.).
ἀναρίθμητος -ον, countless, innumerable, numberless, ἀναρίθμητα 119 (ἀ. πλήθη);
ἀναρίθμητον 120 (ἀ. πλῆθος); ἀναριθμήτους 212 (τοὺς τοξότας ἐκείνους τοὺς ἀ.).
ἀνατολή ἡ, the east, ἀνατολῆς 123.
ἀναχεῖρας, 199, 207, 254, adv, with/in one’s hand(s). See s.v. ἀνά, and app. crit.
ἀνδρεία ἡ, manliness, courage, insolence, ἀνδρείαν 272 (πρὸς ἀ. καὶ τόλμην [the Ro-
mans]).
ἀνδρεῖος -α -ον, ἀνδρεῖοι 60, 273 (τολμηροὶ καὶ ἀ.; τολμηροὶ … καὶ γενναῖοι
πολεμισταὶ καὶ ἀ.); ἀνδρεῖον 267 (τολμηρὸν καὶ ἀ.); ἀνδρείων 224 (τῶν ἀ. parti-
52 | Thesaurus
tive genitive); ἀνδρείως 282, 283, 325 (adv τολμηρῶς καὶ ἀ.; ἀ. καὶ θαρσαλέως;
ἠγωνίζοντο καὶ ἀ.).
ἀνδρειώνω, ἠνδρείωναν 310 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act, vernacular ἠ. αὐτοὺς [the
women of Cpl.] encouraged them [the Roman soldiers]). See Kr (A’).
ἀνδρικός -ή -όν, valorous, ἀνδρικωτάτων 296 (superl ἀ. καὶ γενναιοτάτων).
ἀνεκλάλητος -ον, unutterable (positive), ineffable, ἀνεκλαλήτου 335.
ἀνέκφραστος -ον, inexpressible, unutterable, ἀνεκφράστου 336.
ἀνέλπιστος -ον, unexpected, ἀνελπίστου 334–5 (ἐναλλαγῆς ἀ. [with positive accepta-
tion]).
ἀνεμπόδιστος -ον, unhindered, ἀνεμποδίστως 215 (adv).
ἀνεπιστήμων -ον, gen -ονος, unskilled in, ἀνεπιστήμονες 112 (οἱ ἀ. [syntax: εἰς τὰ
κούρση καὶ τοὺς πολέμους]).
ἄνευ, 278, without, prep with genitive. Alternatively, Kananos used οὐδὲ μετὰ a
couple of lines below: 280–1.
ἀνήμερος -ον, savage, ἀνημέρους 176 (φωνὰς ἀγρίους καὶ ἀ.).
ἀνήρ, ἀνδρός, ὁ, man, ἄνδρα 23; ἄνδρας 116; ἄνδρες 242; ἀνδρός 307; ἀνδρῶν 27.
ἀνθρώπινος -η -ον, human, ἀνθρώπινον 9 (in the prologue). See L C.
ἄνθρωπος -ου, ὁ, man, ἄνθρωποι 305; ἀνθρώπου 122; ἀνθρώπους 263; ἀνθρώπων
351.
ἀνίστημι (or rather ἀνίσταμαι), arise to action, stand up for, ἀνίσταται 277 (verb 3rd
sg pres ind mp).
ἀντί, 280, prep with gen, instead of: τυμπάνια τῶν βουτζίων ἀντὶ σκουταρίων.
ἄντικρυς, 67, prep. of place, with gen, in front of (ἄ. ταύτης). See GΕ, b; Kr. s.vv.
ἀντίκρυ, ἄντικρυ, -υς.
ἀντιπράσσω, att. ἀντιπράττω, counter, oppose, hinder, ἀντέπραξεν 350 (verb 3rd sg
aor ind act [subject: the Panagia]).
ἀντωθέω, contr., push in the contrary direction, ἀντωθεῖ 8 (verb 3st sg pres ind act ἀ.
δ’ ἔμε πάλιν καὶ ἕλκει). See also app. crit.
ἄνω, up, upward, above, ἄνω 94 (adv ἄ. ἱσταμένων); 264 (prep ἀνέβαινον ἄ. εἰς τὸ
κάστρον [pleonasm]).
ἄνωθεν, 68, from above: adv ἀπὸ ἄ., ἕως κάτω (pleonasm).
ἀξιόπιστος -ον, trustworthy, ἀξιοπιστότεραι 342 (comp τῶν ἐχθρῶν μαρτυρίαι). In an
[in]direct quotation from Basil the Great.
ἄξιος -α -ον, worthy, worthy of, deserving, ἄξιον 340; ἄξιος 232 (ὢ θρήνου μεγίστου ἄ.
ἡ ὥρα ἐκείνη [see Psaltes § 303]).
ἀόρατος -ον, invisible, unseen, ἀοράτου 352 (ἐξ οὐρανοῦ καὶ ἀ. δυνάμεως); ἀοράτως
331 (adv τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον ἀ. ἐπέμφθη ἐκ δυνάμεως θείας).
ἀπαίρω, take away, carry off, seize, ἀπήρασιν 301 (impf ind act 3 pl, vernacular). See
also s.v. πειράω.
ἀπάνθρωπος -ον, inhuman (antonym of φιλάνθρωπος), ἀπάνθρωπος 128 (βάρβαρος
ὠμὸς καὶ ἀ. [Murad II]).
Thesaurus | 53
ἀπαντή ἡ, ἀπαντήν 152 (εἰς ἀ. ἐξέδραμον τὴν ἐκείνου [the Moslems] hastened to
meet him); See GE s.v.: “Vet. Test. Iudic. (A) 4.22, al.,” and s.v. ἀπάντησις. See
also app. crit., LBG s.v. προαπαντή, and GE s.v. ὑπαπαντάω.
ἀπαράγραπτος -ον, ἀπαραγράπτων 341 (παρὰ μαρτύρων ἀ [testimonies] from irrefu-
table witnesses). See LBG s.v. ἀπαράγραφος particularly: “unwiderleglich:
μάρτυς Simoc IV 6,4; id. VIII 14,8 (coni. pro ἀπερίγρ.)”. See also GE.
ἀπαραπροσδόκητος, -ον, sudden, unexpected, ἀπαραπροσδοκήτου 335 (ὢ ἀ.
ἐλευθερίας); ἀπαραπροσδοκήτως 32, 103, 330–1 (adv). See LBG.
ἅπας -ασα -αν, all, everything, all together, every, each, everyone, ἅπαν 277, 303 (e.g.
γένος ἅ. καὶ ἡλικία πᾶσα); ἅπαντα 106; ἅπας 47, 51 (ἅ. ὁ κόσμος); ἁπάσας 198
(τὰς τάξεις ἁ.).
ἀπατάω, contr., deceive, ἀπατῶνται 166 (verb 3rd pl pres subj pass ὡς ἵνα ἀ. οἱ
Τοῦρκοι).
ἀπειλέω, ἠπείλει 129 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind act τοὺς ἀναιτίους ὡς ὑπαιτίους ἠ. εἰς
θάνατον [Murad II] threatened those innocent men with death as if they were
guilty).
ἀπειρία ἡ, inexperience, ignorance of, ἀπειρία 8 (ἡ ἀ. τοῦ λόγου); ἀπειρίας 12 (τῆς ἀ.
μου τῶν γραμμάτων ὁμολογῶ). Both records are from the prologue.
ἄπειρος -ον, infinite, innumerable, ἀπείρων 63 (adj pl fem gen), 83 (masc), 217 (neut).
ἀπελπίζω, despair, ἀπελπισμένοι 268 (part sg mp masc nom οἱ δυστυχεῖς καὶ ἀ.).
ἀπελπισία, ἡ, despair of something, ἀπελπισίας 221. See app. crit., and also LBG s.v.
ἀπελπιστία and GE s.vv. ἀπελπιστία, ἀπελπισμός.
ἀπερίεργος -ον, simple, referred to the Diegesis itself, ἀπεριέργως 14 (adv with sim-
plicity, without seeking for mistakes [in the prologue]).
ἀπό, preposition with acc and gen. Kananos uses ἀπό + acc twice: γυμνὸν τὸ
κάστρον ἀπὸ ἀνθρώπους 262–3 (the fortification empty of men = undefended);
ἐλάττονες ἀπὸ ἑκατόν 364 (of comparison [fewer than one hundred]). ἀπό in
correlations with ἕως/ἄχρι (+ acc, and, occasionally, others adverbs of motion),
5 times: ἀπὸ τὸ ἓν ἄκρον ἕως τὸ ἕτερον ἄκρος and ἀπὸ τὸ ἓν ἄκρον ἄχρι καὶ τὸ
ἕτερον τὸ ἄκρον 54, 209 (idea of motion [see below the same formula with gen]);
ἀπὸ ἄνωθεν ἕως κάτω 68 (pleonasm); κάτωθεν ἀπὸ τὴν κάτω ὄψιν 93 (pleo-
nasm); ἀπὸ δέκα ἕως εἴκοσι σαγίττας 124. Kananos also uses ἀπό + gen 17 times:
ἀπὸ τούτων ἠρξάμην 9–10, 18 (origin [formula]); ἀπὸ τούτων 325 (causal); ἀπὸ
τούτου 49, 64, 172, 215, 246 (by means of / idea of causality); ἀπὸ ξύλων 56; ἀπὸ
βέργας 57; ἀπὸ κεντούκλου 164 (all three, of material); ἀπὸ τῆς Προύσης 144;
ἀπὸ τῆς Ξυλοπόρτης ἕως καὶ τῆς Χρυσίας 252 (same formula with acc: see 54,
209); καταβῆναι ἀπὸ τοῦ τοίχους 314; ἔφυγον ἀπὸ τούτων 331 (motion away
from); οὐκ ἀπογῆς 351 (origin. Note the correlation: οὐκ ἀπο(γῆς) … οὐδὲ ἐξ);
ἀπὸ δυνάμεως 359 (causal/of agent [ἔλαβον τὴν δειλίαν καὶ ἠλευθερώθην ἡ
πόλις]).
54 | Thesaurus
ἀποβαίνω, dismount, ἀπέβην (35), 163 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act, ταῦτα εἰπόντος, ἀ.
τοῦ ἡμιόνου).
ἀπογῆς, 351, adv.
ἀπόγονος -ον, born, descended from, ἀπόγονος 158 (τοῦ Μωάμετ [Mersaita]). See s.v.
αἷμα.
ἀποδεικνύω (ἀποδείκνυμι), ἀπέδειξεν 297 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act δειλοὺς καὶ
τρεπτοὺς τοὺς Μουσουλμάνους ἀπέδειξεν [it] revealed the Moslems as cowardly
and faltering). See Kr s.v. ἀποδεικνύω.
ἀποθνῄσκω, die, ἀποθάνομεν 288 (verb 1st pl pres subj ἐὰν μὴ νῦν ἀ.).
ἀποκαθίστημι, ἀποκαταστῆσαι 229 (verb aor inf act τίς … οὐκ ἐφοβήθην … τοῦ
μεγίστου θεοῦ τὴν Σοφίαν … μασγίδιον ἀ.; Who was not afraid that our Hagia
Sophia would be converted into a mosque?).
ἀποκλείω, besiege, ἀπέκλεισαν 32–3 (verb 3rd pl aor ind [ἡμᾶς]); ἀπέκλεισεν 38
(verb 3rd sg aor ind [ἡμᾶς]). See app. crit. and the Attic form: ἀποκλῄω.
ἀποκρισιάριος ὁ, delegate, emissary, envoy, ἀποκρισιαρίους 127 (of Manuel II), 143–4
(of Mersaita). See LBG s.v. ἀποκρισάριος, and Kr. See also GE, s.v. ἀπο-
κρισιάριος: “messenger, ambassador” as in Isidore of Pelusium, Epist. 4. 144
ecc. (PG 78, Ἰσίδωρος Πηλουσιώτης † 435).
ἀποκρύπτω, ἀπεκρύβημεν 261 (verb 1st pl aor ind med μικρὸν ἀ. we hid for a short
time); ἀπεκρύβησαν 308 (verb 3rd pl aor ind med γυναῖκες πολλαὶ … οὐκ ἀ.
many women did not hide themselves away).
ἀποκτείνω, kill, ἀπέκτειναν 219, 299 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act).
ἀπόλλυμι and ἀπολλύω, destroy, smite, ἀπολέσῃς 145 (verb 2nd sg aor subj act trans
Ὅρα μήπως … ἀ. Beware not to endanger the army).
ἀποσβεννύω (ἀποσβέννυμι), extinguish, quench, ἀποσβέσει 50 (verb aor inf, vernacu-
lar, see above p. XLIII, [τοῦ Χριστοῦ τὸ ὄνομα]). See Kr s.v. ἀποσβεννύω.
ἀποστέλλω, send off / out, dispatch, ἀπεστάλην 160 (verb 1st sg aor ind pass [Mer-
saitas is speaking]); ἀπέστειλεν 143 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act).
ἀποστερέω, contr., rob, despoil, defraud ἀπεστέρησαν 25–6 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act
ἡμᾶς ἀ. τῆσδε τῆς πόλεως πάντα τὰ πλησίον).
ἀποτέμνω, cut, uproot, behead, ἀπέτεμον 42, 292 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act. e.g. ἀ. ἐκ
ῥίζης [the Turks] hacked right down to the roots).
ἄπρακτος -ον, fruitless, ineffective, vain, ἄπρακτοι 325.
ἀπραξία ἡ, uselessness, ἀπραξίαν 78.
ἀπώλεια ἡ, annihilation, destruction, ἀπωλείᾳ 231 (τῆς πίστεως τῶν Χριστιανῶν);
ἀπώλειαν 227 (τῶν ναῶν).
ἄρα, 31, 80, particle in Kananos always interrog: who, then? whoever? See GE, b. See
also s.v. γάρ, l. 256.
Ἀρατζάπητας Κύφας, 28, unknown locality. See ThesCan xxv, with bibliography.
ἀριθμός ὁ, number, ἀριθμόν 23, 88.
ἀρκουδάμαξα ἡ, 86, armored fighting vehicle. See Kr and Cuomo 2014.
Thesaurus | 55
ἀρματοφυλακεῖον τό, arsenal, ἀρματοφυλακεῖον 125. See LBG s.v. ἀρματοφυλάκιον

and app. crit. The noun ἀρματοφυλακεῖον does not seem to be attested else-
where. The suffix -φυλακεῖον, meaning ‘storage’, is very prolific in Byzantine
Greek. See e.g. LBG s.vv.: ἀρτοφυλακεῖον, θερμοφυλακεῖον, νηοφυλακεῖον,
σιτοφυλακεῖον, σκευοφυλακεῖον, χαρτοφυλακεῖον.
ἁρπάζω, ἥρπαξεν 136 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act ἥ. παρὰ γνώμην ἐκείνου Mersaita ab-
ducted, against Bayazid’s will).
ἄρτι, 81, adverb of time, now (πλὴν ἐκ τῶν πολλῶν ὀλίγας διηγήσομαι ἄρτι neverthe-
less, I shall now describe a few of the many).
ἀρχιερεύς ὁ, high priest, ἀρχιερέων 304. See Kr; LBG ἀρχιερέος.
ἄρχομαι, begin, ἠρξάμην 10, 18 (verb 1st sg aor ind mid, transitive [in the prologue]);
ἤρξατο 164 (verb 3rd sg aor ind mid ἤ. ἀναγινώσκειν).
ἄρχων -οντος, ὁ, political leader, ἄρχοντες 303 (τῆς πολιτείας).
ἀσεβής -ές, ungodly, profane, evil, cruel, ἀσεβεῖς 183, 267, 325; ἀσεβῶν 72, 276;
ἀσεβῶς 184 (adv with ὀνείδιζον). Referred to the Turks.
ἀσελγής -ές, insolent, impudent, ἀσελγῶς 28 (adv with αἰσχρουργήσαντες [the
Turks]).
ἀσθένεια ἡ, weakness (fig.), ἀσθένειαν 13 (in the prologue).
ἀσπάζομαι, welcome, receive, applaud, ἠσπάζοντο 154 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind mid-
pass [the Turks / Mersaita]).
ἀστήρ -έρος, ὁ, star, ἀστέρων 348 (δύναμιν τῶν ἀ.).
ἀστραπή ἡ, lightning, ἀστραπῆς 40 (ὡς φλὸξ ἀ. καιομένης).
ἀστρολόγος ὁ, astronomer, astrologist, ἀστρολόγων 351 (τὴν τέχνην τῶν ἀ.). Used as
a synon. of ἀστρονόμος. See Kr.
ἄστρον τό, star, ἄστρων 350 (δυνάμεις τῶν ἀ.).
ἀστρονόμος ὁ, astronomer, ἀστρονόμων 348 (τὴν τέχνην τῶν ἀ.). Used as a synon. of
ἀστρολόγος. See Kr.
ἀτιμάζω, dishonor, ἀτιμάσομεν 181 (verb 1st pl fut ind act [subject: the Muslims]).
ἀτιμία ἡ, ἀτιμίας 226 (noun pl fem acc).
Αὔγουστος, August, the eigth month of the year, Αὐγούστου 361.
αὖθις, 22, adv, again.
αὔριον, 180, adv, tomorrow.
αὐτόματος -η -ον, αὐτομάτως 193 (adv αὐ. πεσοῦνται τὰ τοίχη the walls of the City
will automatically fall down).
αὐτός -ή -ό, pron and adj, αὐτήν 253; αὐτό 260, 321; αὐτόν 133, 134, 134, 138; αὐτός
127, 128, 156, 159, 196, 244, 247; αὑτοῦ 20, 46, 47, 52, 126; αὐτούς 129, 131, 311,
311, 313; αὐτῷ 369; αὐτῶν 33, 48, 102, 175, 279, 281, 313, 322.
ἀφανίζω, annihilate, destroy, ἀφανίσουν 85 (verb pl 3rd aor subj act., vernacular ἵνα
ἀ.); ἠφάνισαν 30 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act attic διέφθειραν καὶ ἠ).
ἀφανισμός ὁ, destruction, extermination, ἀφανισμόν 80 (τῶν Ῥωμαίων).
ἄφνω, 22, 98, 273, 229, 358, adv, immediately, suddenly.
56 | Thesaurus
ἄφοβος -ον, fearless, intrepid, ἀφόβως 315 (ἀ. καὶ ἀκλονήτως πολεμίζειν [the women
of Cpl.]); 350 (ἀ. περιπατοῦσα [the Mother of God]).
ἀφόρητος -ον, unbearable, unendurable, ἀφορήτου 221 (adj sg fem gen).
ἀφύλακτος -ον, ἀφυλάκτως 263 (adv ὑπέλαβον ἀφυλάκτως εἶναι [the Turks] as-
sumed that [the fortifications] were unguarded [as in Hdt. 9.116.35]).
ἀχρεῖος -ον, unable, not good at anything, ἀχρεῖοι 330 (κατηφεῖς καὶ ἀ. humiliated
and powerless [the Turks]).
ἀχρησίμευτος, ον, uselessness, ineffectiveness, ἀχρησίμευτον 91 (καὶ τὸ ἀ. γὰρ
ἐκείνων despite their ineffectiveness). See LBG s.v. ἀχρησίμευτος and Kr.
ἄχρι, preposition with acc and gen, even to. With acc: 209 ἀπὸ τὸ ἓν ἄκρον … ἄχρι
καὶ τὸ ἕτερον. With gen: 292 ἐκ τοῦ ἑνὸς ἄκρου … ἄχρι καὶ τοῦ ἑτέρου.
Β
βάθος -εος, contr. -ους, τό, depth, βάθος 93 (εἰς β. πολύ).
βαπτίζω, dip, βεβαπτισμένοι 291 (part pl perf mp masc nom ὡς κεκραιπαληκοὶ καὶ β.
ἐξ οἴνου intoxicated and steeped in wine [See Ps. 77,65]). See Cuomo 2014: 337.
βάρβαρος -ον, brutal, rude, barbarous, βάρβαρος 128 (αὐτὸς δὲ ὡς β. ὠμὸς καὶ
ἀπάνθρωπος [Murad II]).
βαρύς -εῖα -ύ, heavy, βαρείας 2 (μετὰ δυνάμεως βαρείας [in the title]).
βασιλεύς -έως, ὁ, emperor, βασιλέα 298 (πρὸς β. ἔφερον); βασιλεύς 236 (εἷς β. [Ma-
nuel II]); βασιλέων 19, (177) (i.e. Manuel II and John VIII); βασιλέως 5, 127, 177
(once in the quotation of Tobit 12,7; once in a difficult passage, see l. 177). On
Manuel II, see ODB (II, 1291–1292), PLP 21513. On John VIII, see ODB (II, 1053–
1054), PLP 21481.
βασιλικός -ή -όν, βασιλικήν 24–5 (ὑπὸ τὴν β. ἐξουσίαν under the imperial rule).
βαστάζω, raise, ἐβάσταζαν 245 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act, vernacular πλὴν καὶ
σκουτάριον ἐ. ἔμπροσθεν τούτου; ἐ. ἀντὶ σκουταρίων).
βέβαιος -α -ον and -ος -ον, secure, genuine, true, βέβαια 168, 183 (οἱ Μουσουλμάνοι
ἀληθῆ καὶ βέβαια ἐκρατοῦσαν πάντα τὰ λαληθέντα ἐκ τούτου [i.e. Mersaita]·
Ταῦτα [i.e. the things said by Mersaita] δὲ ὡς β. καὶ ὁμολογούμενα οἱ ἀσεβεῖς
[i.e. the Turks] εἴχασιν); β. καὶ ὁμολογούμενα; βεβαίας 195 (ἔλεγεν ληρολογίας
ὡς β. [subject: Mersaita]).
βέλος -ους, τό, reed, arrow, βελῶν 258 (μυριάδας β.).
βέργα ἡ, branch, wooden stick, cane, stick, βέργας 57 (ἀπὸ β. [compl. of material]).
See Cuomo 2014: 336.
βίβλος ἡ, book, βίβλους 165, 196 (τὰς β. τοῦ Μωάμετ; Ῥασοὺλ Μαχουμέτη [no article]
τὰς β.). See Kr.
βλαβερός -ά -όν, harmful, βλαβερόν 230.
||
5 Ἡρόδοτος: ed. H. B. Rosén, Leipzig 1987–1997 (Teubner).
Thesaurus | 57
βλάβη ἡ, harm, damage, βλάβην 74.

βλασφημέω, contr., speak profanely of sacred things, βλασφημοῦντες 178 (ἀναιδῶς
β.).
βλέπω, see, βλέπε 318 (verb 2nd sg pres imperat act βλέπε μὴ πλησιάσῃς be careful,
do not go near, as in GE, b: “β. ἵνα to pay attention to something 1 Cor. 16,10; β.
ἵνα μὴ to beware lest 2 Io, 8”); ἔβλεψαν 358 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act πρὸς φυγὴν
ἔ. they looked to flight [the Romans]).
βοή ἡ, loud cry, shout, βοῆς 192.
βοήθεια ἡ, help, aid (also military), βοηθείᾳ 275 (τῆς Παναγίας τῇ β.); βοηθείας 270
(οὐκ ἔχοντες βοηθείας [the Romans]).
βοηθέω, contr., come to aid, succour, βοηθήσουν 179–80 (verb 3rd pl aor subj act
trans ποῦ εἶναι οἱ ἅγιοί σας νὰ σᾶς [the Romans] β.); βοηθοῦντα 235 (οὐδένα β.
εἴχομεν [the Romans]).
βολή ἡ, throw, βολήν 55 (πλησίον τοῦ κάστρου, ὅσον τόξου β. καὶ οὐ πλέον; πλησίον
ὅσον τόξου β. εἰς τὸ κάστρον). See Jannaris 1256: “The accusative still fully sur-
vives in N (= Neohellenic Times – Popular speech) and has even gained a large
extension at the expense of the dative and genitive.”
βόλιον τό, βόλια 73 (ἑβδομήκοντα β. τῆς σκευῆς seventy shots from the cannon). See
Kr s.v. βόλι(ν).
βουβάλιον τό, buffalo, ox, βουβαλίων 83: draft animals used by the Muslims to drag
towers and other siege machines (ζεύγη βοῶν καὶ β.). See LBG also s.vv.:
βουβάλα, βουβάλειος, βουβαλικός, βουβαλίς.
βουμβάρδα ἡ, bombard, βουμπάρδων 58, 68, 78 (τῶν β. τὰς πέτρας; τῶν μεγίστων β.
αἱ πέτραι; περὶ τῶν β τὴν ἀπραξίαν [see s.v. περί for this case of περὶ + acc]). See
Kr s.v. μπομπάρδα and Cuomo 2014: 336.
βοῦς βοός, ὁ, ἡ, bull, ox, cow, βοῶν 83. See βουβάλιον.
βουτζίον τό, barrel, βουτζίων 280 (τὰ τυμπάνια τῶν β. the lids of barrels [See also
s.v. τυμπάνιον]). See LBG.
βραδύνω, delay, hesitate, βράδυνε 187 (verb 2nd sg pres imperat act Μὴ β. ἐπὶ πλέον
[Mersaita is urging Murad II]). See app. crit. The verb is linked to γενέσθω (see
s.v. γίγνομαι).
βρέφος -εος, contr. -ους, τό, infant, child, βρέφη 29, 116; βρεφῶν 227. Always re-
ferred to the young boys of the Romans.
Γ
γάρ 6, 31, 36, 54, 75, 91 (meaning δή), 109, 130, 225, 234, 256 (as ἄρα, see GE, c), 258,
272, 331, 336, 342, 344, 359 (used to emphasize a statement τέχνης τῆς γυναικὸς
γὰρ ἐκείνης).
γαυριάω, contr., bear oneself proudly, γαυριωμένοι 329 (part pl perf, without redu-
plication mp masc nom οἱ ἐπηρμένοι καὶ γ. [the Turkish soldiers]); γαυριωμένος
45 (part sg perf, without reduplication, mp masc nom ὑπέρογκος καὶ γ. [Murad
58 | Thesaurus
II]); γεγαυριωμένα 300 (part pl perf mp neut nom τὰ γ. καὶ ἐπηρμένα [myriads of
the Turks]); γεγαυριωμένος 157 (part sg perf mp masc nom ἐπηρμένος καὶ γ.
[Mersaita]).
γέμω, fill, fill up (with acc.), γέμουσα 66 (κεχαλασμένη ὑπῆρχεν [scil. σοῦδα] · καὶ
ἔκπαλαι γ. χῶμαν a moat filled up with earth).
γενεά ἡ, stock, race, γενεάς 50 (γενεὰς γενεῶν); γενεᾶς 110 (ἐκ πάσης γῆς καὶ γ.
Μουσουλμάνων); γενεῶν 50, 59, 217 (τοῦ φωσάτου γ. τῶν ἀπείρων [τῶν
Τούρκων]; στρατιῶται ἐκ πασῶν γ.).
γενναῖος -α -ον, noble, high-minded, γενναῖοι 273, 306 (the Romans); γενναῖον 365
(τὸ γ. καὶ ἀκατάπληκτον [of the Romans]); γενναιοτάτων 296 (τὸ δὲ
ἀκατάπληκτον τῶν ἀνδρικωτάτων καὶ γ. Ῥωμαίων).
γεννάω, contr., γεννηθέν 140 (part sg aor pass neut nom τὸ γ. ἐξ ἐκείνης the child
that is born from this union [i.e. the son of Mersaita and Bayazid’s daughter]).
γέννημα -ατος, τό, product, fruit, γεννημάτων 30 (τὴν δὲ ζημίαν τῶν γ. the loss of
our products).
γένος, -εος, contr. -ους, τό, race, stock, population, tribe, nation, γένη 146, 153 (τῶν
Μουσουλμάνων); γένος 277 (ἀνίσταται γ. ἅπαν [the Romans]); γένους 133, 256,
286 (e.g. ἐκ σειρᾶς τε καὶ γ. τοῦ Μαχουμέτη [i.e. the Mersaita]; τοῦ γ. καὶ τῆς
πατρίδος ἡμῶν [the Romans]).
γῆ γῆς, ἡ, earth, land, country, γῆν 40, 92; γῆς 110, 118, (351)
γῆρας -ους, τό, old age, γήρους 236 (ἐκ νόσου καὶ γ. [Manuel II]). See GE s.v. γῆρος.
γίγνομαι and γίνομαι, γεγονότος 1 (part sg perf act masc gen [in the title. See GE, e.]);
γενέσθαι 102, 194, 348 (verb inf mid ὅπως τινὰ ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐπιτύχωσιν διὰ τοῦ
ἀγωγοῦ ἐντὸς γ. τῆς πόλεως [in the hope that they would come across one of
them and enter the City through a conduit]; ἀκωλύτως γ. ἐντὸς [unhindered en-
ter]; ἔμελλεν τοῦτο γ. [this was destined to happen]); γενέσθω 189 (verb 3rd sg
aor imperat mid γενέσθω τῆς πόλεώς); ἐγένετο 108, 122 (verb 3rd sg aor ind mid
e.g. ἡ δὲ συναγωγὴ τούτων, ἐγένετο οὕτως [took place]); ἐγενόμην 15 (verb 1st
sg aor ind mid ἐ. γραφεύς [in the prologue]); ἐγένοντο 33, 360 (verb 3rd pl aor
ind mid ὑπὸ τὴν δεσποτείαν αὐτῶν πάντα ἐ. everything came under the control
of the Turks).
γιγνώσκω, γινώσκετε 159 (verb 2nd pl pres ind Γινώσκετε Μουσουλμάνοι Know this,
Moslems [Mersaitas is speaking]); γινώσκω 163, 147.
γλυκύτης -ητος, ἡ, sweetness γλυκύτητα 334 (superl [ἡμέρας ταύτης]).
γλῶσσα ἡ, tongue (also fig.), γλῶσσα 31; γλῶσσαν 175.
γνήσιος -α -ον, γνησίους 313 (τοὺς γ. αὐτῶν members of their families).
γνώμη ἡ, γνώμην 136 (παρὰ γ. against his wishes).
γοῦν, 118, particle (διὰ γοῦν τὴν προσδοκίαν ταύτην with this expectation then).
γράμμα -ατος, τό, letters, learning, γραμμάτων 10, 12 (in the prologue).
γραφεύς -έως, ὁ, writer, γραφεύς 15 (in the prologue).
γράφω, write, ἔγραψα 13 (verb 1st sg aor ind act [in the prologue]).
Thesaurus | 59
γυμνός -ή -όν, γυμνόν 262 (γ. τὸ κάστρον ἀπὸ ἀνθρώπους the fortifications empty of
men).
γυμνόω, contr., γεγυμνωμένην 191 (part sg perf mp fem acc σπάθην γ. [a drawn
sword]); γυμνώσας 248 (part sg aor act masc nom καὶ γ. τὸ ξίφος bared his
sword [Mersaita]). See GE, 2 (mid. pass.).
γυνή (and γυναῖκα) γυναικός, ἡ, woman, γυναῖκα 349 (noun sg fem nom, ἡ γ.
ἐκείνη); γυναῖκαν 356 (noun sg fem acc, εἶδον γ.); -ας 28, 115, 181; γυναῖκες 307,
308; -ός 359; -ῶν 226, 286.
Δ
δαίμων -ονος, ὁ, ἡ, devils, evil spirits, δαιμόνων 229.
δέ ×67 ca., δ’ ×3.
δειλία ἡ, cowardice, δειλία 261 (φόβος ἐκράτησεν καὶ δ. ἐξέπληξεν); δειλίαν 223, 360
(e.g. opposed to θράσος); δειλίας 256.
δειλιάω, contr., fear, be afraid, ἐδειλίασαν 220, 308 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act, e.g. οὐδὲ
ὡς γυναῖκες ἐ.).
δειλός -ή -όν, cowardly, δειλοί 272 (οἱ δ. … καὶ φυγοὶ [the Romans]); δειλούς 296 (δ.
καὶ τρεπτοὺς c. and faltering [the Turks]).
δεινός -ή -όν, terrible, δεινόν 42 (δ. καὶ ὀλέθριον); δεινότατα 34 (superl τὰ δ.
χαλεπὰ); δεινότατος 152 (superl [Mersaita]); δεινῶν 274 (τῶν πληγῶν καὶ δ.
λαβωμάτων).
δέκα, 124, indecl. numeral adjective, ten.
δέκατος -η -ον, tenth, δεκάτῃ 21, 37 (δ. μηνὸς Ἰουνίου i.e. ἡμέρᾳ).
δένδρον τό, tree, δένδρον 41 (ξύλον κάρπιμον καὶ δ. εὔκαρπον).
δεξιά ἡ, on the right hand, δεξιᾷ 191 (ἐν δ. τῇ χειρί).
δερπανηφόρος, -ον, bearing a scythe, δερπανηφόρα 204 (ὅπλα δ. μετὰ κονταρίων
μακρέων). See app. crit. See Kr s.vv. δερπάνι - δερπάνι(ν).
δεσποτεία ἡ, empire, authority, control, δεσποτείαν 33, 123 (τῶν Τούρκων).
δεσπότης ὁ, despot, ruler, δεσπότην 144, 186 (στρατάρχην καὶ δ.); δεσπότης 44, 104,
148, 155–6, 159, 167, 197 (e.g. ἀμηρὰς καὶ δ.; στρατάρχης καὶ δ.); δεσπότου 52,
118, 136 (τοῦ ἀμηρὰ καὶ δεσπότου). Κananos always uses δεσπότης in relation to
the Emir of the Turks, Murad II.
δεύτερος -α -ον, second, δευτέρᾳ 22, 362; δευτέρῳ 19.
δέχομαι, receive, δέχωνται 57 (verb 3rd pl pres subj mp ἵνα δ. τὰς σαγίττας τῶν
τόξων).
δέω, δέομαι 10 (καὶ δ. τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας ταύτην [scil. τὴν διήγησιν] … μήτε
καταγνώσονται [I beg]); ἔδει 238 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind act ὡς ἔ. as was fitting).
δέω, bind, ἔδησαν 280 (ἔ. μὲ σχοινία they bound with ropes).
δή, connective and emphatic particle, 15, 120, 170, then, too, eventually.
δῆλος -η -ον, δῆλον 226 (δ. ὅτι it is known that…).
60 | Thesaurus
δηλόω, contr., δηλώσω 146 (verb 1st sg aor subj act ἕως ὅτε ἐγὼ νὰ φθάσω καὶ δ.
[τὴν ὥραν Mersaita is speaking]). Cf. Kr δηλώ.
δημηγορέω, contr., δημηγορῶν 195 (ὁ Μηρσαΐτης τοῖς Μουσουλμάνοις δ. [τὰς
ληρολογίας] ἔλεγεν).
διά, preposition with acc and gen. Kananos uses διά / δι’ with acc 9 times: διὰ
σοφούς 13, διὰ ἰδιώτας 13 (both, of advantage); διὰ ταῦτα πάντα 15, δι’ ἥντινα
34, διὰ τοῦτο 131, 184 (all four, causal); διὰ τὸ κοῦρσος 114, διὰ τὴν προσδοκίαν
ταύτην 118 (both, of purpose); δι’ ἐκείνας 64 ([through, by means of]). Kananos
uses διά / δι’ with gen 3 times: προσδοκῶν δι’ αὐτῶν 48 (causal [as a result of
this]); ἵνα φυλάσσονται δι’ ἐκείνης 61 (of agent [through, by means of]); διὰ τοῦ
ἀγωγοῦ 102 (idea of motion [through], or by means of).
διαβιβάζω, διαβιβάσαντες 28 (τοὺς δὲ καὶ πόρρω τοῦ Ἰκονίου καὶ Ἀρατζάπητας
Κύφας δ.).
διαγουμά ἡ, plunder, διαγουμάν 106, 110 (εἰς δ.). Subst. fem. in ChronBrev 306,21;
655,1; 656,4sqq. See Kr s.v. διαγουμάς, ὁ and LBG s.v. διαγο(υ)μά(ς), ὁ [Turc.
yagma].
διαλαλέω, proclaim, ἐδιελάλησαν 105 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act, double augmented
[the Turkish heralds]). See also app. crit. See LBG, GE, L, Kr.
διαλέγω, say, διαλεγομένων 290 (part pl pres mp masc gen [genitive absolute]).
διάλεκτος ἡ, language, idiom, διαλέκτῳ 143, 243 (τῇ Περσικῇ διαλέκτῳ).
διαπράσσω, build, erect, fabricate, διεπράξαντο 88 (verb 3rd pl aor ind mid).
διατούτου, 63, adv, therefore, for this reason. Also written διὰ τοῦτο 131, 184.
διαφθείρω, slaughter, διέφθειραν 30 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act δ. καὶ ἠφάνισαν [the
Turks]).
διδάσκω, teach, διδάσκει 147 (verb 3rd sg pres ind act pres).
δίδωμι, contr., give, provide, δέδωκαν 343 (verb 3rd pl perf ind act); δέδωκε 123 (verb
3rd sg perf ind act).
διεγείρω, arouse, stimulate, διεγεῖραι 235, 270 (οὐδένα βοηθοῦντα ἢ δ. ἢ παροτρῦναι
ἡμεῖς εἴχομεν); διεγείρεται 276–7 (ἄλλος ἐπ’ ἄλλῳ δ. one man was spurred on by
another); διεγείρονται 271–2 (ἑαυτοὺς δ.; they exposed themselves and rose … to
fight). See LBG s.v. συνδιεγείρω.
διηγέομαι, contr., explain, narrate, describe, proclaim, διηγήσασθαι 36 (verb aor inf
mp); διηγήσεται 80 (verb 3rd sg fut ind mp τίς δ. ἄρα; who could describe them
then?); διηγήσομαι 7, 81 (e.g ὅπως δ.); ἐδιηγοῦντο 353 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind
mid ἐ. πρὸς πάντας, ὅτι… every company of Turks bore told everyone how…).
διήγησις -εως, ἡ, narrative, account, διήγησις 1 (in the title).
διοικέω, contr., control, administer, pass. depend from, be under control, διοικεῖσθαι
46 (verb pres inf mp ὑπελάμβανεν παρ’ αὑτοῦ δ. τὰ πάντα).
διότι = δι᾽ ὅτι, διότι 130 (διότι correlated to διὰ τοῦτο: since … thus).
δίς, 22, adv, twice (δὶς πέντε).
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δίστομος -ον, double-edged, δίστομον 175 (δίστομον ξίφος [τὴν γλῶσσαν as in Eust.,
ad Hom. Od. I, 130, 46]).
δίψα ἡ, thirst, δίψῃ 313 (φλεγομένους τῇ δ. ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου dativus causae).
διώκω, hunt someone/something down, pursue, fight off, chase away, διώξειν 71 (verb
fut inf act θέλουν δ. ἐκ τοῦ χαλάσματος [See app. crit.]); διώξουσιν 100 (verb 3rd
pl aor subj act ὅπως δ. ἐκ τοῦ χαλάσματος); διώξωσιν 355 (verb 3rd pl aor subj
act); ἐδίωξαν 301 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act). See Kr.
δοκέω, contr., seem good, think, seem, ἔδοξεν 35, 328 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act σιωπᾶν
ἡμῖν ἄμεινον ἔ. [in the prologue] it has seemed preferable to me to omit; τέρας ἔ.
τοῦτο this seemed to be a miracle).
δόξα ἡ, glory, δόξα 369 (in the concluding doxology).
δοξάζω, δοξάζοντες 338 (ἐκ ψυχῆς δ. [the Romans, the Panagia being the object]);
δοξάζουν 166 (verb 3rd pl pres subj act, vernacular ὡς ἵνα … δ. [the Turks, Mer-
saita being the object]);
δοξεύω, shoot with the bow, ἐδόξευσαν (125) (verb 3rd pl aor ind act). See app. crit.
and Kr.
δοξολογέω, contr., δοξολογήσατε 367 (verb 2nd pl aor imperat act no object.
ὑμνήσατε· δοξολογήσατε· Kananos’ invocation to the readers/inhabitants of
Cpl.).
δουλοπρεπής -ές, δουλοπρεπῶς 156 (adv, in a servile manner).
δουλόω, contr., δουλώσειν 72 (verb fut inf act τὴν πόλιν θέλουν δ. the Turks ex-
pected they would enslave the City [See also app. crit.]); δουλώσωμεν 161 (verb
1st pl subj ind act ὅπως δ. τοὺς Ῥωμαίους [Mersaita is speaking]).
δύναμαι, be able to, δυνήσεται 31 (verb 3rd sg fut ind mid); ἠδύνατο 236, 277 (verb
3rd sg aor ind mid, double augmented).
δύναμις -εως, ἡ, power, force, strength, δυνάμεις 350 (τὰς δυνάμεις τῶν ἄστρων);
δυνάμεως 2, 332, 352, 359 (e.g. μετὰ δ. βαρείας [title, l. 2]; ἐκ δ. θείας; ἐξ οὐρανοῦ
καὶ ἀοράτου δ.; ἀπὸ δ. τε καὶ τέχνης τῆς γυναικὸς); δύναμιν 18, 237, 348, 351 (τὴν
τοῦ λόγου μου δ. [prologue]; κατὰ δ. ἔπραττεν as fas as his strength enabled him
[Manuel II]; κατὰ τὴν δ. τῶν ἀστέρων; ἐξ ἀνθρώπων τὴν δ. εἶχεν).
δυνατός -ή -όν, δυνατόν 322 (τὸ δ. αὐτῶν their military forces [of the Turks]).
δύο, 295, two (ἐκ τῶν δ. μερῶν).
δύσις -εως, ἡ, west, δύσεως 123.
δυσμή ἡ, δυσμάς 323 (πρὸς δ. ἐξέκλινε τὸ φῶς τοῦ ἡλίου the light of the sun was
setting in the west).
δυσπιστέω, contr., ἐδυσπιστοῦμεν 121 (verb 1st pl impf ind act ὥστε ἐ. τὸ πρῶτον
τὴν φήμην τοῦ λόγου at first we mistrusted the news [with acc instead of dat]).
δυστυχής -ές, unlucky, unfortunate, δυστυχεῖς 268 (οἱ δ. καὶ ἀπελπισμένοι Ῥωμαῖοι),
δυστυχοῖς 34 (adj pl masc dat, vernacular, τοῖς δ. καὶ ἀθλίοις Ῥωμαίοις [See
Cuomo 2014: 336 and LBG s.v. δύστυχος]).
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Ε
ἐάν, 287, if haply, if (ἐ. μὴ νῦν ἀποθάνομεν [ἐὰν + ind or subj]. Concessive clause).
ἑαυτοῦ -ῆς -οῦ, reflexive pronoun, -ούς 269, 271, 285; -ῶν 25.
ἑβδομήκοντα, 73, indecl., seventy (ἑ. βόλια τῆς σκευῆς).
ἕβδομος -η -ον, seventh, ἑβδόμῃ 362 (ὥρᾳ τῆς ἡμέρας ἑ.).
ἐγώ, personal pronoun, ἐγώ 14, 146, 159, 163; ἐμέ and ἔμε 6, (8, 8) (pron 1st sg masc
acc); ἡμᾶς 25, 32, 38, 260 (pron 1st pl masc acc [always the Romans]); ἡμεῖς 235
(pron 1st pl masc nom [the Romans]); ἡμῖν 35, 147 (pron 1st pl masc dat [pluralis
maiestatis in the prologue; referred to the Turks in the second case]); ἡμῶν 16,
22, 43, 117, 175, and nine more; με 8, 8 (pron 1st sg masc acc); μου 7, 12, 17, 191,
191.
ἔθνος -εος, contr. -ους, τό, nation, people, ἔθνη 119, 246 (τὰ ἔ. τῶν Μουσουλμάνων).
ἔθος -εος, contr. -ους, τό, custom, usual practice, ἔθος 60, 96 (ὡς τὸ ἔ.; κατὰ τὸ ἔ.
τῶν πολεμούντων as is the usual practice in siege-craft).
εἰ, 3, partic. procl., if (εἰ μὴ ἐφύλαξε [in the title]).
εἶδον, see, εἶδον 356 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act); ἰδόντες 263, 332, 357 (part pl aor act
masc nom); ἴδωσιν 322 (verb 3rd pl aor subj act μέχρι τὸ πέρας ἴ. τοῦ πολέμου
until they saw that the war was over [the women of Cpl.]).
εἴκοσι(ν), 124, indecl., twenty (ἀπὸ δέκα ἕως εἴ. σαγίττας).
εἰκοστός -ή -όν, twentieth, εἰκοστῇ 38.
εἰκών -όνος, ἡ, icon, εἰκόνων 227 (τῶν ἁγίων εἰ.).
εἰμί, εἰσιν 342 (verb 3rd pl pres ind act enclitic ἀξιοπιστότεραί εἰσιν [in a quotation]);
εἶναι 46, 179, 263 (verb pres inf act ἐνόμιζεν εἶ.; ὑπέλαβον ἀφυλάκτως εἶ.); εἰμί,
εἶναι (verb 3rd pl pres ind act, vernacular ποῦ εἶ. οἱ ἅγιοί σας); ἐστίν 347; ἔστω
140 (verb 3rd sg pres imperat act ἅγιον ἔ. sacrum esto); ἦν 55, 56, 135 (verb 3rd
sg imperf ind act); οὖσαν 136 (part sg pres act fem acc).
εἰρήνη ἡ, peace, εἰρήνης 128 (see ἀγάπη).
εἰς, preposition with acc, ×49. Kananos uses εἰς + acc with different meanings. Some
examples. Idea of purpose: εἰς προσοχὴν τῆς παστίας 60; εἰς πολιορκίαν 79; εἰς
διαγουμάν 106, 110; εἰς τὸ κέρδος 107; εἰς ἀπαντὴν ἐξέδραμον τὴν ἐκείνου 152 (in
order to meet him); εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἦλθον 281. Motion towards: εἰς περιτομὴν 29
(figurative); τὴν ὀφρὺν εἰς οὐρανὸν αἴρων 45; εἰς κενὸν ἐκατήντησεν 72 ([the
expectations of the infidels] came to nothing [figurative]); ὄπισθεν καὶ εἰς βάθος
92–3 (adverbial); ὡς ἵνα φθάσωσιν εἰς τὰ τοίχη 93–4; πῦρ εἰς τὰ ξύλα ἀνάψωσιν
96–7; εἰς τὰς στέρνας 101; εἰς τὰ ἔθνη 109; ἠπείλει εἰς θάνατον 129 (he threat-
ened those innocent men with death [see also s.v. ἀπειλέω]); εἰς φυλακὴν
κατεδίκασα (131) (indicating the penalty); εἰς τὴν τένταν (164); ἔφθασαν εἰς τὰ
τοίχη 252; ἠκούμβησαν εἰς τὰ τοίχη 254 (see also ἀκούμβω). Complement of limi-
tation: οἱ ἐπιστήμονες εἰς τὰ κούρση καὶ τοὺς πολέμους 111. Place where:
ἔστησαν περιέργως εἰς τόπον ἐν ᾧ 65; πλησιέστερον τούτων εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν 77;
εἰς τὴν δεσποτείαν 123 [with the verb εὑρίσκω]; πλησίον εἰς τὸ κάστρον 189;
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ἐντὸς εἰς τὰς σούδας ἀπέκτειναν οἱ Τοῦρκοι Ῥωμαίους 219; ἔμπροσθεν εἰς τὰς
πόρτας 219–20; ὁρῶν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους εἰς τοσαύτην δειλίαν 222–3 [figurative]; καὶ
τοὺς Μουσουλμάνους εἰς θράσος τοσοῦτον 223 [figurative]; εἰς τὰς τοσαύτας καὶ
τοιαύτας καὶ τηλικαύτας ἀνάγκας 234–5 (In that situation full of great and over-
whelming anguish [place where figurative / time how long]); εἰς τὸν καιρόν 345
(time when).
εἷς μία ἕν, num., εἷς 235 (ὁ μὲν, εἷς βασιλεὺς … ὁ δ’ ἄλλος); ἕν ×2; ἑνός 292 (ἐκ τοῦ ἑ.
ἄκρου ἄχρι τοῦ ἑτέρου); μιᾷ ×3; μία ×3; μίαν ×2; μιᾶς 363 (ἀπέθανον ἐπέκεινα μ.
χιλιάδος more than a thousand were killed).
εἰσβάλλω, hurl, pounce on, εἰσβάλετε 193 (verb 2nd pl aor imp, κατὰ τῶν Ῥωμαίων
εἰ. [Mersaita is speaking]); εἰσβάλλουσι 264 (verb 3rd pl pres ind act, as a narra-
tive tense καθ’ ἡμῶν εἰ. πάντες [the Turks]); εἰσβάλλουσιν 99, 293 (verb 3rd pl
pres ind act, as a narrative tense κατὰ τῶν Ῥωμαίων εἰ.; κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων εἰ.).
εἰσέρχομαι, go in, enter, εἰσέλθουσιν 321 (verb 3rd pl aor subj act / fut ind act
ἐθρόησεν ἵνα εἰ. ἐντός [pleonasm]); εἰσῆλθε 358 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act late εἰς
τὰς ψυχὰς εἰ.); εἰσῆλθεν 164 (εἰ. εἰς τὴν τένταν).
εἶτα, 96, adv, then.
ἐκ, preposition with acc and gen. Kananos uses ἐκ / ἐξ + gen 34 times with several
meanings. Some examples. Motion away from: ἐκ ῥίζης ἀπέτεμον 42; ἐξ ἐκείνης
ὄπισθεν 61 (from behind it); ἐκ τοῦ χαλάσματος 71, 100 (always with the verb
διώξειν [from the breach]); καὶ ἐξ ἐκείνων τὸ ἔξω κάστρον πολεμήσωσιν καὶ
ἀφανίσουν· 84–5; ἐκ τῆς παστίας ὄπισθεν 92; ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ 153; φύγωσιν ἐκ
τοῦ τοίχους 214; ἐκ τοῦ ἑνὸς ἄκρου τῆς πόλεως, ἄχρι καὶ τοῦ ἑτέρου 292 (see the
same formula s.v. ἀπό); ἐκ ψυχῆς δοξάζοντες 358 (extolling her in their souls).
Origin: στρατιῶται ἐκ πασῶν γενεῶν 59 (from); ἐκ πάσης γῆς 110, 118; ἐκ σειρᾶς
τε καὶ γένους 132–3; γεννηθὲν ἐξ ἐκείνης 140; ἐξ αἵματος τοῦ Μωάμετ 140–1; ἐκ
τοῦ Μωάμετ 196; οὐδὲ ἐξ ἀνθρώπων 351 (correl. with οὐκ ἀπό); ἐξ οὐρανοῦ
δυνάμεως 352. Causal: ἐκ συμβάματος 67 (for an adverse circumstance);
κατατρυχόμενος ὑπῆρχεν ἐκ νόσου καὶ γήρους 236; ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου 313. Parti-
tive: ἐκ τῶν πολλῶν ὀλίγας διηγήσομαι 80–1; τινὰ ἐξ αὐτῶν 101–2; ἕτεροι δὲ ἐξ
αὐτῶν 278–9; ἐκ τῶν δύο μερῶν 295; ἐκ δὲ τῶν ἡμετέρων 363. Of agent: τὰ
λαληθέντα ἐκ τούτου 168; ἐκ τοῦ μεγίστου φόβου 255–6 (causal); βεβαπτισμένοι
ἐξ οἴνου 291–2; ἐπέμφθη ἐκ δυνάμεως θείας 332 (of agent). By means of: ἐκ
συνθήματος 292. Other meanings: ἐξ ἑτοίμου ἔχειν 83, 188 (to have [something]
at one’s disposal). He once uses ἐκ also with acc: ἡ μία ἐκάζοθεν ἐκ τὸ μέσον
ἡμέρας 240–1 (the first hour after midday).
ἐκάζοθεν, 240, adv, after (ὡς δὲ ἔφθασεν ἡ ὥρα … ἤγουν ἡ μία ἐ. ἐκ τὸ μέσον ἡμέρας
as the hour arrived for which the ungodly Mersaita was waiting, that is to say
one hour after midday). See LBG.
ἕκαστος -η -ον, ἑκάστη 124; ἕκαστος 277.
ἑκατόν, 364, indecl. (ἐλάττονες ἀπὸ ἑκατόν fewer than one hundred).
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ἐκεῖνος -η -ο, demonstrative pron and adj, -α 90 (pron pl neut acc); -αι 316, 322; -ας
63, 64; 265, -η 232, 349, 350; -ην 137, 222, 257, 271, 284, 308; -ης 36, 61, 61, 73, 80,
140, 209, 221, 253, 359; -ο 319 (adj sg neut acc); -οις 132, 135, 142, 185; -ον 69, 73,
138, 167, 241, 247, 353; -ος 51; -ου 137, 138, 152, 154, 169; -ους 83, 100, 212,
255; -ων 37, 43, 52, 79, 85, 91, 186, 333.
ἐκεῖσαι 317, 319 (i.e. ἐκεῖσε). See app. crit. Vernacular, motion towards.
ἐκεῖσε, adv of place, 239 (ἔστη ἐκεῖσε πλησίον τῆς πόρτης he [John VIII] took posi-
tion near the gateway); (317); (319).
ἐκκλίνω, ἐξέκλινε 323 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act ἐξέκλινε τὸ φῶς τοῦ ἡλίου the sun was
fading).
ἐκκόπτω, (milit.) beat off, repulse, ἐκκόπτει 8 (verb 3rd sg pres ind act, fig.). See also
app. crit.
ἔκπαλαι, 66, adv, for a long time.
ἐκπληρόω, contr., fulfill, carry out, ἐκπληροῦσιν 200 (verb 3rd pl pres ind act [τὸ
προσταχθέν]); ἐκπληρώσας 197 (part sg aor act masc nom τὸ κελευσθὲν ἐ.).
ἐκπλήσσω, att. ἐκπλήττω, ἐξέπληξεν 91, 261 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act λίαν ἐ. καὶ μέγα
ἐθρόησεν [the Romans] were utterly terrified and frightened out of their wits;
δειλία ἐ. [the Romans] cowardice overwhelmed us); ἐξεπλήττοντο 332 (verb 3rd
pl imperf ind mp ἐξεπλήττοντο μὲν τὸ θαῦμα [the Romans] were amazed at this
miracle).
ἐκτρέχω, run, flock to, ἐξέδραμον 152 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act [εἰς ἀπαντήν]).
ἐκφέρω, come out, expose oneself, march, stand up, ἐξενεγκόντες 271 (part pl aor act
masc nom [the Romans]).
ἐκχέω, pour out (figurative), spread, ἐξεχύθη 109 (verb 3rd sg aor ind pass ἐ. ἡ φήμη
εἰς τὰ ἔθνη).
ἑκών -οῦσα -όν, willing(ly), ἑκόντες 328.
ἐλάσσων, att. ἐλάττων -ον, comp of ἐλαχύς, ἐλάττονες 364 (ἐ. ἀπὸ ἑκατόν fewer
than one hundred).
ἑλέπολις -εως, ἡ, engine for sieges (lit. city-destroying [contraption]), ἑλεπόλεις 87
(ξύλινα καὶ μηχανικώτατα ἔργα καὶ ἑ. [see s.v. σκευή]).
ἐλευθερία ἡ, freedom, liberty, ἐλευθερίαν 365; ἐλευθερίας 286, 335, 368.
ἐλευθερόω, contr., free, set free, ἠλευθερώθην 360 (verb 3rd sg aor ind pass ἠ. ἡ
πόλις).
ἕλκω, draw, ἕλκει 8 (verb 3rd sg pres ind act).
ἐλπίς -ίδος, ἡ, hope, ἐλπίδας 64, ἐλπίς 171.
ἐμαυτοῦ -ῆς, ἐμαυτῶν (= ἡμῶν αὐτῶν) 286 (ὑπὲρ ἐ. καὶ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων).
ἐμπαιγμός ὁ, jeering, mockery, derision, ἐμπαιγμούς 227–8 (τῶν ἁγίων εἰκόνων τοὺς
ἐ.).
ἐμπίμπλημι, infuse, instill, ἐνέπλησε 172 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act).
ἐμποδίζω, hinder, prevent someone/something from, ἐμποδίσας 255 (part sg aor act
masc nom); ἐμποδίσῃ 70 (verb 3rd sg aor subj act νὰ ἐμποδίσῃ).
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ἔμπροσθε(ν). Kananos uses ἔμπροσθεν 3 times with gen and once with εἰς with acc:
57, 181, 219, 245. E.g.: ὅτι ἐντὸς εἰς τὰς σούδας ἀπέκτειναν οἱ Τοῦρκοι Ῥωμαίους
καὶ ἄλλους ἔ. εἰς τὰς πόρτας when the Turks killed some Romans in the moat
and others in front of the gates). In Kananos it is always a preposition of place.
ἐμπυρίζω = ἐμπυρεύω, set on fire, ἐμπύρισε 41 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act). See Kr.
ἐν, preposition with dat. Place where: 1 ἐν Κωνσταντινουπόλει (in the title); 65 εἰς
τόπον ἐν ᾧ; 137 ἐν τῷ κοιτῶνι; 191 ἐν δεξιᾷ. Time when: 19, 20–1 ἐν (τῷ) ἔτει …;
25, 258 ἐν μιᾷ καιροῦ ῥοπῇ (See app. font.); 32 ἐν τῷ καιρῷ. Of manner: 293 ἐν
μιᾷ φωνῇ.
ἐναλλαγή ἡ, change, ἐναλλαγῆς 334.
ἔνδοξος -ον, glorious, ἔνδοξον 5 (in the quotation of Tobit 12,7); ἐνδόξου 368 (τῆς ἐ.
καὶ ἀειπαρθένου Μητρὸς τοῦ Κυρίου).
ἐννακοσιοστός, nine-hunderth, -οῦ 361; -ῷ 20.
ἔνορκος -ον, having sworn, bound by oath, ἐνόρκως 105, 353 (adv εἶπον ἐ.;
ἐσυνεμαρτύρουν ἐ).
ἐντός, within, inside, prep with gen ×4 and acc ×2; adv. As a prep: with genitive: 237
ἐ. τοῦ παλατίου (place where); 252 ἐ. τοῦ κάστρου (motion towards, with
εἰσέρχομαι); with εἰς with accusative: 219 (ἐ. εἰς τὰς σούδας ἀπέκτειναν οἱ
Τοῦρκοι Ῥωμαίους); 299–300 (ἀπέκτειναν ἐ. εἰς τὰς τρύπας [both place where]).
As an adv: 102, 194.
ἐξαίρετος -ον, extraordinary, ἐξαίρετον 339 (τὸ θαῦμα τῆς Παναγίας). See also LBG
s.v. ἐξαιρετικός.
ἐξαίσιος -α -ον and -ος -ον, extraordinary, ἐξαίσιον 339 (ἐ. ἔργον; τὸ θαῦμα τῆς
Παναγίας).
ἑξακισχιλιοστός -όν, six-thousandth, -οῦ 361; -ῷ 20.
ἐξαποστέλλω, send, ἐξαπέστειλεν 104 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act κήρυκας).
ἐξέρχομαι, go out, ἐξῆλθεν 239 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act τὴν πύλην ἐξῆλθεν Ῥωμανοῦ
τοῦ ἁγίου [John VIII] went out by the gate of St. Romanus).
ἐξιχνιάζω, ἐξιχνιάσει 31 (verb inf act, vernacular τίς ἄρα καὶ ποία δυνήσεται γλῶσσα
ταύτην ἐ. which tongue will be able to describe…). See also LBG s.vv. ἐξι-
χνευτής, ἐξιχνίασις, ἐξιχνιαστής.
ἐξουσία ἡ, the sphere in which power is exercised: domain, rule, ἐξουσίαν 25, 47 (ὑπὸ
τὴν βασιλικὴν ἐ.) as in Mt 21,23.
ἔξω, adverbial locution, external, outer, outside (of), 33 (πάντα τὰ ἔ.), 70 (κάστρον),
85 (κάστρον), 267 (κάστρον), 297 (κάστρον), 305 (κάστρον), 309 (κάστρον), 320
(κάστρον), 357 (κάστρον).
ἐπαίρω and ἐπαίρ(ν)ω, ἐπαίρνομεν 180 (verb 1st pl ind act αὔριον τὴν πόλιν ἐ. to-
morrow we shall take the City). See LBG and Kr.
ἐπαίρω, be presumptuous, arrogant, ἐπηρμένα 300 (part pl perf mp neut nom τὰ
πλήθη τὰ γεγαυριωμένα καὶ ἐ. τῶν Τούρκων cocksure and arrogant myriads of
the Turks); ἐπηρμένοι 329 (οἱ ἐ. καὶ γαυριώμενοι [the Turks]); ἐπηρμένος 44, 157
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(part sg perf mp masc nom ἐ., ὑπέρογκος, καὶ γαυριώμενος [Murad II]; ἐ. καὶ
γεγαυριωμένος [Mersaita]).
ἐπανέρχομαι, ἐπανῆλθον 269 (εἰς ἑαυτοὺς ἐ. [the Romans] re-examined their situa-
tion).
ἐπάνω, 213, 215, 259, 297, 350, 355, 357, adv, and prep with gen, above, atop, on the
upper side. Ε.g. ἐ. τοῦ κάστρου 213 [prep]; ἵνα ἀναβῶσιν ἐ. 355 [adv, pleonasm]).
ἐπεί, conjunction. Kananos uses ἐπεί / ἐπειδή + ind 5 times in causal sentences: ἐ.
ὁμολογῶ 12; ἐ. οὐκ ἔχει 69–70; ἐ. ἔκρουσε 72–4; ἐ. ὑπῆρχεν 235–6; ἐπειδὴ δὲ
δέδωκαν 342–3. He once uses ἐπεί + ind in a time clause: ἐ. δὲ ἐξέκλινε 323.
ἐπέκεινα, 363, prep. with gen, beyond, above (ἐ. μιᾶς χιλιάδος more than a thou-
sand).
ἐπί, preposition with acc, dat, gen. Kananos uses ἐπί / ἐπ’ / ἐφ’ twice with acc: μὴ
βράδυνε ἐπὶ πλέον 187 (adverbial, idea of time how long [do not delay any long-
er]); ἐπὶ τοῦ πολέμου τὴν ὥραν 307–8 (time when [at the time of the battle]).
Once with dat: ἄλλος ἐπ’ ἄλλῳ διεγείρεται 276–7 (of agent). 5 times with gen:
ἐπὶ ἡμιόνου καθήμενος 151; ἐφ’ ἵππου ὑψηλοῦ καθήμενον 190 (place where);
ἀναβῆναι/ἀνέβην ἐφ’ ἵππου 237, 238 (motion away from); ἐφ’ ἱκανῆς τε τῆς ὥρας
(time how long).
ἐπιβαίνω, ἐπέβην 35 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act ἐ. Ῥωμαίοις befell the Romans [= con-
structio ad sensum]).
ἐπιδρομή ἡ, raid, attack, ἐπιδρομήν 17 (τῶν Ἀγαρηνῶν).
ἐπιθυμέω, contr., be full of enthusiasm, ἐπεθύμουν 330 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act).
ἐπιστήμων -ον, gen -ονος, ἐπιστήμονες 111, 302, 303 (οἱ ἐ. εἰς τὰ κούρση καὶ τοὺς
πολέμους οἱ ἐ. τοῦ πολέμου; τῆς χώρας οἱ ἐ. the men well acquainted with the
countryside [i.e. paesants]).
ἐπιτυγχάνω, ἐπιτύχωσιν 102 (verb 3rd pl aor subj act ὅπως τινὰ ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐ. in the
hope that they [the Turks] would come across one of them [i.e. τῶν ἀγωγῶν of
the conduits]). See GE, 1b: Hdt 1,68,3 “I wanted to dig a well in the courtyard
here, and in my digging I hit upon a coffin seven cubits long (i.e. ca. twelve
feet). ἐγὼ γὰρ ἐν τῇδε θέλων τῇ αὐλῇ φρέαρ ποιήσασθαι, ὀρύσσων ἐπέτυχον
σορῷ ἑπταπήχεϊ.”
ἐπονομάζω, name, call, -όμενα 204 (part pl pres mp neut acc τὰ ὅπλα ἐ.
φάλκας); -όμενον 77 (part pl pres mp masc acc εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν τὸν ἐ. Λύκον).
ἐποχέομαι, contr., ἐποχεῖτο 155 (verb 3rd sg pres impf act ἀπέβην τοῦ ἡμιόνου οὗ
ἐποχεῖτο [subject: Mersaita]). See LBG ἐποχεία Reiten.
ἐργάζομαι, make, be made of, εἰργάσαντο 89 (verb 3rd pl aor ind mp, transitive [the
Turks]); εἰργασμένων 79 (part pl perf mp neut gen εἰ. εἰς πολιορκίαν [conjunct
participle]); ἠργάζοντο 302 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind mp).
ἔργον -ου, τό, object, thing (in Kananos, chiefly war machine), ἔργα 5, 48, 87, 201,
216, 301 (Once in the quotation from Tobit 12,7. For the rest, always with
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μηχανικώτατα, μαχιμώτατα, πολεμικά and μάχιμα); ἔργον 188, 207, 329, 331, 368
e.g. with μηχανικώτατον, πολεμικώτατον, πολεμικόν and ἐξαίσιον.
ἔρχομαι, come, go, arrive, depart, ἔλθῃ 244 (verb 3rd sg aor subj act ἕως ὅτε αὐτὸς ἔ.
πρὸς τὴν μάχην until he himself [Mersaita] went to the battle [time clause, indef-
inite]); ἦλθεν 44, 150, 247 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act); ἦλθον 281 (verb 3rd pl aor
ind act).
ἕτερος -α -ον, the one, the other of two, -α 38; -οι 202, 203, 205, 278, 278; -ον 54, 209,
282; -ος 282; -ου 293; -ων 66.
ἔτζη, 183, adv vernacular (ἔ. λέγει thus spoke the emir). See Kr.
ἑτοιμάζω, ἑτοιμάζεσθε 162 (verb 2nd pl pres imperat mp ἑ. δὲ πρὸς τοῦτο make your
preparations for this).
ἑτοῖμος = ἕτοιμος -η -ον, ready, at disposal, ἑτοίμου 83, 188 (εἴχασιν ἐξ ἑ.; ἔχοντες ἐξ
ἑ.).
ἔτος -εος, contr. -ους, τό, year, ἔτει 19, 21; ἔτος 2, 346.
εὐγενής -ές, noble, excellent, εὐγενής 142 (ὁ εὐ. πατριάρχης [Mersaita]).
εὐεργεσία ἡ, bounty, generosity, εὐεργεσίαν 117.
εὐεργετέω, pass. be benefited, receive a benefit, εὐεργετήθημεν 368 (verb 1st pl aor
ind pass εἰς τὸ ἔργον τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἧς εὐ. παρὰ τῆς Μητρὸς τοῦ Θεοῦ [the lib-
eration] that we have been given by the Mother of the Lord). See Kr also for oth-
er meanings.
εὐθυμέω, contr., exult, εὐθύμουν 337 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act σκιρτῶντες εὐ.).
εὐθυμία ἡ, cheerfulness, contentment, εὐθυμίας 335.
εὐθύς, 98, 199, adv, immediately.
εὔκαρπος -ον, εὔκαρπον 41 (adj sg neut acc δένδρον εὔ.).
εὐπορέω, contr. (aor. ηὐπόρησα and εὐπόρησα), εὐποροῦσαν 279 (verb 3rd pl imperf
ind, vernacular ἕτεροι δὲ οὐδὲ ἐξ αὐτῶν εὐ. there were still those, too, who were
not equipped even with these [i.e. swords]).
εὑρίσκω, find, discover, εὑρεθέντες 325 (part pl aor pass masc nom οἱ ἀσεβεῖς ἀπὸ
τούτων καὶ ἄπρακτοι εὑ. the infidels found themselves unsuccessful); εὑρέθην
67, 255 (verb 3rd sg aor ind pass e.g. οὐδεὶς εὑ. ὁ ἐμποδίσας ἐκείνους and no one
could be found to hinder them); εὑρέθησαν 273, 329 (verb 3rd pl aor ind pass);
εὑρίσκετον 237 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind mp, vernacular ἐντὸς τοῦ παλατίου εὑ.
[Manuel II]); εὑρισκομένου 123 (part sg pres mp masc gen οἰκία παντὸς
ἀνθρώπου τοῦ εὑ. εἰς τὴν δεσποτείαν); εὗρον 346 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act καὶ εὑ.,
ὅτι); εὕρουν 215 (verb 3rd pl aor subj act ὡς ἵνα εὑ.).
εὐσεβής -ές, devout, pious, holy, εὐσεβοῦς 231 (τῆς εὐ. πίστεως τῶν Χριστιανῶν).
εὐφημία ἡ, song of praise, acclamation, εὐφημίας 244 (ἀνεβόησαν εὐ. πρὸς
Μηρσαΐτην).
εὐφροσύνη ἡ, joy, gladness, -ην 171 (θράσος καὶ τόλμην καὶ εὐ.); -ης 335 (ὢ
ἐλευθερίας καὶ εὐ.).
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εὐχαριστέω, contr., εὐχαρίστουν 337–8 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act, unaugmented
τὸν Θεὸν εὐ. they [the Romans] were thanking God).
εὐχαριστήριος -ον, expressing thanksgiving, grateful, -ίους 367 (adj pl masc acc
ὕμνους εὐ.).
ἐχθρός -ά -όν, as subst: enemy, -οί 343; -ῶν 342.
ἔχω, have, believe, εἶχαν 63 (verb 3rd pl imp ind act, τὴν δύναμιν εἶ.); εἴχασιν 83, 184
(verb 3rd pl imp ind act, vernacular e.g. ταῦτα δὲ ὡς βέβαια καὶ ὁμολογούμενα
οἱ ἀσεβεῖς εἴ. [hold to be true]); εἶχεν 65, 125, 126,352 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind act);
εἴχομεν 235 (verb 1st pl imperf ind act); εἶχον (63), 142 (verb 3rd pl imp ind act ὃν
εἶ. προορατικὸν καὶ προφήτην they [the Turks] considered him [Mersaita] to be a
soothsayer and a prophet); ἔσχε 51 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act); ἔσχεν 137 (verb 3rd
sg aor ind act) ἔχει 70 (verb 3rd sg pres ind act); ἔχομεν 180, 341 (verb 1st pl pres
ind act e.g. αὔριον … ἔ.); ἔχοντας 11 (part pl pres act masc acc δέομαι τοὺς ἔ. [in
the prologue]); ἔχοντες 23, 188, 269 (part pl pres act masc nom); ἔχουν 117 (verb
3rd pl pres subj act, vernacular νὰ ἔ.); ἔχων 195 (part sg pres act masc nom ὡς
ἔχων); ἔχωσιν 242 (verb 3rd pl pres subj act ὡς ἵνα ἔ.).
ἕως, preposition and conjunction. Kananos uses ἕως 8 times. 4 times as a preposi-
tion: ἕως τὸ ἕτερον ἄκρος 54 (+ acc, motion towards), ἕως καὶ τῆς Χρυσίας 252
(+ gen, motion towards), ἕως τοῦ πολέμου τὴν ὥραν 121 (+ acc, time how long),
ἕως ὅτου νὰ φθάσει 162–3 (+ gen, time how long, in a time clause, indefinite [lit.
until that moment…]). 4 times as a conjunction: ἕως κάτω 68 (motion towards);
δέδωκε ἀπὸ δέκα ἕως εἴκοσι σαγίττας 124; ἕως ὅτε ἐγὼ νὰ φθάσω 146; ἕως ὅτε
αὐτὸς ἔλθῃ 244 (both time clause, indefinite [until]).
Ζ
ζάγρα ἡ, crossbow, ζαγρῶν (62). See τζάγρα.
ζάλη ἡ, squall, ζάλη 357 (σκότος καὶ ζ. καὶ τρόμος καὶ φόβος).
ζεῦγος -εος, contr. -ους, τό, a team of two draft animals joined by a common frame,
ζεύγη 83 (ζ. βοῶν καὶ βουβαλίων).
ζημία ἡ, damage, loss, ζημίαν 30.
ζυγόν τό, yoke, ζυγόν (29–30), livestock yoked. See ὑπόζυγος.
ζῷον -ου, τό, animal, ζῶα 116; ζῶον 29 (πᾶν ζῶον).
Η
ἤ, 138, conj, vel, or.
ἡγεμονία ἡ, ἡγεμονίας 19 (Ἐν ἔτει τῆς ἡ. in the year of the reign).
ἤγουν, 115, 240, conj, that is to say, or rather.
ἡδονή ἡ, bliss, pleasure, ἡδονῆς 334.
ἡλικία ἡ, ἡλικία 277 (ἡ. πᾶσα every age group).
ἥλιος ὁ, the sun, ἡλίου 260, 323.
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ἡμέρα ἡ, the day (also of the week), ἡμέρα 185; ἡμέρᾳ 21, 362; ἡμέραν 172, 174, 222,
347; ἡμέρας 21, 149, 241, 253, 334, 362.
ἡμέτερος -α -ον, adj, our, -αν 268; -ων 363.
ἡμίονος ὁ, mule, ἡμιόνου 151, 155, 163 (which belongs to Mersaita, once without
article).
ἧσσα, att. ἧττα -ης, ἡ, defeat, ἧτταν 9 (in the prologue).
ἡσσάω, att. ἡττάω, contr., defeat, beat, ἥττημαι 9 (verb 1st sg perf ind mp [in the
prologue]); ἡττημένοι 326 (part pl perf mp masc nom ᾐσχυμμένοι. καὶ ἡ. [the
Turks]).
Θ
θάνατος ὁ, death, -ον 129, 224; -ου 230; -ων 274, 306.
θαρσαλέος, att. θαρραλέος -α -ον, brave, θαρσαλέως 283, 315–6 (adv [the Romans]).
θάρσος, att. θάρρος -εος, contr. -ους, τό, courage, θάρσος 307. See θράσος.
θαρσύνω, att. θαρρύνω, θαρρύνει 6 (verb 3rd sg pres ind act ὠθεῖ καὶ θ. καὶ τολμηρὸν
ποιεῖ κήρυκα this incites and emboldens me and makes me a brave herald [in
the prologue]).
θαῦμα τό, wonder, miracle, θαῦμα 7, 16, 333, 340, 344, 366 (θ. τῆς Παναγίας);
θαύματος 340 (θ. ἄξιον θαῦμα).
θαυμάζω, wonder, marvel, θαυμάζουσιν 246 (verb 3rd pl pres ind act).
θαυμάσιος -α -ον, wonderful, marvellous, -ίας 334 (ὢ μεταλλαγῆς θ.); -ιον 339 (θ.
θαῦμα).
θέα ἡ, sight, θέαν 257.
θέαμα τό, spectacle, θέαμα 234, 258.
θεάω later for θεάομαι, watch, observe, see, θεάσητε pro θεάσησθε 191 (verb 2nd pl
aor subj mid ὅταν τῇ χειρί μου σπάθην γεγυμνωμένην θ. When you will see me
being astride a high horse, and notice on my right hand a drawn sword …).
θεῖος -α -ον, from God, divine, θείας 332 (ἐκ δυνάμεως θ.).
θέλω, θέλουν 64, 69, 71, 72 (verb 3rd pl pres ind act, vernacular θ. + fut inf = peri-
phrastic way of expressing the future tense); θέλουσιν 70 (verb 3rd pl pres ind
act θ. + fut inf = periphrastic way of expressing the future tense).
θεός ὁ, God (of the Christians), -όν 184, 337; -ός 179; -οῦ 5, 328, 369.
θεσπίζω, sancire, decree, ἐθέσπισεν 59, 211 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act ἐ. ἵνα [Mourat
Bey] decreed that; ὡς ἐ. ὁ ψευδοπροφήτης). As in Iul. epist. 75b6 and Io. Chrys.
Hom in Mt 7.701D7 etc. See GE.
||
6 Ἰουλιανός, epistulae 1–157; 180–205 dubiae et pseudepigraphae: ed. J. Bidez – F. Cumont, Paris
1922.
7 Ἰωάννης ὁ Χρυσόστομος: Homiliae in Matthaeum 1–90 in PG (= ed. B. de Montfaucon, Paris 1834–
392).
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θεωρέω, contr., consider, ἐθεώρουν 220 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act πρὸς φυγὴν οἱ
πλείονες ἐ. See 358); θεωρήσητε 190–1 (verb 2nd pl aor subj act [or fut act?]
ὅταν με θ. when you see me); θεωροῦντας 90 (part pl pres act masc acc);
θεωροῦντες 119 (part pl pres act masc nom).
θνῄσκω, τεθνηξόμεθα 288 (verb 1st pl fut perf ind mp ἐὰν μὴ νῦν ἀποθάνομεν, οὐ
τεθνηξόμεθα πλέον; if we do not die now, does it mean that we shall never die?).
θράσος contr. -ους, τό = θάρσος, courage, θράσος 171, 223, (223) (noun sg neut acc);
θράσους 263, 354 (μετὰ / μὲ θ.). See θάρσος.
θρασύς -εῖα -ύ, θρασέως 99 (adv boldly [the Turks]).
θρῆνος ὁ, lament, lamentation, θρήνου 232.
θροέω, contr., terrify (See GE 3), ἐθρόησεν 92, 321 (verb 3rd pl aor indic act καὶ λίαν
ἐξέπληξεν καὶ μέγα ἐ. [the Romans] were utterly terrified and frightened out of
their wits; οὐδὲ αὐτὸ τὰς ἄλλας ἐ. ἵνα εἰσέλθουσιν this did not terrify the others
[i.e. the women of Cpl.] so much that they had to get back inside). See LBG
ἐνθροέω, ἐπιθροέω, καταθροέω, συνθροέω.
θυγάτηρ -ατρός, ἡ, θυγατέραν 135 (θ. τοῦ ἀμηρὰ καὶ δεσπότου τῶν Μουσουλμάνων
Bayazid’s daughter and Mersaita’s wife).
Ι
ἰατρεύω, ἰάτρευον 312 (verb 3rd pl imperf indic act τοὺς λαβωμένους ἰ. [the women
of Cpl.])
ἴδιος -α -ον and -ος -ον, one’s own, pertaining to oneself, ἴδιον 8 (τὸ ἴ. τῆς ὀρέξεως my
own aspiration [in the prologue]).
ἰδιώτης ὁ, uneducated, ἰδιῶται 14, 14; ἰδιώτας 13; ἰδιώτης 14. See Cuomo 2014: 331–
335.
ἱερεύς -έως, ὁ, (Greek) priest, ἱερέων 304 (τῶν ἱ. καὶ τῶν μοναχῶν τὰ συστήματα the
whole community of the priests, the orders of monks). See s.vv. ἀρχιερεύς,
καλόγηρος.
Ἰησοῦς ὁ, Jesus, the Son of God, Ἰησοῦ 369 (in the concluding doxology).
ἱκανός -ή -όν, ἱκανῆς 294.
Ἰκόνιον -ου, τό, Ἰκονίου 28 (πόρρω τοῦ Ἰ.).
ἵνα, conjunction with subjunctive and indicative. Kananos uses ἵνα + subj 12 times
in purpose clauses: οἱ ἰδιῶται ἀναγινώσκουσιν 14–5; δέχωνται 57; ἵστανται 59 (+
indic, see L); φυλάσσονται 61 (+ indic); μάχονται 61; ταυρίσουν 84; ἀγοράσουν
114–5; πέμψῃ 127; εἴπω 160; προστάξει 169; σκέπεσθε 320 (+ indic); ἀναβῶσιν
ἐπάνω 355. He also uses ὡς ἵνα (pleonasm) + subj 6 times in purpose clauses:
περάσωσιν 93–4; ἀπατῶνται οἱ Τοῦρκοι καὶ προσκυνοῦν καὶ δοξάζουν 166;
αἰχμαλωτίσουσιν 170; λαβώσουν καὶ φονεύσουν 213–4; ἔχωσιν 242; θαυμάζουσιν
246. Kananos uses ἵνα + subj also in a result clause, in sequence with aor
(ἐλαβώθησαν καὶ ἐθρόησεν), ἵνα εἰσέλθουσιν 321; see GE, d.
ἰνδικτιών -ῶνος, ἡ, indiction, ἰνδικτιῶνος 20.
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Ἰούνιος ὁ, June, Ἰουνίου 21.

ἱππεύς -έως, ὁ, cavalry, ἱππέων 51.
ἵππος ὁ, horse, ἵππον 250; ἵππου 190, 237, 238, 241.
ἵστημι, ἐστάθημεν 262 (verb 1st pl aor ind pass ἀλλ’ ὄπισθεν τῶν προμαχιονίων ἐ. as
we stood behind the battlements); ἔστη 239 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act); ἔστησαν
65, 211 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act); ἱσταμένην 164 (part sg pres mp fem acc εἰς τὴν
τένταν τὴν ἱσταμένην ἀπὸ κεντούκλου made from felt); ἱσταμένων 94 (part pl
pres mp masc gen [conjunct participle]); ἵστανται 59 (verb 3rd pl pres ind mp);
ἵσταντο 324 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind mp).
ἱστορέω, contr., narrate, ἱστόρησα 17 (verb 1st sg aor ind act [in the prologue]).
ἱστορία ἡ, narrative, account, ἱστορίαν 10 (meaning τὴν διήγησιν [in the prologue]).
ἰσχυρός -ά -όν, strong, sturdy, ἰσχυρᾶς 207.
Ἰωάννης ὁ, Ἰωάννου 4 (Kananos [in the title]), 20 (John VIII).
Κ
κἀγώ, 12, crasis: καὶ + ἐγώ.
καθ’, 16, 22, 43, 172, 174, 175, 263, see κατά.
καθά, 167, adv. = καθ᾽ ἅ, according as, just as.
κάθημαι, to be seated, seat, καθήμενον 190 (part sg perf mid masc acc ὅταν ἐφ’
ἵππου με κ. θεωρήσητε [conjunct participle]); καθήμενος 151 (part sg perf mid
masc nom ἐπὶ ἡμιόνου κ. [straddle]).
καθολικός -ή -όν, καθολικοῦ 95 (τοῦ κ. κάστρου τῆς πόλεως of the whole fortification
of the City).
καθοπλίζω, equip, arm fully καθοπλισθῆναι 187–8, 198 (verb aor inf pass Μὴ
βράδυνε· ἀλλὰ κ); καθωπλισμένος 238 (part sg perf mp masc nom κ. ὡς ἔδει
[John VIII]).
καί ×500ca. (incl. κἀγώ).
καιρός ὁ, καιρόν 345, 361 (e.g. κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦ ἔτους in the year 6930); καιροῦ
25, 258 (ἐν μιᾷ καιροῦ ῥοπῇ in a single decisive moment. See TLG, exp. Gregory
of Nyssa and Gregory of Nazianzus.); καιρῷ. GE, b, c.
καίω and κάω, καιομένης 40 (part sg pres mp fem gen φλὸξ ἀστραπῆς κ. conjunct
participle).
κακός -ή -όν, bad, κάκιστον 230 (superl); κακίστου 230 (superl τὸ δὲ χεῖρον [see s.v.
χείρων] καὶ βλαβερὸν καὶ μυριοπλάσιον τοῦ κακίστου θανάτου κάκιστον some-
thing more harmful, and worst of all, even ten thousand times worse than the
worst death).
καλέω, contr., call, name, ἐκαλεῖτο 24 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind mp τὸ ὄνομα τούτου
Μιχάλ Πεις ἐ.).
καλόγηρος ὁ, (Turkish) monk, priest καλογέροι 113 (πολλοὶ κ.). See LBG. See also
here s.vv. ἀρχιερεύς, ἱερεύς, Τουρκοκαλογέροι.
καλογραῖα, ἡ, (Roman) nun, καλογραίας 117, 181, 243. See LBG (καλογραία Kr).
72 | Thesaurus
καλός -ή -όν, good, noble, καλόν 5 (in the quotation from Tobit 12,7).
καλύπτω, cover, ἐκάλυψαν 260 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act τὸν αἰθέρα ἐ. [the arrows of
the Turks]). See app. comparandorum.
Κανανός ὁ, proper name, Κανανοῦ 4 (in the title added by Kontostephanos).
καπνός ὁ, smoke, καπνοῦ 276.
κάπτω (< καίω/ἔκαψα), ἔκαψαν 266 (ἄλλοι ἔκαψαν τὰς πόρτας τοῦ ἔξω κάστρου
other men tried to set fire to the gates of the outer fortress [conative aorist]). See
LBG, and Kr the lemma κάπτω s.v. καίω. In addition, see LBG s.vv. ἀκάπνιστος,
ἀποκάπνισμα, κατακάπτω (< κατακαίω/κατέκαψα).
κάρπιμος -ον, fruit-bearing, fruitful, κάρπιμον 41 (ξύλον κ. καὶ δένδρον εὔκαρπον).
καρτερός -ά -όν, καρτερωτάτης 294 (superl κ. τῆς μάχης most dreadful battle).
κάστρον τό, fortress, fortification, the walls of Cpl., κάστρη 89 (noun pl neut acc κ.
ξύλινα ὑπερμεγέθη ἐποιήσαντο); κάστρον 70, 85, 98, 189, 255, 262, 264, 266, 299,
309, 318 (generally as an acc); κάστρου 55, 95, 211, 213, 252, 267, 297, 315, 320,
321, 327, 349, 355, 357; κάστρων 91.
κατά / καθ’, preposition with acc and gen. Kananos uses κατά / καθ’ 24 times. 12
times with gen, always expressing the idea of “against”: κατὰ τῆς πόλεως 89;
κατὰ τῶν Ῥωμαίων 99, 192–3 (both + εἰσβάλλω, denoting motion from above);
κατὰ πατριαρχῶν 176–7; κατὰ τῆς πίστεως 177–8; κατὰ τῶν ἀσεβῶν 275–6 (de-
noting motion from above); κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων 293; καθ’ ἡμῶν 16, 22, 264 (τὴν
καθ’ ἡμῶν ἐπιδρομὴν, κατέδραμεν καθ’ ἡμῶν [pleonasm], καθ’ ἡμῶν
εἰσβάλλουσι [all three, denoting motion from above]); καθ’ ἡμῶν 42, 175. 12
times with acc: κατὰ τὸ ἔτος 1–2 (in the title); κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦ ἔτους 360–1
(both, time when [see also s.v. εἰς]); κατὰ τὸ ἔθος 96; κατὰ τὸν νόμον 141; κατὰ
τάξιν 201, 211; κατὰ τοὺς νόμους 341 (all five examples meaning according to);
καθ’ ἡμέραν καὶ νύκταν 172, 174 (time how long); κατὰ (τὴν) δύναμιν 17–8, 237,
348 (of manner, with ἱστόρησα and ἔπραττεν: within the limitations of one’s
strength]).
καταβαίνω, go down, descend, come down from something, ἐκατέβησαν 93 (verb 3rd
pl aor ind act, vernacular, double augmented εἰς βάθος πολὺ ἐ.); καταβάντα 153
(part sg aor act masc acc [coming down]); καταβῆναι 314 (verb aor inf act
κατεμπόδιζον μὴ κ. ἀπὸ τοῦ τοίχους [prohibition]).
καταγιγνώσκω ion. and later καταγινώσκω, remark, observe, esp. something (to
one’s prejudice), condemn, καταγνώσονται 12 (verb 3rd pl fut ind mid μήτε τὴν
κ. φράσιν).
κατάγω, descend, come from, κατήγετο 133 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind mp ἐκ σειρᾶς τε
καὶ γένους τοῦ Μαχουμέτη κ. [Mersaita]).
καταδείκνυμι, motion, motion to, ἐκατεδέξατο 158 (verb 3rd sg aor ind mid, vernacu-
lar, double augmented ἐ. μόλις · καὶ ἐφθέγξατο ταῦτα). See also LBG
προκαταδείκνυμι.
Thesaurus | 73
καταδικάζω, condemn to, κατεδίκασα 131 (verb 1st sg aor ind act αὐτοὺς [εἰς]
φυλακὴν κ.); κατεδίκασεν 129 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act σίδηρα καὶ φυλακὰς
αὐτοὺς κ. [Murad II]).
καταθαυμάζω, ἐκατεθαύμαζον 119 (verb 3rd pl impf ind mid, vernacular, double
augmented ἐ. πάντες οἱ θεωροῦντες τὴν πλησμονὴν τοῦ φωσάτου all those who
looked at that immense army were astounded). See LBG.
κατακαίω, att. κατακάω, burn completely, κατέκαυσε 41 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act).
κατακρατέω, contr., prevail over, κατακρατήσει 49 (verb inf, without -ν, vernacular,
see above p. XLIII, προσδοκῶν ταύτην [i.e. Cpl.] κ.).
καταλείπω, καταλείψαντες 327 (part pl aor act masc nom δῆλον, ὅτι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις
τὰ πολεμικὰ ὅπλα κ. παρέδωκαν it is known that they [the Turks] left to the Ro-
mans their war engines).
καταλλάκτης ὁ, money changer, καταλλάκται 112 (of the Turks). See LBG.
καταντάω, contr., ἐκατήντησεν 72 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act, vernacular, double aug-
mented εἰς κενὸν τέλος ἡ τῶν ἀσεβῶν προσδοκία eventually, the expectations of
the infidels in the end came to nothing).
κατάπληξις -εως, ἡ, κατάπληξιν 268 (πᾶν ἐποιοῦντο πρὸς κ. τὴν ἡμετέραν [the
Turks] did everything to strike fear into our people).
καταπλήσσω, att. καταπλήττω (aor pass κατεπλήχθην and κατεπλάγην, ion.
κατεπλήγην), pass. be shaken, astounded, κατεπλήγην 224 (verb 3rd sg aor ind
pass τίς τῶν ἀκαταπλήκτων τότε οὐ κ.;).
κατασκευάζω, construct, build, design, ἐκατεσκεύασαν 87 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act
ἔργα καὶ ἑλεπόλεις).
κατασκευή ἡ, device, machine, construction, -σκευήν 97; -σκευῶν 78. As in GE b, c.
κατασφάζω, slaughter, murder, κατέσφαξαν 27 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act [the Turks]).
κατατρέχω, pursue, overrun, attack, κατέδραμε 37 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act κ. καὶ
ἡμᾶς ἀπέκλεισεν); κατέδραμεν 22 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act κ. στρατιὰ καθ’ ἡμῶν);
κατέδραμον 32 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act κ., καὶ ἡμᾶς ἀπέκλεισαν).
κατατρυπέω, contr. (κατατρυπάω GE and LBG), κατατρυπούμενοι 273 (part pl mid
pres masc nom καὶ γὰρ οἱ δειλοὶ τὸ πρότερον καὶ φυγοὶ, καὶ κ. [in the figurative
sense, hence: tormented, anguished]). See Psaltes § 347–9. See Kr κατατρυπώ.
κατατρυχόω, κατατρυχόμενος 236 (part sg pass pres masc nom βασιλεὺς κ. ὑπῆρχεν
ἐκ νόσου Manuel II was exhausted because of the illness). See LBG.
καταφλέγω, burn down, consume, καταφλέξωσιν 98 (verb 3rd pl aor subj act ὅπως
κ.).
κατάφρακτος -ον, κατάφρακτοι 207, 282 (κ. πάντες μετὰ πανοπλίας καὶ
περικεφαλαίας [the Turkish soldiers] were all protected by armors and helmets;
κ. τῶν ὅπλων [the Romans]).
κατεμποδίζω, impede, prevent someone/something from, κατεμπόδιζον 314 (verb 3pl
imperf ind act κ. τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς μὴ καταβῆναι). See Kr s.vv. ἐμποδίζω,
74 | Thesaurus
κατεμποδίζω, LBG s.vv. διεμποδίζω, ἐμποδιάζομαι, ἐπεμποδίζω, παρεμποδιάζω,

παρέμποδος, συνεμποδίζω.
κατέναντι, 88, preposition with gen, in front of (κατέναντι τῶν πορτῶν, facing the
gates).
κατηφής -ές, dejected, defeated, humiliated, κατηφεῖς 329 (κ. εὑρέθησαν [the
Turks]).
κατοικέω, contr., dwell, reside, live, ἐκατοίκει 144 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind act ἀπὸ
τῆς Προύσης ἧς ἐ. [relative clause: the relative pronoun is attracted from its
proper case into the case of its antecedent]).
κατοικητήριον τό, dwelling, κατοικητήριον 228 (ὑμνητήριον τοῦ Μωάμετ καὶ κ. τῶν
δαιμόνων [told of Hagia Sophia, if the Turks had taken Cpl.]).
κάτω, 68, 93, adv, bottom, below (ἀπὸ ἄνωθεν, ἕως κ. from top to bottom). See also
κάτωθεν.
κάτωθεν, 93, adv (κ. ἀπὸ τὴν κάτω ὄψιν τῆς σούδας [the Turks] went down very
deep). See also πανταχόθεν.
κέλευσις -εως, ἡ, command, κελεύσει 52; κέλευσιν 168.
κελεύω, ἐκέλευσαν 212 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act); κελευσθέν 197 (part sg aor pass neut
acc τὸ κ. ἐκπληρώσας having accomplished what Mersaita had set out to do).
κενός -ή -όν, κενή 171 (ἡ κ. καὶ ματαία ἐλπίς); κενόν 72 (εἰς κ. ἐκατήντησεν τέλος [the
expectations of the infidels] in the end came to nothing).
κέντουκλον τό, felt, κεντούκλου 164. See LBG.
κέρδος -εος, contr. -ους, τό, spoil, plunder, predation (always in a war context),
κέρδος 107, 111, 117, 242 (e.g. with the verb φθάνω + εἰς / πρὸς τὸ κέρδος).
κεφαλή ἡ, head, κεφαλάς 298.
κῆρυξ -υκος, ὁ, herald, κήρυκα 7 (in the prologue); κήρυκας 104 (Turkish heralds);
κήρυξ (κῆρυξ) 16 (γραφεύς τε καὶ κ. Kananos himself. In the prologue).
κίνδυνος ὁ, danger, κίνδυνον 289.
κινέω, contr., set in motion, disturb, annoy, arouse, κινήσαντος 276 (part sg aor act
masc gen [conjunct participle to καπνοῦ]).
κλῆσις -εως, ἡ, κλήσει 52 (τῇ κλήσει τοῦ δεσπότου in the name of the despot).
κλινίδιον τό, κλινιδίῳ 137 (ἐν τῷ κοιτῶνι καὶ τῷ κ. ἐκείνου in [Mersaita’s] bedcham-
ber and in his bed).
κοινός -ή -όν, κοινόν 303 (τὸ κ. ἅπαν the entire population [of Cpl.]). GE, c.
κοιτών -ῶνος, ὁ bedchamber, κοιτῶνι 137.
κοντάριον -ου, τό, lance, spear, κονταρίων 204, 278. See LBG also s.v. ἁστίλιον (Lat-
in: hastile).
κόπτω, smite (with weapons), κόψωσι 95 (verb 3rd pl aor subj act ὡς ἵνα κ. [the
Turks]).
κόρη ἡ, κόρης 139 (Bayazid’s daughter).
κόρος ὁ, verbosity, verbiage, excessive wordiness, κόρον 11 (τὸν κόρον τοῦ λόγου [in
the prologue]).
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κόσμος ὁ, κόσμος 47, 51 (ἅπας ὁ κ. the whole world).

κουρβούλα ἡ, shoot, κουρβούλας 42 (i.e. branch τῶν ἀμπελώνων). See Kr.
κουρσιμαῖον τό = κοῦρσος, spoil, κουρσιμαῖα 115. See Cuomo 2014: 338.
κοῦρσος τό, robbery, spoil, κούρση 111; κοῦρσος 106, 114, 117, 242. See LBG.
κράζω, yell, shout, squall, κράξας (249) (part sg aor act masc nom). See s.v.
κραυγάζω.
κραιπαλάω, contr. (perf part κεκραιπαληκώς), to be intoxicated, κεκραιπαληκοί 291
(perf part masc pl nom, vernacular [where -κοί pro -κότες] κ. καὶ βεβαπτισμένοι
ἐξ οἴνου [as in Ps 77 (78), 65]). See Cuomo 2014: 337–338; LBG s.v. κραιπαλικός.
κρατέω, contr., mainly: conquer, prevail, seize, (sexually) have, hold in the hand,
ἐκράτει 3, 55, 210 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind act [once in the title]); ἐκράτησεν 137,
261 (verb 3rd sg aor ind ἔφθειρεν καὶ ἐ. [Mersaita; Bayazid’s daughter]; φόβος ἐ.
καὶ δειλία ἐξέπληξεν); ἐκρατοῦσαν 168, 311 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act ἀληθῆ καὶ
βέβαια ἐ. πάντα τὰ λαληθέντα ἐκ τούτου the Moslems held as right and true eve-
rything he said; ἄλλαι δὲ, ἐ. ᾠὰ καὶ στουππιά others of the women held in their
hands eggs and oakum); κρατηθῆναι 347 (verb aor inf pass ἡ πόλις παρ’ ἡμῶν
πρόκειται κ.); κρατήσουν 170, 216 (verb 3rd pl aor subj act, ἵνα κ. τὴν πόλιν; ὡς
ἵνα κ. τὴν πόλιν); κρατήσουσιν 100, 103 (verb 3rd pl fut ind act τὴν πόλιν κ.);
κρατοῦσαν 97 (part sg pres act fem acc τὴν ξυλίνην κατασκευὴν τὴν κ. τὸ
κάστρον the wooden material which supported the fortification).
κραυγάζω, κραυγάσ〈ας〉 249 (part sg aor act masc). See app. crit. and s.v. κράζω.
κραυγή ἡ, crying, battle cry, κραυγῇ 293; κραυγῆς 192, 251 (μετὰ κ. etc. [formula]).
κρείσσων -ον, comp of κρατύς, κρείττονες 304 (τῶν ἀρχιερέων οἱ κρείττονες the
most important of the chief priests).
κροτέω, contr., ἐκρότουν 173, 337 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act τὰς παλάμας ἐ. they
kept on clapping [the Turks]; τὰς παλάμας ἐ. καὶ τρανῶς τὸν Θεὸν εὐχαρίστουν
[the Romans]).
κρότος ὁ, clapping of hands, or clash of arms, κρότων 192, 251 (μετὰ κ. [formula]).
κρούω, strike, hit a target, ἔκρουσε 74 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act βόλια τῆς σκευῆς ἔ.
τὸν πῦργον); κρούουν 319 (verb 3rd pl pres ind act, ὅτι τῶν Τούρκων αἱ σαγίτται
κ. ἐκεῖσαι because the arrows of the Turks strike there).
κρύπτω, conceal, κρύπτειν 5 (verb pres inf act attic [in the quotation from Tobit
12,7]).
Κυριακή ἡ, Κυριακῆς 76.
Κύριος ὁ, the Lord, God, Sir, Gentleman, Κυρίου 3, 4, 369 (Κυρίου Ἰωάννου τοῦ
Κανανοῦ [in the title]; Μήτηρ / Μητηρὸς τοῦ Κυρίου).
Κύφας, 28, see Ἀρατζάπητας.
Κωνσταντινούπολις -εως, ἡ, Constantinople, Κωνσταντινουπόλει 1 (in the title added
by Kontostephanos. Kananos always referrs to Cpl. as ἡ πόλις).
76 | Thesaurus
Λ
λάβωμα τό, wound, injury, λαβωμάτων 274. See LBG.
λαβώνω (< λαβή), wound, injure, ἐλαβώθησαν 295, 320, 362, 363–4 (verb 3rd pl aor
ind pass, e.g. ἐ. καὶ ἀπέθανον); ἐλάβωσαν 301 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act ἐ.,
ἐφόνευσαν); λαβωμένους 312 (part pl pres pass masc acc τοὺς λ. ἰάτρευον [the
women of Cpl.] cared for the wounded); λαβώσουν 213 (verb 3rd pl aor subj act
ὡς ἵνα λ. καὶ φονεύσουν τινὰς τῶν Ῥωμαίων). See LBG.
λαθραῖος -α -ον, covert, furtive, unseen, λαθραίως 96, 102 (adv).
λαλέω, contr., talk, speak, say, tell, λαληθέντα 168 (part pl aor pass neut acc).
λαμβάνω, feel (a passion, a feeling), ἔλαβον 256, 360 (δειλίας ἔ. οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι; ἔ. τὴν
δειλίαν they [the Turks] became fearfulness).
λαός ὁ, people, λαόν 104, 270 (of Cpl.); λαός 216 (ὁ λ. τῶν Ῥωμαίων).
λέγω, say, tell, ἔλεγε 130, ἔλεγεν 195, 318, 344 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind act); ἔλεγον
176, 178, 316, 333, 338 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act); λέγει 183 (verb 3rd sg pres ind
act Mersaita); λεγόντων 336 (ταῦτα τῶν πολυάθλων Ῥωμαίων λ. [part pl pres act
masc gen, genitive absolute, temporal clause]); λέγω 225, 253 (verb 1st sg pres
ind act); λέγων 284 (part sg pres act masc nom). εἶπον aor2: εἶπε 6, 107 = εἶπεν
139, 144, 186, 190, 196 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act; once in the quotation from Tobit
12,7); εἰπεῖν 138 (ἐτόλμησεν εἰ.); εἶπον 105 (verb 3rd pl aor ind εἶπον ἐνόρκως);
εἰπόντος 163 (ταῦτα εἰπόντος [genitive absolute]); εἴπω 160 (verb 1st sg aor subj
act ἵνα ὑμῖν εἴ. τὴν ὥραν).
λεηλατίζω, plunder, raid, pillage, ἐλεηλάτησαν 26 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act, πάντα τὰ
πλησίον, καὶ ταύτης ἔφθειραν · ἐ. · ᾐχμαλώτευσαν they spoiled it, they plun-
dered it, and they conquered it). See app. crit. See also TLG, and LBG s.vv.
διαλεηλατέω, λεηλατέω.
ληρολογία ἡ, nonsense, absurdity, vaniloquium, ληρολογίας 194. See LBG.
λίαν, 6, 67, 91, adv, very, exceedingly, too much.
λίθος ὁ, stone, λίθους 276, 281 (μὲ λ. [as weaponry]).
λόγιος -α -ον, learned, erudite, skillful with words, eloquent, λογίους 13 (as a noun; in
the prologue).
λόγος ὁ, elocutio, diction, linguistic style (in the prologue); speech, news, λόγου 8, 11,
17, 20.
λοιπός -ή -όν, λοιπόν 331 (as adv, then).
Λύκος ὁ, the river Lykos, Λύκον 77.
λύμη ἡ, damage, loss, λύμην 31.
λύπη ἡ, λύπης 221 (ὢ λ. τῆς ἀφορήτου Oh unendurable grief!).
Μ
μά, 182, particle used in asseverations and oaths (μὰ τὴν πίστην μας ἀλήθεια by the
faith that we observe).
μαζαλάς (ὁ ?), torch, μαζαλάδων 203. See Cuomo 2014: 339, Kr.
Thesaurus | 77
μακράν, 261, adv, far (ἀλλ’ οὐ μακράν not far away).

μακρός -ά -όν, big, μακρότερα 328 (ὅπλα).
μακρύς (Kr), big, μακρέων 204 (μετὰ κονταρίων μ.). See LBG: μακρέος = μακρός.
μᾶλλον comp., of μάλα, adv, μᾶλλον 82, 127, 139, 309 (also used as an oppositional
adverb, such as: ἀλλὰ καὶ μ., on the contrary).
μανός -ή -όν, wild, μανόν 23 (Μιχάλ Πεις); μανός 44 (Murad II).
Μανουήλ ὁ, 19 (Manuel II).
μαρτυρία ἡ, statement / declaration of a witness, μαρτυρίαι 342 (τῶν ἐχθρῶν μ. [quo-
tation from Basil the Great]); μαρτυρίαν 343 (the Turks); μαρτυρίας 341 (the
Turks).
μάρτυρος ὁ (see also GE μάρτυς -υρος, ὁ, ἡ), martyr, witness, μάρτυρες 289 (ὡς οἱ μ.
πρὸς τὸ στάδιον τῶν τυράννων as the martyrs … to the stadium of the tyrants
[concluding part of the hortative speech, right before the final battle]);
μαρτύρων 341 (the Turks).
μας, 182, 182, 183 our, pronoun 1st pl, encl. τοὺς Τουρκοκαλογέρους μας; τὴν πίστην
μ.; ὁ προφήτης μ.
μασγίδιον τό, mosque, μασγίδιον 229. See LBG.
μάταιος (-α) -ον, vain, ματαία 171 (ἡ κενὴ καὶ μ. ἐλπὶς [of the Turks]).
μάχη ἡ, battle, μάχην 245, 271, 284, 311, 322, 324; μάχης 35, 294.
μάχιμος -η -ον, fit for battle, μάχιμα 204, 216, 301, 326 (σιδηρᾶ μ. · ὅπλα; πολεμικὰ καὶ
μ. ἔργα; πολεμικὰ καὶ μάχιμα τούτων ὅ); μαχίμων 79; μαχιμώτατα 48, (301) (su-
perl μηχανικώτατα καὶ μ. ἔργα; πολεμικὰ καὶ μ. τούτων ἔργα).
μάχομαι, fight, ἐμάχοντο 281 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind mp [the Romans]); μαχωμένων
94 (μαχομένων [94]; part pl pres mp masc gen ἱσταμένων Ῥωμαίων καὶ μ. [con-
junct participle]); μάχονται 61 (verb 3rd pl pres ind mp ἵνα μάχονται [the Turks.
Purpose clause, ἵνα + ind]).
Μαχουμέτης, ὁ Mohammed the Prophet, Μαχουμέτη 133, 141, 160, 196, 248, 250. See
app. crit. 196: Μουχουμέτη Α.
μέ (×12), see μετά.
μεγαλεῖος -α -ον, μεγαλεῖον 151 (highly terrible in his majesty).
μεγαλόπολις -εως, ἡ, here: Constantinople, μεγαλοπόλεως 224, 287.
μεγαλοϋπέροχος -ον, μεγαλοϋπέροχος 156–7 (σοβαρὸς καὶ μ. [Mersaita]). See LBG
s.v. μεγαλυπέροχος and GΕ s.v. μεγαλοϋπέροχος.
μέγας, μεγάλη, μέγα, big, μέγα 92, 171, 220, 248, 318; μεγάλα 89, 205; μεγάλας 88,
202; μεγάλου 160, 241; μεγάλων 62; μέγας 43, 132, 147, 158, 185; μεγίστας 201;
μεγίστης 73, 221; μέγιστον 245 (μ. παρὰ φύσιν something out of the ordinary or:
something of extraordinary size), 367; μέγιστος 135, 142; μεγίστου 95, 228, 232,
256, 263; μεγίστους 53, 63, 81, 208; μεγίστων 56, 68; μεῖζον 287 (comp καὶ τὸ
μεῖζον [parenthetical]) .
μεθ’ ×2, see μετά.
78 | Thesaurus
μέλλω, ἔμελλεν 347 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind act ἔ. τοῦτο γενέσθαι this was destined
to happen).
μέν ×20.
μέρος -ους, τό, part, portion of place, μέρος 48, 319, 319; μερῶν 295.
μεσαῖος, midsize, μεσέας 88 (μεγάλας σκεπαστὰς · καὶ μεσέας). See LBG, Kr; and also
LBG μεσεύς: “τὸν μεσέα σίδηρον ΝoctPetrop 245,10”.
μέσος -η -ον, μέσον 76, 240 (as an adv ἐκ τὸ μ. ἡμέρας [midday]).
μετ’ ×2, see μετά.
μετά. With the preposition μετά Kananos expresses ideas of manner, time and indi-
cates the tools with which one does something. He uses both genitive and accu-
sative, the latter preferably after the vernacular form μέ8. 12 times μὲ + acc/gen,
meaning ‘with’ (complement of means): τροχούς 81, 87, 90, τὰς ἀγγύρας 265,
σείστας 265, τζόκους 266, λίθους 274, 281, σχοινία 280, σαγίττας 320, θράσους
354, ὁρμῆς 354. 2 times μετ’ + gen = together with: αὐτοῦ 126, αὐτῶν 280–1.
Once μεθ’+ acc = after (of time), ἡμέρας ὀλίγας 149; Once μεθ’+ gen = with, ὧν
277 (in a relative clause). 11 times μετά + gen = with: δυνάμεως 2 (in the title),
τζαγρῶν etc. 62, σχοινίων (see μὲ σχοινία) 84, τεχνάσματος 107, μαζαλάδων 203,
κονταρίων 204, σιδήρων (σκουτάρια [of material]) 205, σκαλῶν 264, ξίφων 278,
παντοίων τῶν ὅπλων 282, τῆς φάλκας 297. Once + gen = against: τῶν Ῥωμαίων
145. 7 times + gen = “how?” (of manner): ὑποκρίσεως 165, ὁρμῆς 192, 250, (μὲ
354) (formula), θράσους μεγίστου 263, προσοχῆς καὶ στρατιᾶς 316 (cautiously
and in companies), ἀληθείας 363 (truthfully). Twice + acc = with: πεντακοσίους
τουρκοκαλογέρους 150–1, πανοπλίας καὶ περικεφαλαίας μεγίστους 207–8 (pro-
tected by armors and huge helmets).
μετάθεσις -εως, ἡ, change, transformation, μεταθέσει 230 (τῆς πίστεως τῶν
Χριστιανῶν πρὸς τῶν Μουσουλμάνων τὸ σέβας).
μεταλλαγή ἡ, change, μεταλλαγῆς 334 (ὢ μ. θαυμασίας).
μεταλλάσσω, att. μεταλλάττω, change, μεταλλαττόμεναι 307 (part pl fem nom [Ka-
nanos is here (in)directly quoting Gregorios of Nazianzus, Or. 43,4: αἳ οὐδὲ
γυναῖκες ἔμενον ἔτι, τῷ ζήλῳ ῥωσθεῖσαι, καὶ εἰς ἀνδρῶν θάρσος
μεταλλαττόμεναι.]).
μέχρι, 322, conj with subj, until (μέχρι τὸ πέρας ἴδωσιν τοῦ πολέμου until they saw
that the war was over [lit. the end of the battle]. Temporal clause).
μή ×9. Kananos uses μή twice in independent sentences, in order to express prohibi-
tions: μὴ βράδυνε 187 (prohibition, with imp. See app. crit.), μὴ καταβῆναι 314
(prohibition, with aor inf. As in GE, 1,A,b). As far as prohibitions are concerned,
see also μήπως 145 (with subj). Kananos uses μή 3 times in dependent clauses:
εἰ μὴ ἐφύλαξε 3 (protasis, hypothetical period IV tipe [in the title]), ἐὰν μὴ νῦν
||
8 Note that the scribe of the Vatican manuscript seems to consider με as a proclitic. See Kr s.v. με.
Thesaurus | 79
ἀποθάνομεν 288 (protasis, hypothetical period II tipe), βλέπε μὴ πλησιάσῃς 318

(prohibition, with aor subj). Other uses. 4 times as an adv of negation: μὴ μόνον
… τε καὶ 176–7, and μὴ μόνον … ἀλλὰ καὶ 111, 154, 302.
μήν μηνός, ὁ, month, μῆνα 346 (εἰς τὸν μ. in this particular month [time when]);
μηνός 21, 361.
μήπως, 145, conj with subj: ὅρα μ. συνάψῃς πόλεμον beware not to engage the battle
(prohibition).
Μηρσαΐτης, ὁ, Mersaita proper name, i.e. Emir Sultan (Buchari), Μηρσαΐτη 173;
Μηρσαΐτην 244, 247, 353; Μηρσαΐτης 143, 150, 186, 194–5, 240, 344.
μήτε, 11, 11, particle (μήτε … μήτε neither … nor).
μήτηρ μητρός, ἡ, Mother (of God), Μήτηρ 3; Μητρός 368.
μηχανικός -ή -όν, of machines, mechanical, μηχανικάς 87 (ἀγκάλας mechanical
arms); μηχανικώτατα 47, 86, 188, 201 (superl, ἔργα); μηχανικώτατον 188 (su-
perl, ἔργον).
μικρός -ά -όν, small, little, -άς 202; -όν 261; -ούς 87; -ῶν 62.
Μιχάλ (Πεις), 24, Michal Bey. Mīk̲h̲āl-Og̲h̲lu Mehmet. The Turkish honorific title
“bey” is here transliterated into Greek. The scribe of V considers it as an enclitic
particle, and so do I.
μόλις, 158, adv, scarcely, barely.
μοναχός ὁ, monk, μοναχῶν 304.
μόνος -η -ον, only, μόνον 14, 111, 154, 176, 281, 302 (as an adv. See also μή).
Μουράτ, Murad / Mourad II.
Μουσουλμάνος ὁ, Muslim, Moslem, -μάνοι 159, 167, 215; -μάνοις 106, 195; -μάνους
223, 296–7, 298; -μάνων 22, 37, 39, 108, 109, 110, 119, 132, 136, 146, 152, 153–4,
187, 199, 218, 231, 246, 247–8, 250. Moravcsik 1958 II: 198.
μυριάς -άδος, ἡ, countless numbers, μυριάδας 258 (μ. βελῶν); μυρίων 251.
μυριοπλάσιος -ον, μυριοπλάσιον 230 (μ. τοῦ κακίστου θανάτου κάκιστον ten thou-
sand times worse than the worst death [μ. + gen of comparison]).
μυροψός, ὁ (= μυρεψός), unguent seller, μυροψοί 113. See LBG.
μυστήριον τό, secret, μυστήριον 5 (βασιλέως [quotation from Tobit 12,7]).
Μωάμετ ὁ, indecl., Mohammed, Μωάμετ 29, 135, 140, 141, 158, 165, 196, 228, 229, 232,
243, 346. For Μωάμεθ, see app. crit. and Moravcsik 1958 II: 209.
μωροθαύμαστος, follower/admirer of foolish things, μωροθαύμαστα 153, 246 (τὰ μ.
γένη / ἔθνη τῶν Μουσουλμάνων). The word, referred to the Muslims, is attested
only by Kananos. See Kr.
Ν
νά = ἵνα. Kananos uses νά + subj five times in purpose clauses: νὰ ἐμποδίσῃ 70;
ὅπως νὰ συναχθῶσιν 108 (pleonasm); νὰ ἔχουν 117; νὰ σᾶς βοηθήσουν 179–80;
νὰ παντρέψομεν 182. He twice uses νά (with other conjunctions) + subj (or fut
ind?) in temporal (indefinite) clauses: ἕως ὅτε ἐγὼ νὰ φθάσω 146; ἑτοιμάζεσθε
80 | Thesaurus
δὲ πρὸς τοῦτο ἕως ὅτου νὰ φθάσει ἡ ὥρα 162–3 (get ready for that until when
the hour comes).
ναί, 284, adv/interjection, yes, yea, verily.
ναός ὁ, temple, hence church, ναῶν 227.
νερόν τό, water, νερόν 101. See LBG also s.v. νερά. Kananos also uses ὕδωρ.
νέφος -εος, contr. -ους, τό, clous, mass of clouds, νέφος 39 (noun sg neut nom ὡς ν.
χαλάζης πλῆρες καὶ τετριγὸς ὀλέθριον [the Turkish army approaching. In an
[in]direct quotation of Gregory of Nazianzus]).
νομίζω, fancy oneself as, consider oneself, ἐνόμιζεν 46 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind [Mer-
saita]).
νόμος ὁ, νόμον 141 (κατὰ τὸν ν. τοῦ Μαχουμέτη); νόμους 341 (κατὰ τοὺς φιλευσεβεῖς
ν. [Christian laws]).
νόσος ἡ, illness, disease, νόσου 236.
νουθετέω, contr., ἐνουθέτει 317 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind act μία τὴν ἄλλην ἐ. one
would warn another [women of Cpl.]).
νῦν, 6, 288, adv, now.
νύξ νυκτός, ἡ, night, νύκτα 94, 173; νύκταν 175 (καθ’ ἡμέραν καὶ ν. καὶ ὥραν); νυκτός
103.
Ξ
ξιφήρης -ες, armed with a sword, sword in hand, ξιφήρεις 275 (the Romans).
ξίφος -εος, contr. -ους, τό, sword, ξίφος 175, 248 (ὡς δίστομον ξ.; γυμνώσας τὸ ξ.);
ξίφων 278.
ξύλινος -η -ον, of wood, wooden, ξύλινα 86, 89 (ἔργα; κάστρη); ξυλίνην 97
(κατασκευήν); ξυλίνους 81 (πύργους).
ξύλον τό, timber, beam, also tree, ξύλα 97 (εἰς τὰ ξ. τῶν πουντελείων); ξύλον 41 (ξ.
κάρπιμον); ξύλων.
Ξυλοπόρτα -ης, ἡ, one of the two gateways mentioned by Kananos, Ξυλοπόρτης 54–
5, 210, 252. See Kr.
O
ὁ, ἡ, τό, definite or prepositive article, αἱ ×4; ἡ ×22; ὁ ×35, οἱ ×44; τά ×49; τὰς ×42; τῇ
×11; τὴν ×91; τῆς ×75; τό ×81; τοῖς ×9; τόν ×30; τοῦ ×93; τούς ×44; τῷ ×8; τῶν
×124.
ὅδε ἥδε τόδε, demostrative pronoun, τῆσδε 26 (τ. τῆς πόλεως).
οἰκία ἡ, house, οἰκία 122 (τῶν Τούρκων).
οἰμωγή ἡ, wailing, lamentation, weeping, οἰμωγάς 233 (of the Romans).
οἶνος ὁ, wine, οἴνου 292 (in an [in]direct quotation from Psalm 77 [78], 65); οἴνους 312
(ὕδατα καὶ ο. [to drink during the battle]).
ὀλέθριος -ον and -ος -ία -ον, destructive, deadly, ὀλέθριον 39, 43 (νέφος τετριγὸς
ὀλέθριον in a [in]direct quotation of Gregory of Nazianzus, or. 43, 30,1).
Thesaurus | 81
ὀλίγος -η -ον, few, ὀλίγας 81, 149; ὀλίγου 218 (πρὸ ὀ. shortly before).
ὅλος -η -ον, ὅλως 359 (adv, not at all).
ὁμόζυγος -ον, husband, ὁμοζύγους 314 (as in Clem. Paed. 3.4.30.19 etc. See also L).
ὅμοιος and ὁμοῖος -α -ον, like, ὁμοίαν 65 ([with gen] οὐκ ὁ. σουδῶν τῶν ἑτέρων not a
moat like the other moats); ὁμοίως 155, 352.
ὁμολογέω, contr., profess, confess, proclaim, hold to be true, ὁμολογούμενα 183 (part
pl pres mp neut nom βέβαια καὶ ὁ. [see also TLG]); ὁμολογῶ 9, 12 (verb 1st sg
pres ind act [in the prologue]); ὁμολογῶν 195 (ὡς βεβαίας ὁ. see above [Mer-
saita]).
ὁμός -ή -όν, ὁμοῦ 212 (as an adv at the one time).
ὀνειδίζω, desecrate, swear, blaspheme, ὀνείδιζον 184 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act,
augmentless [the Turks]); ὀνειδίζοντες 178 (τολμηρῶς ὀ. καὶ ἀναιδῶς
βλασφημοῦντες [the Turks]).
ὄνομα τό, name, ὄνομα 24, 50; τοὔνομα 143.
ὀξύς -εος, violet, purple colour, ὀξέα 349, 356 (e.g. ὀξέα ῥοῦχα φοροῦσαν). See LBG.
ὄπισθεν, 59 (ὄ. δὲ ταύτης), 61 (ἐξ ἐκείνης ὄ.), 92 (ἐκ τῆς παστίας ὄ), 262 (ὄ. τῶν
προμαχιονίων) adv, and prep with gen, behind.
ὁπλίζω, take up arms, be equipped with weapons, ὁπλισθῆναι 236–7 (verb aor inf
pass οὐκ ἠδύνατο ὁ. [Manuel II]). See GE, 3.
ὅπλον τό, (any) weapon, heavy arm, ὅπλα 204, 327 (of the Turks); ὅπλων 277, 278,
282.
ὁποῖος -α -ον, ὁποία (ἡ ὥρα ὁ.); ὁποίαν 163, 185 (ἡ ὥρα; ἡ τελεία ἡμέρα [in relative
clauses]); ὁποίας 63, 125, 256; ὁποῖον 108; ὁποίους 127 (ἀποκρισιαρίους).
ὅπου, 279, adv, where.
ὅπως, Kananos uses ὅπως + subj/ind 5 times in purpose clauses: 7, 97, 101, 107 (with
νά, pleonasm), 161.
ὁράω, contr., see, watch out for, ἑωρᾶτο 157 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind pass ἑ. τοῖς
πᾶσιν he was observed by everybody); ὅρα 145 (verb 2nd sg pres imperat act
Ὅρα μήπως συνάψῃς Beware not to join [battle]); ὁρῶν 216, 222 (part sg pres act
masc nom); ὁρῶντες 268 (part sg pres act masc nom).
ὄργανον τό, tool, device, ὄργανον 253 (πολεμικὸν ὄ.).
ὄρεξις -εως, ἡ, desire, inclination, ὀρέξεως 9 (in the prologue).
ὁρίζω, ὁρίσθην 149 (verb 1st sg aor, without augm, ind pass ἔπραξεν ὡς ὡ. Having
heard these words, the despot of the Turks did accordingly, as it had been or-
dained).
ὁρμάω, contr., rush, storm, attack, ὁρμῶσι 275 (verb 3rd pl pres ind act ὁ. κατὰ τῶν
ἀσεβῶν [as narrative tense. Κατά with gen denoting motion from above]).
||
9 Clement of Alexandria, Κλήμης Ἀλεξανδρεύς, Paedagogus, ed. H. I. Marrou – M. Harl – C. Mondé-
sert – Ch. Matray, Paris 1960–70 (Sources Chrétiennes). Quoted in GE, s.v.
82 | Thesaurus
ὁρμή ἡ, effort, enthusiasm, eager desire, ὁρμῇ 293 (ἐν μιᾷ φωνῇ καὶ ὁρμῇ καὶ κραυγῇ
[the Romans. Formula opposed to μετὰ ὁρμῆς καὶ κραυγῆς etc., see below]);
ὁρμήν 217; ὁρμῆς 192, 250, 354 (μετὰ ὁ. καὶ βοῆς καὶ κραυγῆς ×2 [with minor
changes]; μὲ θράσους καὶ ὁρμῆς [the Turks]).
ὅς, ἥ, ὅ, relative pronoun, ἣν; ἧς ×2; ὃν; οὗ ×2; ᾧ; ὧν ×2.
ὅσιος -α -ον, ὁσίων 305; ὁσιώτατοι 305 (superl, πνευματικῶν τῶν ὁ. οἱ ὁσιώτατοι the
holiest of the holy confessors).
ὅσος -η -ον, as adv (with genitive), ὅ. τόξου βολήν 55, 189 (of space or distance, see
GE, B,c); ὅ. τὸ ὕψος τῶν πύργων 82 (used absolutely with value of quantity and
measure, see GE, A,a).
ὅστις, ἥτις, ὅτι, indef rel pronoun, ἥντινα 34 (as an adv, δι’ ἥντινα for what reason?
wherefore?).
ὅταν, conjunction. Kananos uses ὅταν 3 times in temporal clauses, once with ind
fut: θεωρήσητε 190; twice with ind aor: ἦλθεν 247, ἔφθασαν 354.
ὅτε, conjunction. Kananos uses ὅτε 3 times in temporal clauses: once in the title:
ὅτε παρέπεσε l. 2; and twice with other conjunctions: ἕως ὅτε ἐγὼ νὰ φθάσω καὶ
δηλώσω 146 (+ subj aor or ind fut [until]); ἕως ὅτε αὐτὸς ἔλθῃ 244 (+ subj aor
[until]).
ὅτι, conjunction. Kananos uses ὅτι 12 times. 8 times in declarative clauses: 64 (εἶχαν
τὰς ἐλπίδας ὅ. θέλουν χαλάσειν); 68 (προσδοκῶντες οἱ Τοῦρκοι ὅ. αἱ πέτραι
θέλουν χαλάσειν [both with vernacular periphrastic future]); 105 (εἶπον ἐνόρκως
· Ὅτι ἅπαντα ὁ ἀμηρὰς, εἰς διαγουμὰν παραδίδη); 218 (τὰ πρὸ ὀλίγου πραχθέντα,
ὅ. ἀπέκτειναν epexegetical clause, see GE, B,b [it explains what τὰ πραχθέντα
are]); 326 (καὶ δῆλον, ὅ. παρέδωκαν [aor ind]); 344 (ἔλεγεν, ὅ. ἡ πόλις
ἐπρόκειτον [impf ind]); 346 (εὗρον, ὅ. εἰς τὸ ἔτος ἡ πόλις πρόκειται κρατηθῆναι
[pres ind]); 353–6 ἐδιηγοῦντο, ὅτι εἶδον γυναῖκαν. Twice in causal clauses: 133–
4 (ὡς ὅ. κατήγετο ind impf [pleonasm]); 318 (βλέπε μὴ πλησιάσῃς τὸ κάστρον, αἱ
σαγίτται κρούουν ἐκεῖσαι [ind pres]). Τwice in consecutive clauses: 135
(τοσοῦτον καὶ τοιοῦτος ἦν, ὅ. ἥρπαξεν [ind aor]); 209 (τοσοῦτον ὑπῆρχεν, ὅ.
ἐκράτει [ind pres]).
ὅτου, 162, gen sg of ὅστις, ἥτις, ὅτι: here temporal locution with ἕως. See also GE
s.v. ὅστις D,b.
οὐ ×6 (proclitic particle, neg); οὐκ 65, 70, 221, 222, 224, 236, 256, 257, 268. 308, 351.
οὐδέ 13, 74, 278, 280, 308, 321, 351, 359, adv neg.
οὐδείς, οὐδεμία, οὐδέν, -είς 138, 255; -μίαν 74; -ένα 235.
οὖν (135), 288, adv.
οὐρανός ὁ, sky, heaven, οὐρανόν 45; οὐρανοῦ 153, 352.
οὔτε, negative adverb, correlated, 270 οὐκ ἔχοντες βοηθείας · οὔτε τινὰ πρὸς τὸ
διεγεῖραι.
οὗτος, αὕτη τοῦτο, demonstrative pronoun and adjective, this, αὕτη 53; οὗτοι 242,
271 (dem pron); ταῦτα 13, 15, 34, 77, 107, 148, 159, 163, 166, 183, 184, 197, 268,
Thesaurus | 83
290, 302, 336, 360; ταύτας 194; ταύτη 170; ταύτῃ 2; ταύτην 3, 3, 10, 15, 31, 49,
103, 118, 139, 194, 222, 357, 366; ταύτης 26, 59, 67, 225, 257, 287, 334, 347; τοῦτο
6, 74, 95, 131, 147, 162, 184, 244, 328, 331, 332, 338, 348; τούτοις 189; τοῦτον 133,
134, 154, 156 (always referred to Mersaita); τούτου 24, 38, and ten more; τούτων
9, 18, 77, and ten more.
οὕτως, 105, 122 adv of mode, so, in this way.
οὐχί = οὐ, 224 (ο. τὸν θάνατον λέγω).
ὀφρύς -ύος, ἡ, eyebrow (of Murad II), ὀφρύν 45. See GE ὀφρῦς -ύος, ἡ, ὀφρύη -ης, ἡ.
See also Kr ὀφρύς.
ὀχυρός -ά -όν, ὀχυρωτάτη 56 (superl στερεὰ καὶ ὀ. ἀπὸ ξύλων [the terreplein] was
robust and very well reinforced with wood).
ὄψις -εως, ἡ, the act of seeing, sight (therefore also eye), ὄψιν 93 (see app. crit.); ὄψις
234, 257 (formula).
Π
παβέζιν τό (< mlat. pavesium), large rectangular infantry shield, παβέζια 206. See
LBG.
πάθος -εος, contr. -ους, τό, sentiment, quality, characteristic, πάθος 9 (in the pro-
logue).
παιδίον τό, little/young child, παιδία 181.
Παλαιολόγος ὁ, Παλαιολόγου 19–20 (Μανουὴλ τοῦ Π.).
παλάμη ἡ, palm of the hand, παλάμας 173, 337 (τὰς π. ἐκρότουν see s.v. κροτέω).
παλάτιον τό, παλατίου 237 (ἐντὸς τοῦ π. inside the [Imperial] Palace).
πάλιν, 8, adv back, in the opposite direction (in the prologue).
πάμπολυς -πόλλη -πολυ, numerous, copious, πάμπολλα 47 (adj pl neut acc [Turkish
weaponry]).
Παναγία -ας, ἡ, Panagia (lit. all-holy woman) = the Mother of God, Παναγίαν 338;
Παναγίας 7, 16, 275, 340, 344, 366. See LBG.
πανθαύμαστος -ον, all-wonderful, all-marvellous, πανθαύμαστον 7, 366 (τὸ π. Θαῦμα
τῆς Παναγίας).
πανοπλία ἡ, armor, πανοπλίας 208 (σιδηρᾶς π. belonging to the Turks).
πανταχόθεν, 104, adv vernacular, everywhere. See LBG.
παντοῖος -α -ον, παντοῖα 200; παντοίαν 40; παντοίας 202; παντοίων 79, 274, 282.
παντρεύω, marry, get married, παντρέψομεν 182 (verb 1st pl ind fut / subj aor νὰ π.
for the marriage). See LBG (< ὑπανδρεύω) verheiraten.
πάνυ, 343, adv, altogether.
παρά, preposition with acc, dat and gen. Kananos uses παρά / παρ’ 16 times with
different meanings. 3 times with acc: ὑψηλὸς παρὰ πάντας 45 (as a comparison);
παρὰ γνώμην 136 (against); μέγιστον παρὰ φύσιν 245 (against [something out of
the ordinary or: something of extraordinary size]). 10 times with gen:
συγγραφεῖσα παρὰ τοῦ Κανανοῦ 4 (the title added by Kontostephanos); παρ’
84 | Thesaurus
αὑτοῦ διοικεῖσθαι 46; ἀπεστάλην παρὰ τοῦ προφήτου 160; παρ’ ἡμῶν
αἰχμαλωτισθῆναι 345; παρ’ ἡμῶν κρατηθῆναι 347; εὐεργετήθημεν παρὰ τῆς
ἐνδόξου Μητρός 368 (all, of agent); παρὰ τοῦ δεσπότου 117; παρὰ μαρτύρων 341;
παρὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν 342 (all three, from); παρὰ τῶν Τούρκων 344 (partitive [among
/ of the Turks…]). 3 times with dat: παρ’ ἐκείνοις 132, 142, 185 (among them, in
their eyes, to them [= indirect object of προεθέσπισεν]).
παραδίδωμι, ἐπαραδόθην 109 (verb 3rd sg aor ind pass ἐ. ἡ πόλις εἰς διαγουμὰν [the
rumor spread] that the City was to be in the clutches of plunders); παραδίδη 106
(verb 3rd sg pres subj act [or unaugmented?]); παρέδωκαν 328 (verb 3rd pl aor
ind act τῷ πυρὶ π. [the Turks]).
παραπίπτω, (milit.) swoop down, παρέπεσε 2 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act [Murad II, in
the title]).
παρασκευή ἡ, (milit.) equipment, παρασκευάς 200; παρασκευήν 198.
παρθένος ἡ, young girl, παρθένον 136 (Bayazid’s daugther).
παρολίγον, 2–3, adv, almost, nearly, in the title. See LBG.
παροτρύνω, to urge, ἐπαροτρύναντο 283–4 (verb 3rd pl aor ind ἠγωνίζοντο καὶ ἐ.
πρὸς ἀλλήλων ἀλλήλοις all together they [the Romans vs the Turks] urged each
other); παροτρῦναι 235, 270 (verb aor inf act οὐδένα βοηθοῦντα ἢ διεγεῖραι ἢ π.
ἡμεῖς εἴχομεν; οὐκ ἔχοντες βοηθείας · οὔτε τινὰ πρὸς τὸ διεγεῖραι καὶ π.);
παροτρυνομένων 290 (verb part pl masc gen [πρὸς ἀλλήλους]).
πᾶς πᾶσα πᾶν, adj with and without article, all, entire, each, every one, every thing,
πᾶν 29 (π. ζῶον), 41, 42, 188, 206, 253, 267; πάντα 15 (ταῦτα πάντα), 26, 33 (π. τὰ
ἔξω), 41, 46 (τὰ π.), 108 (τὰ στρατεύματα π.), 168, 200, 205, 352; πάντας 46, 170,
212, 260, 354; πάντες 114, 119, 167, 168, 169, 207, 264, 291 ×8; παντός 122; πάντων
43, 96, 159, 358; πᾶσα 56, 122, 277; πᾶσαν 24, 39, 198; πάσης 110, 118 (ἐκ πάσης
γῆς), 123; πᾶσιν 157.
παστία ἡ, terreplein, breastwork, firewall, bastion, παστία 55; παστίαν 53; παστίας 57,
61, 92. See Cuomo 2014: 339 and LBG.
πατριάρχης ὁ, patriarch, -άρχην 133; -άρχης 142, 150, 344; -άρχου 140; -αρχῶν 177
(the Patriarch of Cpl. and other bishops).
πατρίς -ίδος, homeland, fatherland, πατρίδος 287 (π. ἡμῶν meaning Cpl).
πεζός -ή -όν, infantryman, infantry, πεζῶν 51 (π. καὶ ἱππέων ἔσχε τοσοῦτον).
πεῖρα ἡ, πείραν 11 (τῶν γραμμάτων τὴν πείραν ἔχοντας [for] those who are expert in
literature/writing).
πειράω, contr., seize, appropriate, ἐπήρασι(ν) (301) (verb 3rd pl aor ind act πολεμικὰ
τούτων ἔργα ἐ . [the Romans] appropriated their [of the Turks] weaponry). See
s.v. ἀπαίρω and GE, s.v. πειράω 1,c: “attack, assault, seek to take possession of”
as in Hdt. 6.82.110: τῆς πόλιος make an attempt on the city.
||
10 Ed. H. B. Rosén, Leipzig 1987–1997 (Teubner).
Thesaurus | 85
Πείς ὁ, Πεις (enclitic in Kananos) 2, 24, 52 (honorific title [Bey]). See Moravcsik 1958
II: 250f. (s.v. πέκης).
πέμπω, send, ἐπέμφθη 332 (verb 3rd sg aor ind pass τὸ ἔργον ἀοράτως ἐ. ἐκ
δυνάμεως θείας this event was sent invisibly by a divine power); πέμψῃ 127
(verb 3rd sg aor subj act ἵνα π. περὶ εἰρήνης).
πεντακόσιοι -αι -α, fivehundred, -κόσιοι 241; -κοσίους 150.
πέντε, 22, five (numeral indecl.).
πεντεκαιδέκατος -η -ον, fifteenth, πεντεκαιδεκάτης 21.
πέρας -ατος, τό, end (of the war), 36 (in the prologue), 322.
περάω, contr., pass, penetrate, περάσωσιν 93–4 (verb 3rd pl aor subj act ὡς ἵνα π. so
[subject: the Turks]).
περί, preposition with gen and acc. Kananos uses περί + gen 4 times: π. τοῦ πολέμου
1 (in the title); π. εἰρήνης τε καὶ ἀγάπης 127 (also idea of purpose); π. τῶν
μαχίμων 78; π. τούτου 346 (both: concerning, about). He also uses περί + acc,
twice: π. τῶν βουμπάρδων τὴν ἀπραξίαν 78 (concerning, about); οἱ π. ἐκεῖνον
ἄνδρες 241 (meaning: those men around him).
περιεργάζομαι, seek diligentely, περιεργασθέντες 269 (part pl aor pass masc nom).
See LBG περιεργάζω.
περίεργος -ον, περιέργως 14 (adv [carefully]. See also ἀπεριέργως).
περικεφαλαία ἡ (see GE s.v. περικεφάλαιος -ον, Pol. 3,71,4), helmet, περικεφαλαίας
208. See GE περικεφάλαιον and LBG περικεφαλίς.
περιπατέω, contr., περιπατεῖτε 319 (verb 2nd pl pres imperat act attic π. πλησίον εἰς
τὸ μέρος τοῦ ἔξω κάστρου walk close to the outer fortifications); περιπατοῦσα
349 (part sg pres act fem nom); περιεπάτουν 317 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act [the
women of Cpl.]); περιπατοῦσαν 356 (part sg pres act fem acc).
περιτομή ἡ, circumcision, περιτομήν 29, 227, 232.
περιφρονητής ὁ, defiant, περιφρονηταί 274, 306 (in the same formula]). See LBG
s.vv.: περιφρονητέος, -φρονητής, -φρονητικός, -φρονητικῶς, -φρονητός. See
also Kr.
Περσία ἡ, Persia, Περσίας 345 (οἱ σοφοὶ τῆς Π.).
Περσικός -ή -όν, Persian, Περσικῇ 143, 243.
πέτρα ἡ, rock, some, πέτραι 69; πέτρας 59, 310.
πικρός -ά -όν, (metaph.) bitter, πικροτάτης 35, 221 (superl).
πίπτω, fall, fall down, ἔπεσον 259 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act [αἱ σαγίτται] ἔ. εἰς τὰ τοίχη
τῆς πόλεως · καὶ ἐντός); πεσοῦνται 98, 193 (verb 3rd pl fut ind mid [τὰ τοίχη τῆς
πόλεως]).
πίστης ἡ, πίστην 182 (μὰ τὴν πίστην μας by the faith that we observe.) See TLG.
πίστις -εως, ἡ, πίστεως 178, 231, 287.
πλείων -ον, comp. πολύς, more, πλείονας 124 (comp π. τούτων, with gen of compari-
son [σαγίττας]); πλείονες 220, 364 (πρὸς φυγὴν οἱ π. ἐθεώρουν; οὐ π. τῶν
86 | Thesaurus
τριάκοντα, with gen of comparison); πλέον 55–6, 187, 288 (οὐ π.; ἐπὶ π. [adver-
bial: no more, any more, any longer]).
πληγή ἡ, downward blow, πληγῶν 274, 306 (twice in the same formula [π. καὶ
λαβωμάτων and π. καὶ τραυμάτων]).
πλῆθος -εος, contr. -ους, τό, multitude, crowd, myriad, πλήθη 50, 119, 152, 199, 250,
300 (τῶν Μουσουλμάνων [pejorative]); πλῆθος 121, 209 (ἀναρίθμητον π. [of ar-
rows]; [of the Turkish army]); πληθῶν 51 (πλήθη π.).
πλήν, 72, 75, 81, 104, 157, 245, 320, 351 as an adv, furthermore, in addition.
πλήρης -ες, full of, πλῆρες 39 (adj sg neut nom νέφος χαλάζης π. See app. crit.
[(in)direct quotation of Gregory of Nazianzus]).
πλησιάζω, draw near, come close, πλησιάσῃς 318 (verb 2nd sg aor subj act βλέπε μὴ
πλησιάσῃς τὸ κάστρον beware not to approach the fortification).
πλησίος -α -ον, near, close to, πλησιέστερον 77 (comp [+ gen]); πλησίον 26, 55, 75,
84, 189, 211, 239, 247, 319, 327 (adv [+ gen]).
πλησμονή ἡ, πλησμονήν 120, 217 (π. τοῦ φωσάτου immense army [= a great quantity,
oodles, as in Prov. 3,10 and Geop. 1,10,811]).
πλοκοτή ἡ, mesh fence, stack (of wood), πλοκοτάς 57, 205. See LBG.
πλοῦτος ὁ, riches, wealth, πλοῦτον 105 (of Cpl.).
πνευματικός -ή -όν, πνευματικῶν 305 (religious).
πόθεν, 33, 269, interrogative adv, whence?
ποιέω, make, ἐποίει 166 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind act); ἐποιήσαντο 25, 43, 82, 85–6,
89–90, 244 (verb 3rd pl aor ind); ἐποιοῦντο 267 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind mp);
ποιεῖ 7 (verb 3rd sg pres ind act); ποιήσωμεν 288 (verb 1st pl aor subj act [horta-
tory subjunctive]); ποιοῦνται 53 (verb 3rd pl pres ind mp).
ποῖος -α -ον, ποία 31, 234, 257 (interrogative adjective [of what kind?]).
πολεμέω, contr., fight, do battle, πολεμήσωσιν 85 (verb 3rd pl aor subj act ἵνα π.).
πολεμίζω, fight, do battle, πολεμίζειν 316 (verb pres inf act ἔλεγον π. [the women of
Cpl. told them to fight]); πολεμούντων 96 (part pl pres act masc gen).
πολεμικός -ή -όν, of war, warlike, -ά 216, 301, 326; -όν 206, 253; -ώτατον 188 (superl
μηχανικώτατον καὶ π. ἔργον).
πολέμιος -α -ον, hostile, πολέμιοι 343 (οἱ ἐχθροὶ καὶ π. [the Turks]); πολεμίων 333, 293
(τῶν π. [the Turks]).
πολεμιστής -οῦ, ὁ, warrior, πολεμισταί 273; πολεμιστάς 310.
πόλεμος ὁ, war, πόλεμον 145, 281, 311, 330, 359; πολέμου 1, 36, 121, 125, 147, 161, 169,
185, 199 and ten more times; πολέμους 91, 111.
πολιορκία ἡ, siege, πολιορκίαν 17, 79.
πόλις -εως, ἡ, always meaning: Constantinople, πόλεως ×20; πόλιν 24, 65, 71, (100),
162, 170, 180, 216, 356; πόλις 109, 345, 347.
||
11 Γεωπονικά: ed. H. Beckh, Leipzig, 1895 (Teubner).
Thesaurus | 87
πολιτεία ἡ, government, administration, πολιτείας 303 (τῆς π. οἱ ἄρχοντες).

πολύαθλος -ον, well-fighting, highly-fighting, victorious, πολυάθλων 336. See LBG
πολυάθλης.
πολυθρύλητος -ον, notorious, πολυθρύλητον 16, 339 (πολυύμνητον καὶ π. much-
famed in hymn and tale [θαῦμα τῆς Παναγίας]).
πολύς πολλή πολύ, many, much, πολλά 86; πολλαί 307; πολλάς 53; πολλοί 113, 295;
πολλούς 82; πολλῶν 80; πολύ 93 (εἰς βάθος π. ἐκατέβησαν); πολύς 142.
πολυύμνητος -ον, much-famed / celebrated in hymn, πολυύμνητον 339 (θαῦμα τῆς
Παναγίας).
πόρρω, 27, preposition with gen, beyond, farther (π. τοῦ Ἰκονίου διαβιβάσαντες).
πόρτα -ης ἡ, gateway, πόρτας 220, 266; πόρτης 239; πορτῶν 89. See Cuomo 2014:
339.
ποταμός ὁ, river, ποταμόν 77.
ποτίζω, supply with something for drinking, ἐπότιζαν 312 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act,
vernacular ἄλλαι ὕδατα καὶ οἴνους ἐ. αὐτοὺς some [women of Cpl.] gave to drink
water and wine to them).
ποῦ, 178, 179, 179, interrogative adv, where?
πουντελειάζω (< ital. puntellare), shore up, prop up, set wooden supports,
πουντελειάσωσιν 96 (verb 3rd pl aor aubj ὡς ἵνα π.). See LBG.
πουντέλειον τό (< ital. puntello), wooden support (beam, pole, cane), πουντελείων
97. See LBG.
πούς ποδός, ὁ, foot, πόδας 154, 155 (meaning the feet of Mersaitas and the hooves of
his mule).
πρᾶγμα -ατος, τό, wealth (of Cpl.), πράγματα 116 (ἄλλοι, τὰ ζῶα· καὶ ἄλλοι, τὰ π.).
πραγματευτής ὁ, trader, merchant, πραγματευταί 112. See Cuomo 2014: 340, LBG
s.vv. πραγματευτική, στιπποπραγματευτής.
πράσσω, att. πράττω, do, effect, accomplish, perform, ἔπραξεν 148 (verb 3rd sg aor
ind act); ἔπραττεν 238 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind act); πράττειν 165 (verb pres inf
act [ἤρξατο]); πραχθέντα 118 (part pl aor pass neut acc).
πρό, 218, preposition with gen, π. ὀλίγου shortly before (adverbial locution).
προθεσπίζω, foretell, predict, προεθέσπισεν 185 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act).
πρόκειμαι, ἐπρόκειτον 345 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind mid pass, vernacular form for
προέκειτο / προὔκειτο. π. παρ’ ἡμῶν αἰχμαλωτισθῆναι [The City] was lying ready
to be taken [See app. crit.]); πρόκειται 347.
προκινδυνεύω, προκινδυνεύσωμεν 285 (verb 1st pl aor subj, hortatory subjunctive
σπουδάσωμεν, π. let us fight today! Give it your all).
προμαχιόνιον τό, (milit.) breastwork, parapet, προμαχιονίων 213, 262, 349, 357. See
LBG.
προξενέω, contr., effect, προὐξένησεν 74 (verb 3ed sg aor ind act οὐδεμίαν βλάβην
τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις τοῦτο π. caused no harm to the Romans).
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προορατικός -ή -όν, soothsayer (= always Mersaita), -όν 142–3 (π. καὶ προφήτην); -ός
148, 161 (ὡς π. καὶ προφήτης).
πρός, preposition with acc and gen. Kananos uses πρός with acc 26 times, express-
ing the idea of motion towards. Some example: ἀπέστειλεν ἀποκρισιαρίους πρὸς
τὸν δεσπότην 144; ἔλθῃ πρὸς τὴν μάχην 244; δράμωμεν πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον τοῦ
πολέμου · ὡς οἱ μάρτυρες πρὸς τὸ στάδιον τῶν τυράννων 289–90; πρὸς βασιλέα
ἔφερον 298; πρὸς δυσμὰς ἐξέκλινε 323; sometimes fig., hence also the ideas of
purpose and of ‘to’: ἔφθασαν πρὸς τὸ κέρδος 111; εἰπεῖν with πρὸς acc 138;
ἑτοιμάζεσθε δὲ πρὸς τοῦτο 162; πρὸς φυγὴν οἱ πλείονες ἐθεώρουν 220; πρὸς
φυγὴν ἔβλεψαν 358 (formula), τῇ μεταθέσει τῆς πίστεως τῶν Χριστιανῶν πρὸς
τῶν Μουσουλμάνων τὸ σέβας 231; ἀνεβόησαν ὕμνον τῇ Περσικῇ διαλέκτῳ πρὸς
τὸν Μωάμετ 243; ἐποιοῦντο πρὸς κατάπληξιν τὴν ἡμετέραν 267–8 (the infidels
did everything in order to terrify us); οὐκ ἔχοντες τινὰ πρὸς τὸ διεγεῖραι 270
(purpose sentence with πρὸς + infinitive): ἐπαροτρύναντο πρὸς τὴν μάχην 311;
παροτρυνομένων πρὸς ἀλλήλους 290–1 (each other. See also the wired form on
line 283: πρὸς ἀλλήλων ἀλλήλοις), Kananos uses πρός + gen three times: twice
expressing the idea of ‘against’: πρὸς τῶν Μουσουλμάνων 231; πρὸς τῶν
Τούρκων; once probably erroneously: πρὸς ἀλλήλων ἀλλήλοις 283.
προσβάλλω, put forward (a charge), προσβαλλόμενος 130 (part sg pres mp masc nom
π. δὲ τάχα καὶ αἰτίαν).
προσδοκάω, contr., expect, προσδοκῶν 48 (part sg pres act masc nom [Murad II]);
προσδοκῶντες 68 (part pl pres act masc nom [οἱ Τοῦρκοι]).
προσδοκία ἡ, expectation, -ία 72; -ίαν 118 (of the Turks).
προσκυνέω, contr., greet and venerate, προσεκύνουν 134 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act
ὡς προφήτην αὐτὸν π. [subject: the Turks; object: Mersaita]); προσκυνοῦν 166
(verb 3rd pl aor subj act ὡς ἵνα οἱ Τοῦρκοι καὶ προσκυνοῦν καὶ δοξάζουν ὡς
προφήτην ἐκεῖνον [subject: the Turks; object: Mersaita]).
προσοχή -ῆς, ἡ, surveillance, watch, προσοχήν 60 (τῆς παστίας); προσοχῆς 316 (μετὰ
π. adverbial locution meaning ‘cautiously’).
προστάσσω, att. προστάττω, arrange, dispose, assign, order, decide, προστάξας 198
(part sg aor act masc nom π. τὰς τάξεις ἁπάσας καθοπλισθῆναι [Murad II]);
προστάξει 169 (ἵνα π. τοῦ πολέμου τὴν ὥραν [the Turks were all waiting] for him
to determine the hour [of the battle]); προστάσσω 190 (verb 1st sg pres ind act
[Mersaita]); προσταχθέν 200 (part sg aor pass neut acc τὸ π.).
προσφέρω, bring to, offer, προσέφερον 29 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act).
πρότερον, neut of πρότερος, used as an adv, 272, 329, 330.
Προῦσα -ης, ἡ, Bursa, Προύσης 144.
πρόφημι, say before, previously, προέφημεν 38 (verb 1st pl imperf ind act ὡς π. [Ka-
nanos]).
προφητεία ἡ, prophecy, προφητείας 196.
Thesaurus | 89
προφήτης ὁ, prophet, -φήτην 134, 143, 166–7; -φήτης 147, 148, 161, 183, 186; -φήτου
160. Referred to Ῥασοὺλ Μαχουμέτης and Mersaita.
πρῶτος -η -ον, first, πρῶτον 37, 121 (τὸ π. at first / initially).
πύλη ἡ, gateway, πύλην 76, 238 (e.g. Ῥωμανοῦ τοῦ ἁγίου καὶ τῆς Χαρσῆς).
πῦρ πυρός, τό, fire, πῦρ 96, 203; πυρί 328.
πύργος (πῦργος) ὁ, tower, πῦργον 69, 74 (see app. crit.); πῦργος 67, 75 (see app.
crit.); πύργους 81, 84, 255, 266, 299; πύργων 82.
πῶς, adv, 33 (interrogative), 109, 269 (interrogative), 329 (of manner [of mode]), 330.
Ρ
Ῥάμπλια τά, Ramplia, a form of geomancy, divination with the help of sand: 165 (τὰ
Ῥάμπλια πράττειν). See Nyström 2009: 184; 210–223; 236.
Ῥασούλ ὁ, 141, 147, 160, 196, 229, 248, 248, 249, i.e. Μαχουμέτη (antonomasia).
Rasul (with a long u) means “the envoy / the messenger (of God)” in Arabic.
ῥίζα -ης, ἡ, root, ῥίζης 42.
ῥοπή ἡ, ῥοπῇ 25, 258 (ἐν μιᾷ καιροῦ ῥ. in one single instant). See L, 7: turning point,
critical moment. For the expression ἐν (μιᾷ) καιροῦ ῥ. see TLG, exp. Gregory of
Nyssa and Gregory of Nazianzus.
ῥοῦχον, τό (< mlat. rochus), dress, robe, ῥοῦχα 356. See LBG.
Ῥωμαῖος -α -ον, inhabitants of Cpl., Ῥωμαῖοι 130, 179, 256, 268, 323, 332; Ῥωμαίοις 35,
74, 327; Ῥωμαίους 49, 71, 161–2, 170, 174, 219, 222, 355; Ῥωμαίων 40, 58, 80, 94,
99, 102, 145, 193, 214, 216, 259, 296, 310, 330, 336, 365.
Ῥωμανός ὁ, one of the gateways of Cpl., Ῥωμανοῦ 76, 239 (The door of st. Roman).
See BZ 2003: 1–14.
ῥώννυμι, strengthen, ῥωσθέντες 275 (part pl aor masc nom pass [the Romans]).
Σ
σαγίττα ἡ, arrow, σαγίτται 318; σαγίττας 58, 120, 124, 258, 320. See Cuomo 2014: 340.
σαθρόω, contr., render unsound, σεσαθρωμένον 69 (part sg perf masc acc pass
πῦργον an unsound tower); σεσαθρωμένος 67 (part sg perf masc nom pass σ. καὶ
ἐσκισμένος πῦργος).
σάλπιγξ -ιγγος, ἡ, war-trumpet, σαλπίγγων 251–2.
σανίς -ίδος, ἡ, plank, timber σανίδων 57.
σαρλίς ὁ (< Turkish?), trader, merchant, σαρλίδες 112, 114 (Kananos himself explains
the word as: τουτέστιν, πραγματευταί). See Cuomo 2014: 340.
σᾶς (ἐσεῖς) = ὑμᾶς, 179 (pron masc pl acc οἱ ἅγιοί σας νὰ σᾶς βοηθήσουν).
σας = your, 179, 179, 181, 181, 182 (poss adj masc pl encl. E.g.: ὁ Θεός σας; οἱ ἅγιοί
σας; τὰς γυναῖκας σας etc.).
σέβας τό, cult, worship, ritual, σέβας 231.
σέβω, σέβομαι, venerate, worship, ἐσέβοντο 134 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind ἐ. τοῦτον ὡς
αὐτὸν τὸν Μωάμετ).
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σειρά ἡ, lineage, σειρᾶς 133 (ἐκ σ. τε καὶ γένους τοῦ Μαχουμέτη κατήγετο [Mer-
saita]).
σείστης ὁ, (wooden) beam, pole, arrow-shaped object, σείστας 203, 265. See Cuomo
2014: 340.
σήμερον, today, adv.
σιδήρεος -α -ον, contr. σιδηροῦς -ᾶ -οῦν, made of iron, σιδηρᾶ 203 (σ. μάχιμα [σιδηρὰ
sic VΝΑ]); σιδηρᾶς 207 (ἰσχυρᾶς καὶ σ. πανοπλίας); σιδηρέας 206 (ἀγγύρας σ.).
σιδηροδεσμέω, armor, bulletproof (of siege machines), chain something up (with iron
chain), σιδηροδεσμουμένους 81–2, 90, 126 (part pl masc acc pass e.g. τροχοὺς σ.
ironclad wheels). See app. crit. and LBG.
σίδηρον τό, irons, fetters, σίδηρα 128 (σ. καὶ φυλακὰς αὐτοὺς κατεδίκασεν [Murad
II]).
σίδηρος ὁ, iron, σιδήρων 205 (σκουτάρια μετὰ σιδήρων shields covered with iron).
σιωπάω, contr., σιωπᾶν 35 (verb pres inf act σιωπᾶν ἡμῖν ἄμεινον ἔδοξεν It seems
preferable to me to conceal [in the prologue]).
σκάλα ἡ, (< lat./it. scala), ladder, σκάλας 201, 202, 254; σκαλῶν 264. See Cuomo
2014: 341.
σκάπτω, dig, ἔσκαπτον 92 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act).
σκεπάζω/σκεπάω, ἐσκέπασαν 260 (τὸ φῶς τοῦ ἡλίου ἐ. [the arrows of the Turks]
eclipsed the light of the sun itself).
σκεπαστός, cover, σκεπαστάς 88 (τροχοὺς σ = covered wheels [i.e. iron-covered]).
See LBG also s.v. σκεπαστή.
σκέπομαι, ἐσκέπετο 51 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind mp ἅπας ὁ κόσμος ἐκεῖνος ἐσκέπετο
ὑπ’ ἐκείνων the whole world was submitted to his authority). See LBG σκέπος.
σκέπω, σκέπεσθε 320 (verb 2nd pl pres ind pass ἵνα σ. ὑπὸ τούτου so that you are
hidden by that). See LBG σκέπος.
σκευή ἡ, device, cannon, σκευάς 63; σκευῆς 73; σκευῶν 62. See Lampros NE 5 (1908):
400–413, part. 402; Cuomo 2014: 341.
σκίζω = σχίζω, tear, rend, rip up, lacerate, ἐσκισμένος 67 ([πῦργος] σεσαθρωμένος
καὶ ἐ. a tower that was full of cracks).
σκιρτάω, contr., exult, rejoice, triumph (as in NT; see GE) σκιρτῶντες 337 (part pl
pres act masc nom σ. εὐθύμουν [the Romans]).
σκλάβος ὁ, slave, σκλάβους 180. See LBG.
σκοτεινός -ή -όν, (fig.) miserable, σκοτεινοί 179 (ὦ σ. Ῥωμαῖοι)
σκότος ὁ, (fig.) darkness, gloom, σκότος 357.
σκουτάριον τό, shield, σκουτάρια 205 (σ. στερεὰ καὶ μεγάλα); σκουτάριον 345;
σκουταρίων 280. See LBG.
σκώπτω, blame, ridicule, σκῶψαι 138 (verb aor inf act οὐδεὶς ἐτόλμησεν αὐτὸν σ.
[Mersaita]).
σμῆνος -εος, contr. -ους, τό, beehive, σμῆνος 276 (in an [in-]direct quotation from
Gregory of Nazianzus).
Thesaurus | 91
σοβαρός -ά -όν, proud, haughty, σοβαρός 156; σοβαρώτατος 151.

σολοικοβάρβαρος, -ον, a way of writing sullied with foreign words and solecisms,
σολοικοβάρβαρον (φράσιν) 11–2. See Cuomo 2014: 333.
σοῦδα ἡ, moat, σοῦδα 75; σοῦδαν 65, 70; σούδας 84, 93, 219; σουδῶν 66. See LBG.
Σοφία ἡ, Hagia Sophia, Σοφίαν 228 (τοῦ μεγίστου θεοῦ τὴν Σ.).
σοφός -ή -όν, wise, learned, skilful, σοφοί 345; σοφούς 13.
σπάθη ἡ, sword, σπάθην 191.
σπαράσσω, att. σπαράττω, deploy, ἐσπάραξαν 201 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act ἐ. κατὰ
τάξιν the Turkish divisions deployed neatly).
σπαταλέω, contr., revel in, ἐσπατάλουν 172 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind act ἀπὸ τούτου
ἔχαιρον καὶ ἐ.). See LBG. See also LSJ, GE s.v. σπαταλάω.
σπεύδω, set going, rush in, ἔσπευδον 291 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act ἔ. πάντες καὶ
ἠγωνίζοντο).
σπουδάζω, incite, spur on, ἐσπούδαξαν 322 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act ἐ. καὶ ἐκεῖναι τὸ
δυνατὸν αὐτῶν εἰς τὴν μάχην μέχρι τὸ πέρας ἴδωσιν τοῦ πολέμου);
σπουδάσωμεν 285 (verb 1st pl aor subj act, hortative subj). See LBG and GE.
στάδιον τό, stadion, στάδιον 290 (ὡς οἱ μάρτυρες πρὸς τὸ σ. τῶν τυράννων).
στερεός -ά -όν, sturdy, resistant, στερεά 56, 205 (ἡ παστία σ. καὶ ὀχυρωτάτη ἀπὸ
ξύλων; σκουτάρια σ. καὶ μεγάλα).
στέρνα ἡ, < κι[ν]στέρνα, cistern, tank (for water), στέρνας 101. See Cuomo 2014: 343.
στουππίον τό, oakum, hemp, στουππιά 312. See LBG.
στρατάρχης ὁ, (milit.) general, στρατάρχην 23 (Mīk̲h̲āl-Og̲h̲lu), 186 (καὶ δεσπότην);
στρατάρχης 43 (ὁ μέγας), 197 (καὶ δεσπότης) (indicating Murad II).
στρατεία ἡ, army, στρατείας 208.
στράτευμα τό, army, στράτευμα 37; στρατεύματα 37, 99, 108, 199–200, 352;
στρατεύματος 60.
στρατεύω, fight as soldier, ἐστρατεύοντο 317 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind mp).
στρατηγός ὁ, commander of an army, στρατηγοί 210 (of the Turkish army).
στρατιά ἡ, army, militia, στρατιά 22, 38; στρατιάς 50, 314; στρατιῶν 50.
στρατιώτης ὁ, soldier, στρατιῶται 59, 114, 302.
στρατός -οῦ, ὁ, army (a troop or military force), στρατόν 145.
στρέφω, do an about-turn, στραφέντες 326 (part pl aor pass masc nom σ. ἔφευγον
[the Turks] having done an about-turn, they fled).
σύ, ἐσᾶς 180 (pron pl masc acc, vernacular ἐσᾶς αἰχμαλώτους καὶ σκλάβους ἔχομεν
we shall have you as 〈our〉 prisoners and slaves); σύ 159 (Mersaita addressing
Murad II); ὑμῖν 160; ὑμῶν 181.
συγγενής -ές, akin, kinsman, related by blod, συγγενοῦς 140 (τοῦ σ. τοῦ Μωάμετ
[Mersaita]).
συγγράφω, write, compose (a narrative), συγγραφεῖσα 4 (part sg aor pass fem nom [ἡ
διήγησις. In the title added by Kontostephanos]).
92 | Thesaurus
σύγκλεισις -εως, ἡ, siege, encirclement, συγκλείσεως 32 (see also app. crit. and GE
s.v. σύγκλῃσις).
σύμβαμα τό, mischance, misfortune, συμβάματος 67 (ἐκ σ. for an adverse circum-
stance). See LBG.
συμμαρτυρέω, contr., confirm, assert, ἐσυνεμαρτύρουν 353 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act,
double augmented ὁμοίως καὶ τὰ στρατεύματα πάντα τῶν Τούρκων ἐ. ἐνόρκως
τὸν Μηρσαΐτην ἐκεῖνον).
συμπατριώτης ὁ, fellow citizen, compatriot, συμπατριῶται 285. See app. crit. and
LBG.
συμπενθέω, contr., συνεπένθησε 233 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act did join in the weep-
ing). See LBG s.vv.: ἀποπενθέω, βαρυπενθέω, ἐπιπενθέω, προπενθέω,
προσπενθέω, ὑπερπενθέω.
συμπλοκή ἡ, struggle, brawl, battle, fray, συμπλοκῆς 146–7 (τὴν ὥραν τῆς
συμπλοκῆς τοῦ πολέμου the hour for struggeling in battle. See LBG s.v.
συμπλοκοστρατηγία: Kampfstrategie: κατ᾿ ἐχθρῶν).
συμφορά ἡ, adversity, calamity, misfortune, συμφορά 34.
σύν, 188, preposition with dat, with.
συνάγω, ἐσυνάχθην 118 (verb 3rd sg aor ind pass, ἐ. ἐκ πάσης [τῆς] γῆς
Μουσουλμάνων ἀναρίθμητα πλήθη innumerable hordes of Moslems were drawn
from everywhere. See also app. crit.); ἐσυνήχθησαν 114 (verb 3rd pl aor ind pass,
vernacular, double augmented).
συνάγω, gather together, assemble, collect, συναχθῶσιν 108 (ὅπως νὰ σ. verb 3rd pl
aor subj pass); συνῆξαν 120 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act).
συναγωγή ἡ, collection, συναγωγή 122.
συναναβοάω, contr., cry out together, συνανεβόησαν 250 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act σ.
ἅμα καὶ τῶν Μουσουλμάνων τὰ πλήθη [pleonasm]).
συνάπτω, (milit.) join battle, συνάψῃς 145 (verb 2nd sg aor subj mid Ὅρα μήπως σ.
πόλεμον [prohibition]).
σύνθημα τό, att. ξύν-, preconcerted signal (for the battle, attack), σύνθημα 190;
συνθήματος 292.
συνουσία ἡ, sexual intercourse, συνουσία 139.
σύνταξις -εως, ἡ, rank, array in battle order (troops drawn up for battle), συντάξεις
210, 247, 249 (e.g. τῶν Τούρκων, τῶν Μουσουλμάνων).
συντυγχάνω, συνέτυχον 131 (με οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι ἀναισχύντως σ. the Romans have impu-
dently behaved to me [Murad II]).
συρράσσω, att. συρράττω, break out, συρραγέντος 294 (part sg aor pass masc gen
σφοδροτάτου σ. πολέμου [genitive absolute]).
σύστημα -ατος, τό, category, class, rank, συστήματα 304 (τῶν μοναχῶν τὰ σ. [see
LBG s.v. σύστημα: “Zunft” and GΕ, c]).
σφοδρός -ά -όν, violent, σφοδροτάτην 284 (superl [μάχην]); σφοδροτάτου 294 (su-
perl [πολέμου]).
Thesaurus | 93
σχεδόν, adv: 110 around, approximately, roughly; 220 probably, almost, nearly. See
GE, 1b.
σχῆμα τό, appearance, aspect, look, σχήματι 151 (τῷ σχήματι, σοβαρώτατος [Mer-
saita]).
σχοινίον τό, σχοινία 280 (ἔδησαν μὲ σ. [the Romans] bound with a rope); σχοινίων 84
(μετὰ σ.).
σχολάζω, have respite from, σχολάσαι 315 (verb aor inf act [κατεμπόδιζον μὴ] τοῦ
πολέμου σ.).
Σωτήρ -ῆρος, ὁ, savior, Σωτῆρος 369 (Jesus [in the concluding doxology]).
σώφρων -ον, gen -ονος, temperate, chaste, σωφρόνων 226.
Τ
Ταγκρύ, 249, sky, heaven, hence God, See Moravcsik 1958 II: 21; 296; O.J. Maechen-
Helfen, ΘΕΓΡΙ and Tengri, in: The American Journal of Philology 87/1 (1966), 80–
83. “Eine alte türkische Bezeichnung für den Himmelsgott, die schon im ältes-
ten erhaltenen Türkisch, den alttürkischen sog. Orchon-Inschriften vorkommt
(8. Jh.), heißt Tängri, später dann in der Form Tangri12.”
τάξις -εως, ἡ, army, τάξεις 187, 198; τάξιν 201, 211.
ταρκάσιον τό, quiver, ταρκάσια 126. See Cuomo 2014: 343.
τάσσω, att. τάττω, (milit.) deploy, line up, τάξον 187 (verb 2nd sg aor imperat act τὰς
τάξεις τ. καθοπλισθῆναι set the army in array fully equipped).
Τάταροι οἱ, Τατάρων 118 (Τάρων sic VΝΑ).
ταύλα ἡ (= ταβούλα), table, ταύλας 279 (ὅπου ἐτρώγαν). See LBG s.vv. ταβλέτα,
ταβούλα (ταυλ- = ταβλ-).
ταυρίζω, pull, tow, drag, ταυρίσουν 84 (verb 3rd pl aor subj ἵνα τοὺς πύργους τ.). See
Cuomo 2014: 344.
τάχα, 130, adv, probably.
ταχύς -εῖα -ύ, quickly, forthwith, istantly, ταχέως 187 (adv).
τε (conj encl) τε 52 (see app. crit.), 76 (see app. crit.), 189, 294, 333; τε καί 15, 62, 105
(τε τὸν πλοῦτον καὶ τὸν λαὸν), 128, 132, 133, 157, 177, 251, 278, 359.
τέκνον τό, child, son, τέκνα 314; τέκνων 286.
τέλε(ι)ος -α -ον, τελεία 185 (ἡ τ. ἡμέρα τοῦ πολέμου τῶν Τούρκων).
τέλος -εος, contr. -ους, τό, τέλος 72 (adverbial, in the end).
τέντα ἡ, tent, τένταν 164. See Cuomo 2014: 344 and LBG.
τέρας -ατος, τό, wonder, marvel, portent, monstrum, τέρας 328 (τ. καὶ ἐξαίσιον
ἔργον).
τεράστιος -ον, prodigious, arousing astonishment, τεράστια 89 (τ. μεγάλα εἰργάσαντο
[the Turks]. Told about the Turkish weaponry).
||
12 My thanks to Claudia Römer for her explanation.
94 | Thesaurus
τέχνασμα -ατος, τό, expedient, device, trick, τεχνάσματος 107 (Turkish)

τέχνη ἡ, τέχνην 348, 351; τέχνης 359.
τζαγκάρος ὁ (ancient Turkish čaruk, see Turkish čarık), cobbler, shoemaker,
τζαγκάροι 113. See Cuomo 2014: 344; and Hemmerdinger 1969: 26.
τζάγρα ἡ, crossbow, τζαγρῶν x2. See Cuomo 2014: 344.
τζόκος ὁ, heavy hammer, τζόκους 202, 266. See Cuomo 2014: 346.
τηλικοῦτος -αύτη -οῦτο(ν), so great, τηλικαύτας 234 (as GE, b).
τίθημι, ἔθηκαν 57, 254 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act πλοκοτὰς ἀπὸ βέργας, ἔ. ἔμπροσθεν
[the Turks]; ἔθηκαν σκάλας [the Turks] place, set).
τιμάω (or τιμέω?), honour, revere, ἐτιμοῦσαν 134 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act). See GE
s.v.; Schwyzer 1923: 417.513. See also LBG s.v. ἰσοτιμόω.
τίς, τί, gen τίνος, τί, interrogative pronoun, τίς 31, 80, 221, 222, 223, 233, 233, 256,
257, 257.
τις, τι, gen τινος, indefinite pronoun enclitic, τι 138; τις 131; τινά 101, 270; τινάς 214;
τινές 280, 320.
τοιόσδε -άδε -όνδε, demonstrative pronoun, τοιόνδε 190.
τοιοῦτος -αύτη -οῦτο (or -οῦτον), demonstrative pronoun, τοιαύτας 234; τοιαύτην
343; τοιαύτης 113; τοιοῦτος 135; τοιούτου 107.
τοῖχος -ου, contr. -ους, τό, wall, city wall (of Cpl.), τοίχη 64, 95, 98, 193, 252, 254, 259,
355; τοῖχος 310 (εἰς τὸ τ.); τοίχου 48; τοίχους 214, 314 (ἀπὸ/ἐκ τοῦ τ.). See TLG,
GΕ s.vv. ὁ τοῖχος, τοιχίδιον; and also Kazhdan 1995: 234, n. 2.
τόλμα ἡ, courage, hardihood, τόλμῃ 275; τόλμην 171, 218, 272.
τολμάω, contr., dare, ἐτόλμησεν 138 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act attic οὐδεὶς ἐ. αὐτὸν
σκῶψαι no one dared to make jests about him).
τολμηρός -ά -όν, brave, valiant, courageous, but also brazenly, τολμηροί 60, 273,
305; τολμηρόν 6, 267; τολμηρός 15; τολμηρῶς 178, 281.
τοξεύω, shoot with the bow, ἐδόξευσαν (125) (verb 3rd pl aor ind act); ἐτόξευσαν 125
(verb 3rd pl aor ind act); τοξεύειν 213 (verb inf pres act ἐκέλευσαν τ).
τόξον τό, bow, τόξου 55, 189 (ὅσον τ. βολὴν within a bowshot); τόξων 58, 62, 124
(e.g. τὰς σαγίττας τῶν τόξων x2).
τοξότης ὁ, bowman, archer, τοξότας 212.
τόπος ὁ, place, τόπον 65, τόπος 69, 75.
τοσοῦτος -αύτη -οῦτο, so much, so great, τοσαύτας 234 (e.g. εἰς τὰς τ. καὶ τοιαύτας
καὶ τηλικαύτας ἀνάγκας); τοσαύτην 223; τοσοῦτον 51 (in correlation with ὥστε),
120 (in correlation with ὥστε), 135, 208, 223 (εἰς θράσος τοσοῦτον).
τότε, 52, 82, 108, 126, 131, 172, 224, 233, 356, adverb of time, at that time, then.
τοὔνομα, 143, crasis = τὸ ὄνομα.
||
13 E. Schwyzer, Dialectorum graecarum exempla epigraphica potiora. Leipzig 1923.
Thesaurus | 95
Τοῦρκοι / Τούρκοι, οἱ, Turks, Τοῦρκοι 68, 166, 219, 262; Τούρκοι (166), (219);
Τούρκοις 75, 171, 316; Τούρκου 125; Τούρκους 70; Τουρκῶν 113, (153-154, 156);
Τούρκων 53, 99, and 20 more. See Moravcsik 1958 II: 320sqq.
Τουρκοκαλόγεροι, οἱ, Turkish monk; Τουρκοκαλογέροι 116–7, Τουρκοκαλογέρους
150–1, 182, 242. See LBG s.v. Tουρκοκαλόγηροι.
τουτέστιν, 112, 258, adverbial locution, that is to say.
τρανής -ές, clear, τρανῶς 337 (adv τ. τὸν Θεὸν εὐχαρίστουν [the Romans]).
τραῦμα τό, wound, injury, τραυμάτων 306. Kananos also uses λάβωμα.
τρεπτός -ή -όν, τρεπτούς 296 (δειλοὺς καὶ τ. τοὺς Μουσουλμάνους ἀπέδειξεν [the
Romans] revealed the Moslems to be cowardly and weak).
τρέχω, run, δράμωμεν 289 (verb 1st pl aor subj act δ. πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον τοῦ πολέμου
[hortatory subjunctive]); δράμωσιν 169 (verb 3rd pl aor subj ind act ἵνα δ.).
τριάκοντα, 364, indecl., thirty.
τριακοστός -ή -όν, thirtieth, τριακοστοῦ 361; τριακοστῷ 19, 20.
τρίζω, crepitate, crackle, hence (of νέφος): rumble, thunder, τετριγός 39 (τ. ὀλέθριον
[in an allusion to Gregorios of Nazianzus] a deadly rumbling cloud).
τρικυμία ἡ, wave (metaph), τρικυμίας 232.
τρίς, 191, 244, adv, three times.
τρίτος -η -ον, third, τρίτῃ 21.
τρομάζω, ἐτρόμαξε 256 and ἐτρόμαξεν 222 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act τίς [γὰρ] οὐκ
ἐτρόμαξε[ν] τὴν ὥραν ἐκείνην who did not tremble with fear at that hour). See
GE: “aor. ἐτρόμασα”. See also GE s.v. τρομάσσω.
τρόμος ὁ, trembling with fear, quaking from fear, τρόμος 358.
τροχός ὁ, wheel, τροχούς 81, 87, 90 (μὲ τ. σιδηροδεσμουμένους).
τρῦπα ἡ, fissure, gap, breach (of the city wall), τρύπας 300. Kananos also uses
χάλασμα.
τρυπάω, contr., perforate, breach, ἐτρυποῦσαν 255, 265, 299 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act
e.g.: ἐτρυποῦσαν μὲ σείστας τοὺς πύργους [others were intent at] boring the
tower by means of tree trunks). See s.v. τρῦπα.
τρώγω (aor1. ἔτρωξα ‖ aor2. ἔτραγον), eat, ἐτρώγαν 279 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act,
vernacular τὰς ταύλας ὅπου ἐτρώγαν the tables where they would eat).
τυμπάνιον τό, top and bottom of a barrel, τυμπάνια 279.
τύραννος ὁ, tyrant, τυράννων 290 (πρὸς τὸ στάδιον τῶν τ.).
Τωβίτ ὁ, proper name, Hebr., indecl., Tobit the prophet, Τωβίτ 6.
Υ
ὑβριστικός -ή -όν, ὑβριστικῶς 176 (adv ἔλεγον ἀναιδῶς καὶ ὑ. saucily, outrageously,
[the Turks]).
ὕδωρ ὕδατος, τό, water, ὕδατα 312. Kananos also uses νερόν.
υἱός ὁ, son, υἱοῦ 20.
96 | Thesaurus
ὑμνέω contr., celebrate in a hymn, praise, ὑμνήσατε 367 (verb 2nd pl aor subj act,
hortatory subjunctive).
ὑμνητήριον τό, lit.: a place where one can sing hymns to and worship God,
ὑμνητήριον 228 (ὑ. τοῦ Μωάμετ = mosque). See LBG.
ὕμνος ὁ, hymn, ὕμνον 243; ὕμνους 338, 367.
ὑπαίτιος -ον, accountable, guilty, ὑπαιτίους 129.
ὑπάρχω, ὑπάρχει 225 (verb 3rd sg pres ind act); ὑπῆρχεν 66, 75, 208, 236, 340 (verb
3rd sg imperf ind act).
ὑπέρ, preposition with acc: ὑ. ἀριθμόν 88 (a lot, very numerous); and with gen: ὑ.
αἰτίας τοιαύτης 113 (of purpose); ὑ. ἐμαυτῶν καὶ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων 286; ὑ.
ἐλευθερίας 286 (both, of advantage, for the sake of).
ὑπέραγνος -ον, most pure, ὑπέραγνος 3 (Μήτηρ τοῦ Κυρίου [in the title]).
ὑπερβαίνω, ὑπερέβην 53 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act αὕτη ἡ μία πολλὰς ὑπερέβην
μεγίστους the structure overshadowed many very large ones).
ὑπερέχω, be higher, stand above something, ὑπερεῖχον 83 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act
μᾶλλον καὶ ὑ. ἐκείνους [being even higher]).
ὑπερμεγέθης -ες, exceedingly high, majestic, imposing (hence also awe-inspiring),
ὑπερμεγέθη 89 (adj pl neut acc κάστρη ξύλινα ὑ.).
ὑπέρογκος -ον, immoderate, excessive, ὑπέρογκος 45 (ὑ. καὶ γαυριώμενος [Mīk̲h̲āl-
Og̲h̲lu]).
ὑπό, preposition. Kananos uses four times ὑπό + acc expressing the idea of being
submitted under an authority: ὑπὸ τὴν βασιλικὴν ἐξουσίαν 24–5; ὑπὸ τὴν
δεσποτείαν αὐτῶν 33; τὴν ὑπὸ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἠμαύρωσαν γῆν 40; ὑπὸ τὴν
ἐξουσίαν αὐτοῦ 46–7. Kananos twice uses ὑπό + gen: ὑπ’ ἐκείνων 51–2; ὑπὸ
τούτου 320 (both, of agent).
ὑποδέχομαι, receive somebody, ὑπεδέξαντο 154 (verb 3rd pl aor ind mid τοῦτον ὡς
ἄγγελον ὑ. [the Turks / Mersaita]); ὑπεδέξατο 156 (verb 3rd sg aor ind mid
δουλοπρεπῶς ὑ. τοῦτον [Murad II / Mersaita]).
ὑπόζυγος, yoked, animal attached with or to a yoke, beast of burden, ὑπόζυγον 29–30
(πᾶν ζῶον ὑ.). See LBG: CyrAlJo III 340,21; TheodOtv 61,7; CodAstr XII 175,24. GE
and L give another meaning.
ὑπόκρισις -εως, ἡ, delivery (see GE, b), or as fig. playing a part, hypocrisy (see GE, d),
ὑποκρίσεως 165 (μετὰ ὑ. δὲ ταῦτα ἐποίει [Mersaita] did this with delivery).
ὑπολαμβάνω, suppose, think, ὑπέλαβον 263 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act ὑ. ἀφυλάκτως
εἶναι [the Turks] supposed those [the fortifications] to be unguarded. See GE, f);
ὑπελάμβανεν 46 (ὑπελάμβανεν παρ’ αὑτοῦ διοικεῖσθαι τὰ πάντα [Mīk̲h̲āl-Og̲h̲lu
Mehmet] thought that all things were managed by him).
ὑψηλός -ή -όν, high, lofty, stately, proud, ὑψηλός 45, 132, 157 (twice the formula
ὑψηλός τε καὶ μέγας); ὑψηλοῦ 190, 241 (formula ἐφ’ ἵππου ὑψηλοῦ).
ὕψος -εος, contr. -ους, τό, height, ὕψος 82 (τῶν πύργων τῆς πόλεως).
Thesaurus | 97
Φ
φαίνω, appear, ἐφάνη 38 (verb 3rd sg aor ind pass ἑτέρα ἐ. στρατιὰ
Μουσουλμάνων); ἐφάνησαν 306 (verb 3rd pl aor ind pass [proved/appeared to
be]).
φάλκη ἡ, it indicates the form of the hook used by the Turks, whose form reminds to
a sickle (Italian: falce), φάλκας 204 (acc pl), 265 (acc pl), 297 (gen sg). See Cuo-
mo 2014: 346.
φαλκούνιον τό, a short fat cannon, φαλκούνια 85. See Purdie 2009: 60–62; Cuomo
2014: 346.
φάσκω, say, φάσκοντες 342 (part pl pres act masc nom introducing an [in]direct
quotation of Basil the Great).
φέρω, bring, suffer, bear, endure, ἔφερεν 242 (verb 3rd sg imperf ind act); ἔφερον 63,
101, 202, 207, 254, 298 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act); φέρει 233, 257 (formula τίς
ἀκοὴ φ. τὸ ἄκουσμα which ear could stand the sound?); φέροντες 199 (part pl
pres act masc nom); φέρωσιν 84 (verb 3rd pl pres subj act ἵνα φ.).
φεύγω, flee, run away, ἔφευγον 326 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act); ἔφυγον 331 (ἔφυγον
ἀπὸ τούτων [the Turks] fled from them [the Romans]); φύγωσιν 214 (verb 3rd pl
aor subj act ὡς ἵνα φ.).
φήμη ἡ, news, rumor, φήμη 109; φήμην 121. GE, b.
φθάνω, arrive, ἔφθασαν 111 (ἔ. πρὸς τὸ κέρδος), 252 (ἔ. εἰς τὰ τοίχη), 309 (εἰς τὸ ἔξω
κάστρον ἔ. [see also 70–1]), 354 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act ἔ. εἰς τὰ τοίχη); ἔφθασεν
44, 149, 184, 239 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act); φθάσει 163 (verb 3rd sg fut ind act ἕως
ὅτου νὰ φ. ἡ ὥρα); φθάσειν 71 (verb fut inf act θέλουσιν φ. [the Turks] expected
they would reach [future, periphrasis]); φθάσετε 107 (verb 2pl imp pres act φ.
εἰς τὸ κέρδος); φθάσω 146 (verb 1st sg fut ind act [or aor subj?] ἕως ὅτε ἐγὼ νὰ
φ. until I myself arrive); φθάσωσιν 94 (verb 3rd pl aor subj act ἵνα φ. εἰς τὰ
τοίχη).
φθέγγομαι, utter a sound, speak, proclaim, ἐφθέγξατο 158 (verb 3rd sg aor ind mid).
φθείρω, destroy, ἔφθειραν 26 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act ἔ. · ἐλεηλάτησαν ·
ᾐχμαλώτευσαν [see also l. 30]); ἔφθειρεν 137 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act ἔ. καὶ
ἐκράτησεν).
φθορά -ᾶς, ἡ, destruction, ruin, φθορά 34.
φιλευσεβής -ές, sacred, φιλευσεβεῖς 341 (κατὰ τοὺς φ. νόμους in accordance with
the sacred laws. See PRK and TLG).
φίλος -η -ον, as noun: friend, φίλοι 284, 365.
φιλοτιμία ἡ, desire for honor, ambition, φιλοτιμίαν 289 (ποιήσωμεν τὴν ἀνάγκην φ.
let us make desire for honor from this necessity).
φλέγω, burn, φλεγομένους 313 (part pl pres mp masc acc φ. τῇ δίψῃ ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου
were scorched by thirst).
φλόξ -ογός, ἡ, flame, φλόξ 40 (in an [in]direct quotation of Gregory of Nazianzus).
φοβερός -ά -όν, fearsome, φοβερός 132 (ὑψηλός τε καὶ μέγας καὶ φ. Mersaita).
98 | Thesaurus
φοβέω, contr., terrorise, frighten, ἐφοβήθην 224 (verb 3rd sg aor ind pass τίς οὐκ ἐ.);
φοβηθῶσιν 214 (verb 3rd pl aor subj pass ὡς ἵνα φ.).
φόβος ὁ, fright, fear, φόβος 261, 358; φόβου 256.
φονεύω, kill, ἐφόνευσαν 301 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act); φονεύσουν 213–4 (verb 3rd pl
pres subj act ὡς ἵνα φ.).
φορέω, contr., wear, φοροῦσα 349 (part sg pres act fem nom [ὀξέα]); φοροῦσαν 356
(part sg pres act fem acc [ὀξέα ῥοῦχα]).
φράσις -εως, ἡ, speech, expression, way of writing, style, φράσιν 12 (in the prologue).
φρικτός -ή -όν, to be shuddered at, awful, φρικτοτάτην 271, 308, 324 (superl);
φρικτοτάτου 36 (superl).
φρίσσω, att., φρίττω, shudder, ἔφριξε 221, 257 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act τίς οὐκ ἔ. τὴν
ἡμέραν ἐκείνην; τίς οὐκ ἔ. ταύτης τὴν θέαν;).
φυγή ἡ, flight, φυγήν 220, 333, 358.
φυγός -η -ον, fugitive, inclined to take flight, φυγοί 272 (οἱ δειλοὶ καὶ φ.).
φυλακή ἡ, φυλακάς 129 (σίδηρα καὶ φ. αὐτοὺς κατεδίκασεν [Murad II] condemned
them to irons and prison); φυλακήν 131.
φυλάσσω, att. φυλάττω, protect, defend, ἐφύλαξε 3 (verb 3rd sg aor ind act [in the
title]); φυλάσσονται 61 (verb 3rd pl pres ind).
φυσικός -ή -όν, natural, following the natural order, φυσικός 225 (ὁ θάνατος).
φύσις -εως, ἡ, φύσιν 245 (μέγιστον παρὰ φύσιν something out of the ordinary or:
something of extraordinary size).
φωνή ἡ, voice, φωνάς 176, 177; φωνῇ 293; φωνήν 173; φωνῆς 191.
φῶς φωτός, τό, light, φῶς 260, 323.
φωσάτον τό, army, φωσάτου 120, 210, 217. See Cuomo 2014: 347.
Χ
χαίρω, rejoice, be glad, exult, celebrate, ἔχαιρον 172, 333, 336 (e.g. ἔ. καὶ ἐσπατάλουν;
ἔ. τὴν φυγήν τῶν πολεμίων); χαίρετε 364, 365 (verb 2nd pl pres imperat act);
χαίροντες 337 (part pl pres act masc nom). The Romans are always the subject.
χάλαζα -ης, ἡ, hail, χαλάζης 39 (in an [in]direct quotation of Gregory of Nazianzus).
χάλασμα τό, breach, χαλάσματος 71, 100 (ἐκ τοῦ χ). See Cuomo 2014: 347.
χαλάω, contr. (part mid pass κεχάλασμαι), break down, let down, crush, breach,
ἐχαλοῦσαν 266 (verb 3rd pl imperf ind act, ἄλλοι ἐ. μὲ τζόκους τὸ κάστρον oth-
ers attempted to weaken/make fall the fortifications by pounding on them with
(wooden?) beams [conative]); κεχαλασμένη 66 (σοῦδα κ. ὑπῆρχεν a moat that
was in ruins); χαλάσει 48 (verb inf, without -ν); χαλάσειν 64, 70 (verb inf fut
θέλουν χ.).
χαλεπός -ή -όν, difficult, χαλεπά 34 (τὰ χ.).
χαλινός ὁ, rein, bridle, harness, χαλινούς 155 (τοῦ ἡμιόνου).
Χαρσή -ῆς, ἡ, a gateway of Cpl., Χαρσῆς 76.
χείρ χειρός, ἡ, hand, χεῖραν 269; χεῖρας 154; χειρί 191.
Thesaurus | 99
χείρων, χεῖρον, gen -ονος, χεῖρον 229 (τὸ χ. the worst).

χελών ἡ, = χελώνη testudo militaris, tortoise, a wheel wooden hut covered with hides
and used for mining, χελώνας 86. See LBG, DeCer I 411,13, Purdie 2009: 60–62.
χιλιάς -άδος, ἡ, a thousand, χιλιάδες 23; χιλιάδος 363.
χονδρός, large, wide, great, big, χονδρῶν 56. See Cuomo 2014: 347.
χοῦμα / χῶμα, ἡ (τό), earth, ground, χῶμαν 66 (ἔκπαλαι γέμουσα χ. had for a long
time been filled up with earth). See LBG.
χρή [< χράω], it is necessary, with + inf., χρή 36 (verb 3rd sg pres ind act impersonal
[in the prologue]).
Χριστιανός -ή -όν, Christian, Χριστιανῶν 231, 288.
Χριστός ὁ, Christ, Χριστός 179; Χριστοῦ 369.
Χρυσία -ας, ἡ, a gateway of Cpl., Χρυσίας 54, 209, 252.
χώρα ἡ, region (also political district), χώρας 303; χωρῶν 305.
Ψ
ψευδοπροφήτης ὁ, (braggart), false prophet, ψευδοπροφήτην 149; ψευδοπροφήτης
211.
ψηφοφορέω, contr., calculate, ἐψηφοφόρησαν 346 (verb 3rd pl aor ind act ἐ. περὶ
τούτου as [the Persian sages] had calculated concerning this matter). See also
GE.
ψυχή ἡ, soul, mind, (fig.) heart, ψυχάς 358; ψυχῆς 338.
ψυχρός -ά -όν, foolish, hence also: specious, captious, pretentious, unconvincing,
ψυχράν 130 (προβαλλόμενος δὲ τάχα καὶ αἰτίαν ἀλλὰ ψ. putting forward an ar-
gument, although inconsistent, for a charge [subject: Murad II]).
Ω
ὦ 284, 284, 284, 285, interjection, e.g. 284: Ναὶ ὦ φίλοι · ὦ ἀδελφοί.
ὤ ×9, interjection, e.g. 333–4: ὢ μεταλλαγῆς θαυμασίας.
ὠθέω, contr., urge forward, stimulate, incite, ὠθεῖ 6 (verb 3rd sg pres ind act ἐμὲ λίαν
ὠθεῖ καὶ θαρρύνει this incites and emboldens me); ὠθήσας 249 (part sg aor act
masc nom ὠ. τὸν ἵππον urged on his horse [Mersaita]); ὠθοῦσαν 310 (verb 3rd pl
imp ind act πρὸς τὴν μάχην [the women of Cpl.]).
ὠμός -ή -όν, coarse, rough, brutal, ὠμός 128 (Murad II).
ᾠόν -οῦ, τό, egg, ᾠά 312 (ἐκρατοῦσαν ᾠὰ καὶ στουππιά [Subj.: the women of Cpl.])
ὥρα ἡ, ὥρα 163, 232, 240; ὥρᾳ 22, 362; ὥραν 122, 125, 146, 161, 169, 175, 222, 253, 257,
271, 308, 309, 350, 354 (e.g. τοῦ πολέμου τὴν ὥραν time within which, with acc
[in the moment of the battle]); ὥρας 220, 295, 334, 347.
ὡς ×45, adverb and conjunction. Kananos uses ὡς as an adverb, expressing the idea
of “as”. Some examples: ὡς ἰδιῶται 14; ὡς νέφος 39; ὡς φλὸξ ἀστραπῆς 40; ὡς
τὸ ἔθος 60 (see also l. 96); ὡς βάρβαρος 128; ὡς πατριάρχην 133; ὡς προφήτην
134, ὡς αὐτὸν τὸν Μωάμετ 134–5; ὡς ἄγγελον 135; ὡς δίστομον ξίφος 175 [term
100 | Thesaurus
for comparison]; ὡς βέβαια 183; ὡς καπνοῦ κινήσαντος σμῆνος 276; ὡς οἱ

μάρτυρες 289; ὡς κεκραιπαληκοὶ 291; ὡς γυναῖκες 308. Kananos uses ὡς as a
conjunction 28 times in causal clauses (often with the omission of εἰμί): ὡς ὅτι
κατήγετο 132–3; ὡς καὶ ἐγὼ ἰδιώτης 〈εἰμί〉 14; ὡς ἐξ αἵματος τοῦ Μωάμετ 140–1;
ὡς προορατικὸς καὶ προφήτης 148, 161; ὡς ὑψηλός τε καὶ μέγας 157; καὶ ὡς
ἀπόγονος τοῦ Μωάμετ 158; ὡς καὶ τὰς μαρτυρίας ἔχομεν 340–1; in parenthetical
comments: ὡς προέφημεν 38; ὡς ὁ μέγας διδάσκει 147; ὡς ὁρίσθην 149; ὡς
ἀγγέλου ἀληθεστάτου 〈ἀνέμενον〉 173–4; ὡς ἐθέσπισεν 211; ὡς ἔδει 238; ὡς
ἐψηφοφόρησαν 345–6; in final clauses (expressing a purpose); ὡς ἵνα
περάσωσιν 93–4; ὡς ἵνα ἀπατῶνται 166; ὡς ἵνα αἰχμαλωτίσουσι 174; ὡς ἵνα
λαβώσουν 213; ὡς ἵνα ἔχωσιν 242: ὡς ἵνα θαυμάζουσιν 246; in temporal clauses:
ὡς ἐξεχύθη ἡ φήμη 109; ὡς δὲ ἔφθασεν 239; ὡς δὲ οἱ Τοῦρκοι γυμνὸν τὸ κάστρον
ἀπὸ ἀνθρώπους ἰδόντες 262–3 [it can also be considered causal. Note: ὡς + par-
ticiple]; in protasis of hypothetical clauses (IV type): ὡς ἔχων 195; ὡς
κατάφρακτοι 282 [as if they were protected]; ὡς ἐκ συνθήματος 292 [as if activat-
ed by a pre-arranged signal], τοὺς ἀναιτίους ὡς ὑπαιτίους 129 [as if they were
guilty].
ὥστε, 51 (with τοσοῦτον), 90, 119, 121 (with τοσοῦτον), 259, conjunction used in
consecutive clauses.
ὠφέλεια ἡ, usefulness, avail, ὠφέλειαν 75.
Plates
Plate 1
Vat. gr. 579 fol. 355r

© 2015, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana
Plate 2
Napoli, Biblioteca Nazionale. Neap. III B 26, fol. 1r

<Alexandros Laskaris>
Plate 3
Rome, Biblioteca Vallicelliana.

Ms. Allacci XCI (nr. 181 Martini), ins. 19, fol. 196r
<Leon Allatios>
Plate 4
The Northen Mesoteichion (Μεσοτείχιον)

After Philippides – Hanak 2011 Map 4
Plate 5
The Southern Mesoteichion (Μεσοτείχιον)

After Philippides – Hanak 2011 Map 3
Plate 6
Constantinople and its gates – After Philippides –Hanak 2011 Map 2

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Begründet von Karl Krumbacher

Als Ergänzung zur Byzantinischen Zeitschrift

A Critical Edition, with English Translation,

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek

© 2016 Walter de Gruyter Inc., Boston/Berlin

The book is structured as follows.

My sincere thanks go to Florian Ruppenstein (Editor Book Production – De Gruyter):

Vienna, March 2016

2 The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi | XXXIII

Critical edition and English translation | 1

Caragounis, Chrys C. 2010

Congourdeau, Marie-Hélène 1991

Fenster, Erwin 1976

Gaffuri, Anna Lia 1994

Gautier, Paul 1972

Haldon, John 1999

Hinterberger, Martin 2014

Ideler, Julius Ludwig 1842 (repr. Amsterdam 1963)

Jannaris, Antonios N. 1897 (repr. Hildesheim 1987)

Kaldellis, Anthony 2014

Kastritsis, Dimitris 2007

Laga, Carl 2004

Lilie, Ralph-Johannes 2014

Mackridge, Peter 1997

Mavroudi, Maria 2009

Nagel, Tilmann 1993

Nicol, Donald M. 1972/19932

Panteghini, Sebastiano 2011

Philippides Constantine XI = Philippides, Mario. Constantine XI Dragaš Palaeologus (1405–1453): A

REB = Revue des Études Byzantines

Stavrou, Athanasia 2013

Uhlig, Gustav 1883 (repr. Hildesheim 1965)

van Dieten, Jean Louis 1979

Wahlgren, Staffan 2002

Zachariadou Elizabeth A. 1983

2.1 The Manuscripts

To recapitulate, if we only considered the handwriting of the anonymous scribe, we

2.1.2 Neapolitanus III B 26, fols. 1r – 10r = Neapolitanus = N

According to the persuasive presentation which Raimondo Tocci held in Hamburg

2.1.3 Vallicellianus ms. Allacci XCI = Vallicellianus = A

2.1.4 Critical editions, translations, and other studies

153–154 Μουσουλμάνων V] Τουρκῶν NA. See 152.

2.2 Ratio Edendi. The present edition

and punctuation46, as far as advances in linguistics and lexicography have allowed

On l. 125, the Vaticanus offers a reading, ἁρματοφυλακίον, which is clearly an error,

This chapter focuses on three points: 1) Aims of the Byzantine punctuation; 2)

2.3.1 Aims of the Byzantine punctuation

2.3.2 Byzantine punctuation marks and their function. The practice of V

Generally speaking, in manuscripts written in minuscule, it is possible to clearly

2.3.3 The punctuation in the present critical edition

Additional and general remarks

2.4.2a Apparatus I, section “a)”

The first section of ‘Apparatus I’ indirectly contains general information concerning

The literary genre

For example, several elements belong to the Geschichtsschreibung, such as Kananos’

frequently used in Byzantine Prooimia and also in hagiographic literature92. I also

This sentence has a strong communicative power, particularly if we link it to the

Generally, we can gather allusions to the Bible, to hagiographic literature, to homi-

Another example suggesting Kananos’ familiarity with gnomologia and florilegia

φάσκοντες γὰρ αἱ παρὰ τῶν ἐχθρῶν μαρτυρίαι ἀξιοπιστότεραί εἰσιν·

Everything presented in part 2.4.2a can be summarized in the words of Guglielmo

2.4.2b Apparatus I, section “b)”

2 The Manuscript Tradition and Ratio Edendi | XXXIII

Critical edition and English translation | 1