The Development of Emotions

C O G N IT IO N AN D E M O TIO N , 1999, 13 (5), 523±549
The Developmental Functions of Emotions:

An Analysis in Terms of Differential
Emotions Theory
Jo A n n A . A be
Southern Connecticut State University, New Haven, USA
C arroll E . I zard
University of Delaware, Newark, USA
A su b stantia l b ody o f theo ret ica l lit er atu re test i® es to the evo lu tio nary
fu nct io ns o f em otio n s. R ela tively lit tle h as b een writ ten abo ut th eir develo p -
m en tal fu nct io n s. T h is a rticle d iscu sses the d evelo p m en tal fu nct io n s o f
em otio ns fro m the p er sp ect ive o f d ifferen tia l em o tio n s th eo ry (D E T; Izar d ,
1977, 1991). A cco rdin g to D E T, altho u gh all th e em o tion s retain their
adaptive an d m otiva tio n al fu n ctio n s acro ss th e lifesp an , d ifferen t set s o f
em otio ns m ay beco m e rela tively m ore p rom in en t in the d ifferen t st ages o f
life as they ser ve stage-r elat ed d evelo p m en ta l p ro cesses. In the ® rst sect io n ,
we presen t a b rief over view o f releva n t asp ect s o f th e th eo ry. In th e seco n d
sect io n , we d iscu ss h ow em o tio ns p lay a cen tral ro le in h elp in g th e in divid u al
ach ieve develo pm en ta l m ilesto n es an d task s d u rin g fo u r m a jo r perio d s o f life:
Infa n cy, to dd ler th ro u gh p resch o o l yea rs, mid d le to late ch ild h o od , an d
ado lescen ce. T he un d er lyin g th esis o f th is article is th at em o tio n s p lay a
cen tral role in st imu la ting so cia l cogn it ive attain m en ts at ea ch stage o f
develo pm en t.
INTRODUCTION
D espit e t he fact that a su bstant ia l b ody of theoretica l literature exists o n
evolu tiona ry fu nctions o f emot io ns (e.g. I za rd , 1977; N esse, 1990; To oby &
C osm id es, 1990), relatively little attent io n h as b een fo cu sed sp eci® cally on
the fu nction s of em ot io ns dur ing th e cou rse of individual d evelop ment .
T he few existin g theoretical accou nts o n th e developm enta l fu nctio ns of
R eq uest s for reprin ts sh o uld b e sent t o Jo A n n A b e, Psych o logy D ep ar tm en t, Sou th ern

C o nn ect icu t State U n iver sit y, N ew H aven , C T 06515 or t o C a rroll Izard , Psycho logy D epa rt -
men t, U n iver sit y of D elaware, N ewark, D E 19716, U SA .
Th e a u th o rs would like to th an k D a ch er K eltn er for h elp ful co mm en ts on an ea rlier ver sion
o f th is m a nu scrip t.
q 1999 P sych olo gy P ress Ltd

524 ABE AND IZARD
emo tion s have t ypically fo cu sed on a sin gle developm ental period such as
infancy (e.g. Bar rett & C a mpo s, 1987; E md e, 1980).
T h e pau city of th eo retical a ccou nts o n th e developm en tal fun ction s of
emo tion s m ay be d ue to the fact that d espite t he `à ffect revolu tion’ ’
m any psycho logist s assume that d evelop ment is dr iven p rim arily by
cognitive attainm ents. I n genera l, cognitive develop m en tal t heories tend
to discou nt th e ro le emo tiona lly laden tr an saction s with th e environ ment
m ay play in u sh erin g in qu alitative shifts in cognition (e.g. Bjo rklan d,
1995; F ischer, 1980; F lavell, M iller, & M iller, 1993; Selma n, 1980). T he
lack of attentio n to t he ways in which children’s min ds d evelop t hro ugh
socia l in teractions with oth ers h as, in fact, been the fo cu s o f several
critiqu es of cognitive stage theor ies (e.g. G elma n & Baillargeon, 1983;
Rogoff, 1990).
E ven th eo retical accounts of socioem o tiona l d evelop ment t ypically
fo cu s on h ow cogn it ive adva nces co nt ribut e to the emergen ce a nd int er-
n alisation o f com plex emotion s (e.g. G rif® n, 1995; L ewis, 1995; M ascolo
& F ischer, 1995; Stip ek , 1995), the for m ation of self-con cept s (H ar ter,
1990, 1996), and th e ind ividua l’s growing repertoire of em ot io n regu lation
strategies (e.g. Kopp, 1982, 1989; Sro ufe, 1996; T h om pson, 1993). For
examp le, most developm en tal a ccou nts o f em otion s give th e imp ression
th at self-evaluative emo tions, su ch as sh am e an d gu ilt, emerge sim ply as a
con sequence of t he ch ild’s growin g self-awareness an d ability to represent
stan dards (e.g. L ewis, 1995). F u rth erm ore, the in creasin g in terna lisation
o f th e self-evaluative em ot io ns over the cou rse o f d evelop ment is gen er-
ally att ributed to the emergen ce of co ncrete an d for m al op eration al
th inking (e.g. G r if® n, 1995; M ascolo & F ischer, 1995; Stipek , 1995; for
an exception see Ba rrett, 1995). Similar ly, H ar ter (1990, 1996) attr ibut es
th e for m ation of increasingly so phisticated t rait-like psychological self-
con cept s du ring midd le childho od and ado lescence to the em ergence of
con crete a nd for m al operationa l th in king. Kop p (1982, 1989) tr aces t he
emergence o f self-regu lation , which she claim s is a cent ral an d signi® cant
h allm ark of the ear ly childh ood perio d, to cogn it ive precurso rs. T hus,
m ost d evelop ment al accoun ts give th e im p ression th at althou gh
emo tion al d evelop ment is d ep en dent on cognitive adva n ces, cognitive
d evelop ment occurs independ en t of th e ind ividu al’s emot io n experiences
with in the socia l world .
T h is ar ticle focuses o n t he developm enta l fun ctio ns of emo tio ns from
th e perspective of differential emotion s t heor y (D E T ). In th e ® rst sectio n,
we present a br ief t heoretical overview of relevant asp ects of t he theor y. In
th e secon d sectio n, we discuss how emo tion s play a centra l ro le in h elping
th e ind ividu al a ch ieve developm en tal mileston es and t ask s d uring fo ur
b road stages of life: infan cy, to ddler a nd prescho ol yea rs, mid dle t o late
childho od, an d ado lescence.
DEVELOPMENTAL FUNCTIONS OF EMOTIONS 525
W hereas extant d evelop ment al account s em ph asise how cogn it ive
developm en t pro m pt s emotion al d evelop m ent , in th is art icle we emph asise
the ro le t hat emot io ns play in social-cognitive d evelop ment . A num b er of
empirical stud ies sup po rt D E T in d em on str ating th at emotio ns play a vita l
role in so cial-cognit ive developm ent du ring va riou s period s of life (e.g.
D unn , 1988; E der, 1990; H avilan d & K r am er, 1991; M aga i & N usbau m ,
1996). U nfo rt unately, these em p ir ical data have not b een int egrated in to a
coheren t t heoretical accoun t. A u nique cont ribu tion of t his a rticle is,
therefore, that it br ings togeth er th ese scattered and isolated effort s an d
in tegrates th em in to t he D E T fram ework to p resent an a lt ernative view of
developm en t.
T he scop e of this ar ticle do es no t p erm it systematic com par isons a nd
contr asts of the D E T p erspective wit h t rad it io nal accoun ts of develop-
m ent . H owever, m ore sp eci® c com par isons and co nt rasts will be
presented in t he cont ext of discussing th e development al m ilesto nes
du ring each o f the fo ur broad stages o f life. Altho ugh t he fo cus of
this ar ticle is o n n or m ative developm en t, issues pert ain ing to individua l
differences will be discussed whenever th ey illum in ate th e centr al t hesis
of t he article.
THEORETICAL OVERVIEW
A core p rinciple o f d ifferentia l emotion s t heory (D E T; Izard, 1977, 1991) is
that each of the discrete emotion s ha s distin ct mo tiva tio nal pro pert ies a nd
serves ad apt ive fu nctions. E mo tion s are highly sensitive to stimuli from th e
in tern al an d external environm ent and can b e r apid ly and auto matically
activa ted by cognitive a nd non cognitive p rocesses (Izard, 1993; L eD oux,
1996). On ce t he neur al-evaluat ive compo nent of an em ot io n is a ctivated, it
orga nises expressive behavio ur, physiology, percept io n, cognition , an d
behavio urs in a p art icular m an ner t o facilitate ad aptive respon ses to th e
event. According t o D E T, t he inn ate structu re o r po ten tial for ea ch o f th e
discrete em o tions ha s been pre-ad apt ed over the cou rse o f evolut io n to
provid e coh erent scrip ts o r h eu ristics for d ealing with recur ring life t ask s
and problems. So m e of th ese ta sks a nd pro blem s in clud e carin g fo r in fant s,
for m in g social bo nd s, m ain taining so cial ord er, escapin g d anger, confron t-
in g threats, and dealing with losses. Alth ough p re-adapted, the emotio ns,
like all o ther bio psychological systems, are subject to th e in¯ uences of
environm ent an d exp erience.
According to D E T, em o tions also serve d evelop m en tally adaptive func-
tion s du ring t he co urse o f individ ual developm ent. M ore speci® cally, D E T
hyp oth esises that cert ain emot io ns becom e mo re prom in en t in a par ticular
stage of life to fa cilitate progress in the developm ental tasks of t hat period .
F rom t he stan dpo int of D E T, the emotion system s emerge phylo genetically
526 ABE AND IZARD
an d o ntogen etically pr io r to t he cognitive system 1 an d serve as t he prim ary

m ot iva tion al systems across the lifespa n (Ackerm an , Abe, & I zard , 1998).
T h us, em otion systems are con sidered to play a centr al ro le in helping t he
d evelop in g ind ividua l a ch ieve m ajor developm enta l mileston es and ta sks at
each stage of life.
D E T claim s that emo tions stimulate social-cognitive adva n ces in a
nu mb er o f ways. F ir st, em ot io ns m ay stimulate socia l-cognitive adva n ces
by prom pt in g so cial interactio ns. For exam ple, th e em ot io ns of int erest and
joy play a centr al role in spu rrin g m ot her-in fan t dya dic in teraction s in
infancy, co-ordinated fan tasy and im itative p lay in tod dlerho od, r ule-based
ga mes an d peer relatio ns in mid dle child hoo d, and th e fo r matio n of
int im ate relationships in a dolescence. Su ch in teractions, in tur n, con tr i-
bute t o progressive a dva nces in ro le-ta king an d socia l-persp ective t aking
skills (e.g. H ugh es, 1995; You ngblade & D unn , 1995). Second, em ot io ns
m ay foster social-cognitive adva n ces by pro mp ting a person to re-evaluate
h is/her expectatio ns an d behavio urs. For exam ple, anger is u su ally
activa ted when o ur goa ls are ob str ucted an d o ur exp ectations are violated
(Izard, 1991). T he feeling o f an ger is likely to aro use ou r int erest a nd
attentio n (e.g. D u nn, 1988) a nd may pro mp t o ne to think abou t what
o ne can and cann ot legitimately d em and (e.g. M ascolo & G rif® n, 1998).
T h e a ffective experience associated with anger may also lead to d iscussions
an d n ego tiatio ns t hat force o ne to con sider t he oth er person’s p erspective
an d, th ereby, ga in a b ett er un derstan ding o f so cial r ules (e.g. D u nn, 1988;
N elson & Ab oud, 1985). Sim ilarly, emo tion s, such a s sh ame a nd guilt,
m ake it painful t o vio late so cial r ules and m or al stand ards an d force us
to step back from ou rselves an d evaluate ou rselves (Barrett , 1995). T hus,
th e affective exp eriences associated with sh am e a nd guilt may serve to
h igh ligh t m ora l stand ard s and social rules as well as pro mot e self-
k nowledge. T h ird , em ot io ns m ay foster social-cognitive adva nces by
stimu lating em o tion rep resentatio ns an d k nowledge. For exam ple,
children’s m en tal representations of th eir own an d ot hers’ em otio n states
serve as the fou nd ation fo r the developm en t of a ``t heory o f m in d’ ’ Ð o r t he
u nderstan ding that th e sam e situations provo ke d ifferen t feelings in d iffer-
ent p eo ple (e.g. H arr is, 1989). E m ot io n rep resentations a nd emotion
k nowledge in prescho ol yea rs also co ntr ibut e to the develop ment of
1
A ccord in g t o D ET, ea ch em ot io n o pera tes as a system of int era cting n eu ra l, expr essive,
a n d experien tial com po n en ts a nd th e emo tio ns system con sist s of th e b a sic d iscrete em o tio n s
(mo tivation a l processes), th eir relatio n s, a n d in tera ctio ns. Th e cognitive system s inclu d e
m ech a nism s for h igher o rder info rm atio n p rocessing a nd th e lea rn in g a n d m em o ry syst em s
t ha t su pp or t such p rocesses a s ca tego risa tio n , com pa rison, reaso ning, decisio n -ma kin g, a n d
im a gina tio n (Izard, 1977).
so cial perspective-taking skills (e.g. D u nn, 1995) and the for m ation of
tr ait -like self-concepts (e.g. E der, 1989, 1990) in m id dle childho od .
F rom the stand po int o f D E T, th e ma jor develop m en tal m ileston es d o
no t em erge as who les at a p art icular age simp ly a s a consequence of
cogn it ive att ainment s, bu t r ath er emerge gra dua lly through social inter-
actions and involve t he in terplay o f th e em o tio ns a nd cogn it ive systems.
E m otion ally lad en t ran sactions with th e environm ent are likely t o stimulate
qu alitative a dva n ces in so cial-cognit ive fu nctioning an d, in tur n, a dva nces
in socia l-cognitive fu nctionin g are likely t o con tribute to emo tiona l
developm en t. T hu s, the em ot io ns a nd cogn it ive system s are seen as
recipro cally in¯ uencing o ne ano ther t o h elp the developing ch ild adapt
to t he cha nging d em an ds o f the so cial environm en t.
DEVELOPMENTAL FUNCTIONS OF EMOTIONS
Infancy
C om p ared to th e yo u ng o f m any ot her species, h um an infan ts are bor n
relatively h elpless and are dependent on their ca retakers to provid e fo r
their basic needs for a pro lo nged period o f t im e. U nlike a nima ls, h um an
in fan ts do no t h ave in stincts to au tom atically gu id e their b ehaviou rs. T h eir
re¯ exes are of lim it ed va lue in th e overa ll schem e of sur viva l an d ad apt a-
tion . H um an in fant s, n evertheless, com e in nately endowed with em o tio n
systems, which enable them to sign al th eir needs, desires, a nd distress
through affective chan nels and , thereby, elicit effective ca re from their
caregivers.
Emotional Development. A n exten sive stu dy of emo tion expressions in

early d evelop ment showed th at in terest, joy, sa dn ess, a nd an ger a ccou nted
for m ore th an 95% of in fant s’ facia l exp ression (Izard et al., 1995). E ach of
these emotion s serves adaptive fu nction s th rou gho ut t he lifespan , but th eir
relative pro m in en ce in infa ncy h as sp ecial sign i® ca nce for ea rly develop-
m ent . Smiles of joy foster so cial intera ctio n (e.g. H aviland & L elwica, 1987;
H ueb ner & I zard , 1988) a nd th e fo rm ation an d stren gth en in g of socia l
bo nds and attachm ent. In terest in novelty, ch ange, an d movement guides
the in fan t’s explor atio n of th e so cial a nd physical environ ment an d thu s
facilitates cognitive developm ent (L angsd orf, Izard , R ayias, & H em bree,
1983; R en ninger & Wozniak , 1985). Sa dness invites em pathy an d helping
behavio ur, which are especially im p ort ant d urin g the tim e wh en the ch ild is
m ost helpless and depend en t o n o th ers (H avilan d & L elwica, 1987; H ueb ner
& I zard , 1988). Anger exp ression enables th e infa nt to p rot est aga inst
restr ain t and d iscom fort an d to m ake a preremp tor y deman d fo r so meon e
528 ABE AND IZARD
to ch ange what is happenin g (E m de, G aensbau er & H ar m on, 1976; I zard ,

H em bree, & H uebn er, 1987).
Role of Emotions in Developmental Milestones. A ® rst d evelop ment al

m ilesto ne o f infancy is th e syn ch ron ised dya dic in teraction s t hat d evelop
b etween t he caregiver an d in fant , du ring the t hird o r four th mo nth o f t he
infant’s life. T he in fan t’s a nd t he mo th er’s em ot io n expression s p lay a
centr al role in co ord in ating th ese int eractions (e.g. G ianino & Tronick,
1985; St ern, 1985). I nitia lly, th e infant follows th e em ot io nal lea d o f t he
m ot her in face-to-face int eractions, bu t gr adu ally th e infant takes aut on-
o mo us t ur ns in t he affective excha nges. T h e caregiver atten ds to th e
infant’s exp ression s, using th e infa nt’s expression s o f joy and interest as
signals to sustain th e intera ctio n, and expressions o f negative em ot io ns
as sign als to alter h er behavio ur. T he caregiver th us uses the infant’s
emo tion expressions to mo nitor his/her n eeds and level of stimulatio n.
T h e syn ch ronised intera ction s between the caregiver an d infant play an
im por tan t role in fostering the infa nt’s emotion al regu lation capacities.
T h is is demo nstrated by stu dies t hat have exa mined dya d ic int eractio ns
b etween d ep ressed mot hers an d infant s. T h ese studies reveal t hat
d ep ressed mot hers have a restricted r ange of emotio n expressions and
appear less attun ed t o their in fan ts’ facia l exp ression s. In t ur n, th eir
infants are m ore irr it able, listless, an d socia lly wit hdr awn (e.g. C oh n,
C a mp bell, M atias, & H o pkins, 1990; F ield, 1987; F ield, H ealy,
G oldstein, & G ur thert z, 1990). Fo r som e in fan ts, the persistent break-
d own in dyad ic intera ction s can result in lon g-t erm p roblem s with
emo tion regulation.
A second developm en tal m ilestone o f infancy is the for m atio n o f t he
attachm ent b ond between th e caregiver an d infant. A s caregivers a nd
infants rep eat th eir synchro nised dya d ic intera ctio ns over a perio d of
tim e, it results in th e for m ation o f t he attachm ent relatio nsh ip (e.g.
I sabella & Belsky, 1991), which is a n exclusive emotio nal bo nd t hat
d evelop s between the pr im ar y caregiver an d infa nt du ring t he ® rst year
o f life. A ccord ing to John Bowlby (1969, 1973, 1980), the atta ch ment
relation sh ip serves th e evolution arily ad apt ive fu nctions o f pro tecting t he
yo u ng from predator s and o th er dan gers as well a s provid in g a secure ba se
fo r the infan t’s exp lorations of th e environ ment .
T h e emo tion expression that plays a critical ro le in th e fo rm atio n of t he
attachm ent relationship is th e so cial sm ile, the sm ile in respon se to an oth er
p erson . D ur ing th e ® r st few m ont hs, infants sm ile in discrim in ately to any
p leasin g social stimulu s. O ver th e cour se of th e ® r st year, infa nts b ecom e
m ore selective in the recipients o f their sm iles and in creasingly direct t heir
smiles to the attachm ent ® gure (e.g. Srou fe, 1996). T he infan t’s socia l sm ile
com municates well-being, elicits app roach, and prom o tes necessary int er-
action fo r t he d evelop m en t of the emo tional b ond (Izard et al., 1995; Izard
& M alatesta, 1987).
According t o Bowlby, ot her em otio ns a lso p lay a critical ro le in th e
for m ation o f t he attachm en t b on d. I nfan ts’ fear elicits prot ective an d
comfo rtin g behaviour s from the atta chm ent ® gure. Infant s’ an ger in th e
for m o f ``separ atio n prot est’ ’ serves th e adaptive function o f d eterring th e
caregiver from leaving or m otiva ting behaviour s t o overcom e o bstacles to
the caregiver. Infant s’ sadn ess serves t o elicit emp athy an d su ccor from th e
attachm en t ® gu re. As F au de, Jo nes, an d Rob in s (1996, p. 233) state:
`Ì nfa nt affect p ulls a pa ren t int o the infan t’s wo rld co mp ellin g h im o r
her to respond t o t he infant’s n eeds. In fan t affect serves to keep th e
caregiver ever present, an imp or tan t evolut io nar y feat sin ce in fan ts cann ot
su rvive oth erwise’’ .
According t o attachm en t th eo rists, th e fo r matio n o f a secure in fan t-
m oth er atta ch ment is a ma jo r developm en tal m ilesto ne for several rea son s.
F irst, securely attached in fan ts a re able t o u se th eir caregiver as a secure
base for t he explo ratio n of the environm ent (Bowlby, 1969). Secon d, th e
attachm en t relatio nsh ip serves as a fo und atio n fo r the developm en t of
in fan ts’ `ìn tern al-work in g m odels’’ or m ental represent ation s o f expecta-
tion s regard in g th e self, o thers, an d relationships (e.g. Breth erto n, 1990;
M a in , K aplan , & C a ssidy, 1985). T h ird , a ccord in g to Bowlby (1969), th e
emot io nal att ach ment between th e ca regiver and t he infa nt also serves as
the fou ndation for t he establishm en t of ``go al-cor rected pa rtn ership’ ’ or th e
mutu al co op eration between two p eop le t hat allow them to achieve th eir
goa ls. C o nsistent with t he foregoin g cla im s m ad e by attachm en t t heorists,
security of att ach ment ha s b een associated with va riou s measures of socio-
emot io nal and cogn itive com peten ce later in d evelop ment (e.g. Pipp,
E asterbo oks, & H ar mo n, 1992; for a review, see L am b, 1987).
A third developm en tal m ilestone o f infancy is th e em ergen ce o f socia l
referencing behavio urs. By th e en d of th e ® rst yea r, emo tion expression s
also p rovide in fant s with an im po rta nt so urce o f in for m ation rega rding th e
environm ent an d their behaviour s. R esearch on social referen cing dem o n-
strates t hat b egin ning aroun d the tenth mon th , infa nts u se facia l expres-
sion s of adults as a sou rce of info r mation t o interp ret a mb igu ou s situ ation s
and to m on it or th eir beh aviou r. If mo thers exh ibit positive emo tions while
in teracting with a stran ger, infants a re less war y of t hat stran ger t han if
their m oth ers display a neut ral expression (F eiring, L ewis, & Star r, 1984).
If mo thers disp lay positive expressions to their infants, th e m ajor it y of
in fan ts cross the visual cliff, bu t n one of them do if mo thers have a fear fu l
or a ngry expression (for reviews, see F einm an, 1985; K linnert , C am p os,
So rce, E md e, & Svejd a, 1983). If mo thers exp ress delight toward o ne toy
and fear toward a not her toy, infan ts spend m ore tim e to uching the
``d elight ful’ ’ t oy than th e ``fea rfu l’ ’ toy dur ing a sub sequent p lay session
530 ABE AND IZARD
(Walden & O ga n , 1988). O ver tim e, an infan t’s so cial referencing behavio ur
b ecom es increasingly directed towa rds t he m oth er’s face. By 18 m ont hs,
infants typ ically d elay m anipulating a stra nge am biguo us t oy un til th ey
referen ce their m o thers (Walden, 1991).
In fan ts’ social referen cing behavio urs represent a rem ark able develop-
m en tal m ilesto ne in th at t hey d em o nstrate t hat in fan ts are n ot o nly aware
th at ot hers a re in a par ticula r emotion al state, bu t that the em ot io nal state
is ta rgeted at a p art icular o bject, event , or b ehaviou r. By ob serving t heir
p aren ts’ emotion al reaction s to situ ation s, infan ts are able t o infer h ow
th ey sh ou ld th in k, feel, an d b eh ave. E a rly stages of m oral u nd ersta nding
involve refraining from behaviour s in response to pa rental disapp roval and
p rohibitio ns (e.g. E m de, Johnson , & E asterbroo ks, 1987). T h us, infants’
socia l referencing behavio ur s p ave t he way for the developm ent of r ud i-
m en tar y m or al und ersta ndin g (e.g. E m de & Op penheim, 1995; M a scolo &
F ischer, 1995). T his d evelop m ent al milesto ne em erges dur ing to dd lerh oo d.
Toddler and Preschool Years (2± 5 Years of Age)

Between th e ages of 2 an d 5 year s, children show remark able adva n ces in
th eir m oto r a nd lan guage abilit ies. D u ring this p eriod, child ren actively
explore the limits of t heir physica l, cogn it ive, a nd social capacities and
p erfor m a va r iety o f a ctio ns to ob serve oth er peop le’s reaction s t o t heir
b eh aviour s. A t th e sam e tim e t hat children are sh owing rapid growth in
th eir a uto nom y, caregivers begin setting ® r mer limits on t heir b eh aviou rs
(e.g. K aga n , 1981).
Emotional Development. D evelop ment al psycho logists have long

d ocum en ted th e d ram atic increase in angr y, o ppo sition al, a nd d e® ant
b eh aviour s dur in g the secon d year (e.g. D unn , 1988; G ood en ough,
1931). An imp or tant function o f a nger d ur in g this developm ental period
is th at it fo sters t odd lers’ in itial steps t oward s auto no my and self-
d e® nition. D u ring todd ler a nd p rescho ol year s, children a lso sh ow an
increase in capacity for emp athy, sham e, a nd gu ilt (e.g. H o ffm an, 1984;
M ascolo & F ischer, 1995). A ccor ding to D E T, ma int aining an o ptim al
b ala nce in t he in ¯ u en ces o f an ger, sh ame, gu ilt, an d emp athy rep resents
a signi® cant developm en tal task d uring these year s. A mon g o ther t hings,
th is m ea ns learn in g to use guilt and sh ame an d an ticipation of th ese
emo tion s t o regu late anger (Iza rd, Ackerman , F ine, & Schoff, 1998). T he
int erplay of th e mo tiva tio nal p ower o f a nger, sha me, a nd guilt signi® cant ly
in¯ uences t he ch ild’s effor ts in ta king early step s in th e developm en t of
con science and th e aut ono mo us self. Sad ness, as well as guilt an d guilt
an ticipation , fa cilitate fu rth er d evelop m ent of em pathy, sym pathy, a nd
p rosocia l b ehavio ur (cf. H offm an, 1984). D ur ing the preschoo l yea rs,
in terest in o ther ch ildren increa ses and t he joy o f co -ord in ated fa ntasy a nd
im itative play serves t o fo ster u nd erstandin g of o thers (e.g. Yo ungblad e &
D unn , 1995) a nd also lea ds to th e satisfactions of friend ship s (e.g.
G in sberg, G ot tma n, & Parker 1986).
Role of Emotions in Developmental Milestones. A ® r st developm enta l

m ileston e o f the tod dler and p reschool period is a n in creased sense of self-
awaren ess. According to developm ental p sychologists, on e ma nifestatio n
of t his increased sense of self-awaren ess is th e dr am atic increase in angr y,
op positio nal, and d e® a nt beh aviour s du ring the second year (Wenar, 1982).
G ood en ough’s (1931) classic study foun d that angr y out bu rsts do ubled in
frequ en cy b etween 16 and 18 m on ths of age. A mo re recent natur alistic
study by D u nn and co lleagu es (D u nn & M unn , 1987) demo nstrates th at
child ren’s em ot io nal con front atio ns with p arents an d siblings d oubled in
frequ en cy b etween 18 an d 24 mo nth s. D iverse th eor ists, su ch a s E r ickson ,
M a hler, and Sp it z, have long acknowledged t he developm en tal sign i® ca nce
of th e surge in o pp osition al behavio ur s. A ccord ing to Spitz (1957), ``T h e
acquisitio n o f t he `N o ’ is t he in dicato r of a new level of au ton omy’ ’ .
Alth ough t he link between to ddlers’ em ergin g au ton omy an d surge in
emot io nal o utbur sts has long been recognised, th e emotion al co nfront a-
tion s a re gen erally viewed simply as a con sequence or by-pro duct of
tod dler’s increa sed sense o f self-awareness. T he assum pt io n is th at because
child ren h ave an in creased sense o f self-awareness, th ey exp erience a n ew-
fou nd sense of frustration at in terference from o thers.
A nu mber o f stu dies reveal, however, t hat t he d ra matic surge in
emot io nal co nfront ation s dur in g t odd ler year s may no t m erely re¯ ect th e
child ’s growing sense of aut ono my, but m ay und er som e circu mstances
fur ther stimulate th e ch ild ’s un derstan ding of self, o thers, an d t he socia l
wor ld . In a longit udinal stu dy based on extensive h om e ob serva tion s,
D unn (1988) fou nd th at it wa s tho se very issues over which children
m ost frequ ently expressed a nger a nd distress at 18 m on ths that they were
m ost likely t o show self-awareness, m ature reason in g, a nd socia l un der-
stand in g rather t han simp ly pro test at 36 m onth s. By co nt r ast, issues over
which children laughed were less likely to be associated wit h m atu re
reaso nin g 18 mo nt hs later. Ad dition al evid ence t hat t od dler’s emo tiona l
confront ation s m ay stim ulate adva n ces in u nd ersta nding self, oth ers, an d
the so cial wo rld co mes from ® nd ings that to ddlers’ aggressive behaviour s
are po sitively co rrelated wit h t heir proso cial behavio ur s in many stud ies
(e.g. Barrett & Yar row, 1977; F riedr ich & Stein, 1973; Yarrow & Wa xler,
1976). Sim ilar results were o btained in a labor ato ry study, in which child-
ren were led to b elieve th ey h ave broken a t oy (Ba rrett, 1995). I n this study,
child ren who ha d m ore frequ en tly b roken other children’s toys in the past
were m ore likely to be cla ssi® ed as `à m end ers’ ’ (th ose wh o make
532 ABE AND IZARD
repar atio ns) as op posed to `àvo iders’ ’ (tho se who avert ga ze or physically
avoid th e experimenter).
T h e affective exp eriences associated with an ger m ay con tribute to socia l-
cognitive adva nces fo r two reaso ns. F irst, as D un n and Slo mkowski (1992)
argue, em ot io nally arousin g co n¯ icts are likely t o contr ibute to child ren’s
u nderstan ding o f self, o thers, and t he socia l wor ld becau se their interests
are centr ally enga ged a nd arou sed. U nd er such circu mstan ces, ch ildren are
m ore likely t o be attentive no t on ly t o th eir own em ot io nal experiences and
o thers’ emo tion al reaction s, but also t o discussion s about mor al standa rds
an d socia l ru les. Second, as M ascolo and G r if® n (1998, p. 229) argue,
int erperso nal con ¯ icts r aise questio ns at ``t h e int ersectio n o f m ora lity
an d ident it y: W hat can I legitimately claim as mine? W hat can yo u legiti-
m ately cla im as yo ur s? W here d oes what is co nsid ered `m ine’ en d and what
is con sidered `yo ur s’ or òur s’ begin?’’ Such qu estions are likely to fur th er
fo ster t he ch ild’s sense of self-awareness, the ability t o different iate self
from oth er, an d un derstand ing of social r ules.
A second developm ent al m ilesto ne of th e t odd ler and preschoo l period
is t he in creased ability to un derstand oth ers. T he sha rp in crease in t he
frequency t hat t odd lers engage in empath etic behaviou rs b etween 18 to 24
m on ths is co nsid ered to b e o ne of th e m ost striking m an ifestatio ns o f this
d evelop ment al mileston e. I n genera l, t he increased ability to und erstand
an d em p ath ise with o thers is attr ibut ed to cogn it ive attainm ent sÐ in p art i-
cular, the ability to d ifferen tiate self from o ther. H owever, D E T claim s t hat
th e child’s emo tion al experiences in t he social wo rld p lay an equ ally
im por tan t role in the d evelop ment o f t hese affective-cognitive p rocesses
(Izard et al., 1998).
Alth ou gh researchers h ave o bserved a r ud im entar y fo r m of em pathy in
th e hu man neon ate who cries in respon se to th e cry o f a not her infant (Sagi
& H offman , 1976), t he fur th er development of em pathic respo nding
involves ch anges in bo th th e cognitive and em ot io ns systems. F ull-blown
emp athy em erges grad ually a s ch ild ren in creasin gly d istinguish self from
o ther and t he self-oriented d istress shifts t o o th er-oriented sym pathetic
con cern (H offm an, 1984). T he research of Z ah n-Waxler a nd co lleagu es
(e.g. Z ahn -Waxler & Robinson , 1995) reveals th at to dd lers’ ea rly efforts at
emp athy gen erally involve p roviding co m fort to o thers in ways they wish to
b e co mfo rted (e.g. br in gin g a ted dy bear t o t he m oth er). H owever, over
tim e t hey are m ore able to take the perspective of the oth er perso n an d to
p rovide mo re effective h elp.
Accord in g to D E T, th e d irection of in ¯ u en ce between the a ffective and
cognitive com po nen ts o f em pathy is likely to be bid irectio nal (cf. H offma n,
1984). T h at is, alth ough t he ability to differentiate selfÐ from ot hersÐ may
fo ster t he developm ent o f emp athy, engaging in em pathetic beh aviou rs may
serve to fu rt her foster self-oth er different iation. R esearch by Z ahn -Wa xler
and colleages reveals that tod dlers tr y out va r ious str ategies and go
through co nsid erable efforts to a lleviate th e d istress of oth ers: fetching
peop le to help, br inging ob jects, m aking su ggestio ns, an d attem pt in g to
cheer up th e person . T hu s, it is by enga gin g in so cial int eractions an d
through em ot io n com munication t hat yo ung children become increasingly
able t o take the perspective of t he o ther person and to provide effective
help. As Z ahn -Waxler and Ro binson (1995, p. 151) eloqu ent ly stated: ``T h e
ability to distinguish self from ot her m ay ma ke it easier to kn ow th e ot her’s
un iq ue circum sta nces. But prim itively guided, affectively-charged, u n-
differentiated car in g a ctio ns toward oth ers may also help the child make
fur ther, mo re cognitively based distin ctio ns between self a nd oth er’ ’ . I n
oth er word s, the ch ild must exp erience vica rious em ot io n at th e pligh t of
the ot her person to be m otiva ted to t ake t he persp ective of t he oth er person
and provid e effective h elp. T hus, a child with a high threshold fo r sadn ess
m ay b ecom e capable o f exp eriencing emp athy later tha n a ch ild with a
lower threshold for sadn ess because the high th reshold for sadn ess m ight
im p ed e th e experience of vicar io us o r emp ath ic sadn ess (cf. E isenb erg et
al., 1989, 1990). C o nversely, the precociou s emergen ce of emp athy an d
guilt in ch ild ren of depressed m ot hers has b een attr ibut ed to th e fact
that these children experience high levels of sa dness th rou gh em ot io n
contagion (Z ahn -Waxler, C ole, & Ba rrett, 1991).
Ano th er way in which em otion experiences are likely t o fo ster self-other
differentiatio n is by stimulatin g emotio n representatio ns an d discou rse
about emot ion. Toward s the end o f t he secon d yea r, child ren b egin by
labelling their own emo tion states su ch as happy, sa d, m ad, and scared
(Breth erton & Beeghly, 1982). Initially, t heir talk abou t emotion s fo cu ses
on enlisting h elp from ot hers, m ak ing excuses, a nd dr awing attention to
their su ccesses (D un n & Brown, 1991). By the t hird year, ch ildren increas-
in gly com ment on an d exhibit a curiosity abou t o thers’ feeling states an d
their ad heren ce to social sta nda rds a s well as t he cau ses o f va riou s
emot io ns in o thers an d themselves. By fou r yea rs of age, child ren un der-
stand t hat em ot io nal reactio ns a re subjective an d th at t he sam e situatio n
m ay elicit different respo nses in different persons, dependin g on their
desires and beliefs (H a rris, John son , H ut ton , A ndrews, & C oo ke, 1989).
Stu dies reveal t hat ear ly d iscour se abo ut emotion feelings fo sters th e
developm en t o f so cial perspective-takin g skills an d a lso increases co-
op erative interaction in bot h child -sibling an d child -friend dya ds (Brown,
D onelan-M cCall, & D u nn, 1996) an d po sitive perceptio ns of p eer experi-
ences an d m or al sensibilit y as kind erga r tners (D u nn , 1995).
A t hird m ajor develop ment al mileston e of t he to ddler an d p reschoo l
years is an increasing sensitivity to m ora l stan dard s and social r ules.
Beginning at about age 2, children exp ress un cert ainty o r d istress to
bro ken or ¯ awed objects an d show signs of a nxiety over violation of
534 ABE AND IZARD
p rohibitio n or p ossible ta sk failure. K aga n (1987, p. xi) argues th at th ese

adva nces are likely to re¯ ect b io logica lly b ased m atur ation of pa rt icular
cognitive abilit ies, in pa rticular, the ability to rep resent sta nda rds b ecau se
``ch ildren exhibit th ese q ualities by their secon d birt hday, despite dr am atic
d ifferences in everyday exp erience across time and cultu re’’ .
F rom th e stand poin t of D E T, yo un g ch ild ren’s m or al u nd ersta nding
d evelop s grad ually t hro ugh so cioemotion al intera ction s that involve int er-
p lay of t he emo tion s and cognitive systems. As p reviously ment ion ed,
infants’ so cial referen cing behavio ur s serve as the fo und ation for t he
d evelop ment o f r udim en tar y for m s o f m oral u nderstan ding (Emd e et a l.,
1987). C hildren grad ually ga in an u nd erstan ding o f which b ehaviour s are
d esirable a nd which behavio urs are u ndesirable, by ob serving t heir parents’
emo tion al reaction s to their b ehaviour s. D ur in g to ddler year s, child ren’s
ta ntr um s an d teasing behaviou rs may h elp th em lear n th e ``lim it s of
acceptability’ ’ and to fu rth er re® ne th eir un derstand in g of wh at are
serio us and m in or tra nsgression s (e.g. D u nn , 1988). C on sistent with this
view, Z ah n-Waxler an d colleagues (Z a hn-Waxler, R adke-Yarrow, & K in g,
1979) fou nd th at m ot hers who used affectively-cha rged and presumably
gu ilt-in du cing explan ation s in respon se to aggressive b eh aviour s had
to dd lers who were mo re reparative a nd p rosocia l t owards ot hers in
d istress. D u ring p reschoo l yea rs, ch ildren are likely to ga in a deeper und er-
stan ding o f m ora l stan dard s t hrou gh int eraction with p eers. St udies reveal
th at 3 t o 5-year-old ch ild ren show the ability to differentiate between m in or
violations and serious tra nsgression s (e.g. hu rtin g a ch ild ), even if th ey
com e from abu sive fam ily backgrou nds (Sm etana, K elly, & Twent ym a n,
1984), an d even if t heir teachers respo nd equ ally to bot h t ypes o f violatio ns
(Sm eta na, 1984). W hen asked why it is wron g t o hit o ther children or to
ta ke t heir possessions, yo un g ch ild ren refer to th e d istress it would cau se
th e victim (D avidson, Tur iel, & Bla ck , 1983).
F u rth er evid ence t hat children’s sensitivity to m or al sta ndard s do es not
emerge a s a wh ole at a pa rticula r age sim ply as a result of cognitive
attainm ents com es from Kochan ska ’s research (1991, 1997). H er research
d em on str ates th at b oth th e ch ild’s temp eram en t an d the caregiver’s socia l-
isation pr actices play a crit ical ro le in th e developm en t of co nscience.
D ur in g t od dlerhoo d, children with a fearfu l temperam en t exhib it m ore
sensitivity to m o ral stand ards and rules, presum ably b ecause t hey m ore
readily in terna lise pro hib it io ns (Ko ch anska, 1991, 1997). H owever, by
p reschool year s child ren’s em ot io nality interacts with socialisation pra c-
tices in predictin g intern alised con science. F ear ful ch ildren b en e® t m ore
from gent le d iscipline, wherea s fearless ch ildren bene® t m ore from
mut ually respo nsive relatio ns with their caregiver (Ko ch anska, 1997).
A fou rth develop menta l milesto ne of th e tod dler an d prescho ol year s is
th e em ergence of r udim ent ary for m s of self-evaluative em ot io ns su ch as
sh am e, gu ilt, and pride. T he emergence o f the self-con scious emotion s
comp rises a ma jo r developm en tal m ilesto ne because each o f th em serves
adaptive fun ction s. Fo r exam ple, sha me serves to h ighlight t hat on e h as
violated social n or ms o r exp ectations an d is in som e way in ep t, inad eq uate,
or u naccept able. Such a realisation m ay mo tiva te the p erson t o ch ange o r
im p rove himself/herself so he/she will be less vulnerable t o such feelings in
the fu ture (e.g. Bar rett, 1995; I zard , 1991). G uilt em ph asises that on e is
respo nsible fo r wrongdoing, m ot ivates repar ative behaviou rs, and helps
m ain tain relatio nsh ip s (e.g. Bau meister, Stillwell, & H eath erton , 1995;
Tan gney, 1991).
Aga in , most developm en tal accoun ts emph asise h ow cognitive attain-
m ent s, su ch as t he child’s growing meta-awaren ess an d representationa l
abilities, cont ribu te to the emergence o f th e self-evaluative em o tion s (e.g.
L ewis, 1995; M ascolo & F ischer, 1995; St ip ek , 1995). In gen eral, most
developm en tal accoun ts p lace lit tle emp hasis on how a ffective experi-
ences associated wit h th e self-evaluative emo tion s m ay contr ibute t o th e
fur ther developm en t a nd co nsolid ation o f t hese emo tions (for exceptio ns,
see Ba rrett, 1995). D E T ackn owledges th at th e self-con scious em otion s
require cert ain cogn itive attainm ents, su ch as som e ability to differentiate
self from o ther. H owever, D E T a lso claims t hat th e experience of these
self-conscious emotion s is likely to fu rt her heighten a sense o f self-
awaren ess a nd un derstan ding of mo ral sta nd ards. Fo r exam ple, as
Bar rett (1995, p. 47) h as ob served: ``T he sha me exp erience high light s
the `lo okin g gla ss self’ Ð t he self a s oth ers see o ne (or as on e must app ear
to ot hers) an d th erefore causes o ne to step back from t he self an d to
evaluate o neself’ ’ . A lt hou gh children begin exhibiting r udim en tar y for m s
of t he self-conscious em o tion s d ur in g tod dler and preschoo l year s,
du ring this period th ese emotio ns are no t fu lly intern alised an d a re
m ost likely to b e exhibited when som eo ne else is present to observe
their beh avio ur. For exam ple, Alessandr i and L ewis (1993) fou nd th at
child ren’s sh am e respo nses were associated with p aren ts’ in creased n ega-
tive evaluatio ns a nd d ecreased po sitive evaluatio ns. Similar ly, Stipek,
R ecchia, a nd M cClintic (1992) fou nd that p arental p ra ise for the
child ’s ach ievemen t was a ssociated with the child ’s mo re frequent
po sitive reactions to ach ievemen t. I n fact, it is on ly well in to m idd le
child hood that children rep or t feeling sham eful or proud abo ut their
cond uct in th e absence of an au dience (e.g. H ar ter, 1996). A ccor ding
to D E T, it is o nly by rep eatedly experiencing the self-evalu ative em otion s
that one fo r ms con nectio ns between on e’s act, o ne’s feelings, a nd th e
consequences o f o ne’s b eh aviou rÐ an d that mo ral stan dard s becom e
in tern alised and th ereby that full-blown self-evaluative emotion s em erge
(e.g. Izard et al., 1998). T his developm en tal mileston e occurs dur ing
m id dle an d late ch ildh oo d.
536 ABE AND IZARD
Middle and Late Childhood (6± 12 Years)

A s child ren ma ke th e t ran sition from prescho ol to elemen tar y scho ol, t heir
ecologica l wor ld u ndergoes a mo num en tal chan ge (e.g. H iggin s & Par so n,
1983; L add , 1996). F irst, the amo un t of tim e children sp en d in com pany of
th eir peers with ou t adu lt su pervision d ram atically increases (H ill &
Staffo rd, 1980). Second , b egin nin g in elementa ry scho ol, children are
increasingly in tro duced t o h igher levels o f critical feedback about
acad em ic ability an d jud ged aga in st explicit p erfor m ance stan dard s (e.g.
H iggin s & Parsons, 1983). F inally, co mp ared to earlier years, d uring
m iddle a nd late ch ild hoo d, p arents are genera lly less wa r m an d m ore
critical o f their children (M accoby, 1984; War ton & G o odn ow, 1991).
Emotional Development. T he self-evalu ative em ot io ns assume new and

increasingly im po rta nt ro les in midd le an d late ch ild hoo d p articular ly in
th e em ergence of self-con cept s a nd in terna lisation of sta nd ards. T h e int er-
p lay of feelings of sham e, guilt , an d pr id e fo sters u nd erstan ding o f self, self-
o ther sim ila rities and differences (social com par ison s), an d relatio nships.
Because of th e child’s in creased int erest in ot her children, getting along
with peers becomes an increasingly salient issue by midd le ch ildh oo d,
initially in term s of peer acceptan ce an d later in term s of for m ing friend-
ships (e.g. G ot tma n & M ett ata l, 1986; M asten & C oatswor th, 1998). A t t he
sam e t im e, anger-powered self-assertion will n ow mo re likely involve
an oth er child a nd create new co ndition s for lea rn in g abou t co n¯ ict and
coo peratio n (e.g. C o ie & K upersm idt , 1983; N elson & A boud , 1985).
Role of Emotions in the Developmental Milestones. A ® r st develop-

m en tal m ilestone of th e m iddle to late child hoo d perio d is th e abilit y to
engage in socia l co mpa riso ns. W hereas yo unger children h ave an in ¯ ated
estim atio n of t heir char acteristics an d abilities, du ring m id dle childh oo d
th eir estim ation o f themselves becom es m o re mo dest a nd accurate (Ruble,
E isenb erg, & H iggin s, 1994; R uble & F rey, 1991). H ar ter and ot hers
(D am on & H art, 1988; H art er, 1996) attribute older children’s ability to
m ake so cial com par ison s t o t he decline in ego cent rism an d th e em ergence
o f the ability to relate on e concept to a not her across m any d om ains (e.g.
con serva tio n, multip lication o f classes).
F rom the sta ndp oint of D E T, ch ild ren’s em o tiona l experiences in t he
socia l wo rld also play an im po rta nt role in th e em ergence o f o ld er children’s
ability t o en ga ge in self-com par isons. D u ring m iddle an d late ch ildh oo d,
children sp en d mo re tim e in t he com pa ny o f th eir eq uals an d receive
abun dan t feedback abo ut th eir abilities a nd ch ar acteristics from b oth t heir
p eers a nd teachers. E qua lly imp or tant , du ring m idd le childh ood , child ren’s
locus of emo tion al investm en t is focused o n peer accept ance an d perfo r-
m ance in scho la stic a nd athletic activities (e.g. L ar so n & A smussen, 1991).
D unn’s (1988) research reveals th at a lthou gh yo unger children d o n ot
enga ge in social co mp ariso ns in exp erim en tal p roblem-solving situ atio ns,
they do com pare th em selves in real-wor ld fam ily situatio ns, when their self-
in terest is at stake. T h us, children’s growing ability t o m ake more accur ate
self-com par isons d ur in g m id dle to late ch ild hoo d p erio d is likely t o b e
la rgely d ue to t heir increased o pp ort un ity fo r ma king co mp arisons an d
their increased emotion al investm en t in such dom ains as peer p opu la rity
and scho lastic an d athletic perfor m an ce.
A second m ajor developm ental m ilesto nes of th e m id dle t o late child-
ho od period is th e em ergence of tra it -like self-concept s (H a rter, 1996).
Alth ough emo tion feelings h elp t he in fan t ga in a sense of self as ca usa l
agent (Izard , 1978) a nd yo ung ch ildren show an increa sed awareness of
themselves as auto no mo us beings, it is o nly du ring midd le childho od th at
child ren begin to give tr ait-like self-descript io ns. You nger children
describe th em selves in term s of iso lated, co ncrete, and ob servable b eh a-
viour s, ch ara cteristics, p references, an d p ossessions. By con tr ast, older
child ren are m ore likely t o describe th em selves in t erm s of higher o rder
generalisatio ns, which typically rep resent a com bination of a num ber of
sp eci® c b ehaviour s (e.g. q ualities o f cha ra cter, abilit y, and int erpersona l
chara cteristics).
H ar ter (1996) att ribut es o lder child ren’s ability to give tra it-like d escrip-
tion s of self to t he emergence o f concrete operationa l t hinkin g which
enables t hem to categorise tr aits, for m rep resentational sets, a nd higher
ord er gen eralisatio ns. A ccord in g to D E T, self-con cepts rep resent affective-
cogn it ive structu res and gr adu ally em erge d ur in g m id dle childh oo d largely
as th e result of repetitive emotion experiences in a par ticula r d om ain of
on e’s life. In sup por t of this view, E der’s (1989, 1990) research dem o n-
strates th at ch ildren d evelop psychological co nceptions o f self lon g b efo re
they are able to express th is kn owledge in trait-like t erm in ology an d th at
these early precursor s of self-concepts have a strong a ffective o r hedon ic
ton e. Over t im e, th ese affective states b ecom e elabor ated into tr ait-like self-
concepts. F u rth erm ore, a su bstant ial b ody of research reveals that repeti-
tive failur e exp eriences in scho lastic t ask s pro m pt feelings of h elplessness
and eventu ally becom e co nso lidated in to mo re stable con cept io ns of ability
(e.g. Bur hans & D weck, 1995). Stud ies also reveal th at rep etitive experi-
ences with peer hostility an d rejectio n in m id dle to late ch ildh ood lead to
feelings of low self-esteem a nd n egative con cept io ns of self (e.g. R ub in ,
L eM are, & L o llis, 1990).
A th ird developm en tal m ilesto ne of th e m iddle to late child ho od p eriod
is t he increa se in social-persp ective t aking sk ills or the abilit y to un der-
stand o ther p eop le’s th ou ghts and feelings. T he r ap id increase in ch ildren’s
perspective-taking skills d ur ing m id dle child ho od is oft en attributed to th e
538 ABE AND IZARD
d ecline in egocentr ism and t he emergen ce o f con crete o perational think in g.

F ro m t he perspective of D E T, th e in crease in social perspective skills
d ur ing m iddle ch ildh ood emerges largely th rough so cioemotion al int er-
action s with p eers. Su ppo rt for this view com es from stu dies th at have
com pared th e social perspective-taking skills o f ch ildren who grew u p on
iso lated far m s, in villa ges, a nd in towns in va r ious countr ies (e.g. E delstein,
K eller, & Wah len, 1984; H ollos, 1975; H o llos & C owan, 1973). T h ese
stud ies fou nd th at alt ho ugh all th ree group s of child ren p erfo r med at an
equ al level on tests of co ncrete o perations, on tests of so cial perspective-
ta king, t he fa rm children, wh o had lit tle o ppo rt unity for so cial int eractio ns
with peers, scored lower th an the village an d t own children. Ot her stu dies
reveal that co n¯ icts b etween close friends as o ppo sed to acq uaint ances are
especially likely to enh ance socia l perspective-taking skills (e.g. N elson &
A bou d, 1985; Ru bin & C op la n, 1992). T h ese stud ies foun d t hat altho ugh
friends are m ore likely to qu ar rel and t o criticise each o th er th an a cq uain-
ta nces and are t hus presumably m ore likely to aro use feelings of a nger in
each ot her, th ey are also m ore likely to explain t heir positions to ea ch
o ther. T hus, co nsistent with the view present ed ea rlier, an ger in th e con text
o f close relation sh ips may stimulate so cial-cognitive attainm en ts.
A fou rt h d evelop ment al m ilesto ne o f th e m id dle to late childho od
p erio d is the ability to con ceptualise self-evaluative emo tio ns su ch as
sham e, guilt, an d p ride (e.g. F erguson & Stegge, 1995; G rif® n, 1995;
M ascolo & F ischer, 1995). As previo usly ment io ned, yo un g child ren are
able t o d istingu ish b etween m ajor an d m inor tr angression s a nd to u nd er-
stan d that stealing som ethin g from som eo ne is wrong. H owever, when
asked how a child wh o secretly takes sweets from ano th er child wou ld
feel, yo u nger children repo rt t he pro tagonist wou ld feel happy. By co nt rast,
7 to 8-year-old children repo rt the p rot agon ist would feel b ad about
h im self or herself (N un ner-W in kler & So dian, 1988). Similar ly, H art er
(1996) presented vign ettes likely to p rovoke sham e (tak in g co in s from
p aren ts’ bedro om ) and p ride (perfor m ing a gym na stic feat) to ch ild ren
b etween 4 and 8 year s of age. I n o ne version, t he parent witn essed t he
child’s act and in the oth er version they d id no t. O nly at a roun d 8 year s of
age d id children spo ntan eo usly m ention that th ey wo uld feel proud or
asham ed of t hemselves even if t heir p arents were n ot p resent.
Old er children’s ability to co nceptualise th e self-evaluative em ot io ns has
b een attribu ted t o t he emergence of representationa l ¯ exib ility in applying
multiple p ersp ectives to a sin gle event (G rif® n , 1995; M ascolo & F ischer,
1995). F rom the stand po in t of D E T, altho ugh cogn it ive attainm en ts p lay
an imp ort ant role in th e children’s ability to con cept ualise the self-
con scious em otio ns, children’s em ot io n experiences in socia l an d p art icu-
lar ly peer co ntexts provid e the m ot iva tion al cond it io ns for, and cont ribu te
equ ally, t o th is adva nce. D urin g midd le and late childho od, th e need for
peer a cceptan ce an d the avoidan ce o f t he sham e of ``r ejection’ ’ becom es a
powerful force towards con for m it y (cf. H art up, 1983). C hildren wh o
confo rm to peer no r ms are reinfo rced for their behaviou rs th rough
pr aise, sm iles, an d laught er, wherea s th ose who fa il to confo r m a re
pu nished th rou gh bla ming, disapprova l, and rejection (F u rm an & M asters,
1980; H a rtu p, 1983). F ur thermo re, parents repo rt that com pared to ear lier
years, they h ave h igher expectatio ns fo r t heir children d ur in g mid dle an d
late childho od (Wart on & G oo dnow, 1991) and are m ore likely to favou r
severe respo nses to t ran sgression s (D ix, Ru ble, & Z am bar ano, 1989). I n
scho ol, ch ild ren are expo sed t o in creasingly h igh er levels o f critical feed-
back regard in g th eir acad em ic perfo r ma nce. As children grow older, they
are thu s expo sed to a wid er ra nge of rules, stan dard s, an d n or ms an d h ave
in creased o pp or tun ities for ``success’’ and ``fa ilure’’ exp eriencesÐ an d
thereby to exp erience self-evalu ative em otion s su ch as sham e, guilt, an d
pr id e. As p reviou sly m ent io ned, the rep etitive exp erience o f th e self-
evaluative em ot io ns heightens self-awareness, h ighligh ts m ora l stan dard s,
and th us fosters th e int ernalisatio n of stan dard s, which, in t urn , is likely to
contr ibut e t o ch ildren’s ability t o co nceptua lise th ese emo tions.
As E m de a nd Op penheim (1995) observe, dur ing midd le a nd late child-
ho od, th e bro ader social con texts assume in crea sing im por tan ce and thu s
so cial referencing t o caregivers b ecom es extended to referencing of peer
gro ups and teachers. A ccording t o D E T, ch ildren’s repetitive exp erience of
su ccess- an d failure-related emo tion s (e.g. t he self-evalu ative emotion s as
well a s joy an d sa dness) in these b roa der social con texts stron gly co n-
tr ibute to the for m ation of self-concepts, t he abilit y to engage in social-
comp ar isons, a nd th e interna lisation o f stan dard s.
Adolescence
Ad olescence is char acterised by dra matic biological, so cial, a nd cogn it ive
changes. D ur ing t his period , children undergo p ub ert y, ad opt a mo re
diverse set o f so cial roles, an d exhib it a dva nces in abstr act th in kin g
(Co lt on & G o re, 1991).
Emotional Development. A num ber of stud ies do cu ment in creases in

emot io nal tur m oil an d n egative a ffective states dur ing ado lescence
(Csikszent miha lyi & L a rson, 1984; L ar so n & Asmussen, 1991; Stapley &
H avilan d, 1989). T h e physica l, so cial, a nd cogn itive chan ges co mbin ed with
ado lescent s’ increa sing abilit y t o see themselves a s social ob jects make
them pa rticularly vulnerable to so cial a nxiety (L ear y & Kowalski, 1995;
Oh ma n, 1986). H eightened self-con sciousness n ow lea ds to m ore penetrat-
in g self-evaluations that can activate negative em o tio ns r angin g from fear
(of inad eq uacy), to sadn ess (over losses in peer co mp etit io n), t o disgust
540 ABE AND IZARD
with o ne’s lo oks o r body. I n ado lescence, the experience or an ticipation of

self-evalu ative em ot io ns o ften triggers ot her emo tions. For exam ple, sham e
can activage an ger in defence of self (cf. Tangn ey, Wagn er, F letcher, &
G ra mzow, 1992). A nger in th is co ntext can escalate r apidly and also end ure
fo r considerable perio ds of time because of ado lescents’ in creased ability to
r ation alise and justify it. O n t he ot her h and , t he intera ctio n o f t he sex dr ive
with th e po sitive emo tions fo sters p assionate love a s well a s n ew social
go als (H at® eld & Brint on, 1991).
Role of Emotions in Developmental Milestones. A m ajor d evelop ment al

m ilesto ne of ad olescence is t he increased capacity for abstr act think in g.
C o m pared to ear lier period s of life, a dolescents are mo re capable of
con sidering multiple perspectives, detecting logical in co nsistencies, and
im agining hypo thetica l events (e.g. F ischer, 1980; K eating, 1990). A trend
toward abstract thin king was also fo un d in H art er’s (1990) study on
ad olescent self-concept for m ation . T he stu dy reveals that between p re-
ad olescence an d ado lescence, description s o f b oth self and oth ers shift
from behavio ur al and social exterior to th e psycho logical in terior and
also become increa singly differentiated . A do lescents not only ident ify a
wider an d more diverse range of descript ors a cross different do ma in s and
socia l ro les, but a lso con str uct hyp oth etical self-constru cts, such as ideal vs.
actu al self; tr ue vs. false self; h oped fo r vs. d rea ded self.
Severa l lin es of research have establish ed associations between th e
increase in negative affective states a nd the em ergence of abstract t hinking
d ur ing ad olescence. In a large-scale stu dy, L a rso n a nd Asmussen (1991)
examin ed reason s for the emot io nal ch anges du ring ad olescence. Ba sed on
a review o f t he lit eratu re, they con clud ed th at the th ree most comm on
explanations o ffered to a ccou nt for t he rise in n egative em ot io ns d uring
ad olescence in clud in gÐ pu bert y, increase in negative life events, mo re t im e
spent alo neÐ failed t o accou nt fo r th e emotion ch anges. U sin g tim e-
sam plin g meth ods, they collected data from a large num ber of p re-
ad olescent s a nd yo un g ado lescents an d fou nd str ik ing chan ges in th e
elicitor s of negative em ot io ns between th e two groups. W hereas d uring
p read olescence the life d om ain th at elicits negative emo tions involves
con crete im m ediate activities, d ur in g ado lescence th e locus of emotion al
tu r m oil is fo cu sed o n real and im agin ary rom antic relatio nsh ips. T he stu dy
also fou nd t hat ad olescents are m ost likely to acknowledge multiple levels
o f mean ing, a mbigu it ies, an d par ad oxes and t o thereby demo nstrate t heir
m ost adva n ced cognit ive expla natio ns in d iscussing n egative feelings
related to t hese so cial con ¯ icts.
Ot her studies have also d em on str ated relation s between ind ividu al
d ifferences in em o tion experiences an d so cial-cognit ive an d persona lity
d evelop ment . H avila nd an d colleagues (H avila nd , D avidso n, Ru etsch,
G ebelt, & L ancelot, 1991) fou nd th at adolescents with co ntr acted self-
structu res (th ose un able to id entify m ore tha n two or th ree social ro les),
reminiscent o f M arcia’s (1966) foreclosed a dolescents, id en tify conspicu-
ou sly low levels of negative emo tions and negative tr aits in t heir self-
structu res. By co ntr ast, ado lescents with m ore d evelop ment ally adva n ced
self-stru ctures (expan ded an d conn ected) id ent ify bo th p ositive an d
negative em ot io ns an d po sitive an d n egative t raits in th eir self-str uctures.
H auser an d Safyer (1994) investigated a ssociatio ns b etween emotion com -
munication dur ing a semi-stru ctu red in terview an d ego d evelop ment .
U sing voice cu es an d sp eech cont en t, ea ch speech tur n was co ded in t erm s
of speci® c emo tion s. T h e study fou nd t hat ado lescents who are fun ctio ning
at a m ore m atu re ego level an d are m ore aware of th e com plexity of
persona l relation ship s as well as sub tle aspects of in ner life exh ib it signifi-
cantly higher levels o f enth usiasm, a ffection, an d lower levels o f sadn ess
and anger. H owever, ad olescent s who are fun ctio ning at higher levels of
ego d evelop ment also exh ib it high er levels of con ¯ ictin g em otion s
(presence of bo th p ositive a nd negative emotion s in the same speech
tur n), diverse emotion s (different em ot ion s in sa me speech t ur n), an d
anxiety. T h ey are a lso seen by peers as b eing m ore anxio us th an th ose
who remain d evelop ment ally ar rested .
T he questio n that ar ises is whether th e emo tion al chan ges in ado lescence
precede, succeed, or accomp any social-cognitive develop ment. M ost
developm en tal accoun ts a ssume th at emotion al ch anges in ado lescence
are a con sequ ence of cogn it ive growth. For exam ple, L ar son an d A smussen
(1991) o bserve: ``. . . cognitive d evelop ment du ring this age p erio d
in creases rather th an d im inish es the stressfuln ess o f daily life’ ’ . Sim ilar ly,
H arter (1990) attr ibutes th e dr amatic r ise in em ot io nal con ¯ ict an d distress
am ong m id-ad olescents to th e emergence of `àb stract m apping’ ’ , which
enables th em t o detect in co nsisten cies in self-descrip tor s. Accordin g to
H arter, the emotion al con ¯ ict an d d istress subsid es a mo ng late ad oles-
cents b ecause of t he em ergence of `àbstract system s’ ’ , which enables
them t o integrate the co n¯ icting d escrip to rs.
To date, th e on ly stu dy that has investigated t he tempo ral relation s
between cogn itive an d emotion al chan ges d ur in g a dolescence is a psycho-
biogr aphica l study on t he d ia ry of Ann e F ra nk co nd ucted by H aviland a nd
K ram er (1991). In th is study, em ot io n t erm s and cogn itive statement s in th e
diar y were coded usin g ® n e-grained co ding systems. D espite th e fact th at
An ne lived un der desperate circu mstan ces, the emo tions repo rted in her
diar y were associated wit h nor m ative issues such as m en arche, au to nomy
from parents, and h er relation s with a p eer. D urin g th e two year s in which
An ne F ra nk wrot e in her d ia ry, her level of th ink ing showed a sequent ia l
change from concrete, abso lu te, relativistic, to dialectical think in g. E m o tio n
density or peaks of em otio n lastin g for a few d ays co nsistently preceded th e
542 ABE AND IZARD
emergence of high er levels of th in king. H owever, increase in cognitive

statem en ts did no t gen erally p recede em o tion density. T h us, th e ® n dings
from this stu dy ind icate t hat em ot io ns precede and may fo ster the develop-
m en t of abstra ct t hou ght d ur in g ado lescence.
CONCLUSION
T h is a rticle has h igh ligh ted the d evelop mental fu nctions of em ot io ns
d ur ing four m ajor p erio ds of d evelop ment . We a rgu ed t hat because of
th eir adaptive and mo tiva tio nal fu nctions, em ot io ns p lay a centr al role in
h elping t he ind ividu al achieve d evelop ment al m ilesto nes an d tasks d uring
each of th ese stages o f life. I n so doing, we have present ed a n alternative
view of d evelop ment, which co nceptua lises cogn it ive an d social develop-
m en t as d ep en dent on em ot io ns. A lt hou gh th ere is an abun dan t bo dy of
research demonstr ating the in¯ u en ce of em otio ns o n cognitive processes,
th ere is a d ea rth of stud ies investigatin g th e in¯ uence o f emo tions on
cognitive d evelop m ent . T he lim it ed literature available on this topic,
which wa s reviewed in this p aper, clearly ind icates t hat t his m ay be a
p rom ising lin e o f fut ure research.
In t his art icle, focusing on nor m ative developm en t, we p resented t he
u nconven tion al view that even t he emo tion exp eriences associated wit h t he
``t err ible twos’’ o f t od dlerh oo d a nd the ``sto r m and stress’ o f ado lescence
m ot iva te key developm en tal processes a nd foster fur th er growth. An
im por tan t issue for futu re research is the identi® catio n o f th e circu m-
stan ces in which emo tion experiences facilitate or h in der furt her socia l-
cognitive developm en t. U nder som e circum stances, th e em ot ion s that ga in
p rom in en ce du ring a p ar ticular d evelop ment al p erio d becom e linked to
m aladaptive th ou ght-action p atterns and result in va riou s psychological
d isord ers (Izard & H arr is, 1995).
M a nuscrip t received 2 M a rch 1999
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C O G N IT IO N AN D E M O TIO N , 1999, 13 (5), 523±549

The Developmental Functions of Emotions:

R eq uest s for reprin ts sh o uld b e sent t o Jo A n n A b e, Psych o logy D ep ar tm en t, Sou th ern

q 1999 P sych olo gy P ress Ltd

an d o ntogen etically pr io r to t he cognitive system 1 an d serve as t he prim ary

DEVELOPMENTAL FUNCTIONS OF EMOTIONS

Emotional Development. A n exten sive stu dy of emo tion expressions in

to ch ange what is happenin g (E m de, G aensbau er & H ar m on, 1976; I zard ,

Role of Emotions in Developmental Milestones. A ® rst d evelop ment al

Toddler and Preschool Years (2± 5 Years of Age)

Emotional Development. D evelop ment al psycho logists have long

Role of Emotions in Developmental Milestones. A ® r st developm enta l

p rohibitio n or p ossible ta sk failure. K aga n (1987, p. xi) argues th at th ese

Middle and Late Childhood (6± 12 Years)

Emotional Development. T he self-evalu ative em ot io ns assume new and

Role of Emotions in the Developmental Milestones. A ® r st develop-

d ecline in egocentr ism and t he emergen ce o f con crete o perational think in g.

Emotional Development. A num ber of stud ies do cu ment in creases in

with o ne’s lo oks o r body. I n ado lescence, the experience or an ticipation of

Role of Emotions in Developmental Milestones. A m ajor d evelop ment al

emergence of high er levels of th in king. H owever, increase in cognitive

M a nuscrip t received 2 M a rch 1999

Ro go ff, B. (1990). Apprenticeship in thinking: Cognitive development in social context. N ew

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