Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Compiled by
Richard Rooney
SWAZILAND: STRIVING FOR FREEDOM
CONTENTS
Introduction 1
1 Budget and finance 2
2 King’s birthday 66
3 Prisons 82
4 Schools 94
5 Students 109
6 AGOA 114
7 Army 116
8 Crime 119
9 Chiefs 131
10 Governance 134
11 Prime Minister 160
12 Political parties 175
13 Health 180
14 Media 185
15 Police 207
16 Women 233
17 Workers’ rights 238
18 Human rights 243
INTRODUCTION
Swaziland’s public finances are in such a mess that bank statements have been
miscalculated by more than E7 billion. Government Ministries are engaging in
fraud and breaking laws. These are some of the conclusions of the annual
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of the estimated 1.1 million population have incomes less than the
equivalent of US$2 per day.
The hotel and conference centre is another project supported
by King Mswati III, who rules Swaziland as sub-Saharan Africa’s
last absolute monarch. He believes such buildings add to the
prestige of his kingdom and will make it a First World nation by
2022. He already has an airport named in his honour that cost an
estimated E2.5bn to build but only has one airline using it. King
Mswati III International Airport has been described as a ‘white
elephant’ and a ‘vanity project’ for the King.
Dlamini in his budget speech on Thursday (1 March 2018)
said the government would only spend on ‘the most critical
expenditure items’ this year. He acknowledged, ‘Government
sending continues to outpace its ability to raise enough revenues
resulting in cash flow challenges and accumulation of arrears.’
The hotel and convention centre – popularly known as
ICCFISH - is under construction at Ezulwini. In 2013 when the
plan for the development was announced the cost was estimated at
E1bn. Completion of the work was expected by 2016.
In September 2017 it was reported that King Mswati had
visited Las Vegas in the United States to try to get the Caesars
Palace company (famous for its hotel and casino) to manage the
ICCFISH.
‘The King’s Office Correspondent’, writing at the time in the
Swazi Observer, a newspaper in effect owned by the King, reported
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in elections and the Prime Minister and senior ministers are selected
by the King.
The Swazi Observer, a newspaper in effect owned by the
King, reported at the time that the Prime Minister ‘minced no
words’ then he told Parliament ‘that nothing would be changed in
the budget’.
The newspaper, described by the Media Institute of Southern
Africa in a report on media freedom in the kingdom, as a ‘pure
propaganda machine for the royal family’ reported the MPs ‘came
back to their senses’ and allowed passage to the Budget Bill.
There are ongoing concerns about the ways national budgets
are made in Swaziland. In a review of the 2016 Swaziland budget,
the US State Department found details were missing about how
money given to the Royal Family was spent. Also hidden was
detailed information about spending on the military, police and
correctional services.
The United States undertakes annual reports on ‘fiscal
transparency’ of governments that receive US assistance to ‘help
ensure US taxpayer money is used appropriately’.
In 2017, Swaziland scored only three points out of 100 in a
global review of its budget in the Transparency Open Budget
Survey produced by the International Budget Partnership (IBP).
While Swaziland scored three points, neighbouring South
Africa scored 89. In an 80-page report IBP revealed that the
Swaziland legislature provides weak oversight of the budget.
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from broadcasting news and information that did not support the
government’s own agenda.
New guidelines also barred ‘public service announcements’
unless they were ‘in line with government policy’ or had been
authorised ‘by the chiefs through the regional administrators’ or
deputy prime minister’s office’.
The guidelines said the radio stations could not be ‘used for
purposes of campaigning by individuals or groups, or to advance an
agenda for political, financial popularity gains for individuals or
groups’.
Strikes and anti-government demonstrations are usually
ignored by broadcasters. Sometimes live radio programmes are
censored on air. In July 2011, the plug was pulled on a phone-in
programme when listeners started criticising the government for its
handling of the economy. Percy Simelane, who was then the boss
of SBIS, and went on to become the government’s official
spokesperson, personally stormed the radio studio and cut the
programme.
In April 2011, Welile Dlamini, a long-time news editor at
SBIS, challenged the Prime Minister Barnabas Dlamini at an
editors’ forum meeting on why the state radio station was told by
the government what and what not to broadcast. Welile Dlamini
said that at the station they were instructed not to use certain stories
such as those about demonstrations by progressives and strike
action by workers. The PM responded by saying editors should
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resign if they were not happy with the editorial policies they are
expected to work with.
In March 2011, SBIS stopped broadcasting the BBC World
Service Focus on Africa programme after it carried reports critical
of King Mswati.
In 2010, Swazi police told SBIS it must stop allowing people
to broadcast information about future meetings unless the police
had given permission. Jerome Dlamini, Deputy Director of the
SBIS said this was to stop the radio station airing an announcement
for a meeting that was prohibited.
He said, ‘It’s the station’s policy not to make announcements
without police permission.’
In 2006, the Minister for Public Service and Information,
Themba Msibi, warned the Swazi broadcasters against criticising
the King. MISA reported at the time, ‘The minister’s threats
followed a live radio programme of news and current affairs in
which a human rights lawyer criticised the King’s sweeping
constitutional powers.’
Human rights lawyer Thulani Maseko, had been asked to
comment on a visit by an African Union (AU) human rights team
which was on a fact-finding mission to Swaziland.
‘In response, Maseko said that, as human rights activists, they
had concerns about the King’s sweeping constitutional powers and
the fact that he the King was wrongfully placed above the
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Constitution. He said they were going to bring this and other human
rights violations to the attention of the AU delegation.
‘Not pleased with the broadcast, the government was quick to
respond. Msibi spoke on air the following day to sternly warn the
media against criticising the King. He said the media should
exercise respect and avoid issues that seek to question the King or
his powers.
‘The minister said his message was not directed only to radio
but to all media, both private and government-owned. He said that
in government they had noticed that there was growing trend in the
media to criticise the King when he should be above criticism and
public scrutiny,’ MISA reported.
Maseko, a long-time campaigner for human rights, was jailed
for two years along with Nation Magazine editor Bheki Makhubu
in July 2014 for writing articles critical of the Swazi judiciary.
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and King Mswati chooses the Prime Minister and cabinet ministers.
Advocates for multiparty democracy have been arrested under the
Suppression of Terrorism Act.
Meetings on all topics are routinely banned in Swaziland and
the kingdom’s police and security forces have been criticised by
international observers. In 2013, the Open Society Initiative for
Southern Africa (OSISA) reported that Swaziland was becoming a
police and military state. It said things had become so bad that
police were unable to accept that peaceful political and social
dissent was a vital element of a healthy democratic process, and
should not be viewed as a crime.
These complaints were made by OSISA at an African
Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR) meeting in
The Gambia in April 2013.
OSISA said, ‘There are also reliable reports of a general
militarization of the country through the deployment of the Swazi
army, police and correctional services to clamp down on any
peaceful protest action by labour or civil society organisations
ahead of the country’s undemocratic elections [in 2013].’
As recently as September 2017, police stopped a pro-
democracy meeting taking place, saying they had not given
organisers permission to meet. It happened during a Global Week
of Action for democracy in the kingdom. About 100 people
reportedly intended to meet at the Mater Dolorosa School (MDS)
in the kingdom’s capital, Mbabane.
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was to last for only a month.’ He added, ‘Now the cars are parked
and no one has shown interest in buying them.’
The Times Sunday, a newspaper in Swaziland, in September
2017 identified the vehicles as 14 BMW 740i sedans and 80 Honda
NC 750X motorbikes. They were being kept at Matsapha Police
College.
The cars were used to transport foreign dignitaries and the
motorbikes were used by police to provide security.
See also
KINGDOM FAILS SADC DELEGATES
KING TO PARTY WHILE SWAZIS GO HUNGRY
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Disability grants
The report which covers the year ending March 2017 stated
there are no working guidelines on how to award disability grants
yet the DPM’s Office gave out of E12.46 million (about US$1
million) to the three years ending March 2016.
The Auditor General reported Section 4.3 (iv) of the National
Disability Policy of 2013 required Government to develop
guidelines on how people with disabilities, who live below the
poverty line, will access funds in various development schemes,
including the assessment criteria to qualify for support from the
grant. ‘Presently, eligibility assessment and screening of disabled
citizens are conducted by Social Workers,’ the report stated.
The Auditor General reported, ‘However, without guidelines,
deserving disabled people may be omitted from the list of
beneficiaries whilst undeserving beneficiaries may receive
disability grants.’
It added, ‘Guidelines should include an independent
assessment of the disabled citizens’ health condition, by a
competent medical specialist, so that only eligible persons benefit
from the grant.’
The Auditor General reported E228,720 was paid to non-
deserving beneficiaries without the approval of Social Workers.
There are also weak internal controls in the management of
Welfare Grants. ‘The payment system was able to accept
beneficiaries straight from the communities without involving
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according to Swazi custom once the King has spoken, things have
to be done.’
She said that Kantey & Templer Consulting Engineers had
previously erected fuel reserve tanks at the King Mswati III
International Airport.
When a Government Bill was first introduced to the House of
Assembly, members of parliament threw it out. The Times of
Swaziland, the only independent daily newspaper in the kingdom,
reported, ‘The MPs had tossed out the Bill after concerns had been
raised about why the tender for the construction of the about E900m
facility had not been an open one and they also questioned the
particulars of Kantey & Templer Proprietary Limited (Swaziland)
[a company formed to oversee the project].
‘The MPs had said all government ministries were expected
to adhere to the provisions of the Procurement Act without first
resorting to the single provision in the same Act even when the
requirements of same are not met by the project at hand as it was in
this present case.’
The Times Sunday, an independent newspaper, reported,
‘MPs are unhappy that other companies were not engaged, through
an open tendering system, to bid for the multimillion project.
Suspicion reached high levels when the MPs learnt that a closed
tendering system was used to engage the South African company to
embark on the project. The nature of the suspicions cannot be
repeated for now.’
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come to effect and failed and I must say I do not want to work on
risks here as a risk is dangerous, we should not therefore risk with
the Swazi people,” the Senator said.’
In February 2018, the Ministry of Natural Resources and
Energy told the Observer on Saturday, ‘The contractor [Kantey &
Templer] did not meet the agreed upon timelines and we are
working within the framework of the agreement for the next steps
in this project. It is envisaged that the project will be returned to
tendering in the very near future.’
See also
SWAZI KING FELL FOR US$5bn CON-TRICK
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Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation for the jet had been
cancelled by the Ministry of Finance.
The Observer reported the Ministry of Finance had ‘listened and
cancelled the allocation and the money taken to the Consolidated Funds’.
This would allow it to be spent on other things.
Two days later on Thursday (7 April 2016), the Times of Swaziland,
the only independent daily newspaper in the kingdom, reported that
‘following a three-hour long caucus by both Members of Parliament (MPs)
and senators in the Parliament canteen, the latter agreed that the E96m, which
had been frozen by MPs, be released to pay a deposit to China Airlines, based
in the Republic of China on Taiwan.’
The Prime Minister Barnabas Dlamini, who was not elected to office
but appointed directly by King Mswati, later presented a statement. The
Times reported, ‘[T]he PM said following a Parliament resolution that
government find a solution to ensure that Their Majesties are secured a mode
of travel, they had sent a ministerial subcommittee headed by Chief
Mgwagwa Gamedze, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International
Cooperation, to look at the various options available.’
The Airbus is presently in Taiwan undergoing refurbishment.
Gamedze said it should be in Swaziland in time for the 50/50 celebrations
marking the 50th anniversary of Swaziland’s independence from Great Britain
and the King’50th birthday in April 2018.
King Mswati already has a private jet, a modified McDonnel Douglas
DC-9-87, also known as an MD-87. It cost US$9.5 million in 2012 and at
least another US$4.1 million was spent on refurbishments before the King
took delivery.
The new jet is continually described in media in Swaziland as a ‘state
jet’ but in April 2017 Gamedze told a parliamentary workshop it would be
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for the use of the King. The Swazi Observer reported at the time that he said
it was possible that the jet might be hired out to other users. The newspaper
reported him saying, ‘It is true that we need money as a country. But we
cannot give this plane to just anyone .We know that many people can afford
to hire it, but the plane will only be given to someone who occupies a status
that is similar to that of the King.’
See also
MPs BLOCK SWAZI KING’S NEW JET
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the event and it was impossible to attract sponsors. They had expected
sponsors to pay E0.8 million but in fact only E104,000 was given.
At the celebration, the King said, ‘I am aware that the world might be
wondering as to why we are so excited in celebrating 40 years of our
independence. The answer is simple, we are celebrating our nationhood and
also thanking God almighty for preserving us as a nation. We are celebrating
the unity, peace, stability and progress that we have enjoyed for the past 40
years.’
In the week before the celebrations police fired tear gas and rubber
bullets at protesters engaged in a two-day strike for democracy.
In his report, the CPCR showed government made many mistakes in
organising the celebration. The project was only launched at the end of
October 2007, less than a year before the celebrations. As a result there was
not enough time for proper planning and proper costing of all the activities
and services that were going to be required before and during the celebrations.
The report also listed problems that arose because nobody was sure on the
rules governing purchasing goods and services for the celebrations.
Meanwhile, the 40/40 celebration proved to be a global public relations
disaster for the King. Instead of praising King Mswati, the international
media coverage of the event showed him as a man out of touch with his
people. He was seen as selfish and greedy. It was estimated at the time that
the celebration might have cost as much as US$10 million (about E70 million
at the then exchange rate).
It was pointed out that while the King lived a lavish lifestyle with at
least 13 palaces, fleets of top-of-the-range cars and a private jet, six out of ten
of his subjects relied on international food aid and four in ten were moving
from hunger to starvation. And Swaziland continued to have the highest rate
of HIV infection in the world.
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Richard Rooney
See also
40/40 CELEBRATION
ANGER AT 40/40 CONTINUES
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The budget for 40/40 overran by at least E32.6 million (about US$5
million at the then exchange rate). E17 million was budgeted but it ended up
costing ‘at least’ E50.2 million. The exact figure is uncertain. This was
revealed in the ‘Comprehensive Project Completion Report’ (CPCR), written
by Luke Mswane, chair of the double celebrations committee that oversaw
the 40/40 celebration.
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It goes on, ‘Make use of the litter bins available on the streets and, by
all means, avoid littering. Council also pleads with the business sector to stop
the illegal practice of emptying their garbage bins into street litter bins.’
It tells residents, ‘No matter how pressed you are, please do not urinate
in public. By urinating in public you do not only risk arrest but bring indignity
to our beloved city.’
The 50-50 celebration centres on King Mswati who rules Swaziland as
sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch. Although seven in ten of his
estimated 1.1 million subjects have incomes less than the equivalent of US$2
per day, E89 million (US$7.5 million) has already been spent on a fleet of
BMW cars for dignities to ride in.
It is not reported who will foot the bill for the road and other
improvements the Council promises. The celebrations take place at a time of
severe budget restraints. King Mswati has told his subjects money can only
be released for essential spending.
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Earlier in March it was revealed that police officers were being forced
to contribute. A constable will have to contribute E50, with payments of E100
from sergeants and E150 from assistant inspectors. Inspectors and assistant
superintendents will contribute E200 and E300 respectively while
superintendents, E400.
The money will be used towards paying the US$7.5 million the Swazi
Government will pay for a fleet of luxury BMW cars to transport dignitaries
on the day. The cost of the cars alone bust the US$1.7 million budget the
government allowed itself for the festivities.
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million was budgeted but it ended up costing ‘at least’ E50.2 million. The
exact figure is uncertain.
The budget overrun was revealed in the ‘Comprehensive Project
Completion Report’ (CPCR), written by Luke Mswane, chair of the double
celebrations committee that oversaw the 40/40 celebration that took place on
one day – 6 September 2008.
The CPCR highlighted a catalogue of mismanagement. Next to no time
was made available to set a proper budget for the events and it became
impossible to keep track of the money. At least E1.8 million was spent on
capital projects without any formal written authority.
The CPCR also stated that E500,000 was budgeted for labour costs,
but overtime paid to civil servants amounted to E5 million.
Tellingly, since the world was led to believe that King Mswati’s joy at
his 40th birthday and the independence anniversary was shared by his
subjects, the CPCR report stated that there was actually a lack of interest in
the event and it was impossible to attract sponsors. They had expected
sponsors to pay E0.8 million but in fact only E104,000 was given.
3 PRISONS
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He said the bread shortage occurred because a bakery truck broke down.
Sidwashini was at the centre of controversy during 2017 after
allegations surfaced that prison officers were supplying inmates with alcohol.
In February 2017, the Times Sunday newspaper in Swaziland reported
shortages of food and toilet paper in jails throughout the kingdom. This was
due to the government’s financial crisis, it said.
In May 2017, the United Nations Human Rights Committee (HRC)
questioned the Swazi Government about prison conditions focusing on,
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‘He said he suffered bruises on his body due to the heavy beating he
was subjected to by the officers.
‘“Your Worship I have been assaulted by warders at Sidvwashini and
I kindly seek your intervention. Please assist me by asking them to take me
to hospital. I also seek assistance in reporting the officers who abused me to
either the police or the Human Rights Commission so that appropriate action
can be taken against them,” he said.’
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The Observer said, ‘He singled out one officer whom he said had made
it clear that should he report the assault to the magistrate, he would deal with
him when he returned to the facility after the court appearance.’
The newspaper said one of the warders when questioned, ‘sarcastically
told the magistrate that Masuku should behave himself if he wanted to be
treated well at the facility’.
The magistrate told the warders to take Masuku to hospital. Magistrate
Dlamini added, ‘I am also ordering you to stop threatening him by telling him
that you will sort him out if he informs the court that he has been beaten. That
is wrong.’’
The case was adjourned to 5 January 2018.
Sidwashini was in the news in December 2017 when untrained
correctional facility officer recruits were said to have been sent in to help
quell a riot over lack of bread.
See also
PROBE INTO ‘INHUMANE’ JAIL CONDITIONS
PROBE INTO CORRUPTION AT SWAZI JAIL
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There have been at least two incidents where inmates rioted because
they were served with poor food. This was at Sidwashini and Bhalekane. At
Sidwashini, media in Swaziland report, untrained warders were sent in to help
restore peace. At Bhalekane one warder had to be taken to hospital after an
alleged attack.
His Majesty’s Correctional Services (HMCS), Commissioner General
Isaiah Mzuthini Ntshangase told the Sunday Observer (7 January 2018) the
officer was trying to serve breakfast to the inmates when they kicked the tray
down and assaulted him on the head with an enamel dish.
The newspaper reported Ntshangase saying, ‘The officer was severely
injured and had to be taken to hospital. All this is part of the unlawful
activities that the gang members are currently engaging in. One wonders why
this officer was assaulted because he had not even provoked the inmates; he
was innocently serving them breakfast and they pounced on him.’
He said members of gangs at Bhalekane vandalised property including
beds to make handmade weapons to attack warders.
The Swazi Observer said on Wednesday (10 January 2018) there were
‘widespread reports of brutality’. It said security had been ‘beefed up’ in
facilities, ‘where such acts of violence are rife’.
The newspaper said one inmate through his lawyers was asking the
courts to transfer him to another correctional facility. It said, ‘The inmate
claims he no longer feels safe at Bhalekane and the matter is pending in
court.’
It said warders stationed in institutions around the kingdom such as
Nhlangano and Big Bend had now transferred to increase security at
Sidwashini and Bhalekane.
Meanwhile, five inmates who are believed to be part of the
controversial gang known as the 26s have been charged with common assault
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after they allegedly assaulted another inmate at Zakhele remand centre. They
allegedly beat him with fists and kicked him before stabbing him with a
toothbrush.
They appeared at Manzini Magistrate’s Court where they said they had
been denied the opportunity to get a lawyer. They were remanded back into
custody.
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custodial order of ten years without remission; and that he will cooperate with
His Majesty’s Correctional Services while under its care.
‘With that response, Grace [sic] the letter to a presiding officer who
then wrote a custodial order for the stipulated time and John was admitted to
the juvenile school in 2013. The 11 years old John lodges with other juveniles
who have been charged by the court of law for various crimes they have
committed. Grace pays tuition fees and up-keep fees for John, and she will
continue doing so for the next ten years until 11 years old John is 21 years.
‘This case is one of many, and the children are of different ages and
varying backgrounds. It is only recently that a joint task team comprising of
UNICEF, Prison Fellowship Swaziland, Lawyers for Human Rights-
Swaziland, Save the Children Swaziland working together with the
department of home affairs are exploring means to curb this situation and
probably provide solutions for both the parents and children.’
In 2012, the Times Sunday newspaper in Swaziland reported that Isaiah
Mzuthini Ntshangase, Swaziland’s Correctional Services Commissioner, was
encouraging parents to send their ‘unruly children’ to the facility if they
thought they were badly behaved.
Ntshangase was speaking at the open day of the Juvenile Industrial
School at the Mdutshane Correctional Institution. He told the newspaper,
‘Noticing the strife that parents go through when raising some of their
children who are unruly, we decided to open our doors to assist them.’
The school not only corrected offenders but assisted, ‘in the fight
against crime by rooting out elements from a tender age’, the newspaper
reported him saying. The children, ‘will be locked up, rehabilitated and
integrated back to society’, the Times reported.
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In 2014 it was revealed more than 1,000 people - three in ten of the
entire prison population -were in jail in Swaziland because they were too poor
to pay fines.
In Swaziland offenders are often given the option of jail time or paying
a fine. There were people in jail because they could not pay fines for a range
of matters, including traffic offences, theft by false pretences, malicious
injury to property and fraud.
Figures revealed that in Swaziland, where seven in ten people live in
abject poverty with incomes less than US$2 per day, 1,053 of 3,615 inmates
in Swazi jails were there because they did not have the money to pay the fine
option. This was 29.1 percent of the entire prison population.
Correctional Services Commissioner Isaiah Ntshangase said the
numbers in prison because they could not pay fines was growing.
In July 2017, the United Nations Human Rights Committee (HRC)
interrogated Swaziland which is ruled by King Mswati III as sub-Saharan
Africa’s last absolute monarch, on a number of prison-related human rights
issues, including food shortages, inadequate sanitary conditions and medical
care.
It also asked the Government to, ‘comment on the allegations that the
president of the (outlawed) political party People’s United Democratic
Movement of Swaziland, Mario Masuku, was denied access to adequate and
independent medical care for complications relating to diabetes throughout
the 14 months he spent in pretrial detention at Zakhele Remand centre and
Matsapha Central Prison.’
The HRC also asked for detailed information about the number of
existing prisons in the kingdom, prison capacity and the number of inmates
and whether there were separate facilities for adults and children. It also asked
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what plans Swaziland had to ratify the Convention against Torture and Other,
Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.
See also
JUVENILE CENTRE ‘HELL ON EARTH’
KIDS WHO COMMIT NO CRIME LOCKED UP
BOY, 12, JAILED FOR INSULTING GRANNY
BOY, 16, HELD IN SOLITARY CONFINEMENT
THOUSAND PEOPLE IN JAIL FOR BEING POOR
TRIALS POLITICALLY MOTIVATED: AMNESTY
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133 people had been detained in Swaziland jails without trial for more than a
year, Executive Secretary of the Human Rights Commission Linda Nxumalo
told the Sunday Observer (31 December 2017), ‘One of the key cases that
the Commission has worked on [in 2017] was one dealing with the issue of
access to justice especially for 133 inmates that have been detained for longer
than 12 months without trial or sentencing at our already overcrowded
correctional facilities.’
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time there were people in jail because they could not pay fines for a range of
matters, including traffic offences, theft by false pretences, malicious injury
to property and fraud.
Figures revealed that 1,053 of 3,615 inmates in Swazi jails were there
because they did not have the money to pay the fine option - 29.1 percent of
the entire prison population.
Ntshangase said the numbers in prison because they could not pay fines
was growing.
See also
POOR CHILDREN IN SWAZI JAIL
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4 SCHOOLS
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About E33 million (US2.6 million) is needed to fund 169 extra teachers
who are needed now that Christianity has become a compulsory subject for
all public schools in Swaziland, the Swazi Observer reported on Thursday (4
January 2018).
There are not enough teachers in Swaziland to teach Christianity. The
newspaper reported Magagula saying they had identified 169 present teachers
who majored in religious studies and history who could teach the Christian
Education Syllabus. He did not say if they had been consulted on a possible
move. It was not reported who would replace the teachers in their present
posts if they did transfer.
The new policy that only Christianity and no other religion could be
taught in schools was announced in January 2017. Previously, the Religious
Education syllabus included Christianity, Islam, Baha’i faith and Swazi
ancestors. The decision reportedly came from the Swazi Cabinet, which is
handpicked by King Mswati III, sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch.
There was no consultation with schools.
The move was controversial. Teaching only Christianity could be
against the spirit, if not the letter, of the Swazi Constitution. When the 2005
Constitution was being drafted, it was decided not to insist that Swaziland
was a Christian country. This was to encourage freedom of religion.
In January 2017, Lawyers for Human Rights spokesperson Sabelo
Masuku said although Swaziland was predominantly Christian, the
Government had to consider the Swazi Constitution which made it clear there
was freedom of religious choice.
Nkosingiphile Myeni, Communications Officer of The Coordinating
Assembly of Non-Governmental Organisations (CANGO) in Swaziland, a
network of NGOs, ecumenical bodies and other faith-based organisations,
said at the time, ‘Firstly, government must not forget that in 2005, Swaziland
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School principals said they had been promised all the material by
government but they had not received anything, the Swazi Observer reported
on Wednesday (7 February 2018).
It quoted principals in schools in the Manzini region who did not want
to be named. One said schools were compelled to buy pupils bibles. ‘The
pupils informed us that they struggled during the exams as they had no clue
of the exam paper.’
The Observer quoted a principal saying, ‘The Ministry of Education
and Training should strive to provide quality education and address all the
critical issues facing all the schools in the country, rather than for them to
improvise for some schools, while neglecting some.’
The Ministry denied books and materials had not been delivered.
In January 2018 Minister of Education and Training Phineas Magagula
said there was not enough money to fund teaching of Christianity. About E33
million (US2.6 million) was needed to fund 169 extra teachers.
The new policy that only Christianity and no other religion could be
taught in schools was announced in January 2017. Previously, the Religious
Education syllabus included Christianity, Islam, Baha’i faith and Swazi
ancestors. The decision reportedly came from the Swazi Cabinet, which is
handpicked by King Mswati III, sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch.
There was no consultation with schools.
The move was controversial. Teaching only Christianity could be
against the spirit, if not the letter, of the Swazi Constitution. When the 2005
Constitution was being drafted, it was decided not to insist that Swaziland
was a Christian country. This was to encourage freedom of religion.
In January 2017, Lawyers for Human Rights spokesperson Sabelo
Masuku said although Swaziland was predominantly Christian, the
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Government had to consider the Swazi Constitution which made it clear there
was freedom of religious choice.
The Swaziland National Association of Teachers (SNAT) President
Freedom Dlamini criticised the way the new syllabus was introduced. In a
statement he said, ‘Our education system was immediately thrown back into
the dark ages, not that we had ever got out.’
Dlamini added, ‘We don't want to create religious fundamentalists
from our future generation, a predicament that some nations are finding
themselves in today.’
According to the CIA World factbook religion in Swaziland is broken
down as Zionist (a blend of Christianity and indigenous ancestral worship)
40 percent, Roman Catholic 20 percent, Muslim 10 percent, other (includes
Anglican, Bahai, Methodist, Mormon, Jewish) 30 percent.
See also
SCHOOLS RELIGIOUS TEACHING SHAKE-UP
RELIGION BAN IN SCHOOLS: PROTESTS GROW
ALL MUST PAY FOR CHRISTIAN LESSONS
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The newspaper said parents thought this was a good idea as it might
save them money in school fees. Girls who become pregnant are forced to
leave school.
The newspaper reported, ‘The most painful part of this situation is that
the fees paid for the pregnants are usually non-refundable hence parents
reached this decision.’
The Observer reported Nkosi saying in itself, the decision was highly
discriminatory and reinforced gender gaps between Swazi girls and boys,
thereby promoting unfair and unequal educational and life opportunities.
Boys who make girls pregnant are not punished.
Nkosi said, ‘Prioritising “saving money” and not enrolling or sending
a girl-child to school due to being pregnant is counterproductive and
detrimental to the lives and future of the affected girls as it increases their
vulnerability to unemployment, violence, poverty, illiteracy, HIV and AIDS
and a myriad of social challenges.’
She added it was also important to recognise that pregnancy could be
a result of several reasons such as rape, which most girls did not report due
to fear of being ridiculed or blamed by friends and family members.
Swaziland Human Rights and Public Administration Commissioner
Sabelo Masuku said the stand taken by the school parents at Siphocosini High
School was new and unknown. The question if there was a violation of human
rights could depend on how the pregnancy tests were done. Masuku also
raised concern on the discrimination and inequality that could be as a result
of the pregnancy tests. A challenge could arise when only the girls were tested
for pregnancy yet boys were not tested for the same thing. He said girls do
not impregnate themselves, but boys were the ones responsible.
In November 2016 it was reported girls Bekezela Primary School in
Lubulini were said to have fallen pregnant ‘due to the poverty levels’. The
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Swazi Observer reported at the time the children were said to have mainly
been impregnated by older men who would promise them food and other
necessities.
See also
SCHOOLGIRLS ‘GIVE SEX FOR FOOD’
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than US$2 per day. The kingdom’s economy has been mismanaged for
decades.
Swaziland cannot afford to pay for its free primary education policy.
Government pays E580 per child, but this is heavily subsidised by the
European Union (EU). Up to December 2016, the EU had spent a total
amount of E110 million (about US$8 million). In 2015, it reportedly
sponsored 34,012 learners in 591 schools. The EU plans to continue paying
for the school fees until the end of 2018. The EU started funding all first grade
pupils in the whole country in 2011.
The problem does not end at primary level. An investigation by the
Swazi Observer (27 January 2018) revealed that some high schools charged
nearly E9,000 per child per year in top-up fees. It also found (1 February
2018) that some schools were not allowing children, including OVCs
(orphaned and vulnerable children) to attend classes until deposits on fees
were paid.
The Ministry of Education then announced that no school in Swaziland
had been given permission to charge top-up fees because none had made the
necessary formal request to do so. Permission can take up to a year.
In February 2017, nearly E2.7 billion (US$216 million) was allocated
in the national budget for the kingdom’s security forces that comprise the
Umbutfo Swaziland Defence Force (USDF), Royal Swaziland Police Service
(RSPS) and His Majesty’s Correctional Services (HMCS). This was 12.4
percent of Swaziland’s total budget.
An organisation called Teach According to Qualification (TEATQ)
reported that the main reason the Teaching Service Commission was not
hiring teachers on a permanent basis was because it could save more than E30
million annually. It estimated there were more than 1,000 teachers on
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contracts. The Legal Notice 147 of 2009, states that contract teachers should
be made permanent after working for two years.
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‘The children are now overcrowded with insufficient teaching aids and
furniture in almost all the public schools.’
‘In some cases, parents offer to assist with the provision of desks just
for the child to squeeze into that tight corner that will be home for the whole
school calendar year without the teacher ever having access to him or her, all
because of overcrowding in the small classrooms.’
See also
END OF FREE SWAZI PRIMARY SCHOOLING
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children (OVC) it is not easy since the ministry of home affairs demands
things they don’t have.’
The newspaper reported, ‘The principals stated that they had tried their
best to encourage the parents and guardians to get the PINs for the children
but they faced difficulty at the Ministry of Home Affairs as they said the
requirements needed were nearly impossible to meet. They said what made
matters worse was that though they may be few pupils in the schools who do
not have the PINs the entire school was suffered. Others said even omitting
those without the PINs would not solve the problem. This they said will mean
those pupils would have to be sent home because they would not have
stationery and books as government would only provide for those listed in
the claim forms.’
Swaziland Principals Association (SWAPA) President Welcome
Mhlanga said it was unfair on principals not to release funds to schools as it
was not their duty to register certificates for children but a role of the parents,
guardians and communities.
The Swazi Observer newspaper reported on Friday (2 March 2018) that
the need for PINs was a new rule and school principals said they had not been
consulted not given adequate time to prepare.
The newspaper said some parents wanted the matter refereed to King
Mswati III. King Mswati is an absolute monarch and if he says children can
be admitted to school without PINs, the government which is not elected but
handpicked by him, would comply.
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5 STUDENTS
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Council (SHEC) on Monday (12 February 2018). The petition came after a
class boycott that started at the previous Wednesday and is continuing.
Students at SANU have a number of issues included in their petition
including delayed payment of allowances for first-year students, withholding
of ongoing students allowances, unreasonable allowance reduction, lack of
project allowances, exorbitant fees and poor infrastructure.
Students at UNISWA have also boycotted classes and marched to the
Ministry of Labour and Social Security in protest over delayed and
inadequate allowances. A total of 634 students received their allowances last
Wednesday but this did not end the protests as this did not include students
at UNISWA’s main Kwaluseni campus.
At the end of January 2018 at least 11 students from Swaziland
Christian University were arrested protesting about delays in receiving
allowances and problems over graduation. A local newspaper report said
police fired live bullets during the protest.
Meanwhile, William Pitcher Teacher’s Training College is also closed
indefinitely after a strike over allowances. The students were ordered to
vacate the premises and those who were to be found on the premises were
informed that they would be charged with trespassing.
The Swazi Government always delays payment of allowances at the
beginning of university semesters and this leads to student protests. After the
start of the previous semester in October 2017 armed police entered college
campuses in Swaziland as students across the kingdom ruled by King Mswati
III as sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch boycotted classes.
Police were at the UNISWA; the private university, Limkokwing; and
also at the William Pitcher teacher training college. Campuses had been
closed and reopened across Swaziland several times since the semester began
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nearly two months previously. The Government had promised to pay all
allowances by the end of September but this had not been done.
The Times of Swaziland reported at the time that an officer from the
riot squad the Operational Support Service Unit (OSSU) injured his hand at
Limkokwing University of Creative Technology when a stun grenade
prematurely went off.
See also
UNIVERSITY CLOSED AFTER PROTESTS
POLICE ‘FIRED LIVE BULLETS AT PROTEST’
ARMED POLICE END STUDENT PROTEST
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6 AGOA
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7 ARMY
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In July 2011, three armed soldiers left a man for dead after he tried to
help a woman they were beating up. And in a separate incident, a woman was
beaten by two soldiers after she tried to stop them talking to her sister.
He said that he did more than 50 press ups and he was beaten with guns
every time he asked to rest.
See also
ARMY SEXUAL ASSAULTS AT BORDER POSTS
ARMY STRIPS BUS PASSENGERS NAKED
SOLDIERS INSPECT WOMAN’S PRIVATE PARTS
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8 CRIME
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On crime threats, the report stated, ‘The general crime rate is above the
U.S. national average. Although criminals considered Mbabane and Manzini
prime grounds for operation due to the number of people, businesses, and
affluent areas, the rate of crime reported in small towns and rural areas
increased in 2016. There are some local crime gangs but no organized crime.
‘Congested urban areas are particularly dangerous at night; and
occasional daytime larceny has been reported. The presence of pedestrians
should not be taken as an indication of a secure/safe environment. Suspects
have found themselves pursued and beaten by by-standers.
‘Residential burglary and petty theft are the most commonly reported
crimes, with street robberies being the most prevalent. They occur at all
locations regardless of the time. Criminals are generally interested in cell
phones and cash.’
The report added, ‘Criminals usually brandish edged weapons (knife,
machete) and occasionally firearms and will resort to deadly force if victims
resist. The general modus operandi of robbers is to target residences or
businesses that have little/no security measures in place. They will use force
if necessary but rely on the threat of force to commit the act.
‘While the number of murders per capita remains lower than some
African countries, Swaziland experiences violent deaths on a frequent basis.
Some of the murders have been particularly gruesome. Victims have been
found decapitated, and body parts were mutilated or removed. Some are a
result of disputes among criminal groups.
‘Rapes occur frequently and tend to be perpetuated on isolated/desolate
urban and rural areas or roads.’
The response time of Swazi police to incidents is described as, ‘slow,
if at all, unless the police are in the general area where the incident occurred.
Police consider a 30-minute response time adequate, even in urban areas.
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Police are generally willing to assist but often lack transportation and
resources to properly respond to, or investigate, crimes.’
There was a 6.1 percent increase in serious crime in the kingdom in
2016 when compared to 2015, the 2016 Royal Swaziland Police Service
annual report stated. The increase included murder, culpable homicide, armed
robbery, car theft, house breaking and theft, robbery, illegal possessions of
firearms, drugs and terrorism.
In March 2017, the Times of Swaziland reported there was a great deal
of concern in neighbouring South Africa about crime in Swaziland.
The newspaper reported that Swaziland’s main commercial city
Manzini was considered, ‘a haven for International crime kingpins who have
become so sophisticated that they are supplying shops with fake cosmetics
and counterfeit drugs’.
It added, ‘Human trafficking is also a crime regarded as a serious
problem in the country, which led to a Parliament probe being launched
following a high number of nationals from Asian countries being found in the
country without legal documentation while others suspected of obtaining
citizenship illegally.’
The growing of dagga [marijuana] was another crime that refused to
go away, the Times reported.
It added, ‘These incidents suggest that there is a whole lot more
criminal activity taking place than what meets the eye. As a country with one
of the highest expenditure on national security, Swaziland should be a
country no criminal should dare to set foot.’
See also
SWAZILAND A WORLD HOTSPOT FOR CRIME
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19 February 2018
Three drivers have appeared in court in Swaziland on charges relating to the
deaths of 13 people, mostly children aged 11 to 16, who were being
transported on the back of a truck that crashed going to the Reed Dance in
2015.
Charges range from negligent driving to culpable homicide.
But, nobody who ordered up to sixty girls to travel on the back of an
open truck like cattle has been charged.
The Principal Magistrate David Khumalo at Manzini criticised the
delay in the case coming to trail and said it must be finalised immediately.
The prosecution was not ready and the case was postponed to 14 March 2018.
The deaths caused outrage in August 2015. The exact number of deaths
in the incident is disputed. The Swazi Government said 13 people died; 11
children and two older people who were their supervisors. There was
widespread disbelief in Swaziland that the death toll was so low. The
Swaziland Solidarity Network, a prodemocracy group banned in Swaziland,
citing the Swaziland Defence Force as a source, put the figure of deaths at
38. It later revised this figure to 65, citing medical officials as a source.
The official figures included an 11-year-old girl and seven girls aged
16 or under.
They died when they were loaded up onto the back of a truck used for
conveying building materials. The truck was involved in a road collision on
28 August 2015. They were on their way to the annual Reed Dance or
Umhlanga where they were expected to be among thousands of ‘virgins’ to
dance half-naked in front of the King.
King Mswati came in for heavy criticism after the crash because
journalists were prevented from reporting the event. King Mswati rules
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‘In fact, due diligence places a strict standard of conduct upon the
government of Swaziland to protect all individuals within its territory and
subject to its jurisdiction, including the girls and women.
‘I argue that the government of Swaziland has the supreme duty to
prevent acts such as those highlighted above that can cause arbitrary loss of
life such as the unnecessary deaths of these girls.’
See also
DEAD GIRLS ARE VICTIMS, NOT HEROES
DEAD GIRLS TRANSPORTED LIKE CATTLE
‘COVER-UP’ ON SWAZI REED DANCE DEATHS
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The newspaper reported him saying, ‘We were outside of the farm and
inspecting our car which had developed mechanical faults. As we were still
busy with the car, we saw two people approaching us and Zwane whistled to
alert them to assist us with the vehicle. Little did we know that the people we
were alerting were actually farm rangers. There were three of them, two were
carrying guns while the other a sjambok. Zwane was carrying a gun and they
confiscated it from him before handcuffing us.’
The newspaper reported, ‘Mbhamali said while they were still pleading
with the rangers to forgive and let them go, one of them pulled the trigger and
shot Zwane on the abdomen at close range.’
Mbhamali said, ‘Zwane fell into the ground and the ranger turned and
shot me on both legs several times. I rolled on the ground and disappeared
into the thick bushes. I thereafter heard them calling the police on their mobile
phones.’
Shootings by game rangers in Swaziland have attracted international
attention. In 2017 a United Nations Human Rights Committee (HRC)
questioned Swaziland about a law that gives game rangers immunity from
prosecution for killing any person suspected of having poached and Survival
International reported Swaziland ‘appears’ to have a shoot-on-sight policy
that allows game rangers to kill suspected poachers.
The HRC asked the Swaziland Government to explain the Game Act
(No. 51/1953) as amended in 1991, which gives conservation police
personnel (game rangers) immunity from prosecution for killing any person
suspected of having poached.
In April 2017, Survival International wrote to the United Nations
Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions,
saying Swaziland ‘appears’ to have a shoot-on-sight policy that allows game
rangers to kill suspected poachers.
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In its letter it said, ‘We say “appears” because usually the policy is not
defined by any law, or even written down. As a consequence, nobody knows
when wildlife officers are permitted to use lethal force against them, and it is
impossible for dependents to hold to account officers whom they believe to
have killed without good reason.’
Stephen Corry, Survival International Director, said the shoot-on-sight
policy directly affected people who lived close to game parks and guards
often failed to distinguish people hunting for food from commercial poachers.
There has been concern in Swaziland for many years that game rangers
have immunity from prosecution and can legally ‘shoot-to-kill’.
In 2016, the Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations
(SCCCO) reported to a United Nations review on human rights in Swaziland,
‘There are numerous cases where citizens are shot and killed by game rangers
for alleged poaching as raised by community members in several
communities such as Lubulini, Nkambeni, Nkhube, Malanti, Sigcaweni, and
Siphocosini.
‘In terms of Section 23 (3) [of the Game Act] game rangers are immune
from prosecution for killing suspected poachers and empowered to use
firearm in the execution of their duties and to search without warrant,’
SCCCO told the United Nations Human Rights Council Working Group on
the Universal Periodic Review of Swaziland in a report.
In January 2014, Swaziland’s Police Commissioner Isaac Magagula
said rangers were allowed to shoot people who were hunting for food to feed
their hungry families.
Commissioner Magagula publicly stated, ‘Animals are now protected
by law and hunting is no longer a free-for-all, where anybody can just wake
up to hunt game whenever they crave meat.’
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Victor Gamedze was shot twice in the head at the Galp filling station
in Ezulwini on Sunday (14 January 2018).
Gamedze was the chairman of Swazi Mobile, a new telecoms company
in Swaziland. It was surrounded by allegations of corruption and money
laundering. King Mswati, who is sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch,
was accused of being in collusion with Gamedze and the Zambian President
Edgar Lungu in a deal to establish a mobile phone company in Zambia using
Swazi Mobile as a cover.
Swaziland is a secretive state where media are censored and it is
difficult to uncover the true nature of Swazi Mobile. It is known that the
company was awarded a licence to provide mobile phone services that started
in July 2017. It beat other companies for the contract although it had no
experience in the mobile phone business. Unusually in Swaziland, the
company was swiftly launched only five months after the licence was given.
Within three months of the launch Gamedze told media in Swaziland
the company had a stock value of E1.2 billion (US$98 million).
In June 2017 a report appeared in the newspaper Swaziland Shopping
stating that King Mswati and Gamedze had forced Swaziland’s government
to side-line rival parastatal Swaziland Post and Telecommunications
Corporation (SPTC) from competing with Swazi Mobile. It said King Mswati
and Gamedze had shares in Swazi Mobile.
The African News Agency reported the editor of Swaziland Shopping
Zweli Martin Dlamini received a death threat. It reported Dlamini saying,
‘Shortly after publishing the story, I received a threatening call from
Gamedze that lasted for 20 minutes where he vowed to “deal with me”. Later
Communications Minister Dumsani Ndlangamandla summoned me to a
meeting and told me that the King was not happy with the story and had
ordered that the newspaper should be closed.’
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9 CHIEFS
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He then demanded that the newspaper reveal the names of the people
who had made the complaints.
Chiefs in Swaziland have a long history of abusing their subjects. In
November 2017 it was reported about 20 families in Mvutshini in the
Southern Hhohho region, were fined E900 each (US$64) for not attending
community meetings and paying homage to their chiefdom.
In June 2017 Chief Somtsewu Motsa of Lushishikishini threatened too
banish all single mothers from the area he rules over to ease the burden to the
community of children born out of wedlock.
The Observer on Saturday (17 June 2017) said Chief Somtsewu Motsa
had called a meeting of all ‘single mothers, pastors and those known to have
impregnated girls without marrying them’. The newspaper reported,
‘Reliable sources said the traditional authorities were threatening to evict
anyone to be seen to defy the chief’s order.’
Chiefs can and do take revenge on their subjects who disobey them.
There is a catalogue of cases in Swaziland. For example, Chief Dambuza
Lukhele of Ngobelweni in the Shiselweni region banned his subjects from
ploughing their fields because some of them defied his order to build a hut
for one of his wives.
Nhlonipho Nkamane Mkhatswa, chief of Lwandle in Manzini, the
main commercial city in Swaziland, reportedly stripped a woman of her
clothing in the middle of a street in full view of the public because she was
wearing trousers.
In November 2013, the newly-appointed Chief Ndlovula of Motshane
threatened to evict nearly 1,000 of his subjects from grazing land if they did
not pay him a E5,000 (about US$500 at the time) fine, the equivalent of more
than six months income for many.
See also
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10 GOVERNANCE
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hot potato after MPs raised concerns why there was no money allocated
towards the construction of the Parliament building yet the King had clearly
pronounced himself on the project during his speech from the Throne last
month.’
The Times Sunday reported on 11 March 2018 that a report of the
Finance Sessional Committee on why the project had stalled stated, ‘The
project costs an amount to the tune of E2.3 billion which is the total annual
budget for the capital expenditure hence the proposal to defer it, until proper
and due diligence has been done on the project.’
It added E50 million had been budgeted for the project in 2017-2018
but the funds had not been used.
This is not the first time King Mswati has pronounced on a topic of
controversy. In 2012 during a long-running and bitter schoolteachers’ strike
the King commanded it should end and all teachers who had been dismissed
during it be reinstated. This was against the wishes of the Cabinet.
However, there was a delay in implementing the King’s command and
it was thought the Cabinet was defying his order. The Prime Minister
Barnabas Dlamini was anxious to set the record straight.
At the time, the Times Sunday reported him saying government
belonged to His Majesty and it took instructions from him to implement them
to the letter, without questioning them.
He told the newspaper, ‘Government listens when His Majesty speaks
and we will always implement the wishes of the King and the Queen mother.’
The PM said Cabinet’s position on the matter was that it respected His
Majesty’s position on all matters he spoke about.
He said Cabinet just like the nation, heard what the King said and his
wishes would be implemented.
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minister and government ministers are appointed by the King and the
monarch is above the Constitution.
Attorney-General Sifiso Khumalo made his comments because for
many years there has been conflict in Swaziland between the three branches
of government: the executive, the legislature and the judiciary. In simple
terms, the executive is responsible for the day-to-day running of government
and is headed by the prime minister. The legislature is parliament made up of
the House of Assembly and the Senate and is responsible for enacting and
amending the law and controlling the money necessary to operate the
government. The judiciary interprets and makes judgements about the law.
Members of Parliament who make up the legislature have complained
from time to time that the Prime Minister (the senior member of the
executive) interferes in their work and he should keep out of their business.
The Attorney-General wrote an opinion to the prime minister and this
was revealed in detail in the Observer on Saturday (24 March 2018), a
newspaper in effect owned by the King. The newspaper reported, ‘He made
it clear in his opinion that separation of powers is not possible – neither in
theory nor in practice.’
But the Attorney-General misses the point. Separation of powers is a
democratic concept, and Swaziland is not a democracy. In a constitutional
democracy there are three separate branches each of which has defined
abilities to check the powers of the others, thereby protecting the interests of
the citizen. There are no ‘citizens’ in Swaziland, everybody is a subject of the
King.
Lawyers can debate amongst themselves whether or not Section 64 of
the 2005 Constitution that states ‘the supreme legislative authority of
Swaziland vests in the King as head of state and shall be exercised in
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against and two abstentions. This total was more than the three-fifths of all
members of the House required for S68 (5) of the Constitution to kick in.
This clearly states that where a resolution of no confidence is passed
on the cabinet by three-fifths of all members of the House the King ‘shall
dissolve Cabinet’. The King did not and instead instructed the House of
assembly to vote again and support the government which it meekly did.
The King also appointed the PM in 2008 in contravention of S67 (1)
of the Constitution that states, ‘the King shall appoint the Prime Minister from
among members of the House’, but Barnabas Dlamini was not a member of
the House and had not been elected to any office. The King simply decided
to ignore the Constitution and put his own man in the job.
The judiciary in Swaziland are not independent from the King. In 2016
the International Commission of Jurists said that the King’s absolute
monarchy, ‘ultimately is incompatible with a society based on the rule of
law’. It said in a report called Justice Locked Out: Swaziland’s Rule of
Law Crisis, Swaziland’s Constitution must be amended to bring it in line
‘with regional and universal international law and standards, in particular on
the separation of powers and respect for judicial independence’.
The report was published after an international mission investigated
Swaziland following the attempted arrest and the impeachment of former
Chief Justice Michael Ramodibedi and the arrest of the Minister of Justice
Sibusiso Shongwe, two High Court judges Mpendulo Simelane and Jacobus
Annandale and High Court Registrar Fikile Nhlabatsi in April 2015.
The report stated the judicial crisis was ‘part of a worrying trend of
repeated interference by the Executive and of the Judiciary’s inability to
defend its independence, exacerbated by apparent strife within the ruling
authorities of Swaziland.
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Swazi Senator, threatened people would be banished from their homes if they
nominated Jennifer du Pont, a widow, for the upcoming election.
The Times Sunday reported at the time, ‘[Dlamini] warned that those
who would nominate her should be prepared to relocate to areas as distant as
five chiefdoms away. Her sin was that she attended the nominations only a
few months after her husband died.’
The newspaper reported, ‘He said she should still be mourning her
husband.’
The Times reported Du Pont did not wear standard black mourning
gowns and was dressed in a blue wrap-around dress known as sidvwashi.
Enough people in the chiefdom defied Dlamini and Ms du Pont was
duly nominated.
In April 2017, Elections and Boundaries Commission commissioner
Ncumbi Maziya told a voter education meeting at Bulandzeni Chiefdom that
women in mourning had a constitutional right to stand for election.
However, the Swazi Observer (3 April 2017) reported, ‘He said a
person wearing a mourning gown was not allowed to be near His Majesty the
King. If a certain constituency elected a person in such a situation, it was
highly possible that the woman could not attend the Parliament opening
event, where the King would also be in attendance. Maziya said that was
when a woman would have to exercise conscience by at least standing by the
gate of Parliament, to avoid being near the King.’
See also
‘VOTE FOR WIDOW, GET EVICTED’
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‘This is Swaziland’
But when around fifteen plain clothes police officers burst through the
door of our partners office, knocking me to the ground, throttling and beating
my two Danish colleagues and two Swazi partners, it was obvious that we
were not going to have what the FCO refers to as a “trouble-free visit.”
The police continued to terrorize and intimidate us at the police station.
I was elbowed in the stomach a couple of times, one officer told us that we
would “never return to your country. You will die here. This is Swaziland,
not Denmark.” Officers threated our Swazi partners with torture by simulated
drowning. All requests for water, food, a lawyer or being allowed to use the
bathroom were refused.
At one point the four of us stood in the yard of the police station, one
of the Swazi partners being beaten up behind us. Fifty or so police officers
were standing menacingly in front of us forming a crescent. They had
truncheons, firearms and full riot gear, so we thought we were going to get a
severe beating. Luckily our Swazi partners managed to talk them out of doing
so.
During our interrogation, by eight officers, we were again threatened
and wrongly accused of financially supporting PUDEMO, a political
movement fighting for a constitutional monarchy and multi-party democracy.
But also a movement that is banned under Swaziland’s Suppression of
Terrorism Act, an act that Amnesty International refers to as being
“inherently repressive.”
Pressure paid off
Luckily, I had managed to send a short mail to our office back in
Denmark that the police were coming for us, moments before they barged
into the office. Our office had, unbeknownst to us, replied that if we didn’t
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answer their mail within five minutes they would contact the Danish Ministry
of Foreign Affairs and the Swazi Consulate, which they did.
Behind the scenes, the Ministry had been piling the pressure on the
Swazi authorities for our release. It paid off, as the police who had until now
been terrorizing us all of a sudden starting behaving nicely towards us.
Eventually they drove us to the airport so that we could catch our plane to
South Africa. We were told never to return to Swaziland.
There were probably two immediate reasons for the unprovoked attack
by the police in retrospect. Firstly, that the police wrongly believed that we
were to take part in the protest marches in connection with the Global Week
of Action together with the many other mainly South African foreigners, most
or all of whom were also detained and/or deported.
Secondly, we had spent around fifteen minutes at a seminar at the
Tum’s George Hotel listening to a lecture about the history of the democratic
movement in Swaziland. When around a hundred police officers arrived, and
some of the South African’s who were attending the seminar started leaving
through the back door, we decided to join them.
Apparently, the police subsequently arrested the forty-five people who
remained and had been very angry that we had left.
‘No response’
When I contacted by Foreign Office, to complain about our treatment
at the hands of the Swazi police, I was told a week later that the FCO “take
all allegations of mistreatment against British nationals very seriously.” The
FCO would “raise the allegations” with the Swazi authorities and “ask for an
investigation to be conducted and the perpetrator(s) brought to justice.”
Two months later, I was informed that the FCO had not received an
answer to its request and that the High Commission would “raise the
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Like Sipho Jele, who was beaten to death by police for wearing a t-
shirt with a PUDEMO-logo. Or Bheki Dlamini, Maxwell Dlamini and the
many other Swazi activists who have been tortured and end up spending
months and years in prison, detained without facing a judge, eventually to be
either released, kept on bail or sentenced on trumped up charges.
The Global Week of Action has continued as an annual event even
though the police routinely assault those who dare take part in the event. Last
year thousands of Swazis marched through the capital Mbabane to deliver a
petition which calls for democracy and socioeconomic justice to the
government.
See also
SWAZI POLICE BRUTALITY: EYEWITNESS
POLICE INTIMIDATION: NEW EVIDENCE
POLICE BRUTALITY: NEW TESTIMONY
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place in Dakar, Senegal on 18-19 January 2018 had pages headed ‘program’
and ‘press kit’ but the pages were blank.
The Observer reported, ‘The UPF leaders expressed their support for
the country’s Vision 2022 and confidence that Swaziland can be a world
leader in peace-building and model country for promoting peace,
development and prosperity for its people.
‘They expressed their desire to meet Their Majesties and to mobilise
resources and investments to support the country in its vision. Other
dignitaries from outside Swaziland also recognised and congratulated the
country for its efforts in promoting peace.’
It reported Zombodze Emuva MP Dr Titus Thwala received the gold
award on behalf of the kingdom.
The award for good governance comes as a surprise because Swaziland
was ranked 34 out of 54 countries for overall governance in the 2017 Ibrahim
Index of African Governance produced by the Mo Ibrahim Foundation. It
received a score of 55.8 out of a hundred for rule of law. Other scores out of
a hundred included: judicial independence (21.3); freedom of expression
(22.8); civil liberties (33.3); and freedom of association and assembly (12.5).
The UPF was founded by Rev Sun Myung Moon who also created the
Unification Church, popularly known as ‘the Moonies’.
After he died in 2012, the Daily Telegraph, a right-wing newspaper in
the United Kingdom reported in an obituary, ‘Moon, a South Korean multi-
millionaire businessman, discovered his vocation as the “second Messiah” in
1936, when he claimed to have met Jesus Christ on a Korean hillside,
recognising Him from His picture. Jesus informed Moon that He had been
unable to complete His mission on earth due to unforeseen circumstances, so
Moon (Jesus went on) had been chosen to succeed Him and to establish the
Kingdom of Heaven upon Earth.’
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It added, ‘In the late 1970s, Mr Moon came under the scrutiny of
federal authorities, mainly over allegations that he was involved in efforts by
the South Korean government to bribe members of Congress to support
President Park Chung-hee. A Congressional subcommittee said there was
evidence of ties between Mr Moon and Korean intelligence, and that the
church had raised money and moved it across borders in violation of
immigration and local charity laws.
‘Then, in October 1981, Mr Moon was named in a 12-count federal
indictment. He was accused of failing to report $150,000 in income from
1973 to 1975, a sum consisting of interest from $1.6 million that he had
deposited in New York bank accounts in his own name, according to the
indictment.’
Moon was convicted the next year of tax fraud and conspiracy to
obstruct justice and sentenced to 18 months in prison. He was assigned to
kitchen duty.
See also
SWAZILAND BOTTOM FOR PARTICIPATION
SWAZILAND GOVERNANCE APPALLING
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The Sunday Observer reported (18 March 2018) ‘The organisers of the
event said they had received instructions from labadzala who could not be
named that they should cancel the seminar because they had not obtained
permission for hosting it.’ Labadzala refers to Royal elders.
Elections are due in 2018 at a date yet to be set. King Mswati III rules
Swaziland as sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch. Political parties
are not allowed to contest in elections and people and groups that advocate
for democratic reform are prosecuted under the Suppression of Terrorism
Act. The King chooses the Prime Minister and top government ministers. In
Swaziland, people only get to select 55 of 65 members of the House of
Assembly. The King chooses the other 10. No members of the Swazi Senate
are elected by the people; the King chooses 20 and the other 10 are elected
by members of the House of Assembly.
Freedom of assembly is severely curtailed in Swaziland, especially in
the run-up to elections. In 2013, before the most recent election, armed police
stopped an election workshop organised by the Swaziland Youth
Empowerment Organisation, also known as Luvatsi, at a Pentecostal Church
in Sidvokodvo. The police had no warrant or court order, but were acting on
instructions of their station commander, local media reported.
This was not the only example of people being prevented freely
discussing issues in the run up to the election. The NGOs Election Network
which operates under the Swazi-based Coordinating Assembly of Non-
governmental Organisations (CANGO) and which observed the polls said in
a report, ‘Civil society meetings were crushed, including prayer meetings.’
It added, ‘With no enjoyment of the rights to access information and
also exchange information, freedom to associate, freedom of movement and
freedom of speech it has become difficult for citizens to canvass issues.’
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The applicants had been charged with offences under the Suppression
of Terrorism Act because they are members of PUDEMO which is a banned
pro-democracy organisation in Swaziland. The judges’ ruling stated, ‘They
were found wearing T-shirts and berets of such organization and also
chanting its slogans.’
The judges also stated that the Act did not describe what a terrorist
was. ‘Generally speaking, most of the offences criminalized as terrorist acts
in the Act are covered by ordinary criminal law,’ they stated.
The judges stated the fact that the applicants had been charged for their
involvement with PUDEMO, ‘is plainly a matter that affects or impacts on
their right to freedom of association and opinion.
‘For whatever reason, their views on the policies, aims, ideals and
objectives of PUDEMO have drawn them to it. The wearing of any apparel
of paraphernalia associated with PUDEMO, may or may not, depending upon
the particular circumstances of the case, be said to be a crime under the Act.
‘The bottom-line in these proceedings, however, is that their
association, involvement with this organization or entity has resulted in them
being charged under the Act. In a word, they have been told, PUDEMO is a
specified [banned] entity, and your belonging to it or chanting its slogans and
wearing its apparels is a crime in terms of the Act.
‘Clearly, their rights to freedom of association and opinion are
adversely affected by this.’
The judges also stated that the law or regulations that declared
PUDEMO a banned entity interfered with the constitutional right to freedom
of association, but such rights were not absolute and they may be subject to
certain restrictions or limitations.
The judges stated that the applicants who were members of the banned
PUDEMO were, ‘declared, in effect, terrorists or at least persons engaged or
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involved in terrorist acts or criminals before they are given the opportunity to
be heard on the issue. This cannot be right. It is against the rules of natural
justice or procedural fairness or administrative justice that a person be
condemned before he has been given the opportunity to be heard on the issue
under consideration.’
A third High Court Justice Nkululeko Hlophe made a dissenting
judgement.
See also
SCRAP SWAZI TERROR ACT – AMNESTY
NO AMNESTY IN ‘TERROR’ CASES
SWAZI TERROR ACT STOPS FREE SPEECH
‘OPPOSITION TO KING IS TERRORISM
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11 PRIME MINISTER
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Richard Rooney
See also
NOW IT’S DOCTOR KING MSWATI
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He added, ‘He may say that it is all perfectly legal but that is the wrong
test. Compliance with the law is a minimum standard not a maximum.
‘Leaders must be held to higher standards. Even if what the PM does
is perfectly legal, we should still be asking, is it honourable, decent and wise?
Is it moral?
He added, ‘Corruption is like pregnancy – you cannot be a little bit
pregnant and you cannot be a little corrupt. You either are or you are not. It
is time to tackle corruption properly and declare all interests openly.
Ministers with interests must excuse themselves from any decision-making
that affects those interests not just the major ones.’
In 2009, Earl Irvine, then US Ambassador to Swaziland, wrote a
confidential cable (later published by Wikileaks) in which he said the King
operated in his own financial interest. Part of the cable said, ‘Royal politics
and King Mswati’s business interests appear to have caused the ouster of
Mobile Telephone Network (MTN) CEO Tebogo Mogapi and halted
parastatal Swaziland Post and Telecommunications Corporation (SPTC)
from selling the MTN shares it owns to raise money for a Next Generation
Networks (NGN) cell phone project.
‘Industry and press observers privately indicated that the King, who
already owns many MTN shares, had wanted to purchase the MTN shares
himself at a cheaper price than the buyer, MTN, was offering SPTC.
‘Government officials later prevented the sale, and recently did not
renew the work permit for CEO Mogapi, a South African citizen, apparently
in retaliation for his role in the transaction, as well as the CEO’s reported
decision to oppose government efforts to use the MTN network for electronic
surveillance on political dissidents.’
The cable went on, ‘The government’s halt of parastatal SPTC’s sale
of MTN shares demonstrates the impact the King’s and other influential
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emalangeni. He was also involved in a dubious land deal and was only saved
from a formal inquiry by the personal intervention of the King.
Barnabas Dlamini was also humiliated on the world stage in 2010
when he accepted an international award for his ‘humanitarian work’ from a
known con-man.
And, he has a record as an anti-democrat who has advocated that his
opponents be tortured.
In 2015, the Times Sunday reported (10 May 2015) that Fusini
Investments (Proprietary) Limited, directed by the Prime Minister and two
others, bought land for E93,120 from government in 2005, which by then had
generated a profit of E7.4 million (US$740,000 at the then exchange rate): a
profit of more than 800 percent.
The PM’s company sold the land to the Public Service Pension Fund
(PSPF), a public organisation that was established in 1993 for the
management and administration of pensions for government (public sector)
employees.
Prime Minister Dlamini has a history of involvement in questionable
land deals. In 2011, he and others escaped scrutiny on land deals after the
direct intervention of King Mswati.
They had bought Swazi nation land for themselves at what a select
committee report later called ‘ridiculously cheap’ prices and ‘tantamount to
theft of State property’.
In late December 2010 it was revealed that Dlamini, his deputy, and
four cabinet ministers were at the centre of a land purchase scandal.
Dlamini, who constantly claims he wants to stamp out corruption in
the kingdom, was allowed to buy government-controlled land at half price,
netting himself a E304,000 (US$43,000 at the then exchange rate) saving.
Themba Masuku, the then Deputy PM and four ministers each received
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It later emerged that the Swazi Cabinet, which was hand-picked by the
King, approved the land purchase. This, in effect, meant they approved a plan
that allowed themselves to save hundreds of thousands of emalangeni on the
land scam.
It was later revealed that the Prime Minister and the others were not
eligible for discounts on the land because such discounts were only available
to poor people. In Swaziland seven in ten people have incomes of less than
US$2 per day.
Prince Guduza, Speaker of the Swaziland House of Assembly, rebuked
Barnabas Dlamini, the Prime Minister, for ‘interference of the highest order’,
after the Swazi Parliament decided to set up a seven-member select
committee to investigate the land deals and he called MPs in to see him ‘one-
by-one’ to try to get them on his side.
The whole land deal scandal reached a climax in May 2011 when
Dlamini took Prince Guduza, the Speaker of the House of Assembly, to court
to stop a debate about the PM’s irregular land deals taking place.
He succeeded in getting a High Court order to stop parliament
debating the land issue and publication of a select committee report into the
affair. The House of Assembly ignored the court and debated anyway.
The select committee report described the conduct of Lindiwe
Dlamini, Minister of Housing and Urban Development, in the deals as corrupt
and treasonous.
The report stated that the authority for land deals was
unconstitutionally taken away from the King’s Office, by Lindiwe Dlamini.
‘The act of the minister was not only unconstitutional but also seriously
undermined the authority and sovereignty of the office of the Ingwenyama
[the King] and was therefore treasonous,’ the report stated.
The report made more than 20 findings, including:
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rights. He supports the King in his desire to stop all dissent and brand
oppositions as ‘terrorists’.
When introducing Dlamini as the PM in 2008, King Mwsati told him
publicly to get the terrorists and all who supported them. Dlamini set about
his task with zeal. He banned four prodemocracy organisations.
His Attorney General Majahenkhaba Dlamini told Swazis affiliated
with the political formations to resign with immediate effect or feel the full
force of the law. Under the Suppression of Terrorism Act (STA), enacted the
same year Dlamini came to power, members and supporters of these groups
could face up to 25 years in jail.
Under the draconian provisions of the STA, anyone who disagrees with
the ruling elite faces being branded a terrorist supporter.
The Attorney General stressed that the government was after
supporters of the banned organisations. Supporting an organisation, he said,
‘includes associating with such banned formations or aiding materialistic
through provision of commodities such as food and weapons.’
This happened at a time when the call for democracy in Swaziland was
being heard loudly both inside the kingdom and in the international
community.
The Dlamini-led Government clamped down on dissent. In 2011,
Amnesty International reported the ill-treatment, house searches and
surveillance of communications and meetings of civil society and political
activists. Armed police conducted raids and prolonged searches in the homes
of dozens of high profile human rights defenders, trade unionists and political
activists while investigating a spate of petrol bombings. Some of the searches,
particularly of political activists, were done without search warrants.
In 2010, Dlamini publicly threatened to use torture against dissidents
and foreigners who campaigned for democracy in his kingdom. He said the
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use of ‘bastinado’, the flogging of the bare soles of the feet, was his preferred
method.
Dlamini told the Times of Swaziland newspaper he wanted, ‘to punish
dissidents and foreigners who come to the country and disturb the peace’.
But Dlamini’s abuse of human rights did not start with his appointment
in 2008. He was a former PM and held office for seven and a half years until
2003. While in office he gained a reputation as someone who ignored the rule
of law.
In 2003, he refused to recognise two court judgements that challenged
the king’s right to rule by decree. This led to the resignation of all six judges
in the Appeal Court. The court had ruled that the king had no constitutional
mandate to override parliament by issuing his own decrees.
In a report running for more than 50,000 words, Amnesty International
looked back to the years 2002 and 2003 and identified activities of Dlamini
that, ‘included the repeated ignoring of court rulings, interference in court
proceedings, intimidating judicial officers, manipulating terms and
conditions of employment to undermine the independence of the judiciary,
the effective replacement of the Judicial Services Commission with an
unaccountable and secretive body (officially known as the Special
Committee on Justice but popularly called the Thursday Committee), and the
harassment of individuals whose rights had been upheld by the courts.’
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(WCA) headed by King. The Swazi Government had put out a press release
saying WCA was to honour Dlamini for the work he was doing for human
rights.
The Swazi Media Commentary (SMC) website went to the Internet and
found the website for WCA. On there was a list of trustees who were said to
be the backbone of the organisation. Each person listed had a reputation as
advocates for human rights and it seemed odd that they would vote to give
Dlamini a medal.
SMC emailed each of the trustees and within hours received a reply
from one of them that said he was the victim of a hoax. It turned out that none
of the trustees had ever heard of WCA and certainly were not supporters.
The Associated Press (AP) news agency took up the story and realised
that the WCA was a sham organisation consisting only of a website and an
accommodation address.
Once the AP story hit the Internet, journalists in the Bahamas who
knew Rudy King of old ran reports about his background as a con artist.
But Barnabas Dlamini still flew at Swazi taxpayers’ expense across the
world to collect his medal.
Later, he defended accepting the award by saying Rudy King was
respected in Swaziland and had been ‘in and out of the country since the
century began’.
He told a news conference that the media ‘had sung his praises’ when
he wanted to open an office in Swaziland.
Dlamini also said King had previously awarded his medal to other
Swazi luminaries.
He said, ‘In 2005 he gave an award to a prince (David), gave a medal
to Prince Guduza in 2007 and to the prime minister in 2008, so what is the
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difference now in 2010? His history in Swaziland is rich. This is the fourth
medal he has presented to Swazis but now the focus is on 2010.’
Richard Rooney
See also
SWAZILAND PM IN LAND SALE SCANDAL
SWAZI PM UNDER THE COSH
SWAZI PM ‘FACES NO-CONFIDENCE VOTE’
12 POLITICAL PARTIES
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A national election is due at a date to be set by the King but under the
kingdom’s constitution only individuals are allowed to be candidates.
Swaziland’s previous election in 2013 was considered ‘not free and
fair’ by a number of international organisations, including the
Commonwealth Observer Mission and African Union which called separately
for a review of the kingdom’s constitution. It said members of parliament
‘continue to have severely limited powers’ and political parties were banned.
In 2008, the EU declined an invitation to observe the honesty of the
Swaziland elections because of ‘shortcomings’ in the kingdom’s democracy.
In 2013, the EU which is a major donor of aid to Swaziland told King
Mswati he must allow political parties to operate in his kingdom as it was
important that international principles of democracy were upheld in
Swaziland.
In October 2012, the United Kingdom also called for political parties
to be un-banned in Swaziland.
In 2015 an independent survey showed more than one in three Swazi
people wanted political parties to be allowed in the kingdom. This was even
though all debate on democratising the kingdom is ruthlessly crushed by
King Mswati’s state police and security forces. Meetings called to discuss
democratic change are routinely disrupted by police and prodemocracy
activists are jailed. No news media in Swaziland support political parties.
Afrobarometer reported that in Swaziland 36 percent of people
questioned agreed with the statement, ‘The Swazi Constitution should be
amended to allow for the existence of political parties in our country.’ A total
of 58 percent agreed with the statement, ‘The constitutional ban on political
parties has served our country well and should therefore be maintained.’
More than six people in ten people said they were not satisfied with the way
democracy worked in the kingdom.
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party can do for them. You need to build understanding and policy of
advocacy at the grass root level so that you can get a number of people
thinking in a similar manner.’
She said political entities that supported parties in Swaziland needed
to work on the ground to change people’s minds about the value of political
parties. ‘Each party or grouping needs to go about it in the way that works
best,’ she said.
She added, ‘That plays a part in getting every average Swazi to
understand why a political parties might be useful.’
Three political parties have already announced their intention to seek
a court ruling to un-ban parties ahead of the election due some time in late
2018. They are the People’s United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO); the
Swaziland Democratic Party (SWADEPA) and the Ngwane National
Liberatory Congress (NNLC).
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13 HEALTH
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about his ailment in April, they responded hastily and ordered that he be taken
to the best doctors in Taiwan, Taipei.
‘“Their Majesties gave orders that I go to the best and well experienced
doctors in Taiwan. I am now looking forward to turning 76 years and I thank
God for keeping me safe,” he said.’
The nature of his illness has not been publicly revealed.
King Mswati lives a lavish lifestyle with at least 13 palaces, a private
jet aircraft with another due to arrive in 2018, and fleets of top-of-the-range
BMW and Mercedes cars. Meanwhile seven in ten of his 1.2 million subjects
live in abject poverty with incomes of less than US$2 per day.
See also
MEDICINE SHORTAGE: FIVE DIE
DRUG SHORTAGE CRISIS DEEPENS
SWAZI GOVT ‘KILLING ITS OWN PEOPLE’
HEALTH CRISIS: BLOOD SUPPLIES DRY UP
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donors are mainly school going children hence when schools close there are
fewer donations coming in which resulted in the shortage.
‘Also, during the December holidays, there is a high demand for blood
at the exact same time when the donors are not easily accessible.’
She added, ‘We will start our campaigns now that the schools have
opened and we hope soon the shortage will be a thing of the past.’
The blood shortage crisis has been going on since at least June 2017.
At that time the Ministry of Health turned to inmates in correctional facilities
for blood but the news agency APA reported some people were against this
‘as they said it was against certain standards’.
Swaziland, which is ruled by King Mswati III as sub-Saharan Africa’s
last absolute monarch, has been gripped by a health crisis for a number of
years. Much of it has been caused by the government’s failure to pay drugs’
suppliers.
Early in January 2018 health facilities were reported to have run out of
vaccines against polio and tuberculosis and new-born babies were being put
a risk.
In June 2017, Senator Prince Kekela told parliament that at least five
people had died as a result of the drug shortages. About US$18 million was
reportedly owed to drug companies in May 2017.
As ordinary people died the Prime Minister Barnabas Dlamini revealed
that King Mswati and his mother paid for him to travel to Taiwan for his own
medical treatment. Dlamini was not elected PM by the people of Swaziland.
He was personally appointed by the King, as were all other government
ministers and top judges in the kingdom. None of Swaziland’s senators are
elected by the people.
Dlamini celebrated his 75th birthday in 2017. The Swazi Observer, a
newspaper in effect owned by King Mswati, reported (5 June 2017), ‘The
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Prime Minister said he was grateful that when Their Majesties were informed
about his ailment in April, they responded hastily and ordered that he be taken
to the best doctors in Taiwan, Taipei.
‘“Their Majesties gave orders that I go to the best and well experienced
doctors in Taiwan. I am now looking forward to turning 76 years and I thank
God for keeping me safe,” he said.’
The nature of his illness has not been publicly revealed.
King Mswati lives a lavish lifestyle with at least 13 palaces, a private
jet aircraft with another due to arrive in 2018, and fleets of top-of-the-range
BMW and Mercedes cars. Meanwhile seven in ten of his 1.2 million subjects
live in abject poverty with incomes of less than US$2 per day.
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Doctors, nurses and health workers in Swaziland have forced the government
to reconsider a decision to cut their on-call allowances. They had threatened
a boycott.
The Swaziland Nurses Association had approached the Industrial
Court on urgent basis. The A lawyer for the Swazi Government told the court
on Friday (9 February 2018) it would negotiate on the matter. The case will
resume in court on 9 April 2018.
The government had issued a circular that cut on-call allowances to
save E50 million (US$4.2 million) a year from the health budget. Health
professions were not consulted before the announcement.
14 MEDIA
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Magazine editor Bheki Makhubu in July 2014 for writing articles critical of
the Swazi judiciary.
In 2015, Lawyers for Human Rights (Swaziland) and CIVICUS, an
international human rights group, in a submission to the United Nations
jointly called for media freedom in the kingdom to be respected and for more
independent newspapers and media houses to be allowed to operate.
The report listed a number of media freedom violations in Swaziland.
It said the Swazi Government, which is not elected but appointed by the King,
‘strictly controls freedom of expression and the media’.
They added, ‘Reporting on royal and political matters is severely
restricted. Further, regular threats emanating from senior government
officials and the royal family to journalists also lead to government
censorship and self-censorship by the media further curtailing democratic
freedoms’.
The report detailed a number of media freedom violations.
It stated, ‘On 28 April 2014, Chief Justice Michael Ramodibedi
threatened the Managing Editor of the Swazi Observer, Mbongeni Mbingo
over reports on court proceedings in the case involving the editor of Nation
magazine Bheki Makhubu and human rights lawyer Thulani Maseko.
‘In the 30 March 2014 edition of the newspaper, Mbongeni expressed
concerns that Bheki and Thulani were in jail even though the prosecuting
team had not concluded its investigations. The Chief Justice ordered
Mbongeni to stop reporting on the case and warned that he would be
subjected to the same fate as the accused.’
On 17 April 2013, Bheki Makhubu, was found guilty of contempt of
court for ‘scurrilous abuse of the Chief Justice’ based on articles he wrote in
November 2009 and February 2010 in which he criticised Swazi Chief Justice
Michael Ramodibedi. On 30 May 2014, he won an appeal with the Supreme
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Court and the sentence was reduced to three months fully suspended on
condition that he is not convicted of any offence of scandalising the court for
a period of three years.
The joint report added, ‘On 15 January 2014, the government-
controlled Swazi Observer newspaper suspended its editor Thulani Thwala
and weekend editor Alec Lushaba after they were accused of failing to adhere
to the mandate of the newspaper by publishing negative news stories about
the King.
‘The journalists were accused of failing to heed several warnings not
to publish damaging reports about the King. Prior to the suspension, they
published reports indicating that the Swazi government had solicited a
financial bailout from South Africa. Eight months after their suspension, the
Board of Directors of the Swazi Observer Newspaper Group reinstated them.
‘The Swazi Observer newspaper is controlled by the Tibiyo Taka
Ngwane conglomerate, which is owned by the King. News items published
are highly censored.’
Younger people reportedly are bypassing censored media. In 2014, a
report jointly published by the Media Institute of Southern Africa and the
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO)
found young people in Swaziland were turning to social media sites such as
Facebook because it allowed them to enjoy ‘the fundamental rights to
freedom of expression’ that was denied to them elsewhere in the kingdom.
See also
GOVT HAS TOTAL CONTROL OF TV NEWS
NO LET UP ON SWAZI MEDIA CENSORSHIP
INCREASE IN SUPPORT FOR FREE PRESS
JOURNALISTS JAILED TO DETER OTHERS
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Death threats
“Shortly after publishing the story, I received a threatening call from
Gamedze that lasted for twenty minutes where he vowed to ‘deal with me’.
Later Communications Minister Dumsani Ndlangamandla summoned me to
a meeting and told me that the King was not happy with the story and had
ordered that the newspaper should be closed,” Dlamini says.
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After Swaziland Shopping was closed, Dlamini says he learnt that the
police had a warrant for his arrest and that he would be poisoned in prison. A
close ally of Victor Gamedze also told Dlamini that the businessman wanted
him dead because he had revealed secrets about Swazi Mobile.
Dlamini says he subsequently fled to South Africa because he feared
for his life.
And Swaziland’s police forces certainly do have a record of torturing
– and occasionally murdering – those who challenge the King’s rule, as
documented by Amnesty International and other human rights organisations.
No media freedom
The Swazi government have claimed that Swaziland Shopping was
closed because it was not properly registered under the colonial-era Books
and Newspapers Act of 1963, even though the newspaper has been published
since 2014. The police also refuted that Dlamini was on the police “wanted
list.”
Swaziland is however renowned for its government fabricating stories
and its lack of media freedom, especially in regard to stories about King
Mswati and his family and friends.
Swaziland is ranked 152th in Reporters Without Borders’ 2017 World
Press Freedom Index. There is “no media freedom,” the NGO says.
According to a 2014 report by African Media Barometer, journalists in
Swaziland “face routine intimidation by the state.”
In 2007, King Mswati ordered the Times Sunday to print an apology
and sack those responsible for a critical story about him, or he would close
down the paper. In 2009, the editor of the Swazi Observer, owned by the king,
nearly lost his job for writing about the King’s luxury cars. And in 2014 the
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Times on Sunday editor was summoned by the King and told that stories
relating to his property did not belong in the newspaper.
Victor Gamedze has also been known to threaten journalists who
publish critical stories about his business dealings. In 2016, he allegedly
assaulted a journalist from the Swazi Observer and ordered another fired
because they wrote unfavourable stories about him and his football team.
International community must act
“In Swaziland, the media is being held hostage and been turned into
spies for the state,” Zweli Martin Dlamini says. “For the calls for democracy
to intensify, the media must be liberated so that the international community
can know what is happening in Swaziland.”
Secretary General of the Media Workers Union of Swaziland, Sicelo
Vilane, insists that the charges against Dlamini are fabricated and should be
dropped, and that the international community must act against the lack of
freedom of speech in Swaziland.
“No-one is allowed to report freely and Swaziland is one of the major
violators of media workers’ rights, freedom of speech and -expression. Why
are they not questioning the action of Mswati’s government?,” Vilane says.
See also
SWAZI GOVERNMENT FORCES NEWSPAPER TO CLOSE
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officers from both cars sprang out asking why the journalist was taking
pictures.’
The officers started grabbing the camera from the journalist who was
still seated inside his car.
The Observer reported, ‘More officers came to the car which was
transporting the photojournalist and a reporter. Soon the road turned to a sea
of green as officers blocked the vehicle demanding that the photo journalist
hand over his camera.
‘Some officers went to the extent of trying to snatch the camera from
the journalist however the journalist held on to the camera as it was also
strapped around his neck making it hard for the officers to take it.’
The car with the journalists sped off.
His Majesty’s Correctional Services is one of three arms of state
security in Swaziland which is ruled by King Mswati III as sub-Saharan
Africa’s last absolute monarch. The others are the Umbutfo Swaziland
Defence Force (USDF) and the Royal Swaziland Police Service (RSPS).
In 2013 a Swaziland police officer pointed a gun in the face of a
newspaper photographer to try to force him to destroy pictures he had taken
of police beating up a protestor. Walter Dlamini, of the Times Sunday, had
taken photos at Gege where police had broken up a peaceful protest march
by youth in the area. They were protesting against alleged irregularities at the
recent election.
The Times Sunday reported at the time, ‘Dlamini’s only sin was taking
pictures of some police officers who were mercilessly beating a protestor,
who was only identified by his name Brother next to a police vehicle. The
officer pointed a short gun at Dlamini’s face and demanded why he took
pictures of the officers who were at work.
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‘[The managing editor] along with his news editor were summoned to
the offices of the Attorney General, where they were once again pressured to
give in to the demands of the police commissioner. The two were again asked
to hand over the letter in question.’
The third story was when the Observer called the Prime Minister ‘a
liar’ after he said he had left the Foreign Affairs and Trade Minister out of a
delegation to open the new embassy of the Republic of China because
government had no money. The Observer discovered that China had funded
the trip.
The fourth was a story about cow dung that involved the Speaker of
the House of Assembly.
The fifth was a story that an influential millionaire had plotted to have
the prime Minister sacked.
The Swazi High Court turned down an urgent appeal from the Attorney
General to force the newspaper to divulge its sources. Magagula reported that
the ‘Attorney General personally went to Observer House [the offices of the
Observer] and delivered the documents relating to the application with the
dire warning that the newspaper would either divulge its sources or [the
managing editor] and his two reporters would be locked up.’
A source told Magagula, ‘The Attorney General was all pomp and
majesty until [the managing editor] brought him back to earth with the
warning that this brazen harassment could attract unpleasant international
repercussions. The AG stormed out of the newspaper offices without another
word.’
After the police commissioner, Edgar Hillary had failed to get the
newspaper to disclose his sources, A. T. Dlamini, the managing director of
Tibiyo intervened on behalf of Hillary.
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Dlamini also said there was a ban on MPs appearing on the news. He
said the ban had meant to stop MPs appearing on TV during the run-up to the
September 2013 national election. In Swaziland, political parties are banned
from taking part in elections and all candidates stand as individuals. The ban
was not lifted after the election.
Swazi TV is one of only two television stations in Swaziland. The other
station, Channel S is privately-owned, but has a stated editorial policy to
always support King Mswati.
Government also controls all radio in the kingdom (except one
Christian station that does not broadcast news) through the Swaziland
Broadcasting and Information Service (SBIS).
Censorship of radio and television in Swaziland is not new. In August
2014 Minister of Information, Communication and Technology (ICT)
Dumisani Ndlangamandla said the Swaziland Government would not let up
on its control of state radio, He said state media existed primarily to serve
the interests of the state.
In August 2012, the government announced that in advance of the
national election in September 2013 radio would be banned from
broadcasting news and information that did not support the government’s
own agenda.
New guidelines also barred ‘public service announcements’ unless
they were ‘in line with government policy’ or had been authorised ‘by the
chiefs through the regional administrators’ or deputy prime minister’s office’.
The guidelines said the radio stations could not be ‘used for purposes
of campaigning by individuals or groups, or to advance an agenda for
political, financial popularity gains for individuals or groups’.
There is a long history of censorship on state broadcasting in
Swaziland. Strikes and anti-government demonstrations are usually ignored
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15 POLICE
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The newspaper reported that usually when police raided shebeens they
just confiscated the alcohol.
The Observer reported, ‘According to onlookers and victims who have
lived to tell the tale, the over 30 police officers who were armed to the teeth
with guns and whips, clad in their navy uniform that worked well for them in
the dark as they were not easily spotted until they pounced on their
unsuspecting prey, they just emerged from nowhere.’
The newspaper said similar raids had taken place across Swaziland.
Residents at a shebeen in Sidwashini said they had also been ordered to
surrender illegal immigrants.
In December 2017, it was reported that police intended to take ‘a robust
approach on any acts of criminality that may rear its ugly head during the
holidays’.
Police brutality is commonplace in Swaziland where King Mswati III
rues as sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch.
In August 2017, a security guard told Mbabane court a female police
officer sat on his face and other officers assaulted him after they accused him
of stealing motor parts.
In March 2017, A man accused of multiple murders told a court he was
tortured by police for 11 days to force him to confess. He said he was
suffocated with a tube and assaulted all over his body, resulting in many
serious injuries. The alleged attack was said to have taken place at Lobamba
Police Station, the Manzini Magistrates’ Court was told.
In January 2017, local media reported police forced a 13-year-old boy
to remove his trousers and flogged him with a sjambok, to make him confess
to stealing a mobile phone.
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In June 2017, the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA)
reported the kingdom, which is ruled by King Mswati III as sub-Saharan
Africa’s last absolute monarch, was riddled with corruption in both private
and public places.
It said, ‘The results of grand corruption are there for all to see in the
ever increasing wealth of high-level civil servants and officers of state.’
It added, ‘For a long time the police, the Ministry of Finance, the
Ministry of Commerce, Industry and Trade as well as the Department of
Customs and Excise have often been implicated in corrupt practices.’
It gave many examples including the case of the government
propaganda organisation Swaziland Broadcasting and Information Service
(SBIS) where E 1.6 million was paid to service providers for the maintenance
of a machine that was neither broken nor in use. The officer who authorised
the bogus job cards has since been promoted and transferred to another
government department.
The report called The effectiveness of anti-corruption agencies in
Southern Africa stated, ‘This type of behaviour is common albeit covert and
therefore difficult to monitor as goods and services are undersupplied or
rerouted for personal use. The results of grand corruption are there for all to
see in the ever increasing wealth of high-level civil servants and officers of
state.’
See also
SWAZILAND ‘RIDDLED WITH CORRUPTION’
CORRUPTION IN SWAZI GOVERNMENT ‘RIFE’
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committed suicide by taking weevil tablets after he was shot in the ankle by
police during a raid at the homestead where he was hiding.
Police in Swaziland have a long history of shooting suspects in unusual
circumstances.
In August 2017 Siboniso Brian Mdluli, aged 22, who police wanted in
connection with armed robbery was reportedly killed at point blank range in
‘cowboy style.’ His family demanded an inquiry saying Mdluli was
assassinated by trigger happy police officers for no apparent reason.
In November 2015 police shot a man at close range after he overturned
rubbish bins and then ran away from them. The Times of Swaziland, reported
at the time that a 21-year-old man had been suspected of throwing rubbish in
the road and pelting vehicles with stones. The newspaper said, ‘he was shot
by police at close range after refusing to board their vehicle’.
A plain-clothed policeman shot an unarmed man in the back killing
him while on a public bus in February 2014. The man had allegedly stolen
some copper wire before boarding the bus, travelling from Siteki, in eastern
Swaziland to Manzini. The Times Sunday newspaper reported at the time the
driver of the bus Majahonke Zikalala said, ‘the man was attempting to force
his way out of the bus, the police officer shot him in the back, near the spine…
the man fell on the floor after which he was handcuffed while he bled’. He
died of his injures at the scene.
In March 2013, Swaziland police shot a man dead in front of his 11-
year-old child as he held his hands up in an attempt to surrender to them.
Thokozani Mngometulu, aged 31, was killed as he got out of his car at his
homestead in Dlakadla, in the Shiselweni region of Swaziland. Thokozani’s
family, who also witnessed the killing, say he was shot in the pelvis at close
range by a police officer.
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arrested by police during the protest action and bundled into the back of a
police van and sent to the police station.
The newspaper reported, ‘Upon arrival, they were placed into holding
cells where a contingent of about seven police officers allegedly came into
where they were kept and started assaulting them.
‘She said at some point the police hit them with the back of an R4 rifle
while they continued hitting them with open hands across the face.
‘They said after the brutal lashing, their friends and colleagues arrived
at the police station to see them and give them food they had bought but only
to be told that they would not be allowed to see them as they would be
provided with police food.
‘Students said that the cell they were in had dirty blankets and reeked
of urine and other disgusting things such that they now fear that the baby may
have contracted some diseases as they were not even able to change its
diapers. This, they said, was due to the fact that they were not allowed access
to running water.’’
Deputy Chief Police Information and Communication Officer
Assistant Superintendent Phindile Vilakati denied that students from SCU
spent the night in jail with a baby. She could not confirm or deny allegations
of police brutality and assault.
This was not the first run in between police and students at SCU. In
September 2017 armed riot police broke up a peaceful vigil by students
outside the Ministry of Education and Training when they were seeking to
get their closed university reopened.
Armed police from the Operational Support Services Unit (OSSU)
gave the students 10 minutes to disperse. The OSSU is known for its violence
and the students led by executives of the university’s student representative
council decided to march away.
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traffic cops were accusing Maseko of opening a door of the police sedan and
in doing so letting Mashaba out of the vehicle.’
The Observer reported, ‘Not only do the cops smash the phone on the
ground, they are also heard hurling expletives, calling Mashaba by his
mother’s private parts, and onlookers are heard shouting at the police officer
and also telling Mashaba to go open a case against him.’
Maseko said she suffered injuries to her hand, bruises and some chest
pains.
This is not the first case of police assaulting civilians in Swaziland. In
December 2017, police attacked people at an illegal drinking den at Ezulwini
with guns and whips in what The Observer on Saturday at the time called,
‘the truest form of brutality’.
‘Gunshots were heard with the sizeable number of police officers
literally going out of their way to assault the patrons hitting them randomly
with whips (tinsilane) and fists,’ the newspaper said. It added, ‘Most
patrons were forced to run helter-skelter into the thick of night in a panic and
in the process getting hurt by barbed wires on the fence.’
In August 2017, at least 15 armed police officers shot at an suspected
drink-driver in Manzini leaving his car riddled with more than 20 bullet holes.
The Times of Swaziland reported at the time the driver Wandile Bhembe, aged
30, said he had not seen the traffic cops because they had the headlights of
their cars switched off. The Times reported Bhemebe saying, ‘While trying
to open the door and preparing to get off, the cops dragged me into a nearby
drainage and severely assaulted me all over the body using fists, kicks and
open hands.’ Bhembe ended up in hospital with injuries all over his body,
especially to his head, mouth and chest, the Times reported.
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had elapsed. The bar was supposed to close at midnight but because it was
the end of the month and customers had money to spend it stayed open.
The Observer reported, ‘While trying to close the bar, one of the police
officers then decided to try and arrest an unruly individual who was
disturbing the peace.
‘This did not go down well with the patrons because the individual then
called his friends who surrounded the police officer. The mob then told the
police to retreat and drive off and the policeman heeded the warning and
drove away in haste while some started throwing beer bottles at the retreating
police van.’
The newspaper added, ‘[A]s some charged towards the police officers,
they had to fire warning shots in the air to ward off the angry mob.’
This is one of number of incidents in which police have fired live
bullets. In January 2018 police reportedly they fired live ammunition during
a protest by students from Swaziland Christian University about delays in
receiving allowances and problems over graduation.
In February 2017 they fired warning gunshots at civilians when kombi
drivers and conductors brought traffic to a standstill at Mvutshini by blocking
the highway and stopping public transport. They were protesting about an
alleged corrupt traffic police officer.
Also in February 2017 police fired warning gunshots as University of
Swaziland students marched with a petition to the Ministry of Labour and
Social Security to protest about late payment of their allowances.
Again in February 2017 they fired live gunshots and teargas at workers
at Juris Manufacturing in Nhlangano when workers were locked out in a
dispute over allegations that management planned to purge the staff of
‘troublesome elements’.
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Students were protesting that internet facilities had been poor for a long
time and they were unable to meet deadlines to produce assignments.
The university has since been closed indefinitely.
Limkokwing is the private university that was chosen by King Mswati
to house his University of Transformation to take students from across the
Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) region. The King became
chair of SADC in August 2016 when he pledged the university would be
operating by August 2017. Nothing substantial happened and the plan
remains stalled.
Limkokwing, part of an international group of campuses, has been
controversial since it opened in Swaziland in 2011. Students and education
commentators have highlighted the poor quality of courses, staff and
resources. Limkokwing in Swaziland only offers ‘associate degrees’ which
are at a level below Bachelor degrees and in many colleges are known as
diplomas.
In 2016, a Swaziland parliamentary committee investigated the
standard of qualifications held by academic staff at the university after
students petitioned that many lecturers only held Bachelor degrees and had
just themselves qualified from the university.
At that time fees for each Swazi student was E8,000 (US$577) a year
for tuition. The government added an additional E33,700 as accommodation
and meal allowance and E9,000 as a book allowance.
Educational standards at Limkokwing are lower than those at other
universities, including the University of Swaziland. It does not require
students to have qualifications in the English language. In June 2012, Bandile
Mkhonta, Head of Human Resource for Limkokwing in Mbabane, told local
media that of 53 professional staff at the university only one had a Ph.D
doctorate. A Ph.D is usually considered by universities to be the minimum
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laptops. There were at least 20 protests, class boycotts and closures during
the first year after it opened. Police used teargas and rubber bullets against
protesting students. One student was shot in the leg.
In October 2016 police fired gunshots at students at Limkokwing and
at least four students received ‘serious injuries’ during protests about the poor
quality of teaching at the university and inferior facilities.
There have been numerous protests at Limkokwing, and across other
campuses in Swaziland, against government for not paying allowances on
time.
See also
STRIKE AT SWAZI KING’S SADC UNIVERSITY
NEW SWAZI UNIVERSITY SUBSTANDARD
KING FELL FOR BOGUS UNIVERSITY
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reported him for stealing E85.00 (US$6). The boy alleges that he was beaten
with a slasher (metal blade tool for cutting grass) and knobkerrie (club) for
five hours. While enduring the pain, he alleges that he was made to count the
strokes aloud for the police to hear. Instead of being charged, the boy was
physically assaulted and made to sit in a chair for thirty minutes before he
was sent back home.’
The report was submitted to the United Human Rights Council
Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review of Swaziland by the
Swaziland Multi-Media Community Network, Swaziland Concerned Church
Leaders, Swaziland Coalition of Concerned Civic Organisations and
Constituent Assembly – Swaziland.
They also reported the case of Phumelela Mkhweli, a political activist
who died after an alleged assault by police after they arrested him.
The report also stated, ‘In April 2011, a 66-year-old woman was
confronted by three police officers regarding the wording on her t-shirt and
headscarf. The police allegedly pulled off her T-shirt, throttled her, banged
her head against the wall, sexually molested her, kicked her and threw her
against a police truck.
‘The US Department of State reported on many allegations of torture
and ill-treatment by police; including beatings and temporary suffocation
using rubber tube tied around the face, nose, and mouth, or plastic bags over
the head,’ the report stated.
See also
‘HORROR TALE OF SWAZI POLICE TORTURE’
POLICE ‘BRUTALLY ASSUALT’ WORKERS
MORE POLICE TORTURE IN SWAZILAND
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24 March 2018
Three community policemen in Swaziland gang-raped a 17-year-old
schoolgirl at knifepoint and forced her boyfriend to watch. One of them
recorded it on his cellphone.
The teenager was in her school uniform while she and her boyfriend
walked to a river after a school athletics competition.
The community policemen told them they were on patrol to make sure
none of the pupils committed any offences during the athletics competition.
Three men appeared at Manzini Magistrates’ Court charged with rape
and assault. In a detailed account of their ordeal the Times of Swaziland
reported on Friday (23 March 2018) that the pair were subjected to beatings.
The teenager was then raped by all three community policeman and they
ordered her boyfriend to have sex with her, which he was unable to do.
The schoolgirl told the court, ‘They boldly told us about their position
in the community, that they were community police members.’
The three pleaded guilty to rape and assault. The newspaper did not
report their sentence.
See also
KWALUSENI POLICE ‘ARE CRIMINALS’
SWAZI POLICE ‘PERVERTED MORALITY’
COMMUNITY POLICE BANISH GAY MEN
16 WOMEN
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violence against women are normalised, deeply unequal cultural and religious
norms, and a male monarch who is unwilling to make any change. All this
contributes towards the daily discrimination faced by women.’
Among discriminations against women highlighted by ACTSA were
the high levels of girls dropping out of school. ACTSA reported, ‘Cultural
gender norms dictate that women and girls provide the bulk of household-
related work, including physical and emotional care. As a result, girls are
under pressure to drop out from school, especially where there are few adults
available to care for children and the elderly, for example, in child-headed
households.’
ACTSA also highlighted that women lacked the legal rights to
administer their own assets. It reported, ‘Most married women are denied
equal status as legal adults: they cannot buy or sell property or land, sign
contracts or conduct legal proceedings without the consent of their husbands.
Many widows, denied the right to own land, are forced from their homes.’
Women also have few chances to find jobs. Swaziland was ranked
150th out of 188 countries in the world in the Gender Inequality Index,
ACTSA reported. ‘Men control household resources and thus women remain
dependent. This often results in women seeking alternative avenues for
income, including transactional and commercial sex,’ it said.
Some of the statistics on ‘life as a female in Swaziland’ quoted in the
report include:
One in three girls experience sexual violence before they reach the age
of 18 (Amnesty International, 2010);
31 percent of women are HIV-positive (UNAIDS, 2014);
70 percent of female sex workers are HIV-positive (AVERT, 2015);
Early and forced marriage is ‘normal’ (Amnesty International, 2010);
Marital rape is legal (Amnesty International, 2010);
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17 WORKERS’ RIGHTS
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25 January 2018
Textile workers in Swaziland are campaigning for a basic minimum wage
and for many of them that would mean doubling their income.
Amalgamated Trade Union of Swaziland (ATUSWA) members want
a wage of at least E3,000 (about US$250) per month. At present, it is reported
most textile workers earn between E1,300 and E1,500 per month.
They are supported by the Trade Union Congress of Swaziland
(TUCOSWA).
Textile workers are among the most exploited in Swaziland, where
King Mswati III rules as sub-Saharan Africa’s last absolute monarch. In 2015,
Swaziland was named as one of the ten worst countries for working people
in the world, in a report from the International Trade Union Confederation
(ITUC).
In July 2014 a survey of the Swazi textile industry undertaken by
TUCOSWA revealed workers were subjected to harsh and sometimes
abusive conditions, many of the kingdom’s labour laws were routinely
violated by employers, and union activists were targeted by employers for
punishment. More than 90 percent of workers surveyed reported being
punished by management for making errors, not meeting quotas or missing
shifts. More than 70 percent of survey respondents reported witnessing verbal
and physical abuse in their workplace by supervisors.
In its report on human rights in Swaziland in 2013, the US State
Department said wage arrears, particularly in the garment industry, were a
problem. It said, ‘workers complained that wages were low and that
procedures for getting sick leave approved were cumbersome in some
factories. The minimum monthly wage for a skilled employee in the industry
- including sewing machinists and quality checkers - was E1,128 (US$113 at
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the time). Minimum wage laws did not apply to the informal sector, where
many workers were employed.
‘The garment sector also has a standard 48-hour workweek, but
workers alleged that working overtime was compulsory because they had to
meet unattainable daily and monthly production quotas.’
In September 2014 hundreds of workers at Tex Ray were affected by
poisonous chemical fumes at the factory in Matsapha. Many needed hospital
treatment and the factory was closed for several days.
See also
EXPLOITATION BY TAIWAN TEXTILES
MINISTER RAIDS TEXTILE FACTORY
SWAZI TEXTILE PAY STRIKE ILLEGAL
SWAZI GOVT AIDS TAIWAN EXPLOITATION
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the time). Minimum wage laws did not apply to the informal sector, where
many workers were employed.
‘The garment sector also has a standard 48-hour workweek, but
workers alleged that working overtime was compulsory because they had to
meet unattainable daily and monthly production quotas.’
In September 2014 hundreds of workers at Tex Ray were affected by
poisonous chemical fumes at the factory in Matsapha. Many needed hospital
treatment and the factory was closed for several days.
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18 HUMAN RIGHTS
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and upon conviction be fined E10,0000 (US$770), imprisoned for two years,
or both for inciting “hatred or contempt” against cultural and traditional
heritage.’
The amendments to the Public Order Act grant sweeping powers to the
national commissioner of police to arbitrarily halt pro-democracy meetings
and protests, and crush any criticism of the government.
Human Rights Watch states, ‘Restrictions on freedom of association
and assembly continued. The government took no action to revoke the King’s
Proclamation of 1973, which prohibits formation and operations of political
parties in the country. The police used the Urban Act, which requires
protesters to give two weeks’ notice before a public protest, to stop protests
and harass protesters.’
King Mswati is above the law, Human Rights Watch states. ‘The
constitution provides for equality before the law, but also places the King
above the law. A 2011 directive, which protects the King from any civil law
suits, issued by then-Swaziland Chief Justice Michael Ramodibedi after
Swazi villagers claimed police had seized their cattle to add to the king’s
herd, remained in force in 2017.
‘The Sedition and Subversive Activities Act also remained in force in
2017. The act restricts freedom of expression by criminalizing alleged
seditious publications and use of alleged seditious words, such as those which
“may excite disaffection” against the King. Published criticism of the ruling
party is also banned. Many journalists told Human Rights Watch that they
practice self-censorship, especially with regards to reports involving the king,
to avoid harassment by authorities.’
Earlier this month (January 2018), Freedom House in its own review
of human rights in Swaziland during 2017 declared the kingdom to be ‘not
free’. It said civil liberties had deteriorated in the past year. Freedom House
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reported, ‘Swaziland’s civil liberties rating declined from five to six due to
increased government infringements on religious freedom and freedom of
private discussion.’
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This can affect their colouring and their eyesight. Albinism is caused by
faulty genes that a child inherits from their parents.
See also
PEOPLE WITH ALBINISM WANT PROTECTION
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Books
2013. The beginning of the End? 2012, a year in the struggle for
democracy in Swaziland
This compilation of newsletters from Africa Contact in collaboration with Swazi
Media Commentary contains an assortment of news, analysis and comment
covering the campaign for freedom in Swaziland throughout 2012. These include
the Global Action for Democracy held in September; campaigns for democracy
spearheaded by trade unions and students and the continuing struggle for rights
for women, children, gays and minority groups.
2012. The End of the Beginning? 2011, a year in the struggle for
freedom in Swaziland
This book looks at activities in the freedom movement in 2011. It starts with a
section on the
unsuccessful April 12 Uprising followed by separate chapters looking at
events in each month of 2011, including the Global Week of Action held in
September. They also highlight the numerous violations of rights suffered by the
poor, by children, by women and by sexual minorities, among others, in the
kingdom.
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look at repressive media laws. Other sections of this book relate the daily
threats journalists in Swaziland face when they want to report, but are not allowed
to.
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Click Here
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