David L. Sheffler, Schools and Schooling in Late Medieval Germany - Regensburg, 1250-1500, Brill, Leiden - Boston, 2008.

Schools and Schooling in
Late Medieval Germany
SHEFFLER_F1_i-xvi.indd i 4/21/2008 5:42:46 PM

Education and Society in the
Middle Ages and Renaissance
Editors
Jürgen Miethke (Heidelberg)
William J. Courtenay (Madison)
Jeremy Catto (Oxford)
Jacques Verger (Paris)
VOLUME 33
SHEFFLER_F1_i-xvi.indd ii 4/21/2008 5:42:48 PM

Schools and Schooling in
Late Medieval Germany
Regensburg, 1250–1500
by
David L. Sheffler
LEIDEN • BOSTON
2008
SHEFFLER_F1_i-xvi.indd iii 4/21/2008 5:42:48 PM

This book is printed on acid-free paper.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Sheffler, David.
Schools and schooling in late medieval Germany : Regensburg, 1250–1500 /
by David L. Sheffler.
p. cm. — (Education and society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, ISSN
0926-6070 ; v. 33)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-90-04-16664-6 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Schools—Germany—
Regensburg—History—To 1500. 2. Education, Medieval—Germany—Regensburg.
I. Title. II. Series.
LA775.R44S54 2008
370.943’347—dc22
2008015939
ISSN 0926-6070
ISBN 978 90 04 16664 6
Copyright 2008 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.

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SHEFFLER_F1_i-xvi.indd iv 4/21/2008 5:42:48 PM

CONTENTS
Acknowledgments ....................................................................... vii

List of Maps ............................................................................... ix
List of Abbreviations .................................................................. xi
Chapter One Introduction .................................................. 1
Chapter Two The Educational Landscape of

Late Medieval Regensburg ................................................. 15
Early Medieval Regensburg: An Overview ............................ 15
The Sacred Geography of Regensburg ................................. 17
The Schools of Regensburg ................................................... 21
Chapter Three Inside the Schools ...................................... 85

The Foundations of Medieval Education .............................. 85
Pre-University Curriculum ..................................................... 93
Higher Education in Regensburg ........................................... 112
Teachers and School Personnel .............................................. 120
Students and Student Life ...................................................... 142
Chapter Four Regensburg and the Universities ............... 161

Attendance Patterns ................................................................ 164
Funding University Study ....................................................... 185
Office-holding Families and University Study ....................... 200
Employment of University-Trained Men .............................. 203
Networks of Friendship and Patronage ................................. 207
Social and Economic Mobility ............................................... 208
Chapter Five Conclusion ...................................................... 213
Appendices
Appendix I: Students and School Personnel ......................... 219
Appendix II: Biographical Register “Regensburg”
University Students ............................................................. 253
Appendix III: Chronological List of “Regensburg”
University Students ............................................................. 353
SHEFFLER_F1_i-xvi.indd v 4/9/2008 5:30:51 PM

vi contents
Appendix IV: “Regensburg” University Students Tables and

Maps .................................................................................... 367
Bibliography .............................................................................. 377

Unpublished Sources .............................................................. 377
Published Sources ................................................................... 378
Library Catalogs and Reference Works ................................. 384
Secondary Literature .............................................................. 385
Index ........................................................................................... 407
SHEFFLER_F1_i-xvi.indd vi 4/9/2008 5:30:51 PM

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
It is a pleasure to acknowledge the numerous debts I have incurred

while completing this work. First, I thank William J. Courtenay for
his support, energy, and extraordinary patience throughout this entire
process. In addition, I offer my gratitude to Maureen Mazzaoui, Johann
Sommerville, Michael Shank and Silvia Montiglio, whose generous
criticisms and provocative questions improved the final version of the
manuscript. Eric Carlsson and Eric Ehrenreich read early drafts of
several chapters and Dale Streeter, Nate Hedden and Scott Breuninger
were always willing discussants.
I also owe substantial debts to Professors Martin Kintzinger, Jürgen
Miethke, Alois Schmid, and Peter Schmid, who gave generously of
their time and expertise, and especially Dr. Anneliese Hilz for her guid-
ance and kindness. I am grateful to the German-American Fulbright
Commission, whose generous stipend and dedicated staff provided
financial, logistical, and intellectual support during my year of research
in Germany. The Seminar for Medieval Studies hosted by the German
Historical Institute in 2001, provided a stimulating and hospitable forum
for the presentation of my early findings, and I am especially grateful to
Professors Johannes Fried, Patrick Geary and Caroline Walker Bynum
for their helpful suggestions at that time.
Numerous other individuals and institutions assisted me in my work. I
am indebted to the librarians and archivists at the Bischöfliches Zentral
Archiv, the Stadtbibliothek and Universitätsbibliothek in Regensburg,
and the Bayerische Staatsarchiv and Stadtbibliothek in Munich, who
guided me in the early phases of my research. I benefited as well from
the scholarly generosity of Franz Fuchs, who read a full draft of the
manuscript and provided additional references and important correc-
tions. I thank the series editors for publishing this work, and Robin Gold
and Marcella Mulder for their diligence, professionalism and patience
during the editing process. I would also like to acknowledge the many
personal friends and colleagues at the University of Wisconsin-Madison
and the University of North Florida who contributed in less tangible
but indispensable ways.
SHEFFLER_F1_i-xvi.indd vii 4/9/2008 5:30:51 PM

viii acknowledgments
I will always be indebted my parents who allowed me the freedom

to seek my own path. Above all, I thank my wife, who has sustained,
challenged, and inspired me, and our children Julia, Alex and Claire—
my present and future. This work is dedicated to them.
SHEFFLER_F1_i-xvi.indd viii 4/9/2008 5:30:51 PM

LIST OF MAPS
1. Late medieval Regensburg .................................................... 13

2. Origins of Dominican Lectors and Students ....................... 59
3. Regensburg University Attendance to 1375 ......................... 373
4. Regensburg University Attendance 1376–1449 .................... 374
5. Regensburg University Attendance 1440–1499 .................... 375
6. Regensburg University Attendance to 1499 ......................... 376
SHEFFLER_F1_i-xvi.indd ix 4/9/2008 5:30:51 PM

SHEFFLER_F1_i-xvi.indd x 4/9/2008 5:30:51 PM
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AA Analecta Augustiniana
Act. Erf. Weissenborg, J. C. Hermann. Acten der Erfurter Univer-
sitaet. 3 vols. Geschichtsquellen der Provinz Sachsen
und angrenzender Gebiete, vol. 8. Halle: O. Hendel,
1881–99.
Acta Grad. Pat. University of Padua. Acta Graduum Academicorum Gym-
nasii Patavini. 2 vols. Vol. 1 (1–3) edited by G. Zonta
and G. Brotto (1970), vol. 2 (1) edited by M. P.
Grezzo, (2) edited by G. Pengo (1992), (3–6) edited
by E. Martellozzo Forin (2001). Fonti per la storia
dell’Università di Padova. Rome: Editrice Antenore,
1970–2001.
Acta Nat. Germ. Friedlander, Ernestus, and Carolus Malagola, ed. Acta
Nationis Germanicae Universitatis Bononiensis et archetypis
tabularii Malvezziani. Berlin: Georgius Reimeri, 1887.
AFA Uiblein, Paul, ed. Acta Facultatis Artium Universitatis
Vindobonensis 1385–1416. Graz: Heinrich Böhlau,
1968.
AFH Archivum Franciscanum Historicum
AFM Schrauf, Karl. Acta facultatis medicae Universitatis Vindo-
bonensis. 3 vol. Vienna, 1894–1904.
AFP Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum
AFT Uiblein, Paul, ed. Die Akten der theologischen Fakultät der
Universität Wien (1396–1508), 2 vols. Vienna: Verband
der Wissenschaftl. Gesellschaften Österreichs, 1978.
AUP Auctarium Chartularii Universitatis Parisiensis. Vols. 1–2,
edited by Heinrich Denifle and Emile Châtelain (Paris,
1894, 1897), vol. 3, edited by C. Samaran and E. A.
v. Moé (Paris, 1935), Vol. 6, edited by A. L. Gabriel
and G. C. Boyce (Paris, 1964).
Bak.Reg.Erf Schwinges, Rainer C. Das Bakkalarenregister der Artisten-
fakultät der Universität Erfurt 1392–1521. Stuttgart:
Gustav Fischer, 1995.
BayHstA Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv München
BayStB Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München
SHEFFLER_F1_i-xvi.indd xi 4/9/2008 5:30:51 PM

xii list of abbreviations
Bio-Lex Ingol. Boehm, Laetitia, Winfried Müller, Wolfgang J.

Smolka, and Helmut Zedelmaier, eds. Biographisches
Lexikon der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München.
Universität Ingolstadt-Landshut-München For-
schungen und Quellen: Forschungen, vol. 18.
Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1998.
BSB-Ink Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Inkunabula
BZAR Bischöfliches Zentralarchiv Regensburg
BzGBR Beiträge zur Geschichte des Bistums Regensburg
Cam. Cameralia
CCL Catalogus Codicum Latinorum Bibliothecae Regiae Mona-
censis Secundum Andreae Schmelleri
CUP I–IV H. Denifle and E. Châtelain, eds. Chartularium Univer-
sitatis Parisiensis. 4 vols. Paris, 1889–1897.
Conc.Basil. Concilium Basiliense: Studien und Quellen zur Geschichte des
Concils von Basel, Johannes Haller, Gustav Beckmann,
Hermann Herre, and Heinrich Dannenbauer, eds.
8 Vols. Basel: Helbing u. Lichtenhahn, 1896–1936.
Nendeln: Kraus Reprint, 1971.
Crac. Album Stud. Album Studiosorum Universitatis Cracoviensis, vol. 1
(1400 –1489), vol. 2 (1490 –1551). Krakow: Univ.
Jagellonicae, 1887–.
Knod Knod, Gustav C. Deutsche Studenten in Bologna
(1289–1562) Biographischer Index zu den Acta Nationis
Germanicae Universitatis Bononiensis. Berlin: R. v.
Decker, 1899.
Kopialbuch Uiblein, Paul, ed. Ein Kopialbuch der Wiener Universität
als Quelle zur österreichischen Kirchengeschichte unter Herzog
Albrecht V. Codex 57G Des Archivs des Stiftes Seitenstetten.
Fontes Rerum Austriacarum. 2. Abt.: Diplomataria
et Acta, vol. 80. Vienna: Österreichische Akademie
der Wissenschaften, 1973.
MB Monumenta Boica
MB 53 & MB 54 Widemann, Josef, and Franz Bastian, eds. Regensburger
Urkundenbuch. Urkunden der Stadt. Monumenta Boica,
vols. 53, 54. Munich: Verlag der k. Akademie,
1912, 1956.
MBK I:2 Krämer, Sigrid. Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge
Deutschlands und der Schweiz. Ergänzungsband: 1,
2, Handschriftenerbe des deutschen Mittelalters.
Munich: C. H. Beck, 1990.
SHEFFLER_F1_i-xvi.indd xii 4/9/2008 5:30:51 PM

list of abbreviations xiii
MBK IV: 1 Ineichen-Eder, Christine Elisabeth, ed. Mittelalterliche

Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, vol. 4, pt. 1,
Bistümer Passau und Regensburg. Munich: C. H. Beck,
1977.
MGH Monumenta Germaniae Historica.
MIÖG Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung
MLMU Pólnitz, Götz, Freiherrn von. Die Matrikel dar Ludwig-
Maximilians-Universität Ingolstadt-Landshut-München, vol. 1,
1472–1600. München: Lindauer, 1937.
MUF Mayer, Hermann. Die Matrikel der Universität Freiburg-
im-Breisgau. 2 vols. Freiburg i. B.: Herder, 1907.
MUH I Toepke, Gustav. Die Matrikel der Universität Heidelberg von
1386 bis 1662. vol. 1. Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1884–
1916. Reprinted Nendeln: Kraus Reprints, 1976.
MUK I–III Keussen, Hermann. Die Matrikel der Universität Köln,
1389–1559. 3 vols. Bonn: H. Behrendt, 1892–1931.
MUL I–III Erler, Georg, ed. Die Matrikel der Universität Leipzig,
1409–1559. 3 vols. Codex diplomaticus Saxoniae Regiae,
vols. 16–18. Leipzig: Giesecke u. Devrient, 1895–1902.
Reprint Nendeln: Kraus Reprint, 1976.
MUP I Liber Decanorum Facultatis Philosophicae Universitatis Pragensis.
Monumenta Historica Universitatis Carolo-Ferdinandeae
Pragensis, vol. 1, pts. 1–2. Prague: Joan. Nep. Gerzabek,
1880–32.
MUP II Album seu matricula facultatis juridicae Universitatis Pragensis:
ab anno Christi 1372 usque ad annum 1418 et codice membra-
naceo illius aetatis nunc primum luce donatum, plenoque nominum
indice auctum. Codex diplomaticus universitatis ejusdem originem,
incrementa, privilegia, jura, beneficia, aliaque fata, tum prospera,
tum adversa illustrans; cui item personarum rerumque index,
atque tabulae lithographicae sigillorum quorundam notatu dignio-
rum imagines exhibentes subnectuntur. Edited by Univerzita
Karlova. Monumenta Historica Universitatis Carolo-
Ferdinandeae Pragensis, vol. 2. Prague: J. Spury, 1834.
MUT Hermelink, Heinrich. Die Matrikeln der Universität Tübingen.
Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1906.
MUW I–II Die Matrikel der Universität Wien. Publikationen des Instituts
für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 6. Reihe. 3 vols.
(issued in parts) Graz: H. Böhlau, 1956.
PL Patrologia cursus completus, series Latina, publ. J. P. Migne,
217 vols, and 4 vols. of indexes, Paris, 1884–64.
SHEFFLER_F1_i-xvi.indd xiii 4/9/2008 5:30:52 PM

xiv list of abbreviations
QF Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte des Dominikaner-

ordens in Deutschland
QuE Quellen und Erörterungen zur bayerischen Geschichte
RegBoic Regesta Boica
Reg. litt. Registrum litterarum
Rep. Germ Repertorium germanicum, Verzeichnis der in den päpst-
lichen Registern und Kameralakten vorkommenden Per-
sonen, Kirchen und Orte des Deutschen Reiches, seiner
Diözesen und Territorien vom Beginn des Schismas bis zur
Reformation, vols. 1–9, Berlin: Weidmann, 1916–.
Ried I–III Ried, Thomas, ed. Codex chronologico-diplomaticus
episcopatus Ratisbonensis, 2 vols. Regensburg 1816;
vol. 2, MS StBR (Sign. Rat. ep. 165).
RQ Römer-quartalschrift
Schulen und Studium Fried, Johannes, ed., Schulen und Studium im sozialen
Wandel des hohen und späten Mittelalters. Vorträge und
Forschungen, vol. 30. Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke,
1986.
Städt. Bildung. Moeller, Bernd, Hans Patze, and Karl Stackmann,
Studien zum städtischen Bildungswesen des späten Mittel-
alters und der frühen Neuzeit: Bericht über Kolloquien der
Kommission zur Erforschung der Kultur des Spätmittel-
alters, 1978–1981. Philologisch-Historische Klasse
Dritte Folge, vol. 137. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1983.
StAR Stadtarchiv Regensburg
StBR Staatliche Bibliothek Regensburg
Tit. Dot. Ferrara Pardi, Giuseppe. Titoli Dottorali conferiti dallo Studio
di Ferrara nel sec. XV e XVI. Lucca: A. Marchi,
1901.
Urk. AK. Schmid, Josef, ed. Die Urkundenregesten des Kollegiat-
stiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle in Regensburg. 2 vols.
Regensburg: J. Habbel, 1911–1912.
VH Sammlungen des Historischen Vereins für Ober-
pfalz und Regensburg Urkunden (now held in
Stadtarchiv Regensburg)
VHVOR Verhandlungen des historischen-Vereins für Oberpfalz und
Regensburg
VL Stammler, Wolfgang. Die deutsche Literatur des Mittel-
alters: Verfasserlexikon/Begründet von Wolfgang Stammler,
SHEFFLER_F1_i-xvi.indd xiv 4/9/2008 5:30:52 PM

list of abbreviations xv
fortgeführt von Karl Langosch. 1933–1955. Edited by Kurt Ruh

et al. 2nd ed. Berlin, New York: De Gruyter, vols. 1–11,
1977–2004.
ZBLG Zeitschrift für Bayerische Landesgeschichte
ZHF Zeitschrift für historische Forschungen
ZKG Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte
SHEFFLER_F1_i-xvi.indd xv 4/9/2008 5:30:52 PM

SHEFFLER_F1_i-xvi.indd xvi 4/9/2008 5:30:52 PM
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Qui iuvenis fideliter ad scholas properavit

Et suam pronus ferulae cervicem subiugavit,
Hunc fortuna sepius ad ardua levavit
Et variis honoribus digne decoravit.1
The medieval educational landscape was complex, even chaotic. Edu-
cational opportunities varied significantly from place to place. They
varied according to age, gender, religion, and social and economic
backgrounds, as well as by profession; they also varied over time. Even
within the same city, the schools operated independently of one another.
The song schools, writing schools, schools of arithmetic, grammar
schools and private instructors that made up the late medieval edu-
cational landscape did not constitute, except in the broadest sense, an
educational system.2 Rather, they were a loosely knit, largely parallel,
1
Clemens Blume, Pia Dictamine: Reimgebete und Leselieder des Mittelalters, in Analecta
Hymnica Medii Aevi, eds. Clemens Blume and Guido M. Dreves, vol. 33 (Leipzig: O. R.
Reisland, 1899), 328. This popular poem appears in both Munich, Bayerische Staats-
bibliothek (hereinafter BayStB) clm 237 fol. 221v, and BayStB clm 14529, fol. 2. The
latter is a fifteenth-century Sammelband from the library of St. Emmeram containing a
large number of school texts, including the fables of Aesop, the parables of Alan de
Insulis (d. 1230), the popular pseudo-Senecan text de quattuor virtutibus cardinalibus by
Martin of Braga (d. 580), the Algorismus of Johannes de Sacrobosco, and the Poetria Nova
of the grammarian Galfridus Anglicus (fl. 1198). In addition to these older, traditional
schoolbooks, the codex also holds a number of humanist-influenced works, including
Augustinus Dati, Ars Dicendi; Leonardo Bruni Aretini (d. 1444), Comedia Poliscenae; and
a translation of the fables of Boccaccio. For a discussion of the most common school
texts, see Chapter Three. Compare also Nikolaus Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen latein-
ischer Schultexte: ihre verbreitung und Funktion im Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit: mit einem
Verzeichnis der Texte, Münchner Texte und Untersuchungen zur deutschen Literatur des
Mittelalters, vol. 90 (München: Artemis 1988).
2
In this sense, the most commonly used term in the German literature, Bildungswesen,
can be misleading by artificially projecting a system onto medieval education. Indeed,
much of the German literature is concerned with constructing universal labels for
schools (often using terms unknown in the Middle Ages) and neatly categorizing each
of the schools encountered. This tendency tends to mask the great diversity of schools
and to suggest the existence of a “system” when none existed.
SHEFFLER_F2-1-14.indd 1 4/11/2008 3:57:52 PM

2 chapter one
and frequently overlapping collection of institutions and individuals

with widely disparate ends.
There are, of course, some similarities to modern educational struc-
tures, especially the division of medieval education into something
akin to our elementary, secondary, undergraduate, and graduate study.
However, when one moves beyond the obvious, and in many ways
superficial, parallels between the modern western educational system
and the medieval educational traditions from which it evolved, the dif-
ferences become increasingly evident.
First, the language of instruction in most schools was a foreign
one—Latin.3 At the most basic level, the children learned little more
than to recite portions of the Latin liturgy and the Psalter, frequently
with little evidence of actual understanding. Even in schools with a
more advanced curriculum, not all students learned the more special-
ized skill of writing.4 Moreover, the purpose of most medieval schools
was the training of capable clerics; that schools served other ends was
largely a by-product of this effort. The connection between schools
and the church was so strong that contemporary writers often used
the terms scholar and cleric interchangeably, a fact still evident in the
modern English use of the term clerk.5 Even city schools continued to
3
Evidence of increasing use of the vernacular in instruction appears in many regions
by the late fourteenth century. There were also a significant number of vernacular
schools for the teaching of German reading and writing skills. However, in some cases,
the statutes of the schools continued to forbid its use well into the fifteenth century. See
N. Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 94–102. The 1446 statutes from the famous school
of St. Stephan in Vienna stipulated that the students should speak Latin at all times.
Johannes Müller, ed., Vor- und frühreformatorische Schulordnungen in deutscher und niederländischer
Sprache, 2 vols. Sammlung selten gewordener pädagogischer Schriften früherer Zeiten, vols. 12–13
(Zschopau: F. U. Raschke, 1885–86), vol. 1, 60: “Item das die schuler vertig werden in
der latein ze reden, so sol man in ider locatien haben ainen custos, der anschreib die
schüler, die deutsch reden oder sust unzuchtig sein, die sullent denn darumb gestraft
werden.” A similar statute from Landshut in 1492 also required the schoolmaster to
punish students who did not speak Latin. Müller, Schulordnungen, 115: “Item er soll
auch fleiss haben, dass die schüler in der schule, zu chor und auf der gassen latein
reden, auch sonst nicht ungebühr treiben, und wo er das überfahre, dass er alsdann
das ziemlich strafe und wende.”
4
Alfred Wendehorst, “Wer konnte im Mittelalter lesen und schreiben?,” in Schulen und
Studium im sozialen Wandel des hohen und späten Mittelalters. Vorträge und Forschungen, ed.
Johannes Fried, vol. 30 (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1986 [hereinafter Schulen
und Studium]), 24. The division of writing and reading instruction is well documented.
See, for example, Pierre Riché, Les écoles et l’enseignement dans l’Occident chrétien de la fin du
V e siècle au mileu du XI e (Paris: Aubier Montaigne, 1979), 298.
5
This fact requires that historians of medieval education exercise caution. For
example, one cannot assume that every reference to a Schuler implies the existence of a

introduction 3
reflect the essentially religious nature of education through mandatory

choir service.6
In addition, the schools existed within a nexus of competing juris-
dictions. Even if in some regions the cathedral scolasticus—the titular
head of the cathedral school—claimed authority over all the schools
within the diocese, his ability to enforce this claim was never complete.
Indeed, this diminished during the late fourteenth and early fifteenth
centuries as the ecclesiastical schools experienced increasing competi-
tion from city schools and private instructors. There was no overriding
structure or authority, no progression from school to school, and no
degrees before the university level. Most individuals who began their
schooling in a “song school” could not expect to advance to study at a
grammar school. Nor were there any prerequisites, no official progres-
sion of schooling that qualified an individual for university study. If
one could find a master and afford the requisite fees, it was possible
to matriculate.7
However, two important forces provided a degree of continuity and
conformity. First, medieval schools inherited a relatively small number
of texts, especially from late antiquity, that provided the backbone of
instruction within the schools. The grammars of Donatus, Priscian,
and the falsely ascribed Distichs of Cato remained in use well into
the sixteenth century, surviving both intellectual and religious reform
movements. Second, the increase in university study appears to have
school. Often the term simply denoted a young boy who assisted a parish priest in the
performance of the liturgy, though this too could often mean at least minimal literacy.
For a discussion of the role of children in the liturgy, especially within the monastic
context, see Susan Boynton, “The Liturgical Role of Children in Monastic Customaries
from the Central Middle Ages,” Societas Liturgica 28 (1998), 194–209.
6
The students’ performances of the large number of anniversary masses with which
these schools were frequently endowed was particularly important. Martin Kintzinger,
“Varietas Puerorum. Unterricht und Gesang in Stifts- und Stadtschulen des späten Mit-
telalters,” in Schule und Schüler im Mittelalter: Beiträge zur europäischen Bildungsgeschichte des 9.
bis 15. Jahrhunderts, eds. Martin Kintzinger, Sönke Lorenz, and Michael Walter, Beihefte
zum Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, vol. 42 (Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 1996), 305; and Martin
Kintzinger, Das Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig im hohen und späten Mittelalter: Verfas-
sungs- und institutionengeschichtliche Studien zu Schulpolitik und Bildungsförderung, Beihefte zum
Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 32 (Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 1990), 336. See also Urs Martin
Zahnd, “Chordienst und Schule in Eidgenössischen Städte des Spätmittelalters: eine
Untersuchung auf Grund der Verhältnisse in Bern, Freiburg, Luzern, und Solothurn,”
in Kintzinger et al., Schule und Schüler im Mittelalter, 259–98.
7
Of course, significant prior training was necessary to complete a university degree.
Nevertheless, some university students, primarily from among the nobility, could not
write into the fifteenth century. Wendehorst, “Wer konnte lesen und schreiben?,” 24.

4 chapter one
exercised, at least to some degree, a normative effect on the curriculum

of the most important grammar schools; as more students began to seek
higher education, it became increasingly important that the schools they
attended provide ample preparation for university study, in particular
a strong foundation in the trivium. German universities relied heavily
on lectures, so it was also imperative that the students be able to write
in Latin, and many must have been exposed to the complex system of
abbreviations employed at the universities.8
This work will explore, with as much detail as the sources will allow,
both the normative and eccentric characteristics of late medieval
education. To do so, it is necessary to avoid forcing specific schools
into modern terminological straightjackets, while providing sufficient
comparative context. To this end, the chapters that follow will examine
education and schooling, from the most basic level through advanced
university study in the single city of Regensburg. As with any case study,
I seek on the one hand to provide detailed descriptions and analysis of
a specific place and time. On the other hand, to do more than simply
satisfy antiquarian curiosity, the study must also generalize from this
specific data to address questions of much broader significance: in short,
to construct the forest from the trees, or, at the very least, suggest its
likely nature and contours.
* * *
During the last half-century, four issues have dominated the historiog-
raphy of late medieval German education. The first is the question of
curriculum. To what extent did the changing needs of an increasingly
commercial society alter the curriculum? This debate has focused on
whether a distinctly “bürgerliche Bildung,” an education aimed specifically
at the needs of merchants and artisans, developed during the late Middle
Ages. A second closely related debate centers on the ultimate purpose
of education. Why did individuals (or their families for them) seek an
education? To what extent did it advance the social and economic
interests of these individuals and families? Third, how significant was
the late medieval educational expansion and what effect did it have
on rates of literacy? Finally, what was the nature of the interaction
between ecclesiastical and civic institutions vis-à-vis education. The older
8
It is possible that they acquired this knowledge during the early years of study.
However, the pervasiveness and complexity of the abbreviations suggests that some
training prior to study would have been necessary.

introduction 5
literature in particular has characterized this relationship as a frequently

hostile struggle between ecclesiastically controlled institutions seeking
to maintain their educational monopoly, and a rising commercial and
civic elite attempting to wrest away this control.9
The question of the relationship between the curriculum of the
schools and the rising merchant elite reflects the extraordinary influ-
ence of Henri Pirenne. In his study of twelfth-century Flanders, which
first appeared in 1928, Pirenne argued that the increasing educational
demands of a rising commercial class drove the development of a new
type of education, emphasizing the practical skills of reading and writing
in the vernacular, addition and subtraction, and cursive. The existing
ecclesiastically controlled schools did not generally teach such skills,
so their demand helped drive the creation of city schools catering to
the needs of this new social and economic class.10 Writing at approxi-
mately the same time, Fritz Rörig saw similar developments within the
Hanseatic cities of Northern Germany in the thirteenth century.11 The
arguments of Rörig and Pirenne continued to hold the field well into
the 1950s and influenced the work of Edith Ennen among others.12
9
There are, of course, significant points at which each of these overlap. Debates
about the control of schools must consider the question of curriculum, which in turn
informs the debate about the purpose of education and the extent of literacy.
10
Henri Pirenne, “L’instruction des marchands au moyen-âge,” Annales d’histoire
économique, 1 (1929), 18. Pirenne cites the development of cursive as particularly
emblematic of the growth of an educational structure tailored to the needs of the
emerging commercial class. In support of this argument, he points to the example
of Ireland where literacy remained almost entirely in the hands of clerics, and as a
result, cursive was nearly nonexistent. See also Wendehorst, “Wer konnte lesen und
schreiben?,” 30.
11
Fritz Rörig, “Grosshandel und Grosshändler im Lübeck des 14. Jahrhunderts,” in
Wirtschaftskräfte im Mittelalter, ed. Paul Kaegbein (Wien: Böhlau Verlag, 1971), 218.
12
Edith, Ennen, “Stadt und Schulen in ihrem wechselseitigen Verhältnis vornehm-
lich im Mittelalter,” 1957, in Gesammelte Abhandlungen zum europäischen Städtewesen und zur
rheinischen Geschichte, ed. Georg Droege, Klaus Fehn, Dietrich Höroldt, Franz Irsigler,
and Walter Janssen, vol. 22 (Bonn: Ludwig Röhrscheid, 1977), 159–62: “So beginnen
im 12. Jahrhundert in Flandern die Kämpfe um ein Schulwesen das den Bedürfnissen
des städtischen Patriziats entsprach und von ihnen abhing.” For other summaries of this
debate, see Kintzinger, Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig, 345–47; Hartmut Bleumer,
“ ‘Deutsche Schulmeister’ und ‘Deutsche Schule’: Forschungskritik und Materialien,”
in Schulliteratur im Späten Mittelalter, ed. Klaus Grubmüller (München: Wilhelm Fink,
2000), 78–79; Ursula Peters, Literatur in der Stadt: Studien zu den sozialen Vorasusetzungen
und kulturellen Organisationsformen städtischer Literatur im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert (Tübingen:
Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1983), 269–73; Wendehorst, “Wer konnte lesen und schreiben?,”
28–32; Klaus Wriedt, “Schulen und Bürgerliches Bildungswesen in Norddeutschland
im Spätmittelalter,” in Bernd Moeller, Hans Patze, and Karl Stackmann, Studien zum
städtischen Bildungswesen des späten Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit: Bericht über Kolloquien der

6 chapter one
During the last forty years, scholars have been largely critical of this
thesis. In 1958, Herbert Grundmann noted, “compelling evidence of
a specifically bourgeois educational program and purpose, have, as
yet, not been found.”13 In an article appearing in 1979, Hans Martin
Klinkenberg rejected the notion of a distinctly “bürgerliche” education
entirely, arguing that the diversity of city dwellers—which included
laborers, farmers, artisans, and men of commerce—precluded the
existence of any single educational norm. In addition, he notes that the
city schools often continued the traditions of the older, ecclesiastically
controlled schools, showing little impulse to reform the curriculum.14
Although Klinkenberg’s radical rejection of a commercial education
has since been moderated, it is no longer possible to speak in terms
of a specifically “bürgerliches Bildungswesen” entirely distinct from, and
antithetical to, ecclesiastical educational programs.15
Kommission zur Erforschung der Kultur des Spätmittelalters 1978–1981. Philologisch-Historische

Klasse Dritte Folge, vol. 137 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1983) [hereinafter,
Städt. Bildung.], 152–54.
13
Herbert Grundmann, “Litteratus—Illiteratus: Der Wandel einer Bildungsnorm
vom Altertum zum Mittelalter,” in Ausgewählte Aufsätze, part 3, Bildung und Sprache, vol. 25,
Monumenta Germaniae Historica (hereinafter, MGH ) Schriften (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann
Verlag, 1978), 63. First published in Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 40(1958), 1–65.
14
Hans Martin Klinkenberg, “‘Bürgerliche Bildung’ im Mittelalter?” in Studien zur
deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters, ed. Rudolf Schützeichel (Bonn: Bouvier Verlag, 1979),
370.
15
Klaus Schreiner goes even farther, arguing that to the extent education did expand
in the late Middle Ages, it was the product not of the needs of a commercial class but,
rather, a defensive movement by the Church against heresy. K. Schreiner, “Grenzen
literarischer Kommunikation. Bemerkungen zur religiösen und sozialen Dialektik der
Laienbildung im Spätmittelalter und in der Reformation,” in Literatur und Laienbildung im
Spätmittelalter und in der Reformationszeit. Symposium Wolfenbüttel 1981, ed. Ludger Grenzmann
and Karl Stackmann, Germanistische-Symposien-Berichtsbände, vol. 5 (Stuttgart: J. B.
Metzler, 1984), 3–7. As late as 1986, however, Alfred Wendehorst argued a nearly
unreformed Pirenne thesis. He writes “Nichtkirchliche oder nur noch formal unter
kirchlicher Aufsicht stehende Lateinische Schulen werden zunächst in einigen gros-
sen Handelsstädten, im 14. Jahrhundert auch schon in vielen Mittelstädten meist von
der kaufmännischen Oberschicht ins Leben gerufen und der Unterrichtsinhalt nach
ihren Bedürfnissen bestimmt.” Wendehorst, “Wer konnte lesen und schreiben?,” 29.
This debate also touches on the question of the rise of vernacular education. In the
older literature (Rörig, Pirenne, Ennen), it was generally assumed that formal schools
providing vernacular education appeared very early, by at least the late twelfth century.
More recently, however, it has been shown that in most cities, even those with large and
well-organized bureaucracies, this did not occur until much later. See Peters, Literatur
in der Stadt, 274; and Bleumer, “Deutsche Schulmeister,” 79.

introduction 7
The debates about the content of education also play a key role in
the discussions concerning the ultimate purpose of education. The
well-known battles between the schools of Herbert Grundmann and
Peter Classen regarding the motives behind the foundation of the first
universities continue to color debates fifty years after Grundmann’s
seminal work.16 According to Grundmann, the university arose “neither
from national nor ecclesiastical initiative, nor from social or economic
developments, but from amor sciendi . . . in its origins and essence it was
directed toward independent thinking, research and teaching . . .”17
For a decade, his argument remained unchallenged. In 1967, how-
ever, Classen began the first major assault on Grundmann. Gradually,
Classen’s more pragmatic understanding of the universities as products
of complex social, economic, and political developments began to domi-
nate.18 More recently, the work of Rainer C. Schwinges has emphasized
16
See Peter Classen, “Die hohen Schulen und die Gesellschaft im 12. Jahrhundert,”
Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 48 (1966): 155–80. Reprinted in Studium und Gesellschaft im Mit-
telalter, ed. Johannes Fried, in MGH Schriften, vol. 29 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann,
1983), 1–26; Herbert Grundmann, “Vom Ursprung der Universität im Mittelalter,”
Berichte über die Verhandlungen der Sächsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig. Phil.-hist.
Klasse 103, 2 (Berlin: Anton Hiersemann Verlag, 1957), 3–68, reprinted in Herbert
Grundmann, Ausgewählte Aufsätze, part 3, Bildung und Sprache. MGH Schriften vol. 25
(Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann Verlag, 1978), 292–342, esp. 319f: “Primär aber und
konstitutiv, wahrhaft grundlegend und richtungweisend für Ursprung und Wesen der
Universitäten . . . sind weder die Bedürfnisse der Berufsausbildung oder der Allgemei-
nbildung noch staatliche, kirchliche oder sozialökonomische Impulse und Motive
sondern—kurz gesagt—das gelehrte, wissenschaftliche Interresse, das Wissen- und
Erkennen-Wollen.”
17
Grundmann, “Vom Ursprung der Universität,” 339: “nicht aus staatlicher oder
kirchlicher Initiative, nicht aus sozialen oder wirtschaftlichen Beweggründen, sondern
aus dem amor sciendi . . . in ihrem Ursprung und Wesen ist sie auf unabhängiges Den-
ken, Forschen und Lehren gerichtet . . .”
18
Even within this limited consensus, significant debates remain, especially relating to
questions of social mobility and the practical application of an education in the Arts. See
in particular Rainer C. Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert:
Studien zur Sozialgeschichte des alten Reiches. Beiträge zur Sozial- und Verfassungsgeschichte
des Alten Reiches; Nr. 6, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für europäische Geschichte
Mainz. vol. 123 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1986), 445–46. Schwinges argues that the
extent to which a university education could overcome the low status of one’s parents
has been grossly exaggerated. Rolf Köhn also challenges the role of the university in
social mobility and questions whether the arts curriculum of the university served and
was shaped by the practical needs of an increasingly commercial and bureaucratic
society. Köhn, “Schulbildung und Trivium im Lateinischen Hochmittelalter und ihr
Möglicher praktischer Nutzen,” in Fried, Schulen und Studium, 282–83: “Daß die Kluft
zwischen Schulbildung und Trivium einerseits und der sozialen Umwelt andererseits
zwischen dem 11. und 13. Jahrhundert nicht geringer wurde, sondern eher größer,
halte ich für unzweifelhaft, zumal auf der Bildungsstufe der Artes liberales.”

8 chapter one
the extent to which the universities (and education generally) were social
constructs, reflecting and reinforcing the existing hierarchies.19 A series
of articles by Jürgen Miethke has shown the potential practical applica-
tions of a scholastic and theological education, emphasizing the critical
skills obtained in university study over the specific content.20 Recent
works on law students at the universities of Erfurt and Bologna have
also explored the practical uses of education and its role as a force for
social mobility.21 Nevertheless, Grundmann’s more idealistic insistence
on amor sciendi as the driving force behind the foundation of universi-
ties, and by extension educational expansion generally, continues to
find advocates.22
The question of literacy remains the least developed of these four
debates. Although a great deal has been written on the subject, much
uncertainty remains. Historians generally agree that literacy expanded
significantly during the fourteenth and fifteenth century, especially in
19
See Rainer C. Schwinges, “Pauperes an deutschen Universitäten des 15 Jahr-
hunderts,” Zeitschrift für historische Forschungen (hereinafter, ZHF ) 8 (1981), 285–308; and
Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher, 446. See also the recently available online database
Repertorium Academicum Germanicum, available at http://www.rag-online.org/.
20
Jürgen Miethke, “Karrierechancen eines Theologiestudiums im späteren Mittel-
alter,” in Gelehrte im Reich, ed. Rainer Christoph Schwinges, Beihefte der ZHF, vol. 18
(Berlin: Dunker & Humboldt, 1996), 181–209; and Jürgen Miethke, “Practical Intentions
of Scholasticism: The Example of Political Theory,” in Universities and Schooling in Medieval
Society, ed. William J. Courtenay and Jürgen Miethke, vol. 10, Education and Society
in the Middle Ages and Renaissance (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 211–28. Compare Köhn
who is particularly critical of the notion that the content of medieval education was
determined largely by social needs. Köhn, “Schulbildung und Trivium,” 282–83.
21
Robert Gramsch, Erfurter Juristen im Spätmittelalter: Die Karrieremuster und Tätigkeitsfelder
einer gelehrten Elite des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts, Education and Society in the Middle Ages
and Renaissance, ed. Jürgen Miethke, William J. Courtenay, Jeremy Catto, and Jacques
Verger, vol. 17 (Leiden: Brill, 2003), 561–66; and Jürg Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich:
Die deutschen Rechtsstudenten an der Universität Bologna 1265–1425, Veröffentlichungen der
Gesellschaft für Universitäts- und Wissenschaftsgeschichte, ed. R. C. Schwinges, vol. 2
(Basel: Schwabe, 2000), 188–214, 268–69.
22
As recently as 2000, Rainer C. Schwinges lamented the continuing influence of
Grundmann’s school, “With his socially romantic and harmonizing ideas regarding the
meaning and function of medieval universities, an expert such as Herbert Grundmann
hindered research in this direction for a long time and continues to do so through
his school and sphere of influence, which is already in the third generation.” See
Schwinges, “On Recruitment in German Universities from the Fourteenth to Sixteenth
Centuries,” in Universities and Schooling in Medieval Society, ed. William J. Courtenay and
Jürgen Miethke, Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, vol. 10
(Leiden: Brill, 2000), 42. See also Michael Borgolte, Sozialgeschichte des Mittelalters. Eine
Forschungsbilanz nach der deutschen Einheit, Historische Zeitschrift Beihefte, vol. 22 (München:
R. Oldenbourg, 1996), 373–84.

introduction 9
urban areas.23 However, even these basic statements are difficult to

prove demonstratively. Since rates of literacy are notoriously difficult
to assess with any accuracy, it is hardly surprising that the literature
betrays a necessary, if ultimately unsatisfying, vagueness. Historians must
often generalize from a small sample of documents, which correspond
imperfectly to the larger population they are attempting to describe.
Within these significant limitations, there is some consensus that literacy
rates in urban areas were between ten and thirty percent.24 The fact
that the best estimate has a margin of error of 300 percent shows the
uncertainty that characterizes this subject.
Historians have long cast the fourth major debate, the nature of
the relationship between ecclesiastical and civic authorities vis-à-vis
education, in terms of the so-called Schulstreit, a term Martin Meister
first applied as early as 1868. Unlike later historians, however, Meister
argued that the desire of individual churches to protect their traditional
prerogatives drove these conflicts, rather than specific concerns about
the curriculum. Meister also noted that examples of Schulstreit were rarer
in the south where religious foundations, especially collegiate churches,
were more abundant.25 The fact that these foundations frequently
housed schools obviated the need for the cities to establish new ones.
In the 1920s, the theories of Pirenne and Rörig recast the question
in terms of the educational needs of a new and powerful commercial
23
See, however, Schreiner, “Grenzen literarischer Kommunikation,” 57, who ques-
tions whether one can truly speak of an explosion in education as some historians
have been wont to do.
24
For the early Middle Ages in Germany, see Detlef Illmer, Formen der Erziehung und
Wissensvermittlung im frühen Mittelalter: Quellenstudien zur Frage der Kontinuität des abendländischen
Erziehungswesens, Münchener Beiträge zur Mediävistik und Renaissance-Forschung, vol.
7 (München: Arbeo-Gesellschaft, 1971); and Rosamond McKitterick, Books, Scribes and
Learning in the Frankish Kingdoms, 6th to 9th Centuries (Aldershot: Variorum, 1994). For the
later period, see Robert W. Scribner, “How Many Could Read?,” in Stadtbürgertum und
Adel in der Reformation: Studien zur Sozialgeschichte der Reformation in England und Deutsch-
land = The Urban Classes, the Nobility and the Reformation: Studies in the Social History of the
Reformation in England and Germany, ed. Wolfgang J. Mommsen, Peter Alter, and Robert
W. Scribner, Veröffentlichungen des Deutschen Historischen Instituts London, vol. 5
(Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1979), 44f; and Wendehorst, “Wer konnte lesen und schreiben?,”
30. Estimates for England vary even more widely, although the 13 percent given by Jo
Ann Hoeppner Moran for the diocese of York compares favorably with those given
for Germany. See Moran, The Growth of English Schooling 1340–1548: Learning, Literacy
and Laicization in Pre-Reformation York Diocese (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press,
1985), 181.
25
Martin Meister, Die deutschen Stadtschulen und der Schulstreit im Mittelalter: ein Beitrag
zur Schulgeschichte des Mittelalters, Programm des Königlichen Gymnasiums zu Hadamar
(1868), 22–23.

10 chapter one
class.26 The influence of this class, according to Pirenne and Rörig,

altered curriculum and drove the creation of city-controlled schools.
This in turn fueled the struggle between the ecclesiastical hierarchy
and civic institutions over the control of education. Pirenne’s and
Rörig’s assumption, and that of their followers, that the rise of city
schools occurred in conjunction with the economic expansion of the
eleventh and twelfth centuries led them to posit extremely early dates
for the foundation of many city schools—both Latin and vernacular.
Yet these early dates, as Hartmut Bleumer has pointed out, rarely hold
up to close scrutiny.27
Some historians have also seen the establishment of city schools as
integral to the expression of civic pride and identity. According to these
historians, the growth of a wealthy, self-conscious, civic elite, spurred the
development of civic institutions that challenged the traditional role of
the church. This, they point out, was true in the case of hospitals, poor
relief, and education. For example, Rudolf Endres placed the establish-
ment of a city-controlled school in Rothenburg within the context of
the city’s drive for increasing independence from the church.28 In so
doing, the city touched off a struggle with the church engendering the
classic Schulstreit.
Some recent studies, however, have begun to reexamine the idea of
Schulstreit. In Martin Kintzinger’s work on Augsburg (a city that did not
lack for identity and civic pride), he points out that there appears to
have been little controversy there, suggesting that the existing schools
26
See Pirenne, “L’instruction des marchands,” 13–28; Rörig, “Grosshandel und
Grosshändler,” 29–41; and Ennen, “Stadt und Schulen,” 159.
27
Although the early foundations of many specific Deutscheschulen have been shown
to be dubious, more recent general works continue to assert these dates. See Peters,
Literatur in der Stadt, 274; and Bleumer, “Deutsche Schulmeister,” 79. Often the existence
of a parish school that is not clearly identified as a Latin school has been considered
sufficient grounds to assert the existence of a vernacular “Deutscheschule.” Some of
the literature has also tended to equate the foundation of any new parish with the
existence of a city school. Finally, the use of the vernacular “schulmeister” is often
taken to imply that the instruction was vernacular. This seems to be the case with
“Agnes die Schulmeisterin” of Regensburg who is often used as evidence of the first
vernacular school in Regensburg, although we know only the year of her death, place
of burial, and that she was called “die schulmeisterin.”
28
Rudolf Endres, “Das Schulwesen von ca. 1200 bis zur Reformation. Gesamtdarstel-
lung,” in Geschichte des bayerischen Bildungswesens, 153: “Das wachsende selbst Bewußtsein
der Bürger und der wille, alle Bereich des lebens selbst zu regeln, machten auch vor
den Schulen nicht halt. Wie in der Armenfürsorge und im Spitalwesen so wurde der
Einfluß der Kirche auch im Schulwesen zurückgedrängt.”

introduction 11
met the needs of the city’s inhabitants adequately.29 Hartmut Bleumer

argues that the continued insistence on Schulstreit has led many histo-
rians to miscast the issue and has skewed the way historians look at
the evidence.30
In addition, the German historiography of education has tended
to remain primarily a local endeavor. Many studies focus entirely on
a particular city, or particular school, with little effort to place them
within a larger regional or European framework. This is, at least in
part, a reflection of the organization of German research institutions
by regions, with many of the most important chairs dedicated to the
history of particular state (Landesgeschichte). Although this focus certainly
has its strengths, it has tended to limit the breadth of many of the
studies conducted under its aegis.
The lack of studies in the German literature seeking to place German
education within a broader context is evident in Paul Grendler’s sum-
mary article on schooling in Western Europe during the late Middle
Ages. Writing in the early 1990s, he mentions studies from France, Italy,
England, and Spain, but German-speaking regions remain conspicu-
ously absent.31 An article presented at the same conference describes
the field of German pre-university education in the late Medieval and
early modern periods as “wide open.”32 A number of important works
published in the last fifteen years have begun to close this frontier;
however, much work remains to be done.
This work, it is hoped, will shed further light on the historiographical
debates discussed previously and place the German, especially southern
German, educational landscape within a European context. I begin with
a detailed discussion of the schools of late medieval Regensburg, paying
particular attention to the educational institutions, their organization,
29
Martin Kintzinger, “ ‘Ich was auch ain Schueler’: die Schulen im spätmittelal-
terlichen Augsburg,” in Literarisches Leben im Augsburg während des 15. Jahrhunderts, ed.
Johannes Janota and Werner Williams-Krapp, Studia Augustana, vol. 7 (Tübingen:
Max Niemeyer Verlag, 1995), 64.
30
Bleumer, “Deutsche Schulmeister,” 79: “Aber die Frühdatierungen wurden eben
nicht nur vorgenommen, weil die geringe Anzahl und Aussagekraft der Quellen
Freiraum für Spekulationen ließ, sondern sie beruhten auch darauf, daß durch die
pointierte Auffasung vom mittelalterlichen Schulstreit die Interpretation der Quellen
eine deutliche Färbung erfuhr.”
31
Paul F. Grendler, “Schooling in Western Europe,” Renaissance Quarterly 43, no. 4
(1990), 775–87.
32
Susan Karant-Nunn, “Alas, a Lack: Trends in the Historiography of Pre-University
Education in Early Modern Germany,” Renaissance Quarterly 43, no. 4 (1990), 788–98.

12 chapter one
and periods of prominence. I argue that the existing ecclesiastical schools

sufficiently met the needs of Regensburg’s elite, reducing pressure for
the establishment of new schools under the city’s direct control. In
addition, this study examines schools and education for women and
Jews. I will then consider the schools themselves more closely, including
discussions of the curriculum, teachers, and students. There existed no
sharp distinction between the curriculum of ecclesiastical schools and
city-controlled schools. Finally, I will examine the interface between the
universities, the city, and the schools of Regensburg within the context
of the demands of an increasingly complex civic bureaucracy, reflect-
ing the extent to which Regensburg participated in broader European
educational trends, demonstrating the role (and limits) of university
education in social and economic mobility.

Stadtamhof St. Mang
St. Katharinenspital
SHEFFLER_F2-1-14.indd 13
Danube River
Rathaus
St. Johann Niedermünster

Second Expansion Second Expansion
(ca. 1320) St. Ulrich (ca. 1320)
Cathedral
Dominikanerin Synagogue and Alte Kapelle Franciscans

First Expansion Jewish Quarter To Straubing
(ca. 920)
introduction
Old Roman City Poor Clares

Augustinian Hermits (Franziskanerin)
To Prüfening Schottenkloster
(St. Jakob) St. Cassian
Dominicans
Obermünster
St. Paul (Mittelmünster)
St. Emmeram
Late Medieval Regensburg
To Prüll
13
Map 1: Late medieval Regensburg.
4/11/2008 3:57:54 PM
CHAPTER TWO
THE EDUCATIONAL LANDSCAPE OF

LATE MEDIEVAL REGENSBURG
Few cities in medieval Germany were home to as many churches and

religious houses as Regensburg. By the fifteenth century, Regensburg
had nearly two hundred church buildings, numerous chapels, four
canonical houses, and fourteen houses of religious men and women.1
These created positions for educated men, and they provided educa-
tional opportunities. Schools attached to parishes, monasteries, and
especially, the canonical houses trained young boys for careers in the
church, and in some cases, lay careers as well. The sheer number of
religious institutions, and the impressive libraries that many of them
accumulated, ensured that educated men continued to be attracted to
Regensburg long after regional powers such as Augsburg and Nurem-
berg had eclipsed it. Somewhat paradoxically, Regensburg’s economic
decline, which began in the mid-fourteenth century, appears to have
coincided with a period of increasing lay interest in education and a
commensurate expansion in access to learning.
Early Medieval Regensburg: An Overview
Regensburg’s educational landscape owed much to its status as the

political and economic center of early medieval Bavaria. Favored first
by the Aigilofing dynasty and then the Carolingians, the city flourished
both politically and economically. After the foundation of a bishopric in
1
Map drawn from Alois Schmid, Regensburg: Reichsstadt—Fürstbischof—Reichsstifte—
Herzoghof, Historischer Atlas von Bayern: Teil Altbayern, Heft 60 (München: Kommis-
sion für Bayersiche Landesgeschichte, 1995), 165. Ulm, with approximately the same
number of inhabitants, and Nuremberg, with a population more than three times that
of Regensburg, had only eight religious houses each. Karl Josef Benz, “Klosterleben
im Umbruch der Zeit zur Situation der Regensburger Klöster um die Mitte des 15.
Jahrhunderts,” in Crossroads of Medieval Civilization: The City of Regensburg and Its Intellectual
Milieu, ed. Edelgard E. DuBruck and Karl Heinz Göller, Medieval and Renaissance
Monograph Series, vol. 5 (Detroit: 1984), 5.
SHEFFLER_F3_15-84.indd 15 4/11/2008 3:59:42 PM

16 chapter two
Regensburg in 732 and the rise of the Carolingians, royal favors contin-
ued to flow into the old Roman city on the Danube. The assimilation of
Bavaria into the Carolingian Empire further enhanced the position of
Regensburg. Charlemagne himself visited the city frequently, spending
more time in Regensburg than any place outside of Aachen. The later
Carolingians, Louis the German and Arnulf von Kärnten, were even
more partial to Regensburg. Both established residences within the city,
the former near the Alter Kornmarkt and the latter near St. Emmeram.2
The monastery of St. Emmeram was renowned for learning through-
out the German-speaking world, inspiring one eleventh-century writer
to opine, “Ratispona vere secunda Athene, aeque studiis florida, sed
verioris philosophiae fructibus cumulata.”3
Such hyperbole aside, Regensburg stood among the first rank of
German cities economically, culturally, and politically throughout the
high Middle Ages. The expansion of trade during the eleventh century
further improved Regensburg’s standing. Sitting astride important east-
west and north-south trade routes, the city profited from the Italian
as well as the Danube trade. Wine and cloth merchants in particular
amassed significant fortunes and carved out a degree of political
influence commensurate with their wealth. Their growing influence
culminated in the mid-thirteenth century with the establishment of
Regensburg as a Reichsstadt governed by a mayor and a council of
sixteen.4
Inspired by both piety and hubris, the growing patrician elite emu-
lated ducal and imperial generosity. From early on, these elites contrib-
2
Peter Schmid has written extensively on this subject. For a recent discussion, see
P. Schmid, “Ratispona Metropolis Baioariae: Die bayerischen Herzöge und Regens-
burg,” in Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 1, ed. Peter Schmid (Regensburg: Pustet
Verlag, 2000), 51–63. Compare Alois Schmid, “Ratisbona Benedictina: Die Regens-
burger Benediktinerklöster St. Emmeram, Prüll und Prüfening während des Mittel-
alters,” in Regensburg im Mittelalter: Beiträge zur Stadtgeschichte vom frühen Mittelalter bis zum
Beginn der Neuzeit, ed. Martin Angerer and Heinrich Wanderwitz, vol. 1 (Regensburg:
Universitätsverlag, 1995), 177–186.
3
Carl Theodor Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, edited by Hans Angermeier. 4 vols.
(Regensburg: Montag und Weiss, 1800–1824. Reprint, München: C. H. Beck, 1971),
vol. 1, 137. The trope of the “New Athens,” akin to the modern Paris of the . . . cannot
be taken too seriously. Compare Pierre Riché, Les écoles et l’enseignement dans l’Occident
chrétien de la fin du V e siècle au milieu du XI e siècle (Paris: Aubier Montaigne, 1979), 167:
“Gozzechin, plus tard maître à Mayence, écrit . . . que Liège est une ‘nouvelle Athènes,
fleur de la Gaule tripartite, nourrice des études.’ ”
4
Peter Schmid, “Die Bürgerschaft auf dem Weg zur Reichsfreiheit,” in P. Schmid,
Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 1, 187–89.

the educational landscape of late medieval regensburg 17
uted to ecclesiastical building funds, established numerous altars, and

funded eternal masses that provided for the hereafter and redounded
to their honor in the here and now. Despite the precipitous decline in
Regensburg’s fortunes during the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,
the civic and religious institutions that flourished during Regensburg’s
ascendancy continued to receive civic funding and provide important
centers of learning into the sixteenth century and beyond.5
The Sacred Geography of Regensburg
St. Emmeram, the most important of Regensburg’s religious institu-

tions, was founded in the eighth century, enjoying ducal and eventu-
ally imperial support. Initially located just outside Regensburg on its
southwestern edge, the convent was incorporated within the walls by
the city at the beginning of the tenth century. The monastery housed
one of the region’s richest libraries and attracted both scholars and
pilgrims throughout the Middle Ages.
Although outside Regensburg, the Benedictine monasteries of
Prüfening and Prüll also contributed significantly to the educational
and cultural history of the city.6 Prüll, founded by the bishop of
Regensburg in the early eleventh century, served as a double monastery
and a hospital for much of its history and provided lodging for travelers
approaching the city from the south.7 The bishop of Bamberg, whose
ties to the city dated from the reign of Henry II, founded Prüfening in
5
Compare Jo Ann Hoeppner Moran, Education and Learning in the City of York,
Borthwick Papers, vol. 55 (York: University of York, 1979), 15–16. Moran finds similar
developments in late medieval York.
6
The inclusion of these two monasteries in a fourteenth century inventory of
Regensburg’s libraries illustrates their importance to the intellectual and cultural his-
tory of the city. Christine Elisabeth Ineichen-Eder, ed. Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge
Deutschlands und der Schweiz, vol. 4, pt. 1, Bistümer Passau und Regensburg (München: C. H.
Beck, 1977) (hereinafter, MBK IV), 1, 152–54.
7
Alois Schmid, “Die Gründung des Klosters Prüll,” in 1000 Jahre Kultur in Kar-
thaus Prüll: Geschichte und Forschung vor den Toren Regensburgs, Festschrift zum Jubiläum des
ehemaligen Klosters (Regensburg: Verlag Pustet, 1997), 11–19; A. Schmid, “Ratisbona
Benedictina,” 181. After 1484, Prüll was re-founded as a male-only Carthusian
house. Thomas Feuerer, “Die Aufhebung des Benediktinerklosters Prüll im Kontext
landesherrlicher Klosterpolitik des ausgehenden 15. Jahrhunderts,” in 1000 Jahre Kultur
in Karthaus Prüll: Geschichte und Forschung vor den Toren Regensburgs, Festschrift zum Jubiläum
des ehemaligen Klosters (Regensburg: Verlag Pustet, 1997), 27–28. See also Anneliese Hilz,
“Benediktiner, Kartäuser, Iroschotten, Mendikanten,” in P. Schmid, Geschichte der Stadt
Regensburg, vol. 2, 769.

18 chapter two
the early twelfth century as a bastion of the Hirsauer monastic reforms,

which sought to restore more rigorous monastic discipline.8
In addition to these, a fourth monastery existed in Regensburg under
the Benedictine Rule—the Irish Schottenkloster.9 Founded in the late
eleventh century by the Irish monk Marianus, the monastery occupied
land just outside the old western gate of the city.10 Bolstered by papal
and imperial support, and enjoying good relations with the city, the
Schottenkloster became the focus of an important monastic movement.11
Within the first century of its existence, the monastery established
daughter houses in Erfurt, Vienna, Würzburg, Nuremburg, Constance,
Eichstätt, and Memmingen. These houses, especially those in Erfurt
and Vienna, also became important scriptoria and centers of learning
in their own right.
Equally important fixtures in Regensburg’s religious landscape were
the city’s four canonical houses. Those attached to the cathedral, Alte
Kapelle, and St. Johann were grouped closely together within the
original city walls.12 The fourth, belonging to the Augustinian canons
of St. Mang, commanded the approach to the steinerne Brücke, the only
route into the city from the north, and one of the keys to the city’s
wealth.13 In each of these foundations, there is compelling evidence for
A. Schmid, “Ratisbona Benedictina,” 182.

8
Although the Irish monks adopted the Benedictine Rule, the Schottenkloster
9
performed more of an urban mission than did most of the older Benedictine houses.
Rather than seeking isolation from the world, the Irish monks engaged the world
directly through their involvement in the care of souls. In this, the Schottenklöster
was more akin to the houses of regular canons that began to flourish during the same
period. For a history of the Schottenkloster, see Helmut Flachenecker, Schottenklöster:
Irische Benediktinerkonvente im hochmittelalterlichen Deutschland, in Quellen und Forschungen
aus dem Gebiet der Geschichte, vol. 18 (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh, 1995).
10
It was incorporated within the walls after the expansion of the city in the first
quarter of the fourteenth century.
11
Helmut Flachenecker, “Irische Klausner und Benediktiner: zur Geschichte von
Weih Sankt Peter und St. Jakob,” in Angerer and Wanderwitz, Regensburg im Mittelalter,
vol. 1, 187–201. See also A. Hilz, “Benediktiner, Kartäuser, Iroschotten, Mendikanten,”
780–81.
12
St. Johann was founded as a house of regular canons under the Augustinian Rule
between 1127 and 1132. It initially required that the beneficed clergy maintain the
common life (holding no individual property and living together in a manner similar
to monks). By 1186, the reforming zeal of its founders had begun to wane, and by
1290, the eleven canons attached to the church each kept their own personal houses.
See Heinrich Wanderwitz, “Die Kanoniker- und Chorherrenstifte im mittelalterlichen
Regensburg,” in Angerer and Wanderwitz, Regensburg im Mittelalter, 199.
13
Despite St. Mang’s location outside the city proper, its canons appear frequently
in property transactions and as beneficiaries of civic largesse.

the existence of schools in song and, in the cases of the Alte Kapelle,
the Cathedral, and St. Mang, grammar education as well.
In addition, Regensburg was one of the first cities in Germany to host
all four mendicant orders. Although the Carmelite foundation relocated
to Straubing shortly after its foundation, the three largest mendicant
orders maintained convents in the city from the late thirteenth century.14
The Franciscans arrived first, taking up residence in the church of St.
Salvator, at that time located just outside the eastern gate of the city
on the road to Straubing. When the Dominicans arrived a few years
later, the bishop granted them the church of St. Blasius, located on
the opposite end of the city (hoping no doubt to avoid excessive com-
petition between the two orders), just inside what was then the city’s
western gate. The Augustinian Hermits took up residence in the center
of the city in a small chapel donated by the city immediately adjacent
to the synagogue.
Nor did Regensburg lack houses for religious women. The oldest and
most prestigious were the quasi-religious houses of Obermünster and
Niedermünster. These first appear in the sources in the ninth century.15
Both were within the confines of the old Roman walls (a testament to
their age)—Obermünster on the southwestern edge of the city near St.
Emmeram, and Niedermünster on the northeastern periphery.16 In the
late tenth century, a third house for women, St. Paul’s (Mittelmünster),
was founded not far from Obermünster.
The arrival of the mendicants in the thirteenth century meant a
significant expansion in the number of formal houses for the female
religious.17 These new houses, which were placed under the direction
14
The Carmelites relocated to Straubing in 1367 where they faced significantly
less competition. Alfons Huber, “Das Straubinger Karmelitenkloster im Mittelalter,”
in Ratisbona Sacra: das Bistum Regensburg im Mittelalter; Ausstellung anläßlich des 1250jährigen
Jubiläums der kanonischen Errichtung des Bistums Regensburg durch Bonifatius 739–1989, ed.
Diözesanmuseum Regensburg (München: Schnell & Steiner Verlag, 1989), 283.
15
Paul Mai, “Die Kanonissenstifte Ober-, Nieder- und Mittelmünster in Regensburg,”
in Angerer and Wanderwitz, Regensburg im Mittelalter, 203. See also Claudia Märtl, “Die
Damenstifte Obermünster, Niedermünster, St. Paul,” in P. Schmid, Geschichte der Stadt
Regensburg, vol. 2, 745.
16
Obermünster and Niedermünster, as well as St. Paul’s, primarily served noble-
women who did not take permanent vows. The women strenously and successfully
resisted numerous efforts aimed at reforming them, including one spearheaded by
the famous Regensburg Franciscan preacher Berthold of Regensburg. Among other
things, the residents insisted on maintaining their traditional privileges, including the
right to wear furs.
17
See, for example, the late fourteenth century city account records Regensburg
Stadtarchiv (hereinafter, StAR), Cameralia (hereinafter, Cam.) 4 fol. 2v, 3r. (digital

20 chapter two
of their male counterparts, also reflected important demographic

shifts within medieval society. Unlike the primarily noble women of
Obermünster, Mittelmünster, and Niedermünster, the Dominican
sisters and the Poor Clares came largely from among the families of
Regensburg’s citizenry.18 As was often the case with such foundations,
the women’s houses were in close physical proximity to the male men-
dicant convents charged with their spiritual oversight.19
The military orders had a presence in Regensburg as well, although
there is no evidence that they had any educational role in the city
beyond the employment of priests and acolytes. The Teutonic Knights
had a commandery in the city by the end of the first quarter of the
twelfth century.20 About forty years later, a small convent of the Knights
Hospitaller also appeared in Regensburg, located in the western quar-
ter of the city. In addition to these, there were approximately seventy
chapels, numerous altars, and hospitals, all requiring priests for the per-
formance of the Mass, and frequently “schuler der im darzu hilft.”21
reproductions and some transcriptions of StAR Cameralia can now be accessed online
at http://bhgw20.kfunigraz.ac.at/virtual/index.htm). The entry lists the payment of
annuities from the city to a large number sisters from the mendicant houses, including
members of such prominent Regensburg families as the Sterner, Baumburger, Winckler,
Hüber, Hädrär, and Graner.
18
The Augustinian Hermits were also responsible for a women’s convent located
in Viehbach. For education in this house, see the following discussion of women’s
education.
19
The convents of the Poor Clares and the female Dominicans were initially estab-
lished from existing loosely knit communities of pious women. In the western portion
of the city, a house of female Dominicans under the spiritual supervision of the nearby
male Dominican convent emerged by 1267. Approximately thirty years later, a similar
group of women living in the eastern part of the city adopted the Rule of St. Clare.
20
Paul Mai, “Die Deutschordens-Kommende St. Ägid,” in P. Schmid, Geschichte der
Stadt Regensburg, vol. 2, 821.
21
Josef Widemann and Franz Bastian, eds. Regensburger Urkundenbuch. Urkunden der Stadt.
Monumenta Boica (hereinafter, MB) 54, 318 #767: 20 Feb. 1386 (Verlag der k. Akademie,
1912/1956). For a list of hospitals, see Guido Hable, Geschichte Regensburgs: eine Übersicht
nach Sachgebieten (Regensburg: Mittelbayerische Druckerei- und Verlags-Gesellschaft,
1970), 97–98. In 1444, the master of the hospital (St. Katherinenspital) Ulrich Obser
copied a Latin/German Psalter likely for use by the young boys who served the choir
there. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 381 “Item psalterium, ubi semper primus versus est in
Latino, postea wlgari, scriptus per manus Ulrici Obser civis Ratisponensis ac magister
hospitalis 1444 . . .” For Ulrich Obser, see also Claudia Märtl, “Zur Biographie des
bayerischen Geschichtsschreibers Andreas von Regensburg,” in Regensburg und Bayern
in Mittelalter, Studien und Quellen zur Geschichte Regensburgs, vol. 4. (Regensburg:
Mittelbayerische Drukerei und Verlags-Gesellschaft, 1987), 36 n. 20.

The Schools of Regensburg
With the exception of private instructors, Regensburg’s ecclesiastical

institutions administered all the schools located within the city until
the beginning of the sixteenth century. Yet one must be careful of
making too much of this “monopoly.”22 The fact that the city, despite
its numerous liberties and the considerable self-awareness of its lead-
ing citizens, did not make any serious efforts to found its own school
suggests that the existing schools adequately met its needs. Indeed, the
interests of the ecclesiastical schools demanded it. The schools of the
Alte Kapelle and the cathedral suffered significant economic hardship
when the city boycotted them in the mid-fourteenth century—a clear
testament to the economic power the city could wield.23 Nor did eccle-
siastical institutions represent a monolithic interest block. The existence
of multiple ecclesiastical schools meant that they were in some sense
competing with one another for students.24 As a result, despite the
22
Much of the older historiography has fixated on the ecclesiastical monopoly of
education. As a result, the authors are often inordinately concerned with the establish-
ment of the first city-controlled schools and the breaking of this, presumably, detrimental
monopoly. However, cities such as Augsburg and Regensburg, which did not establish
their own schools until the sixteenth century, do not fit this pattern neatly. Instead, they
point to a substantially different understanding of the dynamic. Rather than objecting
to clerical control of the schools or their curriculum, most cities appear to have been
much more concerned with access. If the existing institutions were capable of fulfilling
their educational needs, the city was not compelled to push for its own schools.
23
Bishop Friedrich placed the city under interdict following the death of a cathedral
canon at the hands of a prominent Regensburg citizen. In response, the council decreed
that no citizens of Regensburg should allow their children to attend the schools of the
Alte Kapelle or the cathedral. The council punished the schools because the death
occurred during the festivities associated with a popular school festival—the so-called
Festum Stultorum or Bischofsspiel. The fifteenth-century Regensburg historian Andreas
Presbyter (von Regensburg) mentions the boycott, saying that it lasted only “aliquan-
tulum temporis.” Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica pontificum et imperatorum Romanorum,
in Sämtliche Werke, ed. Georg Leidinger, Quellen und Erörterungen zur bayerischen Geschichte
(hereinafter, QuE ), Neue Folge, vol. 1 (München: Rieger, 1903), 101–02. The financial
impact of the ban was felt most keenly by the Alte Kapelle as evidenced by changes
in the way the chapter allocated money to the schools. For more, see the discussion
of the schools of the Alte Kapelle later.
24
Ecclesiastical schools often competed fiercely with one another. In the late four-
teenth century, competition for students between the cathedral school in Freising and
the collegiate school of St. Andreas led to a protracted legal battle. In the end, the
bishop allowed the parents to choose freely between the two schools. Georg Lurz, ed.
Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente Altbayerns, einschließlich Regensburgs. 2 vols. Monumenta
Germaniae Paedagogica (Berlin: A. Hoffman, 1907–1908), vol. 41, 170: “quilibet scolaris
libere possit frequentare scola Ecclesie nostre majoris vel Ecclesie sancti Andree et illas,
quos intravit, dimittere et alias intrare, prout magis sibi vel parentibus suis videbitur

22 chapter two
apparent ecclesiastical monopoly, the educational opportunities avail-

able in Regensburg appear to have satisfied the needs of its citizens,
without the foundation of city-funded schools, or the development of
a full-blown Schulstreit.
Most priests and even acolytes could provide basic instruction suf-
ficient for capable performance of the liturgy. Some were also able
to teach reading and perhaps even writing. Thirteenth-century papal
legislation required every parish to employ a cleric capable of leading
a schola. It is, of course, one thing to legislate and quite another to
enforce.25 That Regensburg diocesan officials issued a nearly identical
decree more than 180 years later is reason enough for caution.26 Even
when church officials made efforts to fulfill these obligations, the level of
education and the quality of instruction varied widely. In many cases,
instruction was limited to basic knowledge of the Creed and a few
simple prayers that students might memorize easily.27 Throughout the
expedire absque contradictione vel impedimento cujuscunque.” The intensity of the

competition between these schools is further suggested by the bishop’s prohibition against
schoolmasters enticing students away from the other school with fraudulent promises.
Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche, vol. 1, 170: “Hoc autem omnino prohibemus rectoribus
scolarum Ecclesiarum nostrarum cathedralis et sancti Andree prenominatarum, ne
unus in fraudem vel prejudicium alterius scole promissionibus vel inductionibus aliis
per se vel per alium sibi scolares alliciat vel acquirat . . .” In Regensburg, the existence
of mulitiple open schools is also suggested by the success of the city’s boycott of the
schools of the Alte Kapelle and cathedral. It is hard to imagine that the city would
have been successful in enforcing this ban if alternative schools did not exist.
25
Gregory IX issued a bull in 1234 requiring all priests to maintain a cleric capable
of leading a school. Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche, vol. 1, 156: “quisque presbyter, qui
plebem regit, clericum habeat, qui secum cantet, et epistolam et lectionem legat, et qui
possit scholas tenere, et admonere suos Parochianos, ut filios suos ad fidem discendam
mittant ad ecclesiam, quos ipse cum omni castitate erudiat . . .” However, in the four-
teenth century, Conrad of Megenberg complained that few rectors complied. Konrad
von Megenberg, Die Werke des Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik (Yconomica), Buch III, edited
by Sabine Krüger, MGH Staatschriften des späteren Mittelalters, vol. 3, part 3, (Stuttgart:
Anton Hiersemann, 1984), 46. “Sed huic [papal decrees concerning education] nostris
temporibus in plerisque locis Theutonie cura minima subministrat, quoniam scolarum
rectoribus, ut deceret, minime providetur . . .”
26
See Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche, vol. 1, 174; and Thomas Ried, ed. Codex chrono-
logico-diplomaticus episcopatus Ratispbonensis. 2 vols. (Regensburg: Typis Laurentii Stephani
Schaupp, 1816), vol. 2, 982. Regensburg diocesan decree 1419. “Omnis Presbyter
clericum habeat vel scholarem, qui Epistolam legat et ad Missam respondeat, et cum
quo Psalmas legat . . . Videte, ut omnibus parochianis vestris Symbolum et orationem
dominicam insinuetis.”
27
Some of the older literature, and even some of the more recent, has tended
toward an overly optimistic assessment of the quality and availability of instruction in
German parishes. For an excellent discussion of the relevant literature, see Reinhard

Middle Ages, the competence of individual rectors remained uneven,

prompting the anonymous author of the Reformatio Sigismundi (appeared
1439) to demand that bishops supply each parish with learned men
who were “at least bachelors.”28
In Regensburg, evidence of such parish schools is limited. Two poor
scholars attached to the parish church of St. Cassian received four
Jakob, Schulen in Franken und in der Kuroberpfalz 1250–1520: Verbreitung—Organization—

Gesellschaftliche Bedeutung, Wissensliteratur im Mittelalter, ed. Horst Brunner, Harald
Dickerhof and Dietrich Huschenbett, et al. vol. 16 (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert
Verlag, 1994), 7–9. As Jakob points out, discussions of these “pfarrschulen” often
employ the term (and indeed other terms such as song school, city school, grammar
school and “deutsche schule”) in an inconsistent and often confusing manner. The
lack of terminological consistency likely reflects, at least in part, the extreme variation
in the schools themselves. Many parish schools in small villages would have provided
only very basic religious instruction, whereas in some cities and market towns these
schools developed into important city-controlled institutions with a well-organized
curriculum. For a recent discussion of the relationship between parish schools and
such so-called city schools, see Rudolf Endres, “Das Schulwesen von ca. 1200 bis zur
Reformation. Gesamtdarstellung,” in Handbuch der Geschichte des bayerischen Bildungswesen,
vol. I, Geschichte der Schule in Bayern von den Anfängen bis 1800, 332–348. Bad Heilbrunn:
Julius Kinkhardt, 1991), 152–55.
28
Heinrich Koller, ed., Reformation Kaiser Siegmunds, MGH Staatschriften des späteren
Mittelalters, vol. 6 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1964), 131. Also cited in Martin
Kintzinger, Das Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig im hohen und späten Mittelalter: Ver-
fassungs- und institutionengeschichtliche Studien zu Schulpolitik und Bildungsförderung, Beihefte
zum Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, vol. 32 (Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 1990), 192: “yeglicher
byschof soll alle pfarkirchen lihen und besorgen mit gelerten personen, dye da z%m
minsten bacalarien syent, die söllent an den byschof briefe bringen von den sch%len,
da sie gestudiert habent, denen sol der byschof lihen an widerred . . .” Although the
term baccalaureus can be ambiguous (in some cases it is used only to refer to the more
advanced students who assisted the schoolmaster), the context makes it clear that the
statutes intended for the individual to be university-trained. For a discussion of the
impact of the Reformatio Sigismundi, see Hartmut Boockmann, “Zu den Wirkungen der
Reform Kaiser Siegmunds,” in Bernd Moeller, Hans Patze, and Karl Stackmann, eds.
Studien zum städtischen Bildungswesen des späten Mittelalters und der frühen neuzeit: Bericht über
Kolloquien der Kommission zur Erforschung der Kultur des Spätmittelalters 1978–1981. Abhan-
dlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen: Philologisch-Historische
Klasse dritte Folge, vol. 137 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Rupprecht, 1983) (hereinafter,
Städt. Bildung.), 112–35. See also Lothar von Dohna, Reformatio Sigismundi: Beiträge zum
Verständnis einer Reformschrift des fünfzehnten Jahrhunderts, in Veröffentlichungen des Max-
Planck-Instituts für Geschichte, vol. 4 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1960),
52. The Reformatio Sigismundi circulated widely during the last quarter of the fifteenth
and first quarter of the sixteenth century when many accepted it as an authentic
imperial reform program. However, as Koller and Dohna have pointed out, the effect
of the Reformatio on popular reform movements has often been overstated. See also
Claudia Märtl, “Der Reformgedanke in den Reformschriften des 15 Jahrhundert,” in
Reform von Kirche und Reich, eds. Ivan Hlaváček and Alexander Patschovsky (Constance:
Universitätsverlag Konstanz, 1996): 91–108.

24 chapter two
groschen29 each quarter for assisting the priest when he administered the
sacraments to the sick and dying.30 The pfarrer of the hospital of St.
Lazarus received sixteen denarii, and each of the “schüler” who assisted
him two denarii, when they celebrated a perpetual mass in honor of the
donor—Nicholas Swaiger.31 In addition, the city account books record
at least sixteen payments between 1478 and 1498 to the “knaben auf der
Thumbpfar [St. Ulrich’s] die in der stat vorm sacrament singen.”32 However,
this appears to have involved only a small number of boys trained
exclusively in song.33
29
Medieval currency is notoriously complex. It varied significantly over time in
terms of purchasing power, weight and fineness. The best effort to assess the relative
values of the most common medieval currencies is Peter Spufford, Handbook of Medieval
Exchange (London: London Historical Society, 1986). The most common currencies
used in Regensburg were the Regensburg pfennig (denarius), the Rheinische Gulden
(also called Florin) the Bohemian Groschen, and the Hungarian Florin or Ducat (espe-
cially in the fifteenth century). The relative values fluctuated significantly over time
making it difficult to compare them. By the fifteenth century, the Bohemian Groschen
was worth about seven Bohemian pfennige (originally it was worth twelve). In 1385,
one Bohemian Groschen was equal to 1/18 of a Florentine Florin. In 1382, it took
eighty-six Regensburg pfennige to equal one Florentine Florin. (Gemeiner, Regensburgische
Chronik, III, 270). In the mid fifteenth century, fifty Rheinische Gulden were equal to
just more than seventeen Regensburger pounds (see, for example, StAR Cam. 18 fol.
25v. “Item wir haben maister Casparen Canntner mer aufgericht in sein Studium L
guld. Reinischen machent xvii lb v schil. 20 den.” At approximately the same time,
a skilled craftsman could expect to earn 7 Regensburg pfennige a day while the low-
est city officials received approximately six pounds per year (240pf.=2.5 pounds) See
Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, III, 270. From the fifteenth-century mathematical
textbook found in St. Emmeram, Kurt Vogel calculates the following exchange rates:
1 Rheinische Gulden = 22 Groschen (Prague) = 66 Regensburg pfennige. See Vogel,
Die Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis: ein Rechenbuch des Benediktinerklosters St. Emmeram
aus der Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts nach den Handschriften der Münchner Staatsbibliothek und
der Stiftsbibliothek St. Florian, Schriftenreihe zur bayerischen Landesgeschichte, vol. 50
(München: C. H. Beck, 1954), 235 f.
30
See Josef Schmid, ed. Die Urkundenregesten des Kollegiatstiftes U.L.F. zur alten Kapelle
in Regensburg. 2 vols. (hereinafter, Urk. AK.), I, 262–63 #1316: 12 February 1489. The
reference to these two scholars at St. Cassian is problematic. St. Cassian was under
the control of the Alte Kapelle, which already had a large school. As such, it seems
unlikely that they would have allowed a competing school to develop there. There are
also no references to a schoolmaster at St. Cassian. It seems most likely that there were
a few poor clerics associated with St. Cassian instructed in song by the rector, or more
likely one of his subordinates.
31
Widemann and Bastian, MB 54, 318 #767: 20 February 1386.
32
StAR Cam. 17 fol. 231v (1478), Cam. 19 fol. 16v (1479), 153r (1483), 229r (1486),
256r (1487), Cam. 19a, 31 (1488), 212 (1490), Cam. 22 fol. 39r, 40rv, 41r (1498).
33
The first reference in 1478 lists three scholars (StAR Cam. 17 fol. 231v): “item
wir gaben den dreyen schulern auf der Thumb pfarr die vor dem sacrament singen
iiii lb vii schil. vi d. R.” The number increased to four by 1490: “Wir gaben den vier
knaben aus der thumbpfarr die vor dem sacrament in der stat so man das zw den

There are also references to scholars attached to individual clerics. In

1260, a certain Arnold, scholar of magister Leo, dean of the cathedral in
Regensburg, witnessed an agreement between Hugo unter den Walchen
and the cathedral chapter.34 Perhaps the cathedral dean maintained
Arnold, a poor cathedral scholar, from his own resources as required
in other churches. In what may have been a similar arrangement, the
rector of St. Paul’s maintained a scholar.35 In 1335, a certain Heinrich
“dez pharærers schűlær von sant Pauls” witnessed the sale of property
to the convent of St. Paul.36 Beyond these more individualized and
somewhat limited arrangements, several schools in Regensburg had
long and distinguished teaching records.
The schools with the greatest degree of continuity were those
attached to the houses of canons.37 Although initially intended for the
krangken tregt singen das iar vi lb v schil vi d. R.” See StAR Cam. 19a 212. See also
Cam. 22 39r “Item eodem die geben den vier schulern in der tum pfarre ir quattemer
vasstag i lb vi schil viiii den.” For a discussion of the curriculum associated with most
song schools, see Chapter Three.
34
Widemann and Bastian, MB 53, 50 #98: 27 October 1260. Probably the same
as the scholar Arbo who appears as a witness in a charter from St. Paul. “Testes sunt
hii: magister Leo canonicus Ratisponensis ecclesie, Arbo scolaris suus . . .” Johann Geier,
ed., Die Traditionen, Urkunden und Urbare des Klosters St. Paul in Regensburg, QuE, Neue Folge,
vol. 34 (München: C. H. Beck, 1986), 51 #5: 26 November 1259. See also Bayerisches
Hauptstaatsarchiv München (hereinafter, BayHstA). KU Stadtamhof St. Mang #12:
5 July 1262, where a certain Berthold “scholar of the cathedral provost” appears as a
witness in a dispute over a benefice in Straubing.
35
Paul Mai and Marianne Popp, Das Regensburger Visitationsprotokoll von 1508, Beiträge
zur Geschichte des Bistums Regensburg (hereinafter, BzGBR), eds. Georg Schwaiger and
Paul Mai, vol. 18 (Regensburg: Verlag des Vereins für Regensburg Bistumsgeschichte,
1984), 33.
36
See also Geier, Die Traditionen, 145, Urkunde 81: 6 December 1335 and Urk. 55,
113: 16 March 1323 and Urbare 347, 355.
37
The importance of cathedral and collegiate schools as centers of education for
both future clerics and the laity in the medieval west is well documented. For the
lower Rhine see for example, Raymund Kottje, “Zur Bedeutung der Stifte für Schulen
und Bildung in den Mittelalterlichen Städten des Niederrheins,” in Stift und Stadt am
Niederrhein, ed. Erich Meuthen, Schriftenreihe des Stadtarchivs Kleve, vol. 5 (Kleve:
Selbstverlag der Stadtarchiv Kleve, 1984), 109–19. For England, see Nicholas Orme,
Education in the West of England 1066–1548: Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, Gloucesterschire, Somerset,
Wiltshire (Exeter: University of Exeter, 1976), 14–16 passim; Nicholas Orme, Education
and Society in Medieval and Renaissance England (London: Hambledon Press, 1989), 189–207;
Jo Ann Hoepner Moran, The Growth of English Schooling: Learning, Literacy and Laicization
in Pre-Reformation York Diocese (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 8, 82. For
Italy, see Giovanna Petti Balbi, L’insegnamento nella Liguria medievale: scuole, maestri, libri
(Genoa: Tilgher, 1979), 13–32; Paul F. Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy: Literacy
and Learning, 1300–1600. Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political
Science, 107th ser., no. 1. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), 3–10.
For France, see Carolus-Barré, “Les écoles capitulaires et les collèges de Soissons au

26 chapter two
training of prospective canons (domicelli),38 the parish clergy, and the

boys who served the choir, they came to include a significant number
of children destined for a secular career.39 The institutionalization of
the office of scolasticus in two of these houses—the cathedral and the
Alte Kapelle—no doubt contributed to the stability of these schools
by providing both institutional and economic support.40 Indeed, there
is a nearly unbroken line of scolastici evident in the sources beginning
in the early thirteenth century.41
As with other diocesan cities, the Regensburg cathedral and its secular
canons maintained an early and important school. It is probable that an
independent cathedral school existed from at least the late tenth century
moyen age et au XVIe,” in Enseignement et vie intellectuelle (IX e et XVI e siècle). Actes du 95
congrès nat. des Sociétés Savantes-philologie et Histoire jusq’à 1610, vol. 1 (Paris: Bibliothèque
nationale, 1975), 123–226; and Pierre Desportes, “L’enseignement à Reims aux XIIIe
et XIV e siècles,” in Enseignement et vie intellectuelle (IX e et XVI e Siècle). Actes du 95 congrès
Nat. des Sociétés Savantes-philologie et Histoire jusq’à 1610, vol. 1 (Paris: Bibliothèque natio-
nale, 1975), 107–22.
38
The Domicelli were still in minor orders, had not as yet received a prebend, and
were frequently quite young. See the Regensburg cathedral statutes from 1414, Andreas
Mayer, ed., Thesaurus novus iuris ecclesiastici potissimum Germaniae, seu codex statutorum inedi-
torum ecclesiarum cathedralium et collegiatarum in Germania: notis illustratus atque dissertationibus
selectis iuris publici ecclesiastici adiectisque animadversionibus (Regensburg: Anton Lange,
1793), vol. 3, 7: “Accoliti vero, vel in minoribus ordinibus constituti, qui et Domicelli
dicuntur, stare debent una cum scolaribus in ordine . . . et una cum scolaribus accedere
cumulatim ad pulpita maius et minus.” See also Martin Kintzinger, “Status Scolasticus
und Institutio Scolarum im späten Mittelalter. Überlegungen zur Institutionengeschichte
des Schulwesens,” in Dieter Engelhus: Beiträge zu Leben und Werk, ed. Volker Honemann,
Mittelhochdeutsche Forschungen, vol. 105 (Köln: Böhlau, 1991), 34. Kintzinger refers
to the “angehenden Kanoniker” and the “Schüler-Präbende,” who were waiting to
become full canons. The acceptance of such young men and boys as canons presented
problems because they were unqualified to perform the priestly functions associated
with the position. By the fourteenth century (1323), this practice, coupled with frequent
absenteeism among the canons, forced the Regensburg cathedral chapter to fund three
vicars, one priest, one deacon and one subdeacon, who could stand in for absent or
unqualified canons. Mayer, Thesaurus Novus, vol. 2, 63.
39
This is clear from the city’s boycott of the schools of the Alte Kapelle and the
cathedral in 1357, which affected many children from among Regensburg’s citizenry.
For more, see later discussion on the cathedral school and the Alte Kapelle. Also see
note 23.
40
In the cathedral and collegiate schools, the scolasticus was initially personally
responsible for running the school. By the thirteenth century, however, the actual
teaching responsibilities fell to men hired and overseen by the scolasticus. For a more
detailed discussion of the office of scolasticus, see Chapter Three. See also Kintzinger,
“Status Scolasticus,” 35–36.
41
Although the mere existence of a scolasticus tells us very little about the state of
the school itself, the fact that someone had the statutory responsibility to oversee the
schools ensured some degree of stability.

when the abbot of St. Emmeram ceased to hold both the abbatial and
episcopal office.42 It is certain that one existed from the eleventh century
and continued to operate throughout the Middle Ages.
Evidence of a nearly unbroken succession of schoolmasters extends
back to the second half of the eleventh century, when the future
cardinal of Ostia—Geraldus—served as scolasticus.43 Geraldus was fol-
lowed by a master Idung—likely the same as the well-known author
and Cistercian apologist, Idung of Prüfening—who first appears in the
sources in 1133.44 These earliest schoolmasters were directly responsible
for classroom instruction and no doubt obtained their positions as the
result of a personal reputation for learning. However, by the thirteenth
century, the titular schoolmaster, as in other collegiate and chapter
schools, ceased to be involved directly in teaching.
Ironically, this development may have occurred partly as a result of
conciliar decrees intended to improve the quality of and funding for
education within the diocese. Both the Third (1179) and Fourth Lateran
Councils (1215) required that each cathedral provide permanent sources
42
Dominicus Mettenleiter, Aus der musikalischen Vergangenheit bayerischer Städte Musikge-
schichte der Stadt Regensburg, aus Archivalien und sonstigen Quellen bearbeitet (Regensburg: J. G.
Bössenecker, 1865), 107. Christian Heinrich Kleinstäuber’s suggestion that there may
have been a school from the fifth century is highly dubious. Kleinstäuber, Ausführliche
Geschichte der Studien-Anstalten in Regensburg: 1538–1880, vol. 1, Geschichte des evangelischen
reichstädtischen Gymnasii Poetici (von 1538–1811) (Stadtamhof: Joseph Mayr, 1881), 3.
43
Franz Fuchs, “Ulrich von Zell,” in Wolfgang Stammler, Die Deutsche Literatur des
Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon/Begründet von Wolfgang Stammler, fortgeführt von Karl Langosch.
1933–1955, ed. Kurt Ruh et al. 2nd ed. Berlin: De Gruyter, 1977–2004 (hereinafter,
VL), vol. 11; and Rudolf Hüls, Kardinäle, Klerus und Kirchen Roms, 1049–1130, in Bibliothek
des Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom, vol. 48 (Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1977), 132.
Geraldus entered the monastery of Cluny following a pilgrimage to Rome in 1061
and in 1067 was appointed to the cardinalate as a supporter of the reforms of Gegory
VII. Geraldus died in Rome in 1077.
44
Idung of Prüfening entered the Benedictine monastery of Prüfening circa 1144
after suffering a near-fatal illness. Shortly after the death of Bernard of Clairvaux,
Idung left the monastery of Prüfening to join the Cistercians (the specific monastery
remains unknown). See Idung of Prüfening, Le moine Idung et ses deux ouvrages: “Argu-
mentum super quatuor questionibus” et “Dialogus duorum monachorum,” ed. R. B. C. Huygens,
Biblioteca degli studi medievali, vol. 11 (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sull’alto
Medioevo, 1980), 6–10; and Stammler, VL, vol. 4, 362–64. References to Idung as
cathedral schoolmaster appear from 1133 to 1142. In a charter of Bishop Henry I of
Regensburg dated 20 January 1142, Idung rector scolarum appears in the third position,
after the provost and dean of the chapter in the list of witnesses from the cathedral.
Since inviduals generally appear in such documents in rank order, by the twelfth cen-
tury the schoolmaster clearly held a prominent position in the chapter hierarchy. See
Jürgen Petersohn, “Zur Biographie Herbords von Michelsberg,” Jahrbuch für fränkische
Landesforschung, 34/35 (1975), 401.

28 chapter two
of income for their schools (beneficium).45 However, as these benefices

became objects of intense competition, the original function of the office
became detached from the title and incomes intended to support it.46
The specific chronology of this change is difficult to determine,
although it is tempting to see clues in the change in terminology that
occurs at the end of the twelfth century. Before 1194, the schoolmaster
consistently bore the title magister scolarum or magister scolae. In every case
thereafter (at least in Latin documents), he appears with the title scolas-
ticus. The change is particularly striking given that it occurs during the
tenure of a certain Belethus who served as the cathedral schoolmaster
from 1171 to 1194. He appears on three occasions as magister scolarum
(1171, 1189, and 1193) and once as scolasticus (1194).47 However, other
cities clearly employed the terms synonymously, making it unwise to
read too much into this change.48
Whatever the timeline may have been, the elevation of the school-
master to a position with only a supervisory role in the schools had
important consequences. Most significant was the transfer of teaching
responsibilities to a rector scolarum (sometimes rector puerorum) provided
by the scolasticus.49 The first reference to this position comes from 1295
45
A decree of the Third Lateran Council reads, “Quoniam ecclesia Dei (et in his,
quae spectant ad subsidium corporis, et in iis, quae ad profectum proveniunt animarum,
indigentibus), sicut pia mater, providere tenetur; ne pauperibus qui parentum opibus
iuvari non possunt, legendi et proficiendi oportunitas subtrahetur, per unamquamque
cathedralem ecclesiam magistro, qui clericos eiusdem (ecclesiae) et scholares pauperes
gratis doceat, competens aliquod beneficium praeberetur, quo docentis necessitas sub-
levetur, et discentibus via pateat ad doctrinam . . .” Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche, vol. 1,
153–54.
46
This development was not unique and paralleled that of other chapter and col-
legiate offices. For a lengthy and informative discussion of similar developments in the
collegiate churches of Braunschweig, see Kintzinger, Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig,
92–110. See also Kintzinger, “Status Scolasticus.”
47
See Ried, Codex chronologico-diplomaticus, vol. 1, 244, 273, 276, 278.
48
Kintzinger, Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig, 110. Kintzinger argues that
although the term scolasticus won out in the early thirteenth century, it was one of
several terms along with magister scolae and magister scolarum commonly used to refer to
the same position. In Soissons, the terms rector scolarum and scolasticus appear to have
been used interchangeably. A “Hugo scolasticus” served the cathedral school at the
beginning of the twelfth century and was succeeded by a certain “Gaufridus magister
scolarum.” Both terms were employed at various times until the early thirteenth century,
after which scolasticus appears to have become the preferred designation. Carolus-Barré,
“Les écoles capitularies,” 169–70. For a lengthier discussion of terms as they relate to
school personnel, see Chapter Three.
49
The separation of office and function mirrored larger changes within the chap-
ters and the church more generally, as vicars came to fulfill the daily responsibilities

when the authors of a music treatise listed the rector puerorum among
those to whom they dedicated the work.50 By this time, the scolastici
routinely recruited schoolmasters to perform the daily teaching respon-
sibilities.51
The school itself included both grammar and song scholars as
evidenced in a payment by the city to the cathedral school for the
“singern and schuelern.”52 Surviving evidence from the chapter library also
provides some insight into the level of study at the cathedral school.
A fragmentary library catalogue from the late fifteenth century, which
likely originated in the cathedral, suggests a significant library, perhaps
as many as two hundred volumes. These included a large number of
sermons, liturgical works, theological treatises, and books of canon
law and medicine. There were also numerous works relating to the
arts, especially the quadrivium, as well as basic grammar texts.53 Even
of the increasingly absent canons. Such changes expressed themselves most clearly in
the choir itself with the creation of vicars choral who performed the liturgical func-
tion of the canons, and succentors who took over responsibility for directing the choir
and instruction in song. In the late fourteenth century, concerns about the quality of
teaching in some cathedral schools led to reforms seeking to reverse these trends. In
the diocese of Freising in 1373, the position of scolasticus was converted from a dignity
to an office requiring that the scolasticus himself attend to the school. Lurz, Mittelschul-
geschichtliche, vol. 1, 168: “Scholastria ecclesiae Frisingensis dignitas, ad quam consuevit
quis per electionem assumi existat, et magis expediens ac vtile sit eidem ecclesiae, quod
Scholastria ipsa in officium commutetur.”
50
Mettenleiter, Musikalischen Vergangenheit, 61. “Venerantissimis et in Christo plurimum
diligendis dominis suis, Phy[llipo] Scolastico Magistro Eberhardo, Archicdiacono, Ch.
Lanckgravio, ceterisque dominis et Canonicis, H. domino granatari, Alberto, Clerico
Bohemo Vicariis, Rectori puerorum omnibusque clericis et scolaribus maioris ecclesie
Ratisp. H. et O. Monachi de Hailsprunne, quondam eorum.” Similar developments in
the Alte Kapelle are discussed later. The musical treatise survives as MS 66 Erlangen
Universitätsbibliothek: Hans Fischer, Katalog der Handschriften der Universitäts-bibliothek
Erlangen, vol. 1, Die Lateinischen Pergamenthandschriften (Erlangen: Universitätsbibliothek
1928), 71. The scolasticus Philippus is most likely the donor pictured in the so-called
Philippus Fenster that occupies a central window directly behind the altar in the Regens-
burg cathedral. See Gabriela Fritzsche and Fritz Herz, Die Mittelalterlichen Glasmalereien
im Regensburger Dom, Corpus Vitrearum Medii Aevi Deutschland, XIII: Regensburg und
Oberpfalz, part 1, 2 vols. (Berlin: Deutscher Verlag für Kunstwissenschaft, 1987), 88.
51
Mettenleiter suggests that the scolasticus was personally responsible for instruction
into the fourteenth century. Mettenleiter, Musikalischen Vergangenheit, 111. However, the
existence of a rector puerorum in 1295 and parallel developments in the Alte Kapelle
shows this was not the case. See later, Chapter II, Alte Kapelle.
52
StAR Cam. 14 fol. 138v (1457): “Item wir gaben den singern und schuelern vom
tumb zu stewr irem spil schuffen mein herrn 50 den.”
53
Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 97–98. The catalogue lists several Aristotelian
works including: de Generatione et Corruptione, de Anima, de Caelo et Mundo, de Sensu et
Sensato, Metaphysica, as well as the pseudo-Aristotelian, Problemata. Also included is the

30 chapter two
though the catalogue is incomplete, the works collected in the library

suggest an active intellectual life and school.
The educational level of the scolastici and teaching personnel also
suggest a productive well-supported school. In the mid-fourteenth
century, the Parisian arts master Conrad of Megenberg vied with the
Bologna-educated Johannes Rederer for control of the office of scolas-
ticus.54 It may have been during this time that Conrad completed the
portion of his Yconomica relating to education. Although he failed in
his effort to secure the position, his presence in the cathedral chapter
until his death in 1374, coupled with his interest in the promotion of
education, would likely have had a positive impact on the schools.55 In
the years following Conrad’s tenure, the scolastici and even the rectores
scolarum were increasingly university trained.56 The ability to attract
such men, even for a short period, required at least some chapter
investment in the schools.
mathematical text de Proportionibus (Oresme or Bradwardine?) and a work of logic by

the mid fourteenth-century Franciscan Jacobus de Spinello. The library also held a
copy of Priscian’s grammar and an otherwise unidentified Forma Dictandi.
54
Conrad of Megenberg was involved in a struggle over the position of scolasticus
with Johannes Rederer (Riederer). It is likely that Conrad ultimately abandoned his
claims to the benefice in exchange for his brother’s ( Johannes de Monte Puellarum)
reception of the rectory of Engelprechtsmünster recently vacated by Riederer. Franz
Fuchs, “Neue Quellen zur Biographie Konrads von Megenberg,” in Das Wissen der
Zeit. Konrad von Megenberg und sein Werk (1309–1374). Akten zur Tagung vom 8. bis
10. Oktober 2003 München, eds. Gisela Drossbach, Martin Kintzinger, and Claudia
Märtl in Zeitschrift für Bayerische Landesgeschichte, Beihefte B, 27 (München: 2006)
forthcoming.
55
Unfortunately, Conrad does not specifically discuss the schools of Regensburg in
any of his works. He comes closest in his tract De limitibus parochiarum civitatis Ratisbo-
nensis in which he is primarily concerned with the authority of the rector of the parish
church of St. Ulrich’s vis-à-vis the other churches in the city, especially those belonging
to the mendicants. In addition to reiterating his characteristically strident criticism
of the mendicants, he states that the scholars who labor under the yoke of the rod
(sub iugo militant ferularum) should (regulariter dicendo) receive the sacraments “in eadem
ecclesia . . . ubi scolasticam servat et recipit disciplinam.” Konrad von Megenberg, De
limitibus parochiarum civitatis Ratisbonensis: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Pfarrinstituts aus dem
14. Jahrhundert, ed. Philipp Schneider (Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet, 1906), 147. For
a brief discussion of this work, see Margit Weber, “Konrad von Megenberg Leben
und Werk,” BzGBR 20 (1986), 304–05. In book three of the Yconomica, a work likely
completed in the late 1340s or early 1350s, Conrad discusses schools and schooling at
some length. Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III. For a partial translation see
Lynn Thorndike, ed., University Records and Life in the Middle Ages, trans. Lynn Thorndike,
Columbia Records of Civilization, vol. 37 (New York: Columbia University Press,
1944), 201–35.
56
For a discussion of university study by the scolastici and teachers, see Chapter
Three.

Beyond the financial support provided by the chapter, the city also
contributed to the schools in ways both direct and indirect. In 1457,
the city council gave fifty denarii to the students of the cathedral “zu
irem spil.” The city made similar payments in 1483 and 1498.57 Notable
citizens remembered the scholars and schoolmasters in their wills and set
up memorial masses that benefited the scholars who participated. 58
Finally, and perhaps most important, the city’s inhabitants supplied
a significant number of the scholars themselves. In 1249, the abbot
of Prüfening complained that the “clerks and youthful scholars of the
city of Regensburg” had violently attacked his monastery during the
celebrations associated with the Feast of the Innocents.59 The distinc-
tion between clerics and scholars suggests that by 1249 there were a
significant number of lay students attending the cathedral school. After
violence erupted again during the same festival a century later, the
council briefly banned attendance of the schools of the cathedral and
the Alte Kapelle by the city’s schoolchildren. The resulting decline in
attendance especially damaged the Alte Kapelle, forcing the chapter
to find new ways to fund its school.60
Along with the cathedral, the school of the Alte Kapelle exhibited the
greatest degree of continuity. Although the school itself was certainly
much older,61 the first scolasticus to leave his name in the sources was a
57
StAR Cam. 14 fol. 138v. See also StAR Cam. 19. fol. 133r (1483): “dem schul-
mayster xii den . . . dem organisten vi den . . .” and StAR Cam. 22 fol. 40v, 41r (1498).
Interestingly, in 1405, the city made a similar contribution to the festivities associated
with Fasching. In this case, however, there is no specific mention of any school. “Item
wir haben geben den jungen purgaern iii lb den. zu Steur an dem hof vor Fasnacht.”
StAR Cam. 6. 86r. Given the similarity to other payments made in support of Fas-
ching celebrations, it seems possible that this was also meant for the benefit of the
scholars.
58
See, for example, the will of Barbara die Lechinn dated 4 January 1428 which
left a yellow tunic to the cathedral schoolmaster as a choir robe. Franz Bastian, ed., Das
Runtingerbuch (1393–1407) und verwandtes Material zum Regensburger-südostdeutschen Handel
und Münzwesen, 3 vols., Deutsche Handelsakten des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit, vol.
6–8 (Regensburg: Gustav Bosse, 1935–1944), vol. 3, 68. Numerous other wills mention
scholars more generally, providing payments as well as bread.
59
MB 13, 214. “Clerici et Scolares juvenes Civitatis Ratisponensis . . .”
60
Bischöfliches Zentral Archiv (hereinafter BZAR) StiAK U 244, 31 October 1359,
summary in J. Schmid, Urk. AK. vol. 1, 48 #244; See also Josef Schmid, Die Geschichte
des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle (Regensburg: G. J. Manz, 1922), 265.
61
In 1240, the chapter assigned funds for the repair of the “edificiis granarii nostri
et scolarum,” which “minabantur ruinas . . .” BZAR, StiAK U 21, 4 May 1240. See also
J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 2 #21, and J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle,
264. Given that these buildings were already on the verge of collapse in 1240, it would

32 chapter two
certain Liuthard who held the office in the last quarter of the twelfth
century.62 In the subsequent three hundred years, some twenty-three
additional scolastici appear in the records of the college.63
As in the cathedral school, the scolasticus in the Alte Kapelle ceased
to be directly involved in teaching by the beginning of the thirteenth
century. Ancillary teachers first appear in the records by 1238. In that
year, a Riboto, doctor pueroum, witnessed the same document as Heinricus
de Ponte Judaeorum (de Juden prukhe) scolasticus.64 Approximately
fifty years later, a Johannes rector puerorum also appears in the sources.65
Although the names of the individual teachers do not surface again
until the fifteenth century, these men clearly bore the primary burden
for teaching. In the fifteenth century, the chapter enacted statutes that
confirmed this long-established fact.66
During its long history, the school endured several periods of decline.
An early thirteenth-century charter described the school building as
nearing collapse.67 By the last quarter of the fourteenth century, the
school faced another crisis brought on by the city’s boycott in 1357.
not be unreasonable to assume that a school existed continuously within the Alte
Kapelle since its reestablishment in the early eleventh century. Compare J. Schmid,
Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 105–106, 263; By the late eleventh century, evi-
dence indicates significant literary activity and possibly a school at the Alte Kapelle.
Around 1100, a codex containing numerous rhetorical letters was compiled in which
a single author wrote both sides of a fictional correspondence. Norbert Fickerman has
argued that the nature of the letters, which were more concerned with the arguments
than the specific content, suggests they were exercises created by a schoolmaster as
a teaching tool. See Fickermann, Die Regensburger rhetorischen Briefe, in MGH, Die Briefe
der deutschen Kaiserzeit, eds. Carl Erdmann and Norbert Fickermann, vol. 5 (Stuttgart:
Anton Hiersemann, 1950), 259–382.
62
See J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 103. Schmid places Liuthard in
the Alte Kapelle c. 1177–c. 1205. He appears as scolasticus in a document that Schmid
incorrectly dates in his register of the charters to 1285. Although Schmid appears to
have recognized the error (in a subsequent work he dates this charter to the end of
the twelfth century), the document is still found under the incorrect date of c. 1285.
For the register of the charter, see J. Schmid, Urk. AK I, 17–18. #64 c.
63
See Appendix I.
64
J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 106; MB 27, Monumenta Monasterii
Reichenbach #74, 53–54.
65
Ried, Codex chronologico-diplomaticus, vol. 3, 4 March 1287.
66
“Hic Scholasticus summus ad voluntatem Capituli aut maioris partis habet Rec-
torem scholarium ad scholas introducere, et ipsum ad eundem Capituli aut maioris
partis et non aliter licentiare, quod si non fecerit, fiat per Capitulum, aut per unum
de Canonicis nomine Capituli. Item habet prouidere et superintendere, ut Rector in
scholis diligentiam faciat, et vt scholares in choro disciplinaliter cantent . . .” Mayer,
Thesaurus Novus, vol. 4, 100.
67
BZAR, StiAK U 21, 4 May 1240.

The most obvious and immediate effect is evident in a series of altera-

tions to the way in which the chapter funded the school. Beginning
in 1359, citing a lack of money for the schools “because of the defec-
tion and withdrawal of the scholars of the city of Regensburg,” the
chapter required new canons to give sixteen pounds to the chapter’s
treasury—nine pounds for the scholars frequenting the choir, four
pounds to the rector scolarum, and three pounds for the church fabric.68
By 1388, the financial situation had continued to deteriorate, forcing the
cardinal bishop Phillip of Ostia to assign the income and presentation
rights of the parish of Moosheim to the scolasterie for the maintenance
and repair of the school buildings and the rebuilding of those that had
already collapsed.69
Despite these troubles, the situation appears to have improved in
the fifteenth century when references to the schools increased dramati-
cally. The only surviving school statutes and most of the identifiable
schoolmasters date from this period, appearing by name in 1402, 1424,
1429, 1467, 1487, 1495, and 1498.70 Although this apparent increase
occurs within a context of expanding documentation, that we also
see the establishment of a number of endowments for the benefit of
the students suggests that material support for the school was indeed
growing.
In 1404, the widow Elzpet Lausser71 provided money to her pfarrer,
three priests, and thirty sch%llar to accompany her body “when they
carry me out.”72 In 1451, the canon and former city physician, Rudolf
68
BZAR, StiAK U 244, 31 October 1359. See also J. Schmid, Urk. AK. vol. 1, 48;
and J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 265.
69
BZAR, StiAK U 415, 10 June 1388: “quod scolasticus predictam scolastriam pro
tempore obtinens de ipsis redditibus et proventibus debite sustenari edificia scolarum
iam collapsu reparare seu reficere . . .” See also J. Schmid, Urk. AK. vol. 1, 78 #415
and vol. 2, 27 January 1389. See J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 265.
Pope Boniface IX confirmed the privilege in 1401, J. Schmid, Urk. AK. I, 101 #530,
13 September 1401.
70
See Appendix I.
71
She was the widow of Ulrich Lausser, whose family repeatedly held civic office
and was represented within the inner council several times in late fourteenth and early
fifteenth centuries. The family was engaged in the wine trade and members traveled
frequently between Prague and Venice. Fritz Morré, “Ratsverfassung und Patriziat
in Regensburg bis 1400.” VHVOR 85 (1935), 99. See also Bastian, Runtingerbuch, vol. 3,
400–401; and Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 2, 271, 349. The widow also estab-
lished a chapel in St. Emmeram dedicated to the Visitation of Mary in 1410.
72
Although the text does not specify the origins of the thirty school children, the
rest of the text suggests a close connection with the Alte Kapelle, making it likely that

34 chapter two
Volkard von Heringen lerar der heyligen geschrifft und Erzney und maister in
der freyen Künsten left an endowment for the celebration of the feast of
Our Lady of the Snow, in which he provided money and bread to the
“schulmaister, Locaten [ushers/assistant teacher],” and “yglichem Schuler.”73
The former scolasticus Conrad Plessing made a similar bequest, leaving
money to the schoolmaster, two choralisten, and five schoolboys to sing
a Salve each Saturday in honor of the Virgin.74
These statutes and endowments testify to a school of substantial size,
perhaps the largest in the city. In addition to the rector scolarium, the stat-
utes mention assistant teachers including locati and succentores. Although
they do not specify the number of assistant teachers, the plural of each
of these indicates a school employing at least four teachers in addition
to the schoolmaster himself.75 The endowment of Rudolf Volkard von
Heringen placed the number of students at sixty, but allowed for the
possibility that there might be more.76
What were these sixty or more scholars studying? The reference
to at least two succentores highlights the importance of song and choir
service. However, the high level of education attained by many of the
schoolmasters makes it likely that the curriculum extended beyond basic
song and included more advanced grammar studies. The library hold-
ings from this time also support this conclusion.77 Alongside the large
number of antiphonies and Psalters, the library of the Alte Kapelle
at least a significant number of the school children would have been drawn from there.
BayHstA RS. Regb. Urk. (Gemeiners nachlaß) (vor) 1404 X 26: “Ich schaff wan man
mich auz trag daz man mein pfarrar en und drei priester mit im und geb dem pfarrer
XII dn. und . . . iegleichen priester iiii pfennig und schaf daz man xxx sch%llar nem.”
73
BZAR, StiAK U 851, 23 March 1451: “zw dem Schulmaister 8 rg. pf. und zwo
semel Zw zwayn locaten yglichem drey Regensburger pf. und ain semel dem Mesner
zwelf Regensburger pf. und zwo semel ainem yglichem schuler der sulln sechtzuk sein
ain semel und das ain yglichen semel ainis halbigen werdt sey . . .” Compare J. Schmid,
Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 196–97.
74
J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 116.
75
Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche, vol. 1, 193: “et eodem die Rectorem et submissarium
in mensa habeat propter scholares communicantes, quibus deserviant.” In the scolasticus’
oath mentioned above he promises that he will ensure “quod Rector et succentores,
Locati et scholares in choro et scholis laudabiliter vivant.”
76
BZAR, StiAK U 851, 23 March 1451: “wär aber das der schuler mer wärden so
sol man umb sechtzick Helbling prot kauffen damit yglichen geleychen tail werd.”
77
Unfortunately, the lack of surviving works before the fifteenth century makes
definitive statements about the curriculum problematic. The following discussion is
based on Josef Schmid’s catalogue of the library of the Alte Kapelle. See J. Schmid,
Die Handschriften und Inkunabeln der Bibliothek des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle
(Regensburg: G. J. Manz, 1907). With few exceptions, the works date from the fifteenth
century.

held manuscript copies of Hugo of Trimberg’s Registrum auctorum (a

list of works useful in the schools),78 a dictionary, and several works of
Aristotle, Isidore of Seville, Boethius, and Aesop’s Fables.79 Among the
books were a significant number copied at the universities of Vienna,
Leipzig, and Heidelberg.80 In addition, the chapter library collected
a significant number of printed books in the last quarter of the fif-
teenth century, including many editions and works connected with the
humanist movement.81 Moreover, at the end of the fifteenth century, a
certain Henricus Erlbach (perhaps the same as the Henricus Erlbach
who matriculated at Ingolstadt in 1486) copied the Summulae logicales
of Peter Hispanus while a student at the Alte Kapelle.82 This evidence
points to a large and advanced grammar school operating in the Alte
Kapelle during much of the fifteenth century.
Although never as significant as the schools of the cathedral or the
Alte Kapelle, the college of St. Johann supported song scholars from
at least the thirteenth century. By this time, the canons had ceased to
observe strictly the Augustinian rule, which required that they person-
ally perform religious services, and relied heavily on proxies to fulfill
their obligations to the choir. Direct evidence of the existence of song
scholars at St. Johann dates from the early fourteenth century. In 1302,
bishop Conrad von Luppburg of Regensburg provided one pound to the
scholars of St. Johann who sang the “O sapience” at the celebration of
the feast of St. Nicholas.83 Moreover, the statutes of 1381 forbade the
78
J. Schmid, Handschriften und Inkunabeln U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 21. The author
Hugo of Trimberg (ca. 1230–ca. 1315) compiled an influential list of school texts which
circulated widely during the fourteenth and fiteenth centuries. Nikolaus Henkel, Deutsche
Übersetzungen lateinischer Schultexte: ihre Verbreitung und Funktion im Mittelalter und in der frühen
Neuzeit: mit einem Verzeichnis der Texte, Münchner Texte und Untersuchungen zur deutschen
Literatur des Mittelalters, vol. 90 (München: Artemis Verlag 1988), 17–19.
79
See J. Schmid, Handschriften und Inkunabeln U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 30, 34–36.
80
J. Schmid, Handschriften und Inkunabeln U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 17, 20, 22, 23,
26.
81
These works included early imprints of antique authors, Cicero, Sallust, Seneca,
and Quintillian, as well as many of the most important humanist writers: Lorenzo
Valla, Pico della Mirandola, and Leonardo Bruni Aretini among others. J. Schmid,
Handschriften und Inkunabeln U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 53–54.
82
BayStB Munich clm 14518; Catalogus Codicum Latinorum Bibliothecae Regiae Monacensis
Secundum Andreae Schmelleri CCL), II, II, 186. Henricus Erlbach eventually became a
monk at St. Emmeram, leaving to the convent a large number of books, which he had
received from his brother Georgius when he died in 1521. See also Appendix II.
83
Matthias Thiel, Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg. QuE, Neue
Folge, vol. 28, pt. 1 (München: C. H. Beck, 1975), 142, Urk. #96, 11 May 1302:
“quam dari volumus et ordinamus ipsorum obellario, qui pro tempore fuerit, annis

36 chapter two
canons from crossing the choir without a surplice when other canons
and scholars were present.84
The chapter account books also provide frequent references to
scholars. The earliest accounts record a series of payments for the
performance of the scholars in the choir for the most important feast
days. In 1409, the chapter made several payments “pro sallario scolastici et
magistri.”85 Similar payments appear in nearly all the surviving account
records from subsequent years.86 Despite the frequent references to
scholars, the chapter never maintained a larger number. An endow-
ment from the early sixteenth century provided a helbing87 to each of
the six scholars attached to St. Johann.88 During the most important
singulis in die beati Nycolay, illis noctibus, quibus ille antiphone “O Sapiencia” cum
ceteris sequentibus cum sollempni pulsacione decantari debebunt, per eundem obel-
larium inter presentes in choro tantum dividi communiter ordinabunt . . .” See also
Mettenleiter, Musikalischen Vergangenheit, 191.
84
Thiel, Urkunden St. Johann, 437 #366, 28 April 1381: “Dignum eciam representa-
mus, ymo districcius precipimus statuentes, ut nullus canonicorum in quibuscumque
ordinibus constitutus deinceps sine superpellicio, aliis canonicis et scolaribus in choro
existentibus, per chorum transire presumat sub pena XII denariorum Ratisponen-
sium . . .” See also Mettenleiter, Musikalischen Vergangenheit, 191; and Gerhard Matischok,
“Die Statuten des Kollegiatstiftes zu den Heiligen Johannes Baptist und Johannes
Evangelist in Regensburg im Laufe der Jahrhunderte,” in 850 Jahre Kollegiatstift zu den
Heiligen Johannes Baptist und Johannes Evangelist in Regensburg, ed. Paul Mai (München:
Schnell und Steiner, 1977), 72.
85
Matthias Thiel, ed. Die Urbare des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg mit den Registern
zu Urkunden und Urbaren. QuE, Neue Folge, vol. 28, pt. 2 (München: C. H. Beck, 1996),
24. The use of the phrase “pro sallario scolastici” is problematic here given that St.
Johann did not have a scolasticus in the sense that the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle
did. See, for example, Thiel, Urbare St. Johann, 520. Later formulations do not refer to
the scolasticus but rather the “magister de summo” suggesting that the payments were
intended for the cathedral schoolmaster. Given the frequent payments made to the
“scolaribus de summo” (cathedral scholars) who would have been supervised by their
master, such an explanation appears at least plausible. Compare, for example, BZAR,
St. Johann 10. 15r, 1473, the chapter made payments to “magistro et scolaribus de
summo.” However, it is also possible that the account books were using scolasticus loosely
in reference to the director of the scholars of St. Johann. See following discussion.
86
BZAR, St. Johann 1, 11r 1426: “magistro de summo et scolaribus visitantibus
chorum ad singulas horas per circulum anni”; and BZAR, St. Johann 10, 15r. 1473.
See also Thiel, Die Urbare St. Johann, 24–28.
87
Equal to half a Regensburg pfennig.
88
Testament of Gregorius Griespeck, citizen of Regensburg, funded the celebration
of the octave of St. Erasmus “with all adornments and decorations,” and stipulated that
each of the six scholars of St. Johann should receive “ayn helbing.” J. Schmid, Urk. AK.
vol. 1, 315 #1541, 3 February 1504. The epitaph of Gregorius Griespeck, canon and
dean of St. Johann, appears in St. Emmeram. (died 2 October 1503) Rudolf Freytag,
“Ein Grabmälerverzeichnis von St. Emmeram in Regensburg aus dem Ende des 18.
Jahrhunderts, Blätter des Bayerischen Landesvereins für Familienkunde, 2 (1924), 29.

celebrations, it appears to have been necessary to recruit additional

voices from the adjacent cathedral. In addition to payments for the
“scholars of our choir,” the chapter made frequent distributions to the
master and scholars de summo (from the cathedral). The origin of these
scholars is unclear. However, they were likely drawn from among the
poorer citizens of Regensburg and the surrounding area. Their educa-
tion likely ended with basic song and at most prepared them for minor
positions within the church.
In 1138, shortly after the foundation of St. Johann, a second house
of regular canons was established just across the river in Stadtamhof.
Unlike St. Johann, St. Mang continued to adhere to the Augustinian
rule throughout the Middle Ages. From the beginning, the canons of St.
Mang adopted a rule based on the tradition of the church of St. Maria
de Porto in Ravenna. Despite its small size and relative poverty—it had
a single incorporated parish—St. Mang managed to maintain a small
school and built a significant library.89
The existence of a school at St. Mang is evident by the thirteenth
century. Between 1241 and 1303, two teachers and a scolaris attached
to St. Mang appear in the sources. In 1241, a Heinricus doctor puero-
rum witnessed an exchange of incomes between the convent and the
Katherinenspital;90 in 1262, a Berthold, scolaris, also appears as a
witness;91 and in 1303, a Heinricus scolasticus witnessed the establish-
ment of an anniversary in the name of the cathedral canon Albert
de Hainkofen.92 Despite the presence of the well-known historian
Andreas von Regensburg, and the apparently active intellectual life of
the convent during the first half of the fifteenth century, there is almost
no evidence relating to the school during this period. No schoolmaster
appears in sources again until the beginning of the sixteenth century,
when the schoolmaster Johannes Gebhart appears as a witness to the
will of Jörg Wölffel.93
89
Heinrich Wanderwitz, “Die Kanoniker- und Chorherrenstifte im mittelalterlichen
Regensburg,” in Angerer and Wanderwitz, Regensburg im Mittelalter, vol. 1, 200; see
also Franz Fuchs, Bildung und Wissenschaft in Regensburg: neue Forschungen und Texte aus St.
Mang in Stadtamhof, Beiträge zur Geschichte und Quellenkunde des Mittelalters, vol. 13
(Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1989), 17–19.
90
Sammlungen des historischen Vereins für Oberpfalz und Regensburg, (now held
in Regensburg Stadtarchiv), Urkunden #3, 1241 November 3.
91
BayHstA. KU Stadtamhof St. Mang 12. 5 July 1262.
92
Ried, Codex chronologico-diplomaticus, vol. 2, 739 #737: 19 August 1303.
93
BZAR, StiA U 845, 30 October 1506.

38 chapter two
Although we know only a few of the individual schoolmasters,

evidence from the library provides important clues about the level of
instruction available at St. Mang. In addition to religious and devo-
tional texts, the library held a significant number of works associated
with grammar education. These included four copies of Graecismus
compiled by the twelfth-century grammarian Eberhard of Béthune
and a Donatus.94 In addition, the library contained a copy of Isidore
of Seville’s Etymologies, as well as works by or attributed to Boethius,
Ovid, and Peter Helyas.95 There were also a number of works on arith-
metic, astronomy, medicine, natural philosophy, and theology.96 The
mathematical texts included two copies of Johannes de Sacrobosco’s
introductory text on mathematics, Algorismus (here called Algorismus de
integris), as well as the Computus Norinbergenis, and a Computus Parisienis
with gloss, designed for calculating the church calendar.97 The library of
St. Mang continued to enlarge its holdings through bequests and new
purchases in the early sixteenth century. These included works related to
canon law as well as medical texts. In 1521, for example, Georg Graff,
the Dean of St. Mang, purchased twenty medical texts “pro fratrum
inibi studentium profectu . . .” Although the text themselves were little
used, Graff clearly intended for them to be of use in furthering the
education of his canons.98
94
Fuchs, Bildung und Wissenschaft in Regensburg, 50, 51, 73. For a discussion of the
importance of these texts in the pre-university curriculum, see also Chapter Three,
pp. 131–34.
95
The most important of these texts were the following: Boethius, Consolation of
Philosophy; Pseudo-Boethius, De disciplina scolarium (a work that served as a model for
Konrad von Megenberg’s work on education); Ovid’s Metamorphoses; and a rhymed
Priscian with commentary generally attributed to Peter Helyas (d. 1166?). Fuchs, Bildung
und Wissenschaft in Regensburg, 47, 61, 66. For more on the texts typically associated with
grammar education, see Chapter Three.
96
The library contained a large number of texts originating within the universi-
ties, especially Vienna. These included works of Jean Gerson, Heinrich Totting von
Oyta, Nicholas of Dinckelsbühl among others. See Fuchs, Bildung und Wissenschaft in
Regensburg, 54, 56, 60, 63, passim.
97
Fuchs, Bildung und Wissenschaft in Regensburg, 43, 76.
98
Jacobus de Forlivio, Expositiones et quaestiones in primum librum Canonis Avicennae (Venice:
Nicolaus Jenson, 1479.12.21, 150 pages, 2o) I-16 Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Inkunabula
(hereinafter BSB-Ink): Online-Version, 24 May 2007. Canon law texts included the
following: Gratian’s Decretum; Clement V, Constitutiones and Jodocus, Vocabularius iuris
utriusque. See BSB Ink: Online-Version, C-455, G266, I-256, P-73, T-36, V-250. See
also Fuchs, “Die Bibliothek des Augustiner-Chorherrenstifts St. Mang (Stadtamhof-
Regensburg) im späten Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit,” in Kloster und Bibliothek:
Zur Geschichte des Bibliothekswesens der Augustiner-Chorherren in der frühen Neuzeit, Publikationen
der Akademie der Augustiner-Chorherren von Windesheim, ed. Helmut Grïnke (Paring:
Augustiner-Chorherren-Verlag-Paring 2000), 74.

Each of these schools provided educational opportunities and employ-

ment for a significant number of scholars. Although the relationship
between the city and the schools was not without episodic conflicts,
such conflicts were exceptional. Throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, the city and its citizens continued to support the schools. The
result was a relationship of mutual dependence rather than frequent
conflict. The collegiate schools were thus key fixtures in the educational
landscape of Regensburg.
Alongside the collegiate schools, Regensburg was also home to several
important convent schools. Although some historians continue to make
broad claims about the role played by these schools in the education
of secular priests and laymen, more recent works have tended to be
more cautious. Nowhere is this increased caution more evident than in
recent works on the mendicant schools. Such caution is especially strik-
ing given that historians once wrote confidently of mendicant schools
as a kind of medieval Volkschule.99 However, even if these schools only
educated their own (which was not always the case), the educated men
they produced enjoyed frequent, and often profound connections to the
communities that surrounded and supported them. Indeed, in the case
of the mendicants (and to a lesser degree the Schottenkloster as well), the
urban mission came to define their movements. Thus, without resorting
to the overly enthusiastic assertions of earlier historians, the convent
schools remained significant features in the educational landscape of
medieval cities.
Without question, the oldest and, in many ways, the most influential
school was that of St. Emmeram. There was a school at St. Emmeram
since the early days of its foundation. By the ninth century, its scribes
and growing library were well known.100 Periodic evidence from the
99
Among others who have called for caution see Bert Roest, A History of Franciscan
Education, Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, eds. Jürgen
Miethke, William J. Courtenay, Catto Jeremy and Jacques Verger, vol. 11 (Leiden: Brill,
2000). See also Kaspar Elm, “Mendikantenstudium, Laienbildung und Klerikerschulung
im spätmittelalterlichen Westfalen,” in Städt. Bildung., 603–604.
100
In the early ninth century under the direction of the Abbot Baturich, the monas-
tery added some sixty manuscripts. See Franz Fuchs, “Das Reichsstift St. Emmeram,”
in P. Schmid, Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 2, 731; Bernard Bischoff, “Literarisches
und Künstlerisches Leben in St. Emmeram (Regensburg) während des frühen und hohen
Mittelalters,” in Mittelalterliche Studien: Ausgewählte Aufsätze zur Schriftkunde und Literaturge-
schichte, vol. 2 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann 1967), 77ff. The fame of the monastery’s
scriptorium was so great that Louis the German offered land to St. Emmeram in
exchange for one of its scribes. Franz Anton Specht, Geschichte des Unterrichtswesen in
Deutschland: von den ältesten Zeiten bis zur Mitte des dreizehnten Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart: J. G.
Cotta 1885, reprinted Wiesbaden, Dr. Martin Sändig oHG, 1967), 379.

40 chapter two
tenth century also suggests that the school of St. Emmeram was open to
at least some outsiders.101 However, it is more likely that these examples
reflect special arrangements made by well-placed individuals rather
than being indicative of an open school per se.
In the eleventh century, the monk Hartwig of St. Emmeram appears
to have spent some time in the school of Fulbert of Chartres, from
which he brought back several classic liberal arts texts.102 A generation
later, Otloh of St. Emmeram was active in Regensburg as an author,
scribe, and teacher. Given that Otloh began teaching for the convent
before he had taken permanent vows, it is likely that he was responsible
for teaching at an external school rather than providing instruction for
monks and oblates. Unfortunately, further evidence of a large exter-
nal school at this time is lacking, and such suggestions must remain
speculative.103
Surviving fragments from the convent account books of St. Emmeram
from 1305 and 1325 record payments made to wandering scholars for
their service to the choir and as a form of charity.104 Also in 1325, a
certain Johannes rector puerorum witnessed the adoption of new statutes for
the convent, which among other things, limited the number of monks
to thirty-two.105 In 1358, the monastery made payments to scholars for
singing and for carrying the fish and wine during the celebration of the
101
See Specht, Unterrichtswesen, 379–86. According to Specht, a number of important
families sent their sons to study at St. Emmeram. The standard work on the library
and scribes of the convent during the early Middle Ages remains Bernard Bischoff,
“Die Schreibschulen der Diözese Regensburg,” in Die Südostdeustschen Schreibschulen und
Bibliotheken in der Karolingerzeit, ed. Bernard Bischoff (Wiesbaden: Harroswitz, 1960),
171–267.
102
Bischoff, “Literarisches und Künstlerisches Leben in St. Emmeram,” 80. The texts
included Cicero and Boethius along with anonymous works on music, arithmetic, and
logic. The library continued to grow, and by at the middle of the thirteenth century, it
required its own librarian. In 1258, a Conradus librarian of St. Emmeram witnessed
two documents. BayHStA KU Regensburg Dominkaner #78, 80, 1258 October 14,
1259 October 25.
103
Helga Schauwecker, Otloh von St. Emmeram: Ein Beitrag zur Bildungs- und Fröm-
migkeitsgeschichte des 11. Jahrhunderts, Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des
Benediktinerorderns und seiner Zweige, vol. 74 (München: Bayersiche Benediktiner-
Akademie, 1963), 11. See also Benedickt Konrad Vollmann, VL 11, 1116–1152.
104
BayHstA KL Regensburg St. Emmeram, 35 ¼. “vagis scolaribus ½ tal . . .”;
Roman Zirngibl, “St. Emmeramische Kloster-Rechnung von 26. Julius 1325 bis wieder
den 26 Julius 1326,” Beyträge zur vaterländischen Historie, Geographie, Staatistik Etc. 9 (1812),
234: “causa honoris, vagis scholaribus, et quibuslibet aliis hystrionibus xii. sol. xv. dn.”
Such payments continued despite a series of prohibitions aimed at the often-trouble-
some wandering scholars.
105
BayHstA KL. Urk. Regb. St. Emmeram #325, 1325 III 27.

third Sunday in Lent.106 In 1363, St. Emmeram made two payments

of six solidi each to the rector scole, one for his service to the choir and
one for the purchase of winter clothes. That same year, the monastery
also gave four denarii to a certain scholar from Nuremberg. 107 Such pay-
ments suggest that the convent was home, at least in the mid-fourteenth
century, to an open school with a secular master and students.
This period was also one of heightened intellectual activity within
the monastery itself. At least three monks from the monastery studied
in Bologna between 1337 and 1349 and brought back a large number
of law books. In addition, the convent undertook an inventory of the
major libraries of the city, including St. Emmeram, Prüfening, Prüll, and
the three mendicant houses.108 The catalogue facilitated the exchange
of texts between the most important Regensburg libraries and provides
tangible evidence of an active and vibrant intellectual community in
Regensburg during the middle part of the fourteenth century.109
In 1380, an H (enricus?) Locatus (a term frequently used to denote
an instructor who assisted the primary schoolmaster) copied a com-
mentary on the seven sacraments, a staple of elementary instruction.110
106
Johann Paul Rosenbeck, “Die St. Emmeramer Abtei- und Werkamtrechnung
1358/59: Edition und Kommentar,” (Ph. D. diss., History, Regensburg, 1989), 231: “Item
dominica oculi in prima missa Johan(n)is de Abach scolari prioris ferenti pisces et vinam
4 d.”; and Rosenbeck, 227: “Em(m)eram(m)i scolaribus cantantibus alle(lujam) IIIIor d.
in vigilia Symonis et Jude in capelle nostra scolaribus cantantibus alle(lujam) VI d.”
107
StBR. Rat. Ep. 263, St. Emmeram Rechnungbuch 1363 86 v.: “Item magistro
scole pro vestitu hymali vi sol. dn. Item magistro scole vi sol. den.” StBR Signatur Rat.
ep.263: St. Emmeram Rechnungbuch 1363, 73 v “Item cuidam scolari de Neu(o)nberch
4 den.”
108
For a discussion of this document, see Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 112–113,
152–54; See Bernard Bischoff, “Studien zur Geschichte des Klosters St. Emmeram im
Spätmittelalter (1324–1525),” Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktinerordens und
seiner Zweige 65 (1953/54), 152–98, reprinted in Mittelalterliche Studien: Ausgewählte Aufsätze
zur Schriftkunde und Literaturgeschichte, vol. 2 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1967), 115–19.
Bischoff describes the period from 1325 to 1358, that is the tenure of Abbot Albert
Schmidmüln, as belonging to “einer der glänzendsten in der Geschichte des Klosters.”
For a discussion of the expansion of the library during this period, see also Elisabeth
Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München, CCL,
vol. N. S. 4, 2 (Wiesbaden: Harrosowitz, 1995), 28–43.
109
The exchange of texts appears to have been fairly common. St. Emmeram
obtained several manuscripts that originated in the library of the Augustinian Her-
mits during the fourteenth century. One of these was originally left as a surety for a
copy of the Sentences of Peter Lombard. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 464. A version of
Miracula Beate Marie probably copied from an exemplar in Prüfening also appears in
the Dominican library. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 448.
110
On the meaning of this term and other terms for school personnel, see later
Chapter Three.

42 chapter two
The fact that this commentary was contained in a volume that also
included other common school texts such as the Algorismus of Johannes
de Sacrobosco, several astronomical tables, and works on the calcula-
tion of the ecclesiastical calendar, further suggests that this Locatus did
serve the school in St. Emmeram. It also points to the importance of
mathematics in the curriculum of the monastery’s school.111
However, by the end the fourteenth century, St. Emmeram, perhaps
mirroring the declining fortunes of the city itself, appears to have fallen
on hard times. When Johann Schlitpacher visited the monastery in 1452
as a representative of Nicholas of Cusa’s monastic reforms, he found
twelve monks (down from about thirty in the fourteenth century) and
six pueri. In addition, he reported that the regular life in St. Emmeram
had collapsed.112 Nevertheless, a school continued to operate at St.
Emmeram. In fact, one of Schlitpacher’s primary complaints was that
the monastery did not properly separate scholars and other seculars
from the monks and novices. The reformers ordered the monastery to
establish an external school, “since observation of the rule is incompat-
ible with a secular school within the convent close . . .”113
During the same period, the first known university-educated school-
master taught at St. Emmeram. Associated with the convent since 1448,
magister Hermann Pötzlinger appears for the first time as rector scolarum
ad St. Emmeram in 1450.114 During his lifetime, Pötzlinger collected a
substantial, if generally conservative library. Most of the texts were
those that had dominated pre-university and university curricula since
the thirteenth century. In addition to biblical commentaries, sermons,
and scholastic texts, he held a number of books more directly related
to his teaching. These included glossed Psalters, and hymns, grammars
111
BayStB clm 14706. f. 11.
112
Such pronouncements should not be taken at face value because reformers almost
always found unreformed houses to be in a state of spiritual decline or collapse. The
obvious intellectual energy emanating from St. Emmeram during the late 1440s and
1450s hardly supports Schlichtpacher’s dire assessment of the convent’s health.
113
Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche, vol. 1, 182. “Item quia observacione regulari non
competit scolas secularium infra septa monasterii existere volumus ut deinceps scola
pro secularibus iuvenibus extra huius monasterii septa deputetur nec fratres iuniores
cum eisdem demorentur sed in alio loco apto per virum discretum et doctum dili-
genter informentur in scienciis primitivis habito pedagogo religioso qui eis presit quo
ad disciplinam regularem.”
114
J. Schmid, Urk. AK. vol. 1, 164 #846, 15 November 1450. For more on Pötzlinger,
see Appendix II. The last identifiable teacher before the sixteenth century was a cer-
tain Fabianus Wachter who appears by name in a sermon dated from 1498. Bischoff,
“Studien zur Geschichte des Klosters St. Emmeram,” 117.

excerpted from Eberhard Béthune’s Graecismus and Alexander de Villa

Dei’s Doctrinale;115 works of Conrad de Mure, John of Garland, and
Galfridus Anglicus;116 and collections of fables.117 The latter manuscript
also contained Boethius’ Consolation of Philosophy, the pseudo-Boethian
text de Disciplina Scolarium, and the Ethics of the pseudo-Cato—all texts
with a long history of use in grammar education. Other school texts in
Pötzlinger’s collection included Peter Helyas, Commentarius in Priscianum
maiorem;118 excerpts from Vincent of Beauvais, Speculum historiale; and
Aristotle’s Nichomachean Ethics.119
Despite Pötzlinger’s conservative tastes, there is a hint of the increas-
ing influence of humanism north of the Alps. One of his manuscripts
(BayStB clm 14134) contains letters of Aeneas Sylvius (the future Pius
II), Petrarch, and Guarinus of Verona. Pötzlinger’s exposure to these
texts probably came as early as his studies in Vienna in the 1430s and no
doubt continued during his stay at the University of Leipzig (1455–ca.
1460) where humanist lectures were beginning to take hold.120 Overall,
however, the humanist influence on Pötzlinger appears to have been
only superficial. More profoundly influenced by humanist writings was
the future abbot of St. Emmeram, Johannes Tegernpeck.121 Slightly
younger than Pötzlinger, Tegernpeck matriculated at Leipzig in 1464
and returned with a significant number of humanist works, many in his
own hand.122 During the fifteenth century, other humanist influenced
115
BayStB clm 14133.
116
BayStB clm 14254, 14958.
117
BayStB clm 14134, 14301.
118
BayStB clm 14424.
119
BayStB clm 4818; Ian F. Rumbold has reconstructed the library of Hermann
Pötzlinger. See Rumbold, “The Library of Hermann Pötzlinger (ca. 1415–1469), Rec-
tor Scolarium at the Monastery of St. Emmeram, Regensburg,” Gutenberg Jahrbuch 60
(1985): 337–40. BayStB clm 14133 also included the Satires of Juvenal, and Johannes
Versor on Aristotle. These texts are discussed at greater length in Chapter Three. See
also Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 180–84.
120
Franz Fuchs, “St. Emmeram in Regensburg, ‘eines der an Allem, auch an Büchern
reichsten Stifte,’ ” Review of Ingeborg Neske (ed.), Die Handschriften aus St. Emmeram
in Regensburg clm 14131–14260, Handschriftenkatalog der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek
München. Abt. 4. Series nova: Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften 2, 2 (Wiesbaden:
Harrossowitz, 2005), retrieved from IASL online (http://iasl.uni-muenchen.de/, 6 June
2006). Compare James H. Overfield, Humanism and Scholasticism in Late Medieval Germany
(Princeton: Princeton University Press,1984), 74–75.
121
Tegernpeck served as abbot from 1471 to 1493. Bischoff, “Studien zur Geschichte
des Klosters St. Emmeram,” 133.
122
Ibid., 131–32. Tegernpeck copied portions of BayStB clm 14529 (mentioned in
Chapter One, note 1), which included a Latin version of Boccaccio, as well as works
by Augustinus Dati, and Leonardo Bruni Aretini, BayStB clm 14125 containing Aeneas

44 chapter two
texts continued to flow into St. Emmeram’s library.123 Indeed, by the

beginning the sixteenth century, the library also provides evidence of
interest in the study of Greek.124 Of particular importance for secondary
education was the large number of grammars and dictionaries copied in
the monastery during this period.125 By the end of the fifteenth century,
St. Emmeram had also begun to collect printed school texts, including
copies of Donatus, Priscian, Cato, Aesop’s fables, and Seneca, as well
as humanist-influenced works.126 The numerous grammars and other
schoolbooks collected in this period provide further evidence of a sig-
nificant school providing a high level of grammatical instruction.
Finally, the library provides evidence of a thriving interest in science
and mathematics, especially in the fifteenth century. Between 1445 and
1464, the Leipzig-educated Friedrich Amman copied and compiled
numerous scientific codices including works on astronomy and medi-
cine.127 However, most important were a series of mathematical texts
Silvius, Petrach and a poem by the humanist influenced cathedral canon Ulricus Part.
For more on Part, see Appendix II.
123
See, for example, the catalogue compiled in 1500 by the librarian of St. Emmeram
Dionysius Menger. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 298. Also see BayStB clm 14554, which
includes works by Marsilius Ficino and Conrad Celtis and BayStB clm 14644 with works
by Aeneas Silvius. Compare Max Piendl, Die Bibliotheken zu St. Emmeram in Regensburg,
Thurn und Taxis-Studien, vol. 7 (Kallmünz: Lassleben, 1971), 7–11.
124
In 1501, a Greek dictionary was obtained for the monastery. Johannes Crastonus,
Dictionarium graecum cum interpretatione latina (Venice: Aldus Manutius, 1497.12, 2o), C-691
BSB-Ink: Online-Version, 24 May 2007.
125
Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 331. In 1468, Erasmus Daum, who died in 1504 leav-
ing behind a substantial library, copied a “composita verborum”, in 1471 frater Iacobus
Schlech copeid a gloss on the second part of Priscian. Fr. Stephanus, a contemporary
of both Schlech and Daum, copied “a German language treatise on Donatus and the
Leipzig-educated Abbot Johannes Tegernpeck copied a work on music”.
126
In 1501, Dionysius Menger reorganized and catalogued St. Emmeram’s library
at which time the library already held a substantial number of printed works including
several copies of the grammar of Alexander de Villa Dei printed between 1486 and
1491 (Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 381) as well the works of Plato “a Marsilio Ficino
Florentino traducti . . .” (Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 360). The letters of Aeneas Sylvius
Piccolomini, works by Petrarch (Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 361) as well as a Greek
dictionary (Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 363). The continued importance of medieval
grammars, even as humanist texts become increasingly visible, is clearly evident.
127
The controversy regarding the identity of this Friedrich is discussed in Chapter
Three. See also Christoph Meinel, “Maß und Zahl im Mittelalter,” in Gelehrtes Regens-
burg Stadt der Wissenschaft: Stätten der Forschung im Wandel der Zeit, eds. Angelika Reich and
Hans Jürgen Höller (Regensburg: Universitätsverlag Regensburg, 1995), 42–44.; See,
for example, BayStB clm 14583 (includes tables of fixed stars, works on the astrolabe,
and a translation of the Cosmography of Ptolemy), 14622 ( Johannes de Sacrobosco,
Algorismus and de Sphaera, an anonymous medical text on the blood, and a remedy for
the plague), and 14783 (treatises on eclipses, on the motion of the stars and planets).

known together as the Practica Algorismus Ratisponensis.128 The work was

intended for mathematical instruction and shows significant Italian
influence. Along with excerpts from a variety of popular mathemati-
cal texts, the work includes techniques for the calculation of interest,
monetary exchange rates, and profits.129
Unfortunately, there is no direct evidence relating to the size of St.
Emmeram’s school. Presumably, it must have been of some size to
require its own building outside the convent.130 In 1455, the city gave
the “studenten und schuelern” half a pound for its Fasching celebrations.131
This relatively large sum suggests a significant number of students, and
the reference to “studenten” and “schuelern” indicates the likely existence
of both an elementary and secondary school132 In addition, the school
appears to have trained a large number of choirboys. Whether these
were the same children who attended the grammar school is not clear.
However, judging from the number of personnel associated with this
school, the monastery clearly dedicated significant resources to the
program.133
Compare Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek

München, XIV.
128
The work survives in at least six copies, all but one held by the library of St.
Emmeram. The Practica was frequently bound together with other authors of math-
ematical texts including Nicole Oresme, Thomas Bradwardine, and Nicholas of Cusa.
Of particular interest is the manuscript BayStB clm 14544. Along with the Practica, this
codex includes other popular school texts, Cato Novus (composed in the twelfth century
by an otherwise unknown Martinus; see Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 274–76), Walter
Map’s, Valerii epistola ad Rufinum, (a twelfth-century treatise against marriage), and His-
toria Troiana by Guido de Columne (compare Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 21) as well
as a Computus Norimbergensis. The inclusion of these texts frequently used in secondary
education demonstrates the didactic purpose of the text as well as the likely age and
education level of the intended students. For a description of these codices, see Vogel,
Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis, 10–25.
129
Vogel, Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis 155, 159, 184, et passim.
130
Walter Ziegler, Das Bendediktinerkloster St. Emmeram zu Regensburg in der Reformationszeit,
Thurn und Taxis-Studien 6, vol. 6 (Kallmünz: Lassleben 1970), 172–73.
131
StAR Cam.14, 56 v. “Item wir geben den Studenten und schuelern zu Sand
haymeran von des spils wegen das sy gehabt wollten . . . ½ lb den.”
132
The city paid ½ pound each year to the Augustinian Hermits for wood to heat
their buildings. StAR Cam 14. 16 r. It was approximately the equivalent of seventeen
days pay for a skilled craftsman. Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, III, 270. Similar
payments appear in 1457 and 1458. See StAR.Cam 14. fol. 138r and fol. 177r when
the city contributed 30 denarii to the “schuelern . . . zu vasnacht.”
133
The city accounts from 28 September 1498 record payments by the council to
a rector scole, organisten, cusster, and orgeltreter, all associated with this school for the per-
formance of a mass in St. Emmeram on the Octave of the Feast of St. Emmeram.
StAR Cam. 22. fol. 37r: “Item am freytag vor Michaelis geben gen sand haimeram

46 chapter two
Although evidence regarding the school at St. Emmeram is at times

sparse, its significance emerges clearly from the documents. By the
middle of the fifteenth century, it had even come to resemble, in cur-
riculum, if not in administration, what one would expect to find in many
city schools. Not coincidentally, evidence of direct financial support for
the school of St. Emmeram emerges during this period.134 Even as the
revenues of the city were in rapid decline, members of the council saw
fit to dedicate some of its scarce resources to support the school.
Although to a lesser degree than the more famous monastery of St.
Emmeram, the Schottenkloster also made important contributions to intel-
lectual and educational landscape of the city. A scriptorium existed in the
convent from its foundation in the late eleventh century. Marianus, the
founder of the Schottenkloster in Regensburg, along with his fellow Irish
pilgrims copied a large number of manuscripts for their first patron, the
abbess of Niedermünster.135 In addition, the monastery enjoyed a close
relationship with the city’s merchant elite—a closeness demonstrated
both in the choice of location for the new convent, the so-called pagus
mercatorum in the northwestern portion of the city, and in the frequency
with which the city had its documents notarized in the convent.136
There is evidence of a school at the Schottenkloster’s church of St. Jakob
by the fourteenth century. In 1360, a magister Georgius rector scolarium
apud St. Jacobum appended his name to the convent’s protest of a legal
decision in a case between the Schottenkloster and Obermünster.137 In
von dem ambt des achtisten san haymeran dem schulmeister xii den. cusster von dem
gelewtt xii den. dem organisten vi den. und dem orgltreter iiii heller alles 1 schil den.
11 heller.”
134
Direct payments to the student or schoolmaster at St. Emmeram are recorded
on at least five occasions. See entries from 1455, StAR Cam. 14.56v: “Item wir geben
den Studentten und schueleren zu Sand haymeran von des spils wegen das sy gehabt
wolten haben das sy das underwegen liessen schuf der camer ½ lb den.”; 1457, StAR
Cam. 14.138r.: “Item wir gaben den schueleren zu sand haimeran zu stewr zu irem
spil schuffen mein herrn xxx den.”; and 1498, StAR Cam. 22 fol. 3r. See also StAR
Cam. 22 fol. 37v.
135
Gustav A. Renz, “Beiträge zur Geschichte der Schottenabtei St. Jakob und des
Priorates Weih St. Peter (O.S.B.),” in Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner-
Ordens und seiner Zweige, vol. 16 (1895), 65–66. These included a Psalter and the letters
of Paul. Helmut Flachenecker, “Irische Klausner und Benediktiner: zur Geschichte
von Weih Sankt Peter und St. Jakob,” in Angerer and Wanderwitz, Regensburg im Mit-
telalter, vol. 1, 187. On Marianus and the circle of scribes around him, see Hartmut
Hoffmann, “Irische Schreiber in Deutschland im 11. Jahrhundert,” in Deutsches Archiv
für Erforschung des Mittelalters 59 (2003), 100–114.
136
Flachenecker, “Irische Klausner und Benediktiner,”194.
137
Renz, “Beiträge zur Geschichte der Schottenabtei St. Jakob,” vol. 17, 231: 21
January 1360.

1446, Nicholas Gerber, rector scolarum in St. Jakob, was witness to the
election of Mauritius of Würzburg as abbot of St. Jakob.138 The pres-
ence of a schoolmaster with a German family name in a monastery that
remained exclusively Irish suggests that the monastery was involved in
the education of German-speaking children, rather than simply serving
their own educational needs.139
An undated school statute (copied mid-fifteenth century?) provides
further evidence that the monastery employed a secular schoolmaster.140
The schoolmaster, cantor, and “quilibet eorum” were not to disturb the
monks under penalty of expulsion from their positions.141 In addition
to making it clear that the scolasticus was not a monk himself (they also
warned against introducing suspect women),142 the existence of a cantor
and assistants suggests that the school was of significant size. Finally, the
scolasticus was to maintain four prebendial scholars “qui ad vocacionem
sacristani” to ring the bells “propter prebendam cottidianam.” These
scholars were clearly not monks, or they would have been maintained
from the monastery’s resources, and were in addition to a presumably
larger body of tuition-paying scholars.143
138
Renz, “Beiträge zur Geschichte der Schottenabtei St. Jakob,” vol. 17, 637:
March 1446.
139
The monastery itself was extremely small in the mid-fifteenth century, having
only three monks and five iuvenes described in the visitation records of 1452 as “ydiote
nec literam nec theutonicum scientes.” Ignaz Zibermayr, “Johann Schiltpachers
Aufzeichnungen als Visitator der Benediktinerklöster in der Salzburger Kirchenprovinz,”
Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung (hereinafter, MIÖG ) 30 (1909):
274. Compare Karl Josef Benz, “Klosterleben im Umbruch der Zeit zur Situation
der Regensburger Klöster,” 5. The youths here were clearly Irish although their pre-
cise function in the convent is unclear. They do not appear to have been novitiates;
in other monasteries, these were clearly denoted. At the monastery of Lambach, for
example, Schlitpacher recorded the presence of four novitiates. Zibermayr, “Visita-
tor der Benediktinerklöster,” 279. Their age (iuvenes rather than pueri) and continued
illiteracy suggests that they were not students.
140
BayStB clm 14892 fol. 235. The document itself is undated. It is bound together
with a number of texts relating to the reform of St. Emmeram in the mid-fifteenth
century and may be related to these, perhaps connected to the reforms of the Bene-
dictine Order spearheaded by the cardinal Nicholas of Cusa. The hand appears to be
fifteenth century, though it could also be from the early sixteenth century.
141
BayStB clm 14892 fol. 235. “Nullumque ex confratribus seu familiaribus dicti
monasterii molestant perturbant seu vexant . . .”
142
BayStB clm 14892 fol. 235. “Item ordinamus que nullus eorum aliquam muli-
erem suspectam ad scolas seu limites dicti nostri monasterii introducat seu ab aliis
introduci permittant.”
143
BayStB clm 14892 fol. 235v: “Item ordinamus quod id scolasticus semper aput se
teneat in scola quatuor scolares prebendistas qui ad vocacionem sacristani campanas
pulsare debent tenentur ad hoc propter prebendam cottidianum.”

48 chapter two
If there was an external school at St. Jakob in the mid-fifteenth

century, it almost certainly did not survive the financial hardships that
plagued the monastery in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries.
The situation in the monastery was so dire that when Duke Albert IV
sought to establish a university in Regensburg in 1487, he proposed
suppressing the abbatial title, resettling its few remaining inhabitants
in its affiliated priory of St. Peter, and using the former abbey’s assets
to support the fledgling university.144 Although the proposed university
never materialized, it certainly suggests an atmosphere of extreme
spiritual and financial hardship.
A short distance beyond Regensburg’s western gate, the monks of
Prüfening demonstrated an early zeal for learning, zeal evident in the
rapidity with which they built up the monastery’s library. Founded in
the early twelfth century the monastery boasted an impressive collection
of manuscripts by the 1150s. Two catalogues from the twelfth century
show that Prüfening held a typical collection of biblical and patristic
texts alongside the usual elementary, grammar and arts texts. Grouped
together with two Psalters and a book of hymns were a Priscian Maior,
a work of Boethius, and a copy of the Eclogues of Theodolus.145
In addition, the library held works of a number of authors from
antiquity used to teach the trivium, especially rhetoric and dialectic.146
The library continued to grow during the the thirteenth and fourteenth
144
Alois Weißthanner, “Die Gesandtschaft Herzog Albrechts IV. von Bayern an
die römischen Kurie 1487—Stiftungsprivileg für eine Universität in Regensburg,”
Archivalische Zeitschrift 47 (1951): 197–98. “Et nihilominus pro sustentatione onerum
et impensarum dicte universitatis erigende et presertim salariorum illorum, qui pro
tempore cathedras huiusmodi regent, monasterium sancti Jacobi Ratisponense ordinis
sancti Benedicti Scotorum nuncupatum, quod per monachos nationis regni Scotie
gubernari consuevit et olim admodum notabile erat, nunc vero defectu personarum
dicte nationis in spiritualibus et temporalibus fere totaliter defecit, ac ordinem, nomen,
titulum et dignitatem abbatialem in illo penitus supprimere et extinguere ipsiusque sic
suppressi et extincti structuras et edifica et bona omnia fructus quoque, redditus et
proventus illius, qui C marc[arum] ar[genti] se[cundum] co[mmunem] esti[mationem]
va[lorem] an[nualem] non excedunt, cum omnibus iuribus et pertinentiis suis, prioratu
sancti Petri extra muros dicte civitatis . . .” A mark was equal to about sixty groschen.
Spufford, Handbook of Medieval Exchange, xxiii.
145
Theodolus is the name traditionally associated with this didactic poem, although
the true author is unknown. The poem first appeared in the late tenth or early eleventh
century and remained popular in schools into the fifteenth century. Generally used
after the introduction of the Distichs of the pseudo-Cato and as a complement to the
fables of Avian. Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 239–40.
146
These included Ovid, Lucan, Virgil, Terence, Cicero, Porphyry, and Cornutus.
Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 420.

centuries as the monks collected a variety of canon law texts, newer

theological works—including those of the Franciscan theologians Bona-
venture (d. 1274) and Johannes de Rupella (d. 1245), and the Dominican
theologian Albertus Magnus (d. 1280)—and arts texts for use in their
school.147 In addition to these, the catalogue of 1347 shows a library
capable of supporting the full arts curriculum, including nearly all the
works of natural philosophy used at that time within the universities.148
Despite serious financial hardships in the late fourteenth and early
fifteenth centuries, the monastery continued to acquire new books.149
The university-educated abbot Johannes Grasser purchased missals,
graduals, and sermons as well confessional literature.150
Direct evidence of a school, other than the existence of a sub-
stantial number of didactic texts, is thin. In the mid twelfth century,
Idung of Prüfening, a former cathedral schoolmaster, authored his
Argumentum super quatuor questionibus as a monk in Prüfening.151 About
a half century later, Liebhard of Prüfening compiled a dictionary
of biblical terms and phrases inspired by a similar work from Peter
147
Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 437–38. The catalogue of 1347 lists among others, a
quadrivium “in uno volumine,” a copy of Martianus Capella, the Isagogues of Porphyry,
Boethius, Seneca, Cicero and the early thirteenth century grammar of Eberhard of
Béthune. In addition, the library held a number of translations of Aristotle’s works,
especially those relating to natural philosophy. These included de Anima, de Memoria et
Reminiscencia, de Sompno et Vigilia among others. In addition, a copy of Peter of Riga’s
Aurora was copied for the library in the first half of the thirteenth century. Ineichen-
Eder, MBK IV: 1, 409.
148
The library contained nearly the entire known corpus of Aristotle, including de
Anima, de Metaphysica, de Memoria et Reminiscentia, de Sensu et Sensato, de Sompno et Vigilia,
de Morte et Vita, de Generatione et Corruptione, de Longitudine et Brevitate Vite, de Iuventute et
Senectute, and de Respiratione. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 438–39.
149
Schlitpacher’s visitation of Prüfening in 1452 recorded twelve monks associated
with the house, although only four of them were present. Zibermayr, “Visitator der
Benediktinerklöster,” 275. As with all the other Benedictine houses in Regensburg,
Schlitpacher found the monastery lacking, deficient in its spiritualites, its temporalities,
and monastic discipline. Although, as noted earlier, representatives of reform move-
ments frequently overstated the failings of the monasteries, the general financial and
spiritual health of Prüfening was threatened.
150
Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 411, 440. The abbot of Prüfening, Johannes Grasser
(1483–90) a 1474 Ingolstadt matriculant, appears to have been a particularly avid
collector of books. Surviving fragments of his financial records show purchases of
numerous volumes related primarily to pastoral care. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 440.
See Appendix II.
151
Later he became a Cistercian, writing his most famous work Dialogus duorum
Monachorum as a justification for his conversion. Idung of Prüfening, Moine Idung et ses
deux ouvrages, 6–9.

50 chapter two
the Chanter.152 Unfortunately, only a single Prüfening schoolmaster—

Albertus Elsendorfär who noted the year of his entry into Prüfening
(1384) in two codices—appears in the examined sources.153 One, BayStB
clm 13021, comprises primarily quadrivial texts clearly intended for
use in the convent’s school. Included among these were mathematical
texts of Boethius and Gerbert de Aurillac, works on the astrolabe and
clocks by Hermann Contractus (von Reichenau), and musical treatises
of Boethius and Guido of Arrezzo.154 A second manuscript, BayStB
clm 13102, contains theological works by Jerome, Bonaventure, Anselm,
and Augustine. Whether Albert used these latter texts in his teaching,
or they simply reflected his own interests is unclear. Nevertheless, the
monastery continued to produce new manuscripts and to train scribes
at least into the first quarter of the fifteenth century.155
Of the four Benedictine monasteries in and around Regensburg,
the schools and library of Prüll are the most poorly documented.156 A
single medieval library catalogue survives, probably from the mid twelfth
century.157 Although not nearly as rich a collection as St. Emmeram,
the works listed would have adequately supported elementary and
basic grammar education. The library held many of the most popular
Christian school texts in use during the twelfth century, including works
from Prosper, Juvencus, Sedulius, Arator, Prudentius, and Boethius; how-
152
According to Liebhard’s own account, he came to know the work from a Pari-
sian student and extracted the parts he felt were the most important. Stammler, VL,
vol. 5, 808–11.
153
For Elsendorfär, see Appendix I.
154
155
Andreas von Regensburg tells the story of a iuvenis scholaris at Prüfening in 1420
who studied under an older scribe. Andreas von Regensburg, Sämtliche Werke, 299. For
more on the incident, see Chapter Three.
156
As mentioned previously, the monastery at Prüll was a dual monastery housing
both male and female religious. It also served as a hospital for the poor and provided
lodging for outsiders. The earliest evidence for the existence of nuns at Prüll dates
from the thirteenth century and continued until the monastery was converted to a
Charter house in 1484. Feuerer, “Aufhebung des Benediktiner Klosters Prüll,” 27–28.
A. Schmid, “Ratisbona Benedictina,” in Angerer and Wanderwitz, Regensburg im Mit-
telalter, vol. 1, 181. Unfortunately, there is no evidence of the type of education pro-
vided to the nuns or of the books they might have kept. It is likely that they received
an education typical of other Benedictine women, including instruction in song and
the recitation of prayers.
157
Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 394–95. Ineichen-Eder argues convincingly that the
catalogue, which survives only in the copy made at St. Emmeram in 1347, dates from
the mid-twelfth century. In particular, she points to the near-absence of works produced
after the twelfth century.

ever, it appears to have lacked the usual assortment of pagan authors.

There is, for example, no Statius, Lucan, Terence, or Vergil.158
In addition, although there is mention of an abcedarius,159 there is no
reference to the traditional grammar works of Donatus and Priscian.
However, the catalogue does list Huguccio’s (ca. 1140–1210) gram-
mar Derivationes. Another school-related text, the Fabularius (Conrad de
Mure?), also appears in the library catalogue. The theological works
are primarily those of the early fathers, although two works by Bernard
of Clairvaux were represented.160
For much of its history then, the school at Prüll does not appear to
have risen to the level of Prüfening or the Schottenkloster, much less
that of St. Emmeram. However, in the middle of the fifteenth century,
perhaps associated with the ambitious building program of the abbot
Christoph Welser (1454–1484), the monastery hired a university-trained
schoolmaster, Leonard Panholz. Panholz, who describes himself as rector
iuvenum, first appears in Prüll in 1456 two years after he matriculated
at Vienna.161
The precise nature of this school is unclear, but given that Leonard
Panholz was not a monk it is likely that he was running a school for
externs, rather than novices. We know very little about his teaching
activities while at Prüll. However, a German/Latin vocabulary he cop-
ied while teaching at the Franciscan monastery suggests that he was
running a grammar school for children already literate in German.
The emphasis on forms of address, titles, legal terms, place names,
and rivers also suggests a curriculum that would have provided valu-
able scribal training.162 This experiment appears to have been short-
lived. There is no evidence that the school continued to function after
Panholz left. Given the disastrous financial effects of Welser’s building
projects, which forced many monks to seek shelter in other monasteries,
158
The complete absence of pagan authors sets the library of Prüll apart from its
neighbors and may suggest an intellectual environment at Prüll that was overtly hostile
to their use. It seems more likely, however, that it is a reflection of the fact that the
monastery was primarily concerned with prayer and attending to the spiritual needs of
the hospital connected with the monastery since at least 1130. A. Schmid, “Ratisbona
Benedictina,” 178.
159
The abcedarius was used for teaching young children the alphabet.
160
These were de Gracia Dei and de Libero Arbitrio. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 402.
161
See Appendix I.
162
It includes among other headings de officialibus civitatum; de libris juristarum et de
aliis; each of the words under the heading is then written in both Latin and German.
BayStB clm 26611 fol. 146.

52 chapter two
it seems unlikely that the school would have been able to survive.163 In
any case, it certainly ceased to exist after the implementation of the
strict Carthusian reforms of 1484.
Although the Benedictine monasteries housed the earliest convent
schools in Regensburg, the relatively late-arriving mendicant orders
quickly established schools that equaled, and often surpassed those of
the Benedictines. By the early fourteenth century, even St. Emmeram
had difficulty matching the energy and intensity of the mendicants’
studia.
Through their well-stocked libraries, and highly educated lectors
and preachers, the mendicant orders contributed significantly to the
educational landscape of Regensburg. Following the example of the
Dominicans who had embraced university training from the start,
the Franciscans overcame their initial hostility toward formal education,
developing a strong presence in Paris, Oxford, and Cambridge, and
eventually the German universities as well. The Augustinian Hermits
too pursued university study zealously and by the late fourteenth cen-
tury were particularly evident in the theological faculty at Bologna. To
supply these prestigious studia generalia with a steady stream of excep-
tional scholars, and to educate future preachers, each of the orders
constructed hierarchical educational systems controlled at the highest
levels of the order.164
At the elementary level, these schools served the needs of the indi-
vidual convent, providing daily lectures and training useful for preach-
ing. Some designated convents also provided the basic elementary and
grammar teaching necessary to accommodate the increasing number
of extremely young novitiates who began to enter the mendicant orders
beginning in the late thirteenth century. Above this level, the orders
were further divided into visitations, also called nations (Dominicans),
163
Former monks from Prüll appear in both St. Emmeram and the Augustinian
convent. See Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 397; and Josef Hemmerle, Die Benediktinerklöster
in Bayern, Bayerische Heimatforschung, vol. 4 (München:Verlag Bayerische Heimat-
forschung, 1951), 103.
164
For discussions of the educational organization of the individual mendicant orders,
see, for the Franciscans, Roest, Franciscan Education; for the Dominicans, see Michèle
M. Mulchahey, “First the Bow is Bent in Study”: Dominican Education Before 1350, Studies
and Texts, vol. 132 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1998). For the
Augustinian Hermits, see Adalbero Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten,
vol. 1, Das dreizehnte Jahrhundert (Würzburg: Augustinus, 1969), 247–53; and William J.
Courtenay, Schools & Scholars in the Fourteenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1987), 56–77.

custodies (Franciscans), or limits (Augustinian Hermits). The schools

at this level were open to all convents from the designated area and
provided more advanced grammatical instruction, as well as rhetoric
and logic. Above this level, provincial studia generalia provided advanced
courses in the arts, philosophy and theology.
The impact of these educational programs on the communities in
which they operated was significant but not always direct. Mendicant
schools open to the public appear to have been the exception rather
than the rule despite the enthusiasm of some historians.165 The impact
of their teaching programs was certainly evident in the convent libraries
where the high degree of geographical mobility provided some of the
most important networks for the rapid transmission of ideas and texts.166
However, the mendicants were concerned primarily with preaching,
rather than with the promotion of secular education.167
165
Some outsiders were educated in mendicant schools, most famously Dante who
studied at the Dominican school in Florence. Mulchahey, Dominican Education, XI. See
also M. Michèle Mulchahey, “Education in Dante’s Florence Revisited: Remigio de’
Girolami and the Schools of Santa Maria Novella,” in Medieval Education, edited
by Ronald B. Begley and Joseph W. Koterski, S. J. (New York: Fordham University
Press, 2005), 143–181. Isnard Wilhelm Frank argues that the Dominican studia were
open schools, training both secular clerics and laymen. Frank, Hausstudium und Unver-
sitätsstudium der Wiener Dominikaner bis 1500, Archiv für österreichische Geschichte, vol. 127
(Vienna: Hermann Böhlaus, 1968), 54–58. Although this was clearly true in individual
cases, historians continue to debate the extent to which mendicant schools in general
educated externs. See, for example, Roest, Franciscan Education, 327: “Contrary to the
overly optimistic view of P. Mandonnet [1914] the current scholarly consensus is that
there was not everywhere a consistent and continuous enrolment of non-mendicant
(clerical and lay) students in the studia of the mendicant orders.” See also Elm, “Men-
dikantenstudium, Laienbildung und Klerikerschulung,” 603–04. In her study of the
educational opportunities in Esslingen, Sabine Holtz concludes, “Daß jedoch an diesem
Studium (artium) auch externe, weltliche Schüler teilgenommen haben, läßt sich aus
den Quellen nicht belegen.” Holtz, “Schule und Reichsstadt: Bildungsangebot in der
freien Reichsstadt Esslingen am Ende des späten Mittelalters,” in Schule und Schüler im
Mittelalter, Beihefte zum Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, eds. Martin Kintzinger, Sönke
Lorenz, and Michael Walter, vol. 42 (Köln: Böhlau 1996), 449–50.
166
The library catalogue of 1347, compiled at the direction of the convent of St.
Emmeram, demonstrates the extent to which the mendicant houses dedicated their
resources to the acquisition of books. Even more important, the catalogue makes clear
that the vast intellectual resources of the mendicant convents were to some degree
available to outsiders. For a discussion of the nature of the catalogue see Ineichen-
Eder, MBK IV: 1, 394–95.
167
The city itself saw great value in the preaching of the friars and provided for
frequent payments to support it. For the Franciscans, see StAR Cam. 08. Block 2, 122
v. (1415–16); for the Augustinian Hermits, see StAR Cam. 7. 18 r (1411); and for the
Dominicans, see StAR Cam. 08. Block 2, 50 r., 70 v (1415), passim.

54 chapter two
The Franciscan presence in Regensburg was early and substantial.168

Part of the first wave of expansion north of the Alps,169 Regensburg
was home for a time to two of the most famous German Franciscans—
Berthold of Regensburg, and David of Augsburg.170 Evidence of a
Franciscan school in Regensburg dates from the middle of the thirteenth
century. However, the names of individual lectors do not appear regu-
larly in the surviving documents until the fourteenth century.
Despite the early presence of these distinguished friars, the evidence
suggests that the school at Regensburg served as a custodial school for
Bavaria during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It has been sug-
gested that Regensburg attained the level of a provincial studium generale.
However, there is no convincing evidence that this was the case.171 The
biographies of the individual lectors who served in Regensburg certainly
would not seem to point in this direction. The most promising students
168
For a discussion of the literary productions of the early Regensburg Franciscans,
see Hubert Glaser, “Wissenschaft und Bildung im Spätmittelalter: Die Regensburger
Minoriten,” in Handbuch der bayerischen Geschichte, ed. Max Spindler, vol. 2, Das alte Bayern
der Territorialstaat vom Ausgang des 12. Jahrhunderts bis zum Ausgang des 18. Jahrhunderts, 2
(München: C. H. Beck, 1987), 811–18.
169
John B. Freed, The Friars and German Society in the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge:
Medieval Academy of America, 1977), 27.
170
Berthold of Regensburg served the convent as a preacher between 1240 and
his death in 1270, leaving behind numerous Latin and vernacular sermons. The great
Franciscan mystic David of Augsburg also spent time in the monastery where he served
as magister noviciorum between 1240 and 1246. Anneliese Hilz, “Mendikanten-Niederlas-
sungen,” in Angerer and Wanderwitz, Regensburg im Mittelalter, vol. 1, 212. In 1246, David
of Augsburg served, along with Berthold of Regensburg, as visitor of the monastery
of Niedermünster, where they attempted to reform the convent. BayHstA KU Regens-
burg Niedermünster 31: 31 December 1246. In addition to his more famous mystical
works, David of Augsburg wrote three important treatises relating to the instruction
of novices: Formula de compositione hominis exterioris ad novitios, Formula de interioris hominis
reformatione ad proficientes, and de Septem Processibus Religiosorum. These have been edited
in David de Augusta, De exterioris et interioris hominis compositione secundum triplicem statum
incipientium, proficientium et perfectorum libri tres (Quaracchi: Ex Typographia Collegii S.
Bonaventurae, 1899). Two additional late-thirteenth-century figures bear mentioning:
Werner of Regensburg lector in the convent in 1278 and author of liber Soliloquiorum
(see Ottokar Bonmann, “Werner von Regensburg und sein Liber Soliloquiorum,”
Zeitschrift für Aszese und Mystik, 12 (1937): 294–305) and Lamprecht of Regensburg who
wrote, among other works, a vernacular life of St. Francis. Nikolaus Henkel, “Literatur
im mittelalterlichen Regensburg,” in Angerer and Wanderwitz, Regensburg im Mittelalter,
vol 1, 307f. For further discussion of intellectual activity within the convent during this
early period, see Glaser, “Wissenschaft und Bildung im Spätmittelalter,” 811–19.
171
Compare William J. Courtenay, “The Franciscan Studia in Southern Germany in
the Fourteenth Century,” in Gesellschaftsgeschichte: Festschrift für Karl Bosl zum 80. Geburtstag,
2 vols., ed. Ferdinand Seibt (München: R. Oldenbourg, 1988), 88–89. See also Roest,
Franciscan Education, 29. Roest asserts that Regensburg came to serve as a provincial
studium equal to Strasbourg and Erfurt.

from Regensburg appear to have gone to Strasbourg to continue their

education, as the examples of Liephard von Regensburg, Conrad von
Sulzbach and Friedrich von Amberg show.172
The geographical origins of the individual lectors also point to this
conclusion. Of the fifteen lectors before 1500 with discernible geo-
graphic origins, thirteen were from the immediate custody of Bavaria,
with five stemming from Regensburg families.173 A fourteenth was from
the nearby city of Passau, which did not have a Franciscan convent.
Only Sigismund Behm (d. 1318) of Villingen, in the adjacent custody
of Bodensee came from a convent outside of Bavaria.174 If the school
served the entire province, it is surprising to find only one lector from
outside Bavaria and none from the more distant custodies of Basel
and Strasbourg.
172
Anneliese Hilz, Die Minderbrüder von St. Salvator in Regensburg 1226–1810, BzGBR,
ed. Georg Schwaiger, vol. 25 (Regensburg: Verlag des Vereins für Regensburger Bis-
tumsgeschichte, 1991), 127. Both Friedrich von Amberg and Liephard von Regensburg
adhered to the Avignon papacy (both served as provincial for the province of Upper
Germany under the Avignon obedience), whereas Conrad of Sulzbach returned to
his native convent and to the Roman obedience. On Friedrich von Amberg, see Erwin
Hermann, “Der Minorit Friedrich von Amberg,” in Verhandlung des historischen Vereins
für Oberpfalz und Regensburg (hereinafter, VHVOR), 107 (1967), 47–64. Damasus Trapp
identified Friedrich von Amberg with Friedrich von Regensburg who copied, and com-
posed, sections of the famous Fribourg Cordeliers 26. Damasus Trapp, “ ‘Moderns’
and ‘Modernists’ in MS Fribourg Cordeliers 26,’ Augustinianum 5 (1965), 241–270;
but see William J. Courtenay, “Friedrich von Regensburg and Fribourg Cordeliers 26,”
in Die Philosophie im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert: In Memoriam Konstanty Michalski (1879–1947),
Bochumer Studien zur Philosophie, ed. Olaf Pluta, vol. 10 (Amsterdam: B. R. Grüner,
1988), 603–613. Courtenay shows convincingly that Friedrich von Amberg and Friedrich
von Regensburg are separate individuals and that Friedrich von Amberg could not have
compiled Fribourg Cordliers 26. Compare Christoph Jörg, “Untersuchungen zu Bücher-
sammlung Friedrichs vom Amberg: ein Beitrag zur franziskanischen Geistesgeschichte
des Spätmittelalters,” in Zeitschrift für schweizerische Kirchengeschichte, 69 (1975), 1–117.
173
The five Regensburgers were Wenzeslaus Meller (1358); Conrad Prew (d. 1424),
who served as guardian in 1419 and witnessed the establishment of a memorial by
Johann Sumpringer dean of the cathedral; Ulrich Teckendorfer (d. 1458); Ulricus
Awmayer (d. 1468); and Johannes Mayrhoffer (1483). See Hilz, Minderbrüder von St.
Salvator, 294–97. The others were drawn from Landshut, Sulzbach, Eichstätt, and
Munich. In addition, one came from Kirchheim possibly near Munich. The signifi-
cant number of lectors drawn from Regensburg families also points to the close ties
between the city and the convent. Although the original foundation was supported
by the bishop, the city became one of its most important patrons. From its inception
Regensburg patrician families buried their members in the Franciscan cemetery, left
generous bequests to the friars, and supported an array of convent activities from
building projects to preaching.
174
Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 294. Compare Hilz, “Mendikanten-Niederlas-
sungen,” 213.

56 chapter two
The educational background of the lectors also suggests a custo-

dial rather than a provincial school. Few lectors appear to have held
advanced university degrees, something one would expect at the
provincial level.175 An exception to this was the lector and doctor of
theology, Hildebrandus (d. 1316). The lector Conrad von Sulzbach
(d. 1400), who “gave a chalice and good books” to the convent, studied
at the provincial studium generale in Strasbourg,176 and Johannes Sack
studied at Erfurt (1423) and Vienna (1431) before serving as lector in
Regensburg in 1433. However, there is no evidence the latter two took
degrees.177 Other than Hildebrand, the only lector who certainly held
a higher degree was Marcus Schönprunner who studied at Vienna in
the 1450s where he attained the rank of formed bachelor in theology
in 1453.178
Finally, the Regensburg convent library does not suggest frequent
university contact. The catalogue of 1347 consists of about one-third
exegetical texts, one-third pastoral and patristic, and one-third a mix
of early scholastic authors, Franciscan Sentences commentaries, canon
law texts, and a handful of classical texts commonly used in gram-
mar schools.179 The lack of works by such significant Regensburg
175
This is somewhat problematic if the majority of the lectors had completed their
studies at the level of a provincial studium generale, which did not have the authority to
grant degrees but would, nevertheless, have provided a level of education similar to
that available at a university.
176
Franz Ludwig Baumann, MGH Antiquitates Necrologia Germaniae vol. III, (Berlin:
Societas Aperiendis Fontibus Rerum Germanicarum Medii Aevi 1905) III, 248, entry
for Jan. 3: “Ob. fr. Ch. de Sulczbach, lector, filius conventus, dedit calicem et bonos
libros celebratur.” Compare Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 127; and Jörg, “Büch-
ersammlung Friedrichs von Amberg, 41, 45.
177
Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 296. Sack does not appear in the matriculation
records of either university; however, he noted his studies in a series of manuscripts.
See Benedict Kraft, “Der Bücherrücklass der Minderbrüder Hermann und Johann
Sack (1438–1440),” Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 28 (1935), 43f.
178
Schönprunner studied at Vienna from 1447 to 1453. He lectured on the sen-
tences in 1451 and gave the Christmas sermon at St. Stephan’s in Vienna in 1453.
See Appendices I and II. He died by 1462, at which time he was described as “doctor,
lector et valens predicator et custos.” MGH Antiquitates Necrologia Germaniae III, 256, 1462
VIII.21. Compare Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 183, 296. For a discussion of the
Regensburg Franciscans and university education, see Chapter Four.
179
The early scholastic authors represented were the usual: Anselm, Hugh of St.
Victor and Peter Lombard. The Franciscan authors were Alexander of Hales, Bonaven-
ture, and William de la Mare. The texts frequently used in grammar schools were
Cicero’s work on rhetoric and Ovid. In addition, the catalogue included an otherwise
anonymous collection described as “summa dictaminis.” Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1,
446. See also Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 161.

authors as Lamprecht of Regensburg, Werner of Regensburg and

David of Augsburg, and the single reference to the prolific Berthold
of Regensburg suggests that the catalogue may be incomplete, and
sounds a note of caution.180 However, a survey of the library’s surviv-
ing manuscripts also suggests that it was relatively small and narrower
in scope than were the libraries of the other two mendicant convents
in the city.181
Although the school had limited reach, the last half of the fifteenth
century did witness a number of important developments.182 In addi-
tion to the increasing evidence of university study by members of the
convent, the guardian Johannes Rab rebuilt and reorganized the library
in the last quarter of the fifteenth century. Around the same time, the
monastery erected a new school building next to the convent.183 This,
coupled with the hiring of the secular school master Leonard Panholz,184
makes it likely that the school was providing elementary, and gram-
mar education to externs, perhaps in connection with the kind of pre-
postulancy schools often run by the Dominicans.185 Moreover, Panholz’s
180
Only Berthold of Regensburg’s Rusticanus novus et antiquus is named. Ineichen-Eder,
MBK IV: 1, 446. That the catalogue is incomplete has been suggested by Ineichen-
181
A quick survey of the printed catalogues from the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek
in Munich reveals only a few works with clear ties to the universities or the major
studia of the order. BayStB clm 26602, dated from the fourteenth century, includes
sermons and theological treatises of Robert Holcott. BayStB clm 26870 (15th cen-
tury) contains Questiones super IV Libros Sententiarum compiled in Strasbourg by a certain
brother Marquard. Finally, a collection of sermons, BayStB clm 26864 (1389), was
compiled in Vienna. There were also a number of books donated to the library dur-
ing the fifteenth century, including a copy of Walter Burleigh donated by Friedrich of
Nördlingen. MGH Antiquitates Necrologia Germaniae III, 264. See also Hilz, Minderbrüder
von St. Salvator, 352–68.
182
Interestingly, the Observant reform movement, which was so influential elsewhere
during this period, seems to have had minimal effect on the Regensburg Franciscans.
Hilz argues that this was the result of internal reforms enacted by the convent that
paralleled, but were largely independent of, the observant movement. Hilz, Minderbrüder
von St. Salvator, 129.
183
The Franciscan convent built the school in the new-acquired property of
Sinzenhof in 1457. StBR, Sammlungen des Historischen Vereins für Oberpfalz und
Regensburg (now held in Regensburg Stadtarchiv), Urkunden 292 (29 Sept. 1457). See
also Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 153.
184
For more on Panholz, see Appendix I. He is called by various titles throughout
his teaching career. At Prüll, he was called “rector iuvenum” at the Franciscan school
“scolasticus.” In the Franciscan necrology, he is called “informator iuvenum fidelis.”
MGH Antiquitates Necrologia Germaniae III, 253.
185
On pre-postulancy schools in the Dominican order, see Mulchahey, Dominican

58 chapter two
education and the books he employed suggest that the school was not
limited to basic elementary education.186 This external school, however,
was short-lived, closing its doors some time before 1499 when mounting
debt forced the monastery to sell the property on which the school was
located (see the map at the beginning of Chapter Two for the location
of the Franciscan convent).187
Like the Franciscans, the Regensburg Dominicans were among the
first houses of their order founded in German-speaking territories and
Education, 85–96. On the Franciscan school in Regensburg, see Hilz, Minderbrüder von St.
Salvator, 152. The guardian Conrad Schreiber (1459) had an inscription carved above
the door in Greek declaring the building’s purpose. The description is translated in
Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 152: “Hier is nicht das reichbegüterte und gefeierte
Haus eines Menschen, sondern eine Schule menschlicher Klugheit, eine geeignete
Stätte der Arbeit, eine feste Ordnung rechtschaffenen Leben und eine Abwehr des
Lasters.” Two additional pieces of evidence suggest that some outsiders were educated
in the monastery. In 1502, the noble layman Erasmus Paulstorffer was remembered as
“dominus Erasmus [Paulstorf] de castro Kürn magnus et singularis amicus fratrum quia
cum illis educatus . . .” Karl Primbs, “Das Jahr- und Todtenbuch des Minoritenklosters
in Regensburg,” VHVOR 25 (1868): 283. Although the term educatus can be ambiguous
(similar to the German erzogen) in at least this one case, an outsider was brought up
in the monastery without taking permanent vows. In another case, a memorial was
established for a certain Hannsen Nurenbergen (most likely dating from the late fifteenth
century) who gave the convent among other things, “eyn mespuch, Zwen psalter. . . .”
Each year a banquet (Pietanz) was to be held in his honor in which “yedem priester
eyn grpratns, eyn kopff weyn, eyn semel, den jungen eyn pratns, eyn semel, eyn seydl
Franckenweyn ydweden oder ein Elsasser weyn.” MGH Antiquitates Necrologia Germaniae,
254: 8 July. The endowment is similar to others in which the young scholars were
feasted. It thus appears likely that the Franciscans were in charge of song scholars
who were the most frequent recipients of such donations.
186
The German/Latin vocabulary he copied was beyond the needs of a simple
elementary scholar. If it were ever used directly by the students, it would also presup-
pose German literacy. It contains a long section on the scholastic disciplines written in
both Latin and German including all of the liberal arts, as well as terms pertaining to
law, medicine, and theology. BayStB clm 26611 fol. 147r. In the section of the liberal
arts dedicated to logic, Panholz lists the logic of Buridan (1300–58), Wycliffe (1330–84),
Albert of Saxony (1316–90), William of Ockham (d. 1347), and Marsilius of Inghen
(1340–96). The inclusion of these names also provides a terminus a quo for the list from
which he was working, and suggests it originated within a university context, quite
probably at Vienna where Panholz matriculated in 1454; Other evidence for the type
of instruction that may have been available comes from BayStB clm 14698. Michael
Pföllinger, guardian of the Regensburg convent in 1507, produced word-for-word
German translations of more than sixty hymns. These translations may have been con-
nected with his teaching duties as lector in Augsburg in 1482 and were clearly intended
to help young students understand the hymns they sang in the choir. He brought the
manuscript with him when he returned to Regensburg after nearly twenty years of
travel (including a journey to England). See Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 112–15, and
187
Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 152.

Groningen (Saxony) Regensburg Dominicans:
Origins of Lectors and Students
Key:
SHEFFLER_F3_15-84.indd 59
Towns in Italics: Dominican convents.
Towns in Bold: Origins of Regensburg students and lectors.
Town in Bold and Italics: Home convents of
Regensburg students and lectors.
‘s-Hertogenbosch
Saxony Towns underlined twice: Studia Generales.
Towns underlined once: Frequent provincial Studia.
Antwerp
Louvain
Cologne
Maastricht Aachen
Mörlen?
Lower Rhine Usingen
Koblenz Frankfurt
Würzburg
Mainz
Luxembourg Trier Miltenberg
Worms Bad Mergentheim Nürnberg
Gotzenberg
Speyer Amberg
Bad Wimpfen
Swabia – Kallmünz
Wissembourg Pforzheim Schwäbisch Gmünd Eichstätt
Regensburg Langdorf
Hagenau Brackenheim
Strasbourg Esslingen Nördlingen
Raid Wangen Retz
Schlettstadt
Metzingen
Ulm Augsburg
Bavaria
Rotweil Landshut
Colmar Freiburg Krems
Moosburg
Tulln
Guebwiller Wasserburg Fleckendorf
Lauffenberg Franconia Vienna
Alsace
Basel Rosenheim Austria
Constance
Zofingen Zürich
the educational landscape of late medieval regensburg
Meiningen
Chur Lemberg
Bern Teutonia Friesach Pettau
59
Map 2: Origins of Dominican Lectors and Students.
4/11/2008 3:59:51 PM
60 chapter two
were blessed with early and auspicious connections. The presence in

the convent of Albertus Magnus, as lector in the 1230s and as bishop
of Regensburg from 1260 to 1262, must certainly have enhanced the
convent’s reputation as much as it enriched its library.188 However, in
contrast to the Franciscans, the Dominican school in Regensburg played
a much more significant role within the larger order.
The Dominican practice of rotating its studia from convent to convent,
no doubt to defray the costs of such an expensive enterprise, meant
that with the exception of the studia generalia, individual schools varied
significantly in size and curriculum from year to year.189 At the same
time, certain convents were more frequently designated as provincial
studia than were others. Those deemed to have sufficient economic and
intellectual assets would tend to be preferred over smaller convents with
more limited libraries and financial stability. For much of its history,
Regensburg was among the former.
From Regensburg’s foundation in 1229 until the end of the thirteenth
century, seven lectors appear in the sources. The first, Albertus Magnus,
likely taught in Regensburg for two years around 1237.190 In 1260, two
188
The Regensburg Dominicans also held several works of Albertus Magnus likely
donated by the theologian himself. See Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 447–48.
189
For a detailed discussion of the organization of the Dominican studia, see Mul-
chahey, Dominican Education, 219–350 and Courtenay, Schools & Scholars, 61–66. The
latter includes a summary of the literature relating to the educational structure of the
order. The bottom rung of the Dominican educational system was the convent school
overseen by the convent lector. The lector was required to hold daily lectures and fre-
quent disputations at which all of the brothers, regardless of age and education, were
required to be present. Above the convent school, there was an arts school (primarily
logic). These were fewer in number and generally served several convents. Students
who advanced through this program might be assigned to a studium naturarum, for the
study of natural philosophy. After several years of teaching, some who completed this
program could be assigned to one of the studia particularia theologiae and then might
advance to one of the studia generalia of the order. In 1365, there were six arts schools
and four schools of natural philosophy in the province of Teutonia serving some
forty-seven convents. There were also ten studia particularis theologiae. Thomas Kaep-
peli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (c. 1365–71),” Archivum Fratrum
Praedicatorum (hereinafter AFP) 26 (1956): 315–19. The Dominicans rotated their arts
and natural philosophy studia every year, but the theological studia appear to have been
somewhat more stable. Every year for which we have records between 1396 and 1401
(1396, 1398, 1400, 1401), Regensburg served as a theological studium for the province,
as did six other convents. By the mid-fourteenth century, there appears to have been
permanent theological studia at Cologne (which served as studium generale of the order),
at Strasbourg, and Vienna (studium generale by the mid-fifteenth century). For a discus-
sion of the development of the Dominican studium at Vienna, see Frank, Hausstudium
und Universitätsstudium, especially 36–88.
190
Henricus de Hervordia, Liber de rebus memorabilioribus sive Chronicon Henrici de Her-
vordia, ed. August Potthast (Göttingen: Dieterich, 1859), 201.

lectors taught in the convent, suggesting that the school was serving
as more than a simple convent school.191 In the 1280s (1284–88?), the
general chapter designated the convent as one of nine arts studia for
the undivided province of Teutonia.192 Moreover, the evidence makes
it clear that Regensburg drew students and lectors from a large geo-
graphical area. The arts lector in the 1280s came from Groningen in far
northwestern part of the province and four of the six named students
that year came from outside the Bavarian nation/visitation.193
The data surviving from the fourteenth century shows that Regens-
burg was consistently among the second tier of Dominican studia, after
Cologne, Strasbourg and Vienna. In 1346, Regensburg ranked alongside
Cologne, Strasbourg, Basel, Freiburg, [Speyer?], Trier, Louvain, Mainz,
Würzburg, Vienna, and Friesach as the only convents in Teutonia with a
191
These were Johannes and Eberhardus. For Johannes, see BayHStA KU Regens-
burg Dominkaner #81, 21 March 1260. Published register in Renz, “Beiträge zur
Geschichte der Schottenabtei St. Jakob,” 575. For Eberhardus, see Andreas Kraus,
“Beiträge zur Geschichte des Dominikanerklosters St. Blasius in Regensburg,” VHVOR
106 (1966), 165; and Heribert Christian Scheeben, Albert der Grosse: zur Chronologie seines
Lebens, Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte des Dominikanerordens in Deutschland (hereinafter,
QF ), vol. 27 (Leipzig: Albertus Magnus Verlag 1931), 137.
192
Dominican leaders divided the province between Saxony and Teutonia in 1303.
Thus, the nine studia mentioned in 1280 served all Dominican convents within Ger-
man speaking territories. In addition to Regensburg, there were five arts studia in the
western and southern parts of the province that would later compose the province of
Teutonia: two in the visitation of Alsace (Basel and Worms) one in Swabia-Franconia
(Würzburg), and one each in the visitations of Austria and Brabant (inferior). The
remaining four studia were placed in houses of the future province of Saxony at Leipzig,
Ruppin, and Halverstat. Heinrich Finke, “Zur Geschichte der deutschen Dominikaner
im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert,” Römerquartalschrift (hereinafter, RQ) 8 (1894), 376–77.
There were intitially four and later five visitations/nations in the divided province
of Teutonia. Paulus von Löe places the number at four with the nation of Bavaria
being combined with Austria, see Löe, Statistisches über die Ordensprovinz Teutonia, QF, ed.
Paulus von Loë and Benedictus Maria Reichert, vol. 1 (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1907),
6. However, most often the number appears to have been five: Brabant/Lower Rhine
(Inferior), Alsace, Swabia-Franconia, Bavaria, and Austria (occasionally divided further
into Austria and Styria/Carinthia). The convents of each of these nations were as
follows—Brabant: Aachen, Antwerp, Cologne, Frankfurt, ’s-Hertogenbosch, Koblenz,
Louvain, Luxembourg, Mainz, Maastricht, Trier; Alsace: Basel, Bern, Colmar, Freiburg
Guebwiler, Hagenau, Schlettstadt, Speyer, Strasbourg, Wissembourg, Worms; Swabia-
Franconia: Augburg, Chur, Esslingen, Constance, Mergentheim, Pforzheim, Rottenburg
o. d. Tauber, Rotweil, Schwäbisch-Gmünd, Ulm, Wimpfen, Würzburg, Zurich; Bavaria:
Bamberg, Eichstätt, Landshut, Nuremberg, Regensburg; Austria: Friesach, Krems,
Leoben, Pettau, Retz, Tulln, Vienna, Vienna Neu-stadt.
193
Henricus de Groningen served as lector. The students were Henricus de Gamun-
dia (Schwäbisch-Gmünd), Albertus de Rotweil, Gerhardus de Augusta, Everhardus
de Augusta, Fredericus, and Fredericus de Rechilmanni (Regelmannbrunn?). See
Appendix I.

62 chapter two
sentencias.194 This left Regensburg as the only Dominican school between

Würzburg and Vienna holding formal lectures on the Sentences.
A similar picture emerges from 1365, 1396, 1398, and 1400 to 1402
and again in the early sixteenth century.195 Although Regensburg did
not rise to the level of a studium generale, between 1396 and 1402, the
convent appears to have housed a semi-permanent provincial theologi-
cal studium.196 Moreover, between 1396 and 1401, it ranked among the
foremost schools in Teutonia. In those years, Regensburg along with
Antwerp, Cologne, ’s-Hertogenbosch (Bois-le-Duc), Louvain, Trier,
and Strasbourg were the only schools in the province housing a lector,
sentencias, and magister studentium each year.197
The number of students assigned to Regensburg and their origins
provide additional evidence of the significance of the studium. With the
exception of 1398 and 1401 where the lists are clearly truncated, there
were about seven students assigned to Regensburg in each of the years
for which we have records, with a high of ten in 1396 and a low of
five in 1400.198 Although these lists are notoriously incomplete—filled
194
Thomas Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),”
AFP 23 (1953), 329–32. It is possible that Speyer should be included in this list. It
appears in the list between Freiburg and Trier, which both have a sentencias, and the
original scribe left out at least one name after naming the lector.
195
See Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (c. 1365–71),”
316; Berthold Altaner, “Aus den Akten des Rottweiler Provinzialkapitels der Domini-
kaner vom Jahre 1396,” Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte (hereinafter, ZKG ) 48 (1929): 13;
and B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia
aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” RQ 11 (1897): 298.
196
For a description of the organization of these studia, see Mulchahey, Dominican
Education, 336–40; Kraus discusses the relative size and importance of the Regensburg
studium. Kraus, “Beiträge zur Geschichte des Dominikanerklosters St. Blasius in Regens-
burg,” 165. Unfortunately, provincial records survive only from the years 1365, 1396,
1398, 1400, 1401, and 1402. As such, it is impossible to say how often Regensburg
was assigned a sentencias between 1365 and 1396. However, the fact that Regensburg
had a sentencias in every year for which records survive between 1346 and 1401 suggests
that Regensburg’s status was more or less permanent.
197
Altaner, “Rottweiler Provinzialkapitels 1396,” 9–15; Reichert, “Akten der
provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia,” 296–318. In 1402, the convent
was assigned a lector and master of students but no sentencias. Compare Kraus, “Beiträge
zur Geschichte des Dominikanerklosters St. Blasius in Regensburg,” 165. For a list of
the teaching personnel during this period, see Appendix I.
198
The records for both 1398 and 1401 end their list with etc. Even if these two
years are included, the average drops to just under six. Despite these problems, the
average number of students is in line with the Mulchahey’s findings for the Roman
Province at the end of the thirteenth century where there were between five and six
students assigned each year. Mulchahey, Dominican Education, 324. For lists of students
assigned to Regensburg, see Appendix I.

with ellipses and etceteras—Regensburg’s significance as a center of

Dominican study during this period emerges clearly. In 1365, the chapter
sent students to Regensburg from Wissenbourg and ’s-Hertogenbosch,
even though the visitations from which they came—Alsace and the
Lower Rhine respectively—had several theological studia that year.199
Evidence gleaned from the later careers of the men assigned to
Regensburg also provides valuable insights into the relative impor-
tance of Regensburg within the province. Friedrich Pfeffenhauser, who
studied at Regensburg in 1396, appears two years later as a master of
Students in Würzburg, a position that required several years of study at
a provincial theological studium. In 1401, he lectured in the arts studium
in Pettau, again a position requiring at least two years of study in a
provincial theological studium and preferably two years of teaching in
such a school.200 The career of Heinrich Gotzberger is equally telling.
Heinrich studied with Friedrich Pfeffenhauser in 1396 before mov-
ing on to serve as master of students at Landshut in 1398. In 1400,
Heinrich appears as a student at the permanent theological studium in
Strasbourg. One year later, he was master of students in Basel, and
in 1402, he served as a lector in the studium naturarum in the convent
of Wimpfen.201 The picture that emerges from these years is that of
a flourishing provincial theological studium producing some of the most
qualified lectors in the German province.
For the next seventy-five years, there is little surviving evidence from
the convent studium. However, this apparent lack of activity is more a
reflection of the paucity of provincial records than a real decline in the
educational activities of the convent. The growth of the library through-
out the fifteenth century suggests a vibrant and active intellectual life.202
The little evidence that does survive tends to confirm this impression.
In 1407, the one-time Regensburg student Johannes Wismann served as
199
Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (c. 1365–71),” 316.
The lector in 1365 was Johannes Merlin (Mörlen? between Frankfurt and Cologne).
The students were Chunradus de Wizzenburch, Wilhelmus de Busco, Albertus Leonach,
Martinus and Hermannus Ysenkaster, and Sigbertus de Bruma (Bonn?).
200
Mulchahey, Dominican Education, 332. For careers, see appendix I.
201
From 1398 to 1402, friars from Regensburg were assigned to study in convents
throughout the province and beyond. These included Strasbourg, Bamberg, Cologne,
Würzburg, Speyer, Petau, Landshut, Constance, Worms, and Verona. See the biographi-
cal data compiled as Appendix I. The studia naturarum focused primarily on the natural
philosophy of Aristotle. See Mulchahey, Dominican Education, 267–77.
202
See Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 448–452.

64 chapter two
sentencias in Strasbourg.203 He was joined at Strasbourg by another former

Regensburg student—Marquardus Semeler.204 Conradus Pruensser, a
lector in Regensburg in 1425, purchased and copied a large number
of manuscripts he later donated to the library in Regensburg.205 Petrus
Rosenheim, an author of sermons and a prolific scribe, was active in
the Regensburg studium in the 1430s and 1440s serving as a master of
students in 1434 and as cursor (sententiarum?) in 1440.206 In 1461, Casparus
Brandstetter of Regensburg studied in Cologne where he copied parts
of BayStB clm 26878 that included works of logic by Peter Hispanus
and Johannes Versoris (d. ca. 1485).207
After twenty years of relative quiet (1450–70), the reform movements
that swept through many of the mendicant convents in the 1470s appear
to have spurred a period of more intense intellectual activity, or at the
very least higher levels of documentation.208 In 1475, with the sup-
port of the Regensburg city council, the order appointed the reformer
Johannes Nigri (Schwarz) as prior.209 Around the same time, Duke
Louis the Rich commissioned Johannes’ brother and fellow Dominican,
Petrus Nigri, to preach to the Jews of Regensburg.210 In 1478, another
203
Thomas Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1349,
1407),” AFP 22 (1952), 194.
204
Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1349, 1407),”
195.
205
206
See BayStB clm 26805 fol. 188, and BayStB clm 26833 fol. 13.
207
BayStB clm 26878 fol. 188: “Scripsit Caspar Branstetter de Ratisbona OP
semistudens Coloniae.” See also Hermann Keussen, Die Matrikel der Universität Köln,
1389–1559. 3 vols. Bonn: H. Behrendt, 1892–1931 (hereinafter, MUK ), vol. 3, 1461/2
Ntr. 720.
208
Some of the friars resisted the reform movement and left the convent. Their num-
bers, however, appear to have been replenished quickly. By 1490, the convent had more
than forty members. BayHstA KU Regensburg Dominkaner 10 May 1490 #189.
209
For a discussion of the reform activities of Johannes Nigri, see Kraus, “Beiträge
zur Geschichte des Dominikanerklosters St. Blasius in Regensburg,” 165; and Mari-
anne Popp, “Die Dominikaner in Bistum Regensburg,” BzGBR 12 (1978): 241–42.
Originally from Kaaden in Bohemia, Johannes Nigri received his doctorate in 1475
at Ingolstadt. Kraus, “Beiträge zur Geschichte des Dominikanerklosters St. Blasius in
Regensburg,” 165. In addition to his work as prior, Nigri contributed numerious manu-
scripts containing theological treatises and sermons, some of which he had composed
himself. See Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV; 1, 450–451. In 1476, Nigri was also the recipient
of forty-three Hebrew manuscripts, likely taken from the recently suppressed Jewish
communities of southern Germany.
210
Petrus Nigri studied theology in Montpellier and perhaps also in Salamanca
where, according to his own account, he secretly studied with the local rabbis. He
later matriculated at Freiburg where he lectured on the Sentences. By 1473, he was
in Ingolstadt where he appears to have taught Hebrew until 1474. In 1474 to 1475,

brother, the future provincial of Bohemia, Georgius Nigri, served the

convent as lector.211 Four additional university students with ties to the
convent—Bartholomew Prenner, Leonardus Modler, Georgius Koler,
and Blasius Cropolt—appear in studia in various capacities throughout
the province.212
Perhaps because it served so frequently as a theological studium,
Regensburg rarely housed other provincial studia. There is no refer-
ence to an arts studium in Regensburg after 1280, nor does it seem to
have ever housed a studium naturarum. Indeed, the library in the mid-
fourteenth century would appear to have been ill suited for such an
undertaking. The catalogue of 1347 shows a library lacking even the
most common works of Aristotle213—a fact made more surprising given
the early presence in the convent of Albertus Magnus, one of the most
important students of natural philosophy produced by the order. The
works included were primarily biblical, patristic, and pastoral with
a smattering of more recent theological works by Albertus Magnus
(d. 1280), Thomas Aquinas, Henry of Ghent (d. 1293), and the mysti-
cal theologian Johannes von Sterngassen (d. after 1327).214 There were,
the city account records from Regensburg report a payment of 5 schillings 22 denarii
to “pruder Petern zu den Predigern der den Juden hie predigt . . .” StAR Cam. 17
fol. 93r. Nigri’s writings especially address questions related to the Jews; most notable
is the higly polemical treatise Tractatus contra perfidos Iudeos de conditionibus veri Messie in
which he quotes from the Massoretic text rather than the Vulgate. Benedikt Konrad
Vollman, “Petrus Nigri OP,” VL, vol. 6, 1008–1013.
211
Georg Nigri matriculated at Ingolstadt in 1478, at which time he was called
lector of Regensburg. MLMU I, 84, 23. See also Popp, “Die Dominkaner in Bistum
Regensburg,” 241.
212
Kraus, “Beiträge zur Geschichte des Dominikanerklosters St. Blasius in Regens-
burg,” 165–66. Bartholmew Prenner was lector in Strasbourg and Hagenau (1475–76),
and prior in Wissembourg in 1487. Leonard Modler was lector in Schlettstadt, student
in Toulouse, vicar at Bozen, and Lector of Friesach. Blasius Cropolt was sent to study
in Bologna in 1501. Georgis Koler served as lector in Iglau (Bohemia) in 1490. During
his stay in Bohemia, Koler purchased a copy of Thomas Aquinas’ Summa Theologiae,
which he later donated to the Regensburg convent library. Aquinas, Summa Theologiae.
P. 2, 1 (Venice: Andreas Torresanus, Batholomaeus de Blavis and Maphaeus de Pater-
bonis, 1483) T-283: BSB-Ink, Online-Version: 24 May 2007. In 1503, Jeorius Koler
in sacre theologie licenciatus lectured and disputed (legat et disputet) in Freisach. G. M. Löhr,
“Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel, der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,” AFP 17 (1947),
261. See Appendix I for Medler, Prenner, Koler, and Cropult.
213
The Dominican library in 1347 held only the pseudo-Aristotelian text of the
Problemata. Ineichen-Eder, MBK: IV: 1. 459. In the same year Prüfening held nearly the
entire known corpus of Aristotle as did St. Emmeram. See Chapter Two Benedictines
and Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 160.
214
See Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 456–459. Compare Popp, “Die Dominkaner
in Bistum Regensburg,” 239. There were six works of Albertus Magnus including

66 chapter two
however, a few works suitable as natural philosophy texts.215 These

included several works by Aquinas, Hugh of St. Victor on Geometry,
a work of Maimonides, and medical texts of Galen, Hippocrates, and
Theophilus.216 By the fifteenth century, the library had acquired several
of the most important Aristotelian works of natural philosophy, but it
does not appear to have been a particular focus of collection.217 Logic
texts, the core of the Dominican provincial arts curriculum, were better
represented in the catalogue of 1347 but the works of Peter Hispanus
(fl. first half 13th century) are notably absent.218
The library was better equipped to provide grammar instruction and
may have served as the primary pre-postulancy school in the visitation
of Bavaria. The catalogue of 1347 lists a number of texts useful for
teaching both grammar and rhetoric. These included a Priscian Maior, as
well as works of Cicero and Seneca.219 Among the surviving manuscripts
of the library is a fourteenth century Latin/German dictionary bound
with an expositio hymnorum, and the pedagogical poem Poenitentiarius.220 In
addition, the convent owned a fifteenth-century manuscript copy of the
his commentary on Luke, which is generally thought to have been completed during
Albertus’ tenure as bishop of Regensburg, as well as commentaries on Isaiah and Job.
Aquinas is particularly well represented—dominating nearly an entire bookcase. These
included his commentary on the Sentences, Quaestiones, and his Summa in four volumes.
The library also held Quaestiones of Henry of Ghent and Johannes von Sterngassen’s
lectures on the Sentences. Johannes von Sterngassen was the principal lector at Stras-
bourg ca. 1320 (see Mulchahey, Dominican Education, 162.) This was one of the final
entries in the catalogue of 1347 and no doubt one of the last acquisitions before the
catalogue was compiled.
215
Mulchahey discusses the typical curriculum in the Dominican studia naturarum,
which depended heavily on Aristotle. See Mulchahey, Dominican Education, 270–84.
216
Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 458–59. Natural philosophy works of Aquinas held
in the library included Contra Averroistas, de Principiis Naturae, de Aeternitate Mundi, and de
Mixtione Elementorum.
217
See BayStB clm 26887, which was copied in 1469 and included de Caaelo et
Mundo, de Anima, de Generatione et Corruptione, and de Libris Meteororum. The library also
acquired a few works on astronomy in the fifteenth century. See, for example, BayStB
clm 26812.
218
In 1347, the library did hold works representing both the logica vetus and the
logica nova. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 459: “super veterem artem et super priorum et
posteriorum.” A copy of Peter Hispanus was added in the mid-fifteenth century, copied
by Casparus Brandstetter, a Regensburg Dominican and former student at Cologne.
BayStB clm 26878. For more on Branstetter, see Appendix I.
219
These were Cato, de Amicitia and Paradoxa, and Seneca, Declamationes. Ineichen-
220
BayStB clm 26874. The poem circulated widely as a work of John of Garland.
Recent scholarship, however, has called the ascription into question. See Henkel, Deutsche
Übersetzungen, 699, for editions and relevant literature.

grammar of Alexander de Villa Dei (1170–1250)221 and a printed copy

of the Pseudo-Boethius, De disciplina scholarum, published in 1492.222
Even more than the Dominicans, the Regensburg Augustinian
Hermits played a leading role in the history of their order.223 In 1290,
nine years before the creation of the Province of Bavaria, the general
chapter meeting of the order was held in Regensburg—the first in
German-speaking territory.224 The history of the convent was also pecu-
liarly enmeshed with that of the city. The city of Regensburg served as
the founder and most important patron of the convent and frequently
used the convent’s buildings for city business.225 In 1361, a native son
of Regensburg, Conrad Straubinger, served as prior of the convent.226
This relationship no doubt helps explain the frequent financial support
the city provided to the convent. Such support took a variety of forms
including wood for fuel, general building repair, a window for the library,
and funding for university study by specific friars.227
221
BayStB clm 26798.
222
Pseudo-Boethius, De disciplina scholarium (Deventer: Jacobus de Breda, 1492.02.03,
4), B-625, BSB-Ink: Online-Version, 24 May 2007.
223
The literature on the Augustinian Hermits in Germany is extensive. See, in
particular, Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, especially vol. 1 and
3. See also two works by Josef Hemmerle, Die Klöster der Augustiner-Eremiten in Bayern, in
Bayerische Heimatsforschung 12 (München: Verlag Bayerische Heimatforschung, 1958), and
“Zur Geschichtlicher Bedeutung der Regensburger Augustiner,” in VHVOR 101 (1961),
147–64; and Adolar Zumkeller, Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenor-
dens in mitteleuropäischen Bibliotheken, in Cassiciacum, vol. 20 (Würzburg: Augustinus, 1966).
In addition, I have made extensive use of BayStB clm 8423, an eighteenth-century
copy made from the provincial records housed in Rome.
224
Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, Die Bayerische Provinz
bis zum Ende des Mittelalters, 280.
225
In the third quarter of the fifteenth century, the council also supported and
participated in the Augustinian Hermit’s Easter celebrations. Between 1466 and 1475,
the council provided money for the wine used during Easter: “Item mein herren zech-
ten mit dem profinzial zu den Augustinern zu Ostern und wir gaben umb wein lxix
den.” StAR Cam. 16 fol. 166v (1466). See also Cam. 16. 258v; Cam. 17 fol. 18r; Cam.
17.fol.93v; and Cam. 16 fol. 121v.
226
BayHStA RS. Regb. Urk. #1270, 1361. Conrad Straubinger witnessed the
establishment of an anniversary mass by Frau Chungunt der Peysingerin, widow of
Heinrich der Peysinger.
227
In 1413–14, the council gave 4 pounds to the Baumeister “zu der stuben in der
Capelln.” StAR Cam. 08. Block 2, fol. 33r.. In 1466, the city gave the convent 15
schil. and 4 den. “um ein glass . . . die librarey zu den Augustinern zu machen . . .”
StAR Cam. 16 fol. 168r. The city also provided direct payments to at least three
Augustinian Hermits to support their education: Berthold (Puchhauser?) (1401, 1404),
the provincial Johannes Ludovici (1467) (StAR Cam. 16 fol. 81v), and the lector and
native Regensburger Casparus Kursner (1477). See Appendix I for Puchhauser and

68 chapter two
Although there is no evidence that the order ran an open school,

the convent’s studium was important for both the city and the order. A
significant number of native sons of Regensburg entered the order, and
likely received a portion of their education in the convent school.228 They
also accumulated a large and impressive library from which a number
of books found their way into the libraries of other convents. The
convent school provided educated preachers to whom the council often
provided direct support.229 In addition, a large number of Regensburg
Augustinian Hermits served as suffragan bishops in Regensburg and
elsewhere.230 In this capacity, they reached well beyond the walls of
their convent and schools.
Within the order, the influence of Regensburg’s school was pro-
found.231 From the founding of the province of Bavaria in 1299, it
served as a provincial studium generale, which provided the philosophical
and theological training necessary for university study.232 Although we
have little specific evidence regarding the curriculum in Regensburg, it
was likely similar to that found in other provincial studia generalia within
the order. These studia were responsible for providing the requisite
Kursner and Appendix II for Ludovici. The city also maintained a chamber (ratstube)
in the convent for council use. In addition, the city made frequent payments to “den
Augustinern fu(e)r Holz zu der Ratstuben 1/2 lb.” StAR Cam. 14 fol. 16r. Compare
Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, III, 64.
228
The son of the Regensburg patrician Ulrich Woller was member of the convent.
Widemann and Bastian, MB 54, 422 #1073: 16 February 1375: “Ich han auch meinen
sun, pruder Ulreich ze den Augustinern enpfolhen meinem pruder hern Otten dem
Woller und hern Dietreich dem Zollner.” Other sons of Regensburg included Ulrich
Straubinger, first provincial of Bavaria and prior of Regensburg in the 1290s (Kunzel-
mann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 283); Berthold Puchhauser (see
appendix II); Friedrich der Straubinger, recipient of an annuity from the city in 1395
(StAR Cam. 04.1r); and Gottfried Portner (1395 StAR Cam. 04. 1r).
229
See, for example, StAR Cam. 07. 18 r: “Item wir haben geben dem Prediger
zu den Augustiner 1 lb. den. . . .”
230
In this, they were similar to the Franciscans who also had a number of suffra-
gan bishops from among their ranks. Nicholas of Laun, a former theology professor
at Prague and provincial of Bavaria, served as suffragan bishop of Regensburg from
1362 to 1371, and Johannes Ludovici served in the same capacity from 1468 to 1480.
See Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 240, 285; and Karl
Hausberger, Geschichte des Bistums Regensburg, vol. 2, Vom Barock bis zur Gegenwart (Regens-
burg: Pustet, 1989), 262.
231
Hemmerle discusses the important figures connected with the convent in some
detail. See Hemmerle, “Zur Geschichtlicher Bedeutung der Regensburger Augustiner,”
147–64.
232
Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 280. For a discus-
sion of the curriculum of these studia, see Courtenay, “Franciscan Studia in Southern
Germany,” 74.

background in logic, grammar, and theology for students intended for

further study in a studium generale ordinis.233
Unfortunately, the oft-mentioned library catalogue of 1347 appears
to be an incomplete inventory of the convent’s holdings; it ends with
the less than helpful phrase, “note that I did not record many books
of sermons and also some other books.”234 Among those books the
scribe saw fit to record, there were numerous mendicant authors. These
included sermons by the Dominicans Albertus Magnus235 and Jacobus
de Voragine (d. 1298), the Summa Theologica and quodlibet of Thomas
Aquinas, the quodlibet of master Alexander (presumably the Franciscan
Alexander of Hales), and the Summa Noviciorum by the Franciscan David
of Augsburg. Finally, and again not surprisingly, the library included
much of the corpus of Giles of Rome (d. 1316).236 In addition, the
library held older school texts, including, the Soliloquium of Hugh of
St. Victor (d. 1142), the Etymologies of Isidore of Seville, and several
of his works of natural philosophy.237
The parade of students from Regensburg into the order’s studia
generalia leaves little doubt about the status of the school. Beginning in
the 1380s, Regensburg students advanced to many of the order’s most
233
According to the statutes of the general chapter held in Regensburg in 1290, these
studia generalia, of which there were four in Italy at that time, were to have two lectors,
one to lecture and lead disputations on the scriptures and when appropriate lecture on
philosophy, and one to lecture on the Sentences and logic or philosophy according to the
needs of the students. The statutes go on to stipulate that those sent to such a school
should be sufficiently trained in logic and grammar so that after five years they would
be fit for service as a lector. Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 1,
252: “Statuimus denique et mandamus inviolabiliter obseruari, ut prior generalis qui
pro tempore erit, in Italia quattuor studia generalia ad minus faciat semper in fervore
et assiduitate studii retineri . . . Et in unoquoque ex ipsis studiis sint duo lectores quorum
unus de mandato ipsius generalis legat de textu sacrae scripturae, et disputet tempore
opportuno, et aliquam lectionem in philosophia prout consideraverit magis ad com-
moditatem studentium expedire . . . Alius vero legat sententias et in logicalibus, vel in
philosophia secundum quod magis commoditas seu utilitas studentium exiget. Et ad
praedicta quidem studia de qualibet prouincia mittatur unus studens in grammaticali-
bus et logicalibus ita sufficienter instructus, quod postquam in tali studio steterit per
quinquennium inueniatur idoneus officio lectore.”
234
Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 470: “Nota quod multos libros sermonum non scripsi
et eciam aliquos alios libros.”
235
Included in the list is the work de Impressionibus Aeris as well as the falsely attrib-
uted Proprietates rerum Alberti Magni, (likely the work of fellow Dominican Vincent of
Beauvais (d. 1264).
236
Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 469–70. The works of Giles of Rome included his
commentary on the Sentences, de Regimine Principium, his commentary on the Physics of
Aristotle, Super Physicorum, and de Divina Influencia.
237
Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV: 1, 469–70.

70 chapter two
prestigious studia. In 1389, two Regensburg Augustinians were sent to

study at Prague, and either Erfurt or Magdeburg.238 In the years fol-
lowing, friars from the Regensburg convent appear at Oxford, Paris,
Rome, Bologna, Verona, Florence, Prague, Erfurt, and Vienna.239 The
identifiable lectors and the notable names associated with the convent
also attest to the existence of a vital studium. The first named lector
appears in 1322.240 In 1357, no less than four lectors were active in the
convent.241 Between 1390 and 1500, an additional six (perhaps seven)
can be identified.242 The convent also produced a series of Bavarian
provincials.243 Other notable Augustinians with important ties to the
238
BayStB clm 8423, 285.
239
For a discussion of the Regensburg Augustinians and university study, see Chapter
Four. See also Appendix II.
240
StBR Rat.Ep. 117, Roman Zirngibl, Epitaphia seu lapides sepulchrales in ecclesia fra-
trum Minorum Conventualium ad S. Salvatorem, 522 #XCIX “Obiit domina Petrisia soror
Johannis lectoris.”
241
K. H. Lang and M Freyberg-Eisenberg, eds., Regesta sive rerum boicarum Autographa
usque 1300, [hereinafter RegBoic] (München:Impensis Regiis,1822–54), vol. 8, 364: 7
January 1357. Albertus, Wirenher, Ott, and Härtwig all appear in a dispute over the
donation of twenty pounds to the convent by the Regensburg citizen Jörgen in dem
Hirsee. Also cited in Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 280
n. 1074. In 1375, Albertus was called lector and prior in Regensburg. BayHstA KU
Regensburg Augustiner, 24 November 1375, nr. 50. He was still prior in 1382 when the
convent was involved in a property dispute with the city of Straubing. Fridolin Solleder,
Urkundenbuch der Stadt Straubing (Straubing: Cl. Attenkofer Buch und Kunstdruckerei,
1911–18), 207–10 #220: 27 April 1382. In 1389, Albertus served as proctor of the
provincial of Bavaria. BayStB clm 8423, 286. The lector Ott also appears several times
in charters. In 1368, he is named in the will of Dietrich Zollner (citizen of Regensburg)
as the recipient of ½ lb for thirty masses. Widemann and Bastian, MB 54, 325 #788:
21 June 1368. Seven years later, Ott is named in the will of Ulrich Woller (citizen of
Regensburg). Widemann and Bastian, MB 54, 422 #1073: 16 February 1375.
242
These were Berthold (probably Puchhauser) called lector in 1401 and 1404; Fried-
rich de Ratispona (possibly the same as Friedrich Hofmaister d. 1430), who served as
prior several times between 1403 and 1420 and was called lector repeatedly; Nicholas de
Ratispona, 1463 ; Leonardus de Ratispona (Mülhauser), 1466; Conradus de Ratispona,
1475; and Johannes Schwartz, 1500. See Appendix I, Augustinian lectors.
243
The provincials from Regensburg were Ulrich of Straubing (1300–15), probably
Karl der Graner (1335), Ulrich of Regensburg (1343), Albert of Regensburg (1385–87),
Berthold Puchhauser (1418–1431), and Casparus de Ratispona (1483–89). Kunzelmann
does not identify Karl der Graner as being from Regensburg, however, two facts point
in this direction. First, the Graners appear in the Regensburg city council from 1354 to
1429 and were a prominent family in the city by at least the 1330s. Second, the property
transaction in which Karl der Graner is identified as provincial includes a number of
Regensburg citizens as witnesses, including Conrad Thundorfer, Hansen Loebel, and
Leutwin Regensburg treasurer. see Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten,
vol. 3, 93; Fritz Morré, “Ratsverfassung und Patriziat in Regensburg bis 1400,” 94;
Ingo H. Kropac, “Die Ämterlisten der Reichsstadt Regensburg,” 1996–2002, http:
bhgw20.kfunigraz.ac.at/public/amtlist/zugriff.htm (accessed 22 September 2003). For

Regensburg convent were Nicholas of Laun (d. 1371) a former theology

professor at Prague, and Augustinus Molitoris (d. 1517), who received
his doctorate at Paris before entering the theology faculty at Vienna
in 1501.244
The evidence considered thus far has primarily concerned males
belonging to the majority Christian population. Individuals belonging
to groups outside of this privileged class were not excluded entirely
from educational opportunities. In recent years, interest in the study
of women’s education in the Middle Ages has grown considerably.
Veritable cottage industries have sprung up around the famously
learned figures of Hrotsvitha of Gandersheim, Heloise, Hildegard of
Bingen, Catherine of Siena, and Christine de Pizan, to name just a
few. Several studies have also examined the educational culture within
convents and Beguinages.245 However, more general studies of female
Ulrich of Regensburg, Albert of Regensburg, Berthold Puchhauser, and Caspar von

Regensburg (1483–89), see Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol.
3, 84–123, 251–54. Berthold Puchhauser appears frequently in charters relating to his
home convent during his years as provincial. BayHstA KU Regensburg Augustiner,
1420 VIII 28 #61, and 1429 X 21 #64. Berthold, who also taught in the theology
faculty at Vienna for many years, brought the convent particularly close to the uni-
versity. In 1420, for example, Michael Suchenschatz, professor of arts and theology,
and canon of St. Stephan’s in Vienna left 150 Hungarian florins to fund four masses
in the convent. BHstA. KU. Regensburg Augustiner, 1420 VIII 28 #61. Although not
from Regensburg, the provincial Johannes Ludovici (provincial 1461–68) spent con-
siderable time in Regensburg and enjoyed close ties to the city. In 1466, he received 4
Rheinische Gulden “zu stewr seiner Doctorei,” and from 1466 to 1468, the city cel-
ebrated Easter with the provincial. StAR Cam. 16 121v, 166v, 214r. In 1452, Ludovici
lectured in Florence and was placed over the studia in Vienna in 1461. In 1468, he
served as suffragen bishop of Regensburg. He also served as advisor to Ludwig des
Reichen in 1473. Heinz Lieberich, “Die Gelehrten Räte: Staat und Juristen in Baiern in
der Frühzeit der Rezeption,” in Zeitschrift für Bayerischen Landesgeschichte, vol. 27 (München:
1967), 175 died in 1480 and has an epitaph in the cathedral church. Rudolf Freytag
and Johann B. Hecht (eds.) “Die Grabdenkmäler des Regensburger Domes,” Blätter
des Bayerischen Landesverein für Familienkunde 11 (1933), 56.
244
Paul Uiblein, ed., Die Akten der Theologischen Fakultät der Universität Wien (1396–1508),
vol. 2 (Wien: Verband der wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaften Österreichs, 1978), 376: 9
February 1501 “afferret litteras testimoniales ex studio Parisiensi, ubi se adeptum fuisse
magisterium asseruit.” Hemmerle reports that he also studied at Cologne and in Eng-
land. Hemmerle, “Zur Geschichtlicher Bedeutung der Regensburger Augustiner,” 159.
Other significant figures from the Regensburg convent include Augustus de Ratispone,
lector in Vienna in 1487 (BayStB clm 8423, 334, 24 August 1487); Johannes de Pferinger
de Ratisbona, who copied BayStB clm 17633 in 1469 (Zumkeller, Manuskripte, 260)
possibly the same as the Johannes de Rat. who copied a manuscript in 1443 in the
Schottenkloster in Vienna (Zumkeller, Manuskripte, 261); and Johannes de Ratispona who
was promoted to the licentiate in 1437 (BayStB clm 8423, 185, 19 August 1437).
245
See, for example, the brief discussion of Beguine teaching in the Low Countries

72 chapter two
education are still largely lacking. The appearance of the two-volume

work Geschichte der Mädchen- und Frauenbildung has rectified this situation
somewhat. However, works on the education of women remain largely
impressionistic.246
Much of this is due to the nature of the surviving sources. The
arrangements under which many women were educated are simply
undocumented. It was possible, even for those of modest means and
basic literacy, to provide their children with at least an elementary
vernacular education within the home. Although Latin education was
more difficult and expensive, the nobility and some wealthier merchant
families would have been able to provide private tutors for both their
sons and daughters.
Cathedral, collegiate, and city schools which left clearer footprints,
were not, as a rule, open to girls. That many medieval schools excluded
girls was less the result of medieval perceptions of the fitness of women
for learning than of the liturgical role that the students played in these
schools. Indeed, the women and girls who entered the religious life,
especially the older Benedictine houses, were frequently literate in Latin.
However, the students who attended the open grammar schools attached
to religious institutions, and even those funded directly by cities, were in
a very real sense clerics, a status that by definition excluded women.
The lack of access to ecclesiastical grammar schools and city schools
meant that Latin education for girls was more limited by economic and
social background than it was for boys. Private schools, which could
be open to girls, appear to have been primarily, though not exclusively,
vernacular schools. As such, a higher percentage of literate girls would
in Walter Simons, Cities of Ladies: Beguine Communities in the Medieval Low Countries 1200–
1565, The Middle Ages Series, ed. Ruth Mazo Karras (Philadelphia: University of
Pennsylvania Press, 2001), 80–85. As Simons points out, however, in German-speaking
areas, the Beguines were more closely associated with the running of hospitals for the
poor than they were with education.
246
Elke Kleinau and Claudia Opitz, eds., Geschichte der Mädchen- und Frauenbildung,
vol. 1, Mittelalter bis zur Aufklärung (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 1996). See also Edith
Ennen, Frauen im Mittelalter, 5th ed. (München: C. H. Beck, 1994) and Specht, Unter-
richtswesen, 255–95. Paul F. Grendler discusses female education in late medieval and
Renaissance Italy at some length and concludes that although the majority of the noble
and well-to-do girls learned to read and write in the vernacular, few ever learned to
read and write in Latin, and fewer still learned Greek. As these languages were thought
appropriate only for clerics and secular leaders, they were inappropriate for most women.
Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy, 87–102. The lacunae are particularly evident in
local studies, which frequently give only cursory reference to women’s education.

have been so only in the vernacular.247 This, coupled with the fact that
reading and writing of a native language could be taught more easily
at home than could Latin, may help explain the importance of ver-
nacular literature in the experience of the female religious, especially
those connected with the mendicant Orders.248
However, women were not excluded from knowledge of Latin entirely.
The earliest evidence of educated women in Regensburg were the women
of Obermünster, Mittelmünster (St. Paul’s), and Niedermünster—women
well known for their Latinity. The so-called Carmina Ratisponensia, which
date from the late eleventh or early twelfth century, reflect the kind of
education that was available to these women. Although the letters make
no overt reference to their origins, internal clues make it clear that
they were school exercises produced in Obermünster, Niedermünster,
or convent of St. Paul.249 The level of learning within these convents
was respected to such a degree that Idung of Prüfening (fl. 1133–1155)
247
Further complicating matters is that literacy was often defined as literacy in Latin,
with even those literate in the vernacular labeled as Illiteratus.
248
Marie Luise Ehrenschwendtner argues that the vernacular dominated in the
houses of the female Dominicans in southern Germany because it was more condu-
cive to the expression of the kind of personal and direct piety that characterized their
devotion. Ehrenschwendtner, “ ‘Puellae Litteratae’: The Use of the Vernacular in the
Dominican Convents of S. Germany,” in Medieval Women in Their Communities, ed. Diane
Watt (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997), 60. Although this may have been the
case, it must also reflect the extent to which the nuns were more comfortable writing
and expressing themselves in the vernacular; Latin itself was no bar to the expression
of intensely personal religious feeling. The key may lie not in the nature of Dominican
female spirituality but, rather, in the social and economic backgrounds of the sisters.
Evidence from Regensburg shows that female Dominicans and Franciscans were drawn
increasingly from among the citizens of Regensburg. Their education before entering
the convent was thus less likely to include Latin than was that of the noble-women
who dominated the older Benedictine houses.
249
Stammler, VL, vol. 7, 1096–97. Peter Dronke, Medieval Latin and the Rise of European
Love-Lyric, vol. 2, Medieval Latin Love-Poetry, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1968), 422–47.
Dronke is not entirely convinced that these necessarily originated in Regensburg; see
especially page 222. However, at least two references to the Alte Kapelle make the
identification appear fairly certain. See Dronke, Medieval Latin Love-Poetry, 426: “Depre-
cor ad vetulam te mane venire capellam.” and “Prepositus vetule mandat tibi fausta
capelle.” The poems are contained in BayStB clm 17142 and are described in some
detail by Dronke. Along with these letters, the manuscript also contains the kind of
scholastic miscellany that so often appears in such pedagogical manuscripts: fragments
of classical and patristic authors, etymologies, and so forth. Interestingly, it appears
that a canon of the Alte Kapelle was directly responsibilty for instructing the women
and often, as the letters suggest, became an object of their (fictional?) affections. Märtl,
“Damenstifte Obermünster, 752–53.

74 chapter two
a former magister scolarum in the cathedral,250 dedicated a copy of his

Dialogus duorum monachorum to the Abbess Kunigunde of Niedermünster.
He included in his dedication the request, “It be legibly copied and
diligently emended by some of your sisters accustomed to this sort of
work.”251 Similarly, the sisters of St. Paul were responsible for writing
out the Visio Tnugdali, a graphic account of an Irish knight’s journey
through heaven and hell that became one of the most popular works
of its day.252
Although the nobility continued to dominate these houses, at least
some from the Regensburg patriciate seem to have gained entry. In
1329, Elizabeth Umtuer, daughter of a wealthy citizen of Regensburg,
Dietrich Umtuer, received papal support in her effort to be admitted
into St. Paul’s (Mittelmünster).253 At the time of her appeal, Elizabeth
250
R. B. C. Huygens identifies the author with a certain Idung who appears fre-
quently in the charters of the cathedral chapter. See Idung of Prüfening, Moine Idung
et ses deux Ouvrages, 6–10. An Idungus appears as scolasticus or magister scolarum in 1133,
1137, and 1138; see Appendix I.
251
“Quaproter ut legibiliter scribatur et diligenter emendetur ab aliquibus sororibus
vestris ad hoc opus idoneis desiderans postulo et postulans desidero,” Idung of Prüfen-
ing, Moine Idung et ses deux Ouvrages, 92. See also Stammler, VL, vol. 4, 362–64.
252
Märtl, “Die Damenstifte,” 753. see also Herrad Spilling, Die Visio Tnugdali:
Eigenart und Stellung in der Mittelalterlichen Visionsliteratur bis zum Ende des 12. Jahrhunderts,
Münchener Beiträge zur Mediävistik und Renaissance-Forschung, vol. 21 (München:
Arbeo-Gesellschaft, 1975), 16 ff. The author fr. Marcus dedicates his re-telling of the
vision to “venerabili ac deo devote domine. G.[isela of St. Paul’s also called Mittel-
münster],” requesting that she see to its transcription and “rogans tamen ut si qua
ibi fuerint minus compendiose interpolita sententia emendare et competenter cudere
vestra erudita non erubescat sollertia.” Brigitte Pfeil, Die “Vision des Tnugdalus” Albers von
Windberg: Literatur- und Frömmigkeitsgeschichte im Ausgehenden 12. Jahrhundert, Mikrokosmos
vol. 54 (Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 1999), 1f.
253
G. Mollat, Jean XXII (1316–1334) Lettres Communes analysees d’apres les Registres dits
d’Avignon et du Vatican, vol. 8 (Paris: A. Fontemoing, 1924), 352 #46018, 46024. Mollat’s
printed register incorrectly transcribes the family name Umbtuar as Vinbruarii, a close
examination of the photographic reproductions of the original show that it should
read Umbtuarii. The Umtuers were a prominent Regensburg family and appear repeat-
edly in the charters of the city. They also increasingly held ecclesiastical positions in
Regensburg. An Ulrich Umtuer received a papal provision to an expectation in the
Alte Kapelle in 1329 (Mollat, Lettres Communes, vol. 8, 352 #46019) and appears as a
beneficiary in the will of Konrad des Dürnstetters in 1350 (Widemann and Bastian,
MB 53, 694 #1286: 1350 Sept. 28). In the mid- and late-fourteenth century, another
Ulrich Umtuer was a member of the Dominican order in Regensburg and served as
prior on numerous occasions between 1357 and 1388. See Heinz Lieberich, Regesten des
Dominikanerklosters St. Blasius in Regensburg (1226–1806), Manuscript 1932/33, BayHstA,
33 #61, 71, 88. Compare StAR Cam. 4 fol. 1v: “Item Ulricis der Umbtuär zu den
predigen hat xxxii gulden leipting.” Ulrich Umtuer also lectured in the arts studium in
Bamberg in 1346. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),”
333: “In Babenberg ponimus studium artium, ubi legat Ulricus Umptuer.”

was already described as a “puella litterata.”254 Although it is unclear

precisely how and where she had studied, it is clear that a Latin gram-
mar education was possible for at least some daughters of Regensburg’s
civic elite.
The evidence for education in the female mendicant houses in
Regensburg is much less direct.255 The rules of both orders required
that the sisters participate in the liturgical life of the convent, so some
familiarity with Latin can be assumed.256 The Dominicans were required
to be “puellae litteratae” at the time they entered the order, but the
precise meaning of this term, at least in this context, is not entirely
clear.257 The extent to which vernacular books dominated their libraries,
suggests that the general level of Latin literacy was not particularly high,
and that most sisters were much more comfortable reading and writing
in their native tongue.258 However, it also reflects broader trends within
German literate society toward the use of the vernacular.
254
Mollat, Letttres Communes, vol. 8, 352 #46024. The term litterata was generally
reserved for an individual who had attained a fairly high degree of Latin literacy:
“Ratisponen. et Eysteten. episcopis, ac mag. Petro Placentis, archid. de Belvacinio in
eccl. Belvacensi, capellano papae, mand. ut recipi faciant Elisabetham natam Dietrici
Vinbruarii, civis Ratisponensis, puellam litteratam Ratisponensem, in monialem monas-
tarii S. Pauli, O.S.B. Ratisponensi.”
255
As mentioned previously, these convents emerged from existing communities
of pious women. Similar communities elsewhere in the Empire, and Europe more
generally, were keenly interested in the collection of devotional texts in the vernacu-
lar, although the extent to which these groups were literate continues to be debated.
In many cases, they were likely literate in the vernacular with more limited ability to
read and write in Latin.
256
Their degree of literacy would likely have mirrored that of many male Benedictine
houses. Some clearly would have been fairly competent, but others may have simply
been able to recite passages committed to memory. Compare also the fifteenth-century
Reformatio Sigismundi, which expected literacy among the female religious sufficient for
a basic understanding of the liturgy. Koller, Reformation Kaiser Siegmunds, 210: “Item
sy sollen in den clostern haben eine schule, dar sy innen lernen gramaticam und dye
heyligen geschrifft, das sy versteen etwas, was sy gelesen.”
257
Ehrenschwendtner suggests that in this context a “puella litterata” was someone
capable of performing all her liturgical duties in Latin, but did not require full under-
standing. As evidence she points to the Dominican nun and author Christine Ebner of
Engeltal who, though she had learned to read the Psalter by age ten and composed two
books in the vernacular, described herself as illiterata—unable to read and write Latin
well. However, her ability to read the Psalter qualified her as a litterata puella for the
purposes of acceptance into the order. Ehrenschwendtner, “Puella Litteratae,” 55.
258
A will from 1368 provides evidence of the importance of vernacular texts to
female mendicants, as well as their frequently “bürgerliche” backgrounds. In 1368,
the Regensburg patrician Dietrich Zollner left three female relatives, all members of
the Poor Clares, a “salter der latein und ta%tsch ist.” Widemann and Bastian, MB 54,
325 #788.

76 chapter two
Unlike the Franciscans and the Dominicans, the Augustinian Her-

mits were not associated with any female house within the city of
Regensburg. They were, however, responsible for overseeing a convent
of female Augustinians in Niederviehbach, located about ten kilometers
northeast of Landshut. Converted to an Augustinian convent in 1296,
Niederviehbach appears to have had a school from its inception.259
Moreover, it also seems to have provided education for at least some
secular girls. A document from 1301 refers to the existence of a school
in the convent and stipulates that the nuns were to educate the children
until their maturity in exchange for gifts they brought to the convent.
After they had reached maturity, the children could decide whether to
take permanent vows or leave the convent.260
This arrangement clearly allowed for the education of girls who had
no intention of entering the convent. Although it appears to reflect
initiatives taken by an individual family rather than indicative of a
pattern typical of the Augustinian Hermits more generally, other fam-
ilies with sufficient resources were likely able to provide for the educa-
tion of their daughters by entering into similar, mutually beneficial
arrangements.261
Although not as well documented, there were other avenues open
to families seeking to provide their daughters (as well as sons) with an
education. Perhaps most common was the engagement of a cleric by
an individual family. In 1292, for example, a certain widow Ava and
her four children—Alheidis, Karolus, Merboto and Ulricus—sold
their house “on account of grave and imminent necessity” to the
259
For a history of the foundation of Niederviehbach as a Augustinian convent, see
Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 85–87.
260
See Regesta Boica, vol. 5, 7: 1 May 1301: “Wernher Graf von Leonberg, eignet
alles was des Wochners Kinder zu Wochen und zu Viehback dem Kloster daselbst
mit dem Bedinge Geschenkt, dass die Frauen obige Kinder bis zu ihren reifern Jahren
erziehen und jedem nachhin, wenn es aus dem Kloster treten will, 10pfd. geben, dem
genannten Kloster.” See also Ferdinand Janner, Geschichte der Bischöfe von Regensburg, vol. 3
(Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet, 1886), 101.
261
The convent of Niederviehbach enjoyed close relations with the city of Regens-
burg. Regensburg citizens remebered the sisters of Niederviehbach in their wills and
the daughters of prominent Regensburg familes entered the convent, see, for example,
Widemann and Bastian, MB 53, 123 #240, 26 June 1308: Diemut, wife of the prominent
Regensburger Leutwin Hiltprand left two pounds “und den füchsinen pellitz und den
grünen mantel, under si ze gelicher weise ze tailen.” See also Widemann and Bastian,
MB 53, 681 #1260, 14 November 1349: Agnes der Weimptingerin left “Gredrauten
der Wollärinne ze Veichpach” (both of Regensburg families) one pound. A number
of the women at Viehbach also collected annuities from the city purchased for them
by their families. See StAR Cam. 4. fol. 1r.

chaplain of the Altar of St. Blasius for a total of four pounds.262 They
received two pounds in cash and the remaining two pounds were to be
exchanged for their schooling, particularly the “acquiring and learn-
ing mathematical skills through which they might be sustained in the
future.”263 The specific arrangement included the daughter (Alheidis),
and perhaps the mother herself among those for whom the cleric was
to provide instruction. The extremely practical motives of the mother
are striking, as is the assumption that such skills provided tangible and
significant rewards.
Beyond the evidence mentioned already, some members of Regens-
burg’s elite would have been able to educate their daughters through
the employment of private schoolmistresses. Although references to
them are rare, as indeed they are for individual schoolmasters, at least
two women in Regensburg appear in the sources with the name “schul-
meisterin.” Both cases illustrate the difficulties faced when approaching
issues related to the education of women. The most famous, Engel
(Agnes) “die schulmaisterin” was buried in the Franciscan cemetery in
1318.264 Her burial there suggests that she may have overseen a girl’s
school affiliated with the Friars; however, lacking further evidence, this
must remain speculative.
The second case is even more problematic. Indeed, it serves as an
important reminder of the need for caution when asserting that anyone
practiced a particular profession based solely on name. In 1405, a cer-
tain “Clar di Glaserynn” named “di schulmaisterynn” was censured by
the city for theft and other “unjust deeds.” The name “schulmaisterynn”
in this case appears to be a family name rather than being indicative
of her active participation in a teaching profession.265 Nevertheless, it
262
Four pounds was approximately equal to the annual salary paid to a church vicar.
For more on the salary for teachers, see Chapter Three, pp. 170–72.
263
“Ego Ava quondam nurus Illenchoverii et pueri mei videlicet Alheidis, Karolus,
Merboto, et Ulricus . . . Vendimus domum nostram . . . viro discreto Alberto Bohemo
Capellano altaris Sancti Blasii pro 4 lib. denar. Ratisponen. de quibus idem Albertus
nos de 2 lib. denar. expedivit in pecunia numerata, residuas vero 2 lib. in usus nostros
convertet, maxime pro aliqua Arte mathematica adquirenda seu adipiscenda, per quam
possumus in posteram sustenari.” BZAR BDK Urk. 1292 X 24 transcribed in Ried,
Codex chronologico-diplomaticus, vol. 3, 469, 24 October 1292.
264
MGH AntiquitatesNecrologie, vol. 3, 49, 28 January 1318.
265
BayHStA RS Regb. Urk. #4589, 1405. 2.25: “Ich Clar die Glaserynn genant di
Schulmasterynn weilent gesessen zu Regenspurg . . .” In this case, probably from her
father rather than a husband. There is no mention of a husband or children in the
document in which she agrees to permanent exile from the city. For the form of the
name, compare for example, “Hainrich der Schreiber genannt der Regeldorfär” in
J. Schmid, Urk. AK. vol. 1, 92 #493, 9 October 1395.

78 chapter two
is interesting that she was professionally engaged as a glazier and may

have had at least some basic education.266
Similar problems emerge when discussing the frequent “schreiberin”
who appear in the sources. In most cases, they were likely the wives,
daughters, and widows of scribes rather than practicing the profession
in their own right.267 Nevertheless, given that in many professions the
wives and widows appear to have assisted their husbands, and even car-
ried on the family businesses themselves after their husbands’ deaths, it
is not unlikely that a few of the numerous “schreiberin” were practiced
vernacular copyists and scribes.268 It seems likely that this was the case
with the Spitalschreiberinn, wife of Sigmünd Schüel.269
Despite the spotty nature of the evidence, a significant number of
women in Regensburg received at least some level of education. A high
percentage of the female religious in the city would have been able
to read in the vernacular and some in Latin as well. The existence of
a Schulmeisterin in the city at the beginning of the fourteenth century
shows that there were at least some private schools teachers available
for the instruction of girls outside of the convents. In addition, some
wealthier families would have been able to secure private instructions
to teach their daughters at home.
266
This seems even more likely if the name “schulmaister” reflected her father’s
occupation. Jakob also discusses the problem of such names as Schulmeisterin. See Jakob,
Schulen in Franken, 238.
267
See, for example, Widemann and Bastian, MB 53, 568 #1018 ca. 1342: “Chuni-
gunt di Schriberinn, hern Ulr. dez Schribers witib.” A Katharina Schreiber (here
without the feminine ending) died 11 July 1424 and was buried in St. Emmeram.
Freytag, “Grabmälerverzeichnis,” 33.
268
At the very least, the frequency with which the name appears points to the increas-
ing importance of reading and writing among the lay population. For Regensburg, little
direct evidence regarding vernacular (deutsche Schulen) schools survives. However, in
other German-speaking regions, the evidence is somewhat clearer. In the adjacent dio-
cese of Bamberg, for example, a school regulation of 1491 lays out the responsibilities
of “iglicher teutscher schulmeister und schulfrawe.” See Johannes Müller, ed., Vor- und
frühreformatorische Schulordnungen in deutscher und niederländischer Sprache, 2 vols., Sammlung
selten gewordener pädagogischer Schriften früherer Zeiten, vol. 12–13 (Zschopau: F. U.
Raschke, 1885–86), 109–10. The statute also illustrates the close association of wives
with the teaching profession of their husbands. Schoolmasters were “nicht sein haus
frawen mit den kinden umbgehen lassen, sie were dann auch gelert.” Johannes Müller,
ed., Vor- und frühreformatorische Schulordnungen, 109–10.
269
StAR. Politica III, 1, 14 February 1475: “Sigmuend Schüel habet Spitalsch-
reiberinn . . . [hat] Bürger recht gsworen . . .”

Although often better documented than the education of women,

an examination of Jewish education presents its own set of difficulties,
not least of which is the ambivalent relationship between Christian and
Jewish communities. In many ways, Jewish education, as with Jewish
society more generally, remained separated from the Christian com-
munity that surrounded it; a separation most profoundly realized in the
walls of the ghetto itself that both protected and restrained the Jewish
community. Yet despite concerns for the maintenance of a healthy
distance—concerns shared by some on both sides of the ghetto walls—
the separation was never complete. The great early gothic synagogue
that dominated Regensburg’s Jewish quarter for nearly three hundred
years strongly resembled the nearby church of St. Ulrich.270 Christians
served in the wealthy Jewish households, Jews and Christians bought and
sold property,271 and, if the frequent condemnations are any indication,
some Christians ate, drank, and socialized with Jews despite the threat
of excommunication.272
Indeed, evidence of interaction between Christian and Jews abounds
at all levels.273 Until the late fifteenth century, the interaction was largely
peaceful, though at times tense, and always ambivalent. The thirteenth-
century Franciscan preacher Berthold of Regensburg condemned
Christians who forced Jews into mock baptisms yet in other sermons, he
castigated the Jews along with thieves, robbers, and arsonists.274 During
the Black Death, when Jewish communities elsewhere were subject
270
Andreas Angerstorfer, “Ghetto und Synagogenarchäologie,” in ‘Stadt und Mutter in
Israel’: Jüdische Geschichte und Kultur in Regensburg, Austellungskataloge zur Regensburger
Geschichte, vol. 2, no. 3 (Regensburg: Stadt Regensburg, 1995), 31–35.
271
See, for example, BayHStA KU Regb. St. Emmeram #47, which records the sale
of property by the monastery of St. Emmeram to the Jews. The abbess of Obermün-
ster also sold “hofstat und unnutzperlich under den juden gegen ir schuel gelegen.”
Widemann and Bastian, MB 53, 21 #52: 10 December 1225.
272
The Regensburg schoolmaster Leonard Panholz copied a work that specifically
mentions those who associated closely with Jews as among those to whom communion
should be denied. BayStB clm 26111 fol. 70r: “allen der Juden haus gesind knechten”
and “allen dy ubrig und umzimlich gehaym unmässigkleich mit in gemainschaft haben
mit pad, essen zechen oder ander sach das sich treffen möcht zw lestrung cristenreichs
gelauben.”
273
Given that the Jews never constituted more than three to five percent of Regens-
burg’s population, the frequency of references to them is striking—a testament to
their important place within the city and the imagination of the Christians who
inhabited it.
274
Siegfried Wittmer, “Mittelalterliches Judengemeinde kulturelles Leben,” in
P. Schmid, Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 1, 637.

80 chapter two
to violent attacks, the city council in Regensburg protected its Jewish

community and even provided asylum to those persecuted elsewhere.275
Writing during the worst outbreaks of violence, the Regensburg canon
Conrad of Megenberg rejected the popular belief that the Jews were
responsible for the spread of the Plague.276 By 1475, however, the ten-
sions that eventually led to the destruction of the Jewish community
in 1519 were beginning to mount. 277
Nevertheless, the relative security of Regensburg’s Jewish com-
munity throughout much of the medieval period allowed the Yeshiva
to flourish.278 Beginning in the twelfth century, a series of influential
275
See Alois Schmid, “Die Judenpolitik der Reichsstadt Regensburg im Jahre 1349,”
Zeitschrift für bayersiche Landesgeschichte 43 (1980), 599. The reason for the council’s decision
to protect the Jews living in Regensburg was due, no doubt in large measure, to the
fact that the city had recently secured the right to collect a portion of the Judensteuer.
See A. Schmid, “Judenpolitik,” 610.
276
Sabine Krüger, “Krise der Zeit als Ursache der Pest? Der Traktat de Mortalitate
in Alamannia des Konrad von Megenberg,” in Festschrift für Hermann Heimpel zum 70.
Geburtstag Am 19. September 1972, Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für
Geschichte, vol. 36/II (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 1972), 867. “Racio mea
probatur: quia constat, quod in plerisque locis ubi remanserat populus Hebraicus, ipse
crebro ceciderat casu modo mortalitatis communis . . .” However, like Berthold, Conrad’s
tolerance had limits. In the very same work, he wrote that Jews should be detested by
Christians, “Licet autem populus Iudaicus a nobis christianis merito sit detestandus
propter catholice fidei fundamenta . . .”
277
During this period, the city of Regensburg funded a project aimed at converting
the Jews. In 1474, they hired the Dominican preacher Petrus Nigri (Schwarz), a brother
of the prior of the Regensburg Dominicans Johannes Nigri, to preach in Hebrew to
the Jews. The city account books record several payments made to the learned friar:
“Item wir gaben pruder petern zu den prediger der den Juden hie predigt der begert
an mein herrn im ein stewr zugeben / in einem juedischen vocabulari schuffen im mein
herren trinnckgelt. v schil. xxii.” StAR Cam. 17 fol 93 r. 1474. In 1476, a series of
ritual murder trials inflamed the situation further. Wilhelm Volkert, “Das Regensburger
Judenregister von 1476,” in Festschrift für Andreas Kraus, ed. Pankraz Fried and Walter
Ziegler (Kallmünz: Michael Lassleben, 1982), 116. By the beginning of the sixteenth
century, the position of the Jewish community had deteriorated considerably. Around
1507, the lector of the Regensburg Franciscans decried the greulich teuflisch wucherisch
poshait of the Jews. By 1517–18, the situation had become so dire that the Jewish
community appealed for aid from the emperor on two occasions. In particular, they
complained about the mendicants and cathedral preachers who incited the citizens
of Regensburg against the Jews. Raphael Straus, Urkunden und Aktenstücke zur Geschichte
der Juden in Regensburg, 1453–1738, QuE, vol. 18 (München: C. H. Beck, 1960), 335,
337–38 #946 and #952.
278
Most of the surviving evidence relates to higher education. Given the size of
Regensburg’s Jewish community, between five and six hundred, there may also have
been a significant elementary school as well. However, Eprhraim Kanarfogel argues
against the assumption that Jewish elementary education was universally and sys-
tematically available. Instead, he points to the frequent hiring of private instructors
(melammed ) by well-to-do families. Kanarfogel, Jewish Education and Society in the High
Middle Ages (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1992), 20–24. Further complicating

Rabbis taught in Regensburg.279 These included Ephraim ben-Isaac

(ca. 1110–1175), a Tosafist scholar educated in France who authored
some forty-six glosses on the Talmud. As a teacher in Regensburg, he
attracted numerous scholars to the Yeshiva from some of the most
important Jewish communities in the Empire, including Worms, Mainz,
and Speyer.280 The years following the career of Ephraim ben-Isaac
constituted the intellectual highpoint of the school. From c. 1170 to
c. 1220, some of the most important Jewish thinkers of their day
held schools in Regensburg.281 Although the Yeshiva appears to have
declined in subsequent centuries, it continued to attract a large number
of students from outside of Regensburg until 1519, when Regensburg’
Christian community turned on its Jewish neighbors with whom they
had shared the city for so long.282 Within a year the city had torn down
the issue is the use of the German term Schul (less frequently the Latin schola) to refer
to the synagogue. Most often Judenschul must be understood in this sense (a meaning
it maintains in Yiddish) rather than referring to a school per se. The same is true for
the term Schulmaister, which is best understood as Rabbi.
279
Andreas Angerstorfer, “Rabinisches Gericht und Talmudschule,” in “Stadt
und Mutter in Israel”: Jüdische Geschichte und Kultur in Regensburg, Austellungskatloge zur
Regensburger Geschichte, vol. 2, no. 3 (Regensburg: Stadt Regensburg. 1995), 47–48.
Angerstorfer’s work also includes a list of Rabbis who served in Regensburg from
the late eleventh through the sixteenth century. See also Wittmer, “Mittelalterliches
Judengemeinde,” 647.
280
Angerstorfer, “Rabinisches Gericht und Talmudschule,” 48–49. The school con-
tinued to attract scholars from the major Jewish communities of the Rhine, as well as
Vienna and Prague, throughout the Middle Ages.
281
These included Isaac ben-Mordechai (fl. ca. 1150–70), who came to Regensburg
from Bohemia. One of the foremost Tosafist scholars of his day, he counted among
his students the widely traveled Joel ben Isaac ha-Levi (ca. 1110–1180), who spent
his later years as a rabbi in Cologne; and Baruch ben-Isaac (d. 1237), author of the
widely circulating ha-Teruma. Other noted scholars were Isaac ben-Moses (b. ca. 1180),
who studied in Bohemia, Speyer, Worms, Paris, and Regensburg; and Abraham ben-
Moses (fl. 1210), who served in the Regensburg Synagogue alongside Isaac ben Jacob
ha-Laban and Baruch ben-Isaac. See Ismar Elbogen, H. Tykocinsky, and A. H. Frei-
mann, Germania Judaica, vol. 1, Von den ältesten Zeiten bis 1238 (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr
and Paul Siebeck, 1963), 48, 290–95; Georg Herlitz and Bruno Kirschner, Jüdisches
Lexikon: ein Enzyklopädisches Handbuch des Jüdischen Wissens in Vier Bänden, Ismar Elbogen,
Georg Herlitz, and Josef Meisl, eds. (Berlin: Jüdischer, 1927–30; reprint, Frankfurt am
Main: Jüdischer Verlag bei Athenaum, 1987), vol. 2, 44; Wittmer, “Mittelalterliches
Judengemeinde,” 648; and Siegfried Wittmer, Regensburger Juden: Jüdisches Leben von 1519
bis 1990, Regensburg Studien und Quellen zur Kulturgeschichte, vol. 6 (Regensburg:
Universitäts Verlag Regensburg 1996), 14–16.
282
According to the St. Emmeram monk, Christopherus Hoffman, there were eighty
foreign students attending the Yeshiva at the time of its destruction. Straus, Urkunden
und Aktenstücke, 386 #1040, 21 February 1519: “fuere Judaei paulo minus quingenti
scripto designati iunctis parvulis et mulieribus praeter alios 80, ut ferunt, studentes . . .”
Compare Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 4, 360. The great library associated
with the synagogue was also destroyed during this period. Only a few scraps used in
the bindings of other works can be traced to the once-impressive repository.

82 chapter two
the centuries-old synagogue and replaced it with a church dedicated

to the Virgin.
Beyond the educational structures associated with Regensburg’s
venerable institutions, private instructors were essential, if ultimately
elusive fixtures in the educational landscape of the city from at least
the thirteenth century. By their very nature, such schools left behind
few records. Where children were taught in their homes by parents
or other educated members of the family, evidence is even less likely
to survive.283 Occasionally, contracts with tutors or stray references to
pedagogues attest to their existence, as does the existence of a large
number of secular vernacular scribes.
In other German cities, the council often mounted efforts to control
private instructors. In 1499, for example, the city council of Constance
admonished the private tütschschribern that they should not teach Latin to
“any of the children entrusted to them.” In Bamberg, the city censured
private teachers (both male and female) who lured away other masters’
students, or required their students to perform menial chores.284
Unfortunately, references to such teachers in Regensburg are rare
and far less direct than are the examples cited from Bamberg and
Constance. The contract mentioned earlier between Ava Illenchoveri
and the chaplain of the altar of St. Blasius is the most overt example
of the activities of private instructors. Agnes “die Schulmeisterin” also
mentioned previously might have served a similar function as well. In
some cases, private tutors accompanied their charges into the schools
themselves. Given the informal nature of many of these arrange-
ments, they left few traces of their existence. It is possible that Ulrich
Grünsleder, a convicted heretic and erstwhile pedagogue of the secular
judge who condemned him, had once served in such a capacity.285 The
283
In the late fifteenth century, the noble Zandt family owned a printed grammar
reflecting humanist influence. Nicolaus Perottus, Rudimenta grammatices (Milan: Leonhard
Pachel and Ulrich Scinzenzeler, 1478), 112 pages, 4o, P-224, BSB-Ink: Online-Ver-
sion, 24 May 2007. his work probably served as a text for private instruction in the
Zandtner household. Some Zandtners certainly did pursue education. In 1511, for
example, the cathedral canon Wolfgang Zandter de Zandt matriculated at Ingolstadt.
See Appendix I.
284
Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 109–10: “Es sol kein schulmeister durch sich, seine
hausfrawen oder andere einem andern schulmeister seine kinder abspennen . . . Die
schulmeister und schulfrawen sullen ire kinder nicht aufsschicken, holtz zu klauben,
eisen oder anders in den gassen an den wegen oder in dem wasser zu suchen . . .”
285
Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica pontificum et imperatorum Romanorum, in Sämtliche

few glimpses that these examples provide only hint at the contributions
such instructors made to medieval education.
By the early fourteenth century, the primary features of Regensburg’s
educational landscape were in place. At the forefront were the schools
of the Alte Kapelle, the Cathedral, and St. Emmeram where the city’s
children increasingly received instruction in both song and grammar.
Equally prominent, the mendicant schools brought teachers, students,
books, and ideas to Regensburg from throughout Western Christendom.
Although primarily aimed at educating skilled preachers, (a form of lay
education that should not be minimized), the presence of such schools
and their libraries contributed to the intellectual and educational climate
of the city in significant, if often less tangible ways.286 The smaller
schools of St. Mang, the Schottenkloster, Prüfening, and Prüll also
taught grammar and likely song, for at least some periods during the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. There were song scholars associated
with St. Johann, St. Cassian, and St. Ulrich and many of the smaller
churches and altars as well. Nor was the education of women neglected
entirely. Although more common among the religious, lay women did
have some limited educational opportunities, especially from private
tutors. Finally, although Jewish education was strictly segregated from the
larger Christian community, the importance of Regensburg as a center
of Jewish intellectual life and culture should not be overlooked.
Werke, 133. “Qui [Ulrich Grünsleder] mox a iudice, cuius quondam pedagogus fuerat,
ducitur ad comburendum.” The role of the pedagogue during this period could either
be as a private tutor unconnected with a formal school or he could accompany and
assist individual students within the context of institutionalized education. The statutes
of the school of St. Stephan in Vienna from 1446 accorded to the locati the income
from all the students “ausgenommen die aigen schulmaister oder pedigogen haben . . . .”
Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 59. The statutes from Landshut (1492) use the term schreiber,
although the meaning is clearly the same as pedagogue: “die Schreiber die den Bürgern
ihre kinder gen schul führen. . . .” Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 115. R. E. Lerner asserts
that Grünsleder was the rector of the cathedral school, but clear evidence of this is
lacking. He held a benefice in the city, but I have been unable to identify any official
connection to the cathedral school. Lerner, “Gruensleder,” in Dictionnaire d’histoire et de
géographie ecclésiastiques, ed. R. Aubert (Paris: Letouzey et Ané 1988), 430–32.
286
See for example Phyllis B. Roberts, “Sermons and Preaching in/and the Medieval
University,” in Ronald B. Begley and Joseph W. Koterski, eds., Medieval Education, (New
York: Fordham University Press, 2005), 83–99. Roberts discusses the interface between
universities and schools and the communities in which they were located, especially
through institutionally supported/mandated preaching.

84 chapter two
Having identified the contours of the educational landscape in late

medieval Regensburg, we now take a closer look inside the schools
themselves. First, we will consider the curricula of the schools, paying
careful attention to aspects of both continuity and change. Second,
we will look at those who administered and directed the schools,
including their social and economic origins and career paths. Finally,
we will consider the students themselves, their experiences, origins,
and aspirations.

CHAPTER THREE
INSIDE THE SCHOOLS
Ut detur parvulis astutia adulescenti scientia et intellectus. Proverbs 1:4.
The Foundations of Medieval Education
To understand the educational structures and curriculum of the late

Middle Ages, it is necessary to consider the textual and institutional
traditions from which they grew. Particularly important were the lega-
cies of late antiquity and the Carolingian reforms. These provide the
essential context for the content and form of late medieval schooling. In
addition, these legacies serve to frame the ambivalence and occasional
hostility that characterized the relationship between clerical and lay
authorities vis-à-vis the schools.
Although medieval education differed sharply from the late antique
schools of rhetoric,1 it owed much to texts and traditions stretching
back to late antiquity. Even if, in the words of Pierre Riché, “Christian
education did not appear as its heir, but as its rival.”2 Nowhere is the
foundational importance of late antique texts more apparent than in
the basic grammars. The most popular medieval grammar was the
product of Aelius Donatus (mid fourth century) and was so pervasive
that grammar students were often called simply Donatists.3 Priscian’s
1
These had largely disappeared by the sixth century. See Pierre Riché, Education et
culture dans l’Occident barbare, VI e–VIII e siècles (Paris: Variorum, 1962), 548. Riché points
to the important evidence of discontinuity between late antique and early medieval
education. The schools of the Carolingian period were, with few exceptions, ecclesiasti-
cal schools whose primary purpose was the education of future clerics. The content,
too, was increasingly religious.
2
Riché, Éducation et culture, 549: “L’école chrétienne n’apparaît pas comme l’héritière
de celle-ci, mais comme sa rivale.”
3
Aelius Donatus’ work the Ars grammatica was divided into two parts. The first (Ars
minor), which was primarily used with beginning students, covers the eight parts of
speech providing paradigms for the memorization of correct forms. The second part
(Ars maior) was used for more advanced students and, after a repetition of the eight
parts of speech, emphasized style. From the number of surviving copies the first part

86 chapter three
grammar Institutiones Grammaticae (early sixth century) also circulated

widely throughout the entire Middle Ages.4 It was the subject of fre-
quent commentaries and glosses5 and served as the basis for Hrabanus
Maurus’s (d. 856) discussion of grammar.6
Nor was the importance of this period for medieval education limited
to grammar. Two texts in particular, Martianus Capella’s (fl. 420s) The
Marriage of Mercury and Philology and Boethius’s (d. 524), The Consolation
of Philosophy provided the foundation for the medieval conception of
the seven liberal arts.7 They also justified the use, and even admiration
of pagan texts within the context of a specifically Christian education.8
To these must be added a long list of classical and late antique pagan
was clearly the most important of the two, although this may also reflect the fact that
fewer people advanced beyond basic Latin. See Nikolaus Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen
Lateinischer Schultexte: ihre Verbreitung und Funktion im Mittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit: mit
einem Verzeichnis der Texte, Münchner Texte und Untersuchungen zur deutschen Literatur
des Mittelalters, vol. 90 (München: Artemis 1988), 237–39.
4
Priscian’s work also circulated in two parts: the first sixteen books as Priscianus
Maior, and books seventeen and eighteen as Priscianus Minor. Henkel, Deutsche Überset-
zungen, 79.
5
The most famous of these is the Gloss of St. Gall produced in the ninth century.
See Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 79.
6
Hrabanus Maurus served as the Abbot of Fulda and the Archbishop of Mainz
during his celebrated career. In his capacity as archibishop, he oversaw the synod of
848, which resulted in the condemnation of Gottschalk of Orbais and his teachings
on predestination. See, most recently, Hanns Christoph Picker, Pastor Doctus: Kleriker-
bild und Karolingische Reformen bei Hrabanus Maurus, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für
Europäische Geschichte Mainz, vol. 186 (Mainz: von Zabern, 2001).
7
For a discussion of the importance of Boethius in medieval education, see Michael
Bernhard, “Boethius im Mittelalterlichen Schulunterricht,” in Schule und Schüler im
Mittelalter, ed. Martin Kintzinger, Sönke Lorenz, and Michael Walter (Köln: Böhlau,
1996), 11–27. As Bernhard and others have noted, one can scarcely overstate the
importance of the works of Boethius for medieval education. This was true not only
for the Consolation of Philosophy, but also his quadrivial works. The latter, however, were
gradually replaced by more concise handbooks such as those produced by Johannes
de Sacrobosco (Algorismus) and Johannes de Muris (Arithmetica speculativa and Musica
speculativa). Bernhard, “Boethius im Mittelalterlichen Schulunterricht,” 26–27.
8
See Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 11. See also the classic, if somewhat dated, C. S.
Lewis, The Discarded Image: An Introduction to Medieval and Renaissance Literature (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1964). This conversion, however, was only imperfectly
accomplished. Many continued to be ill at ease with their use. See, for example, the
eleventh century author, scribe, and school master Otloh of St. Emmeram whose work,
Liber Proverbiorum, expresses considerable doubt concerning the compatibility of the
arts and the monastic life. Otloh von St. Emmeram, Liber Proverbiorum PL 146, 331D:
“studium saeculare cito facit homines in via Dei errare.” See also de Doctrina Spirituali,
PL 146, 270: “ast equidem dico, cognoscens exprimento, Hostis ab antiqui stimulis hos
exagitari.” Otloh himself was well-schooled in pagan literature, and had, at least at some
point in his life, felt especially drawn to it reflecting a familiar trope popular among
the early Church fathers. Jerome himself had once famously dreamed that his love of
pagan literature had led him to become a Ciceronian rather than a Christian.

inside the schools 87
authors who served as guides in grammar, rhetoric, style, and even

morality. From classical antiquity, the medieval schools were particularly
fond of the poets Terence,9 Vergil, Horace, Juvenal, Statius, Lucan,10
and the prose authors Sallust,11 Cato, Cicero, and Seneca. Finally,
the fables of Avian became standard texts both as Latin texts and as
moral exempla.12 Medieval educators held these writers in such esteem
that tradition spuriously credited many later works to them. Medieval
traditon ascribed important school texts to Cato (Disticha), Ovid (de
Nuce), Vergil (de Viro Bono) Boethius (de Discipuli Scolarium), and Seneca
(de IIII Virtutibus).13
In addition to the textual legacy of late antiquity, medieval education
owed much to the development of two late antique Christian institu-
tions: the cathedral school and the monastery. In the early fifth century,
St. Augustine founded a school for priests at his church in Hippo, which
combined the reading of sacred texts with the study of the liberal
arts.14 There is evidence of similar institutions in southern France and
9
The tenth-centuy nun and playwright Hrotsvitha of Gandersheim (d. ca. 972)
wrote in her preface to Dulcitius that her purpose was to provide an alternative to Ter-
ence that captured the “dulcedine Sermonis” of Terence but that did not lead astray
through the “nefandarum notitia rerum.” Hrothsvita, Hrotsvithae Opera: mit Einleitung
und Kommentar von H. Homeyer (München: Schöningh, 1970).
10
By the eleventh century, Ovid was also widely used as a school text. Henkel,
Deutsche Übersetzungen, 37.
11
The histories of Sallust, although used as examples of proper Latin, were par-
ticularly valued for providing moral exempla.
12
For a discussion of the use of the fables of Avian, see Michael Baldzuhn,
“Quidquid Placet: Stellung und Gebrauchsformen der ‘Fabulae Aviani’ im Schulunter-
richt des 15. Jahrhunderts,” in Martin Kintzinger, ed., Schule und Schüler im Mittelalter,
357–65. Avian’s fables (and a twelfth-century Latin version of Aesop’s) were used
extensively as educational texts throughout the Middle Ages. These texts provided an
extremely flexible textual foundation for teaching basic grammar and style, morality,
and even elements of philosophical thought. As such, they were employed at almost
all levels from youngest grammar student through university study. In the fifteenth
century, the library of St. Emmeram held a Latin version of Aesop’s Fables bound
together with other school texts of Avian, Cato, and Boethius; see Munich, Bayerische
Staatsbibliothek (hereinafter, BayStB) clm 14301 and humanist influenced texts of
Petrach and Aeneas Sylvius in BayStB clm 14134.
13
Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 57–59. One of the earliest references to Seneca as
the author of this work is found in the library catalogue of St. Emmeram dating from
the tenth century. Listed among a number of other school texts there appears Liber
Senece de IIII virtutibus. See Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 306, and Christine Elisabeth
Ineichen-Eder, ed., Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz, vol. 4, pt.
1, Bistümer Passau und Regensburg. München: C. H. Beck, 1977 (hereinafter, MBK
IV), 1, 146.
14
For a discussion of the origins of the cathedral school, see Detlef Illmer, Erziehung
und Wissensvermittlung im frühen Mittelalter: ein Beitrag zur Entstehungsgeschichte der Schule (Kas-
tellaun: Aloys Henn, 1979), 87–99. Augustine established his school within the context

88 chapter three
in Visigothic Spain.15 Although no direct line of descent existed from

the cathedral schools of the fifth and sixth centuries to those of the
Carolingian period, the precedent of Augustine surely influenced the
structure and curriculum of the Carolingian schools.16
Even more important than the precedent provided by Augustine’s
cathedral educational program, was the development of monastic edu-
cation. By the seventh century, most of the traditional Roman schools,
with their emphasis on rhetoric and Latin literature, had disappeared.
Thus, the monasteries became one of the few surviving enclaves of
literate culture in the West.17 The Vivarium founded by Cassiodorus
in the sixth century provides perhaps the most spectacular example of
the role of monasteries in preserving Latin literature and culture. The
Vivarium boasted an extraordinary library, much of it produced by
the monks themselves. In his work, the Institutiones divinarum et secularum
litteratum, Cassiodorus laid out a rigorous course of study incorporating
both Christian and non-Christian texts. Yet, despite the relatively wide
circulation of Cassiodorus’ work, his foundation was in many ways
unique, both in its intensity of study and the enthusiasm with which it
embraced non-Christian literature.
Around the same time, but a world away from the pleasant climes
of Cassiodorus’s Calabrian monastery, Irish monks began a tradition
of spiritual migrations that continued well into the eleventh century.
Inspired by the rigorous asceticism of Eastern monasticism and an
incurable restlessness, they traveled tirelessly throughout the British Isles
and the continent establishing new monasteries and reforming existing
ones.18 Many of their foundations and the daughter houses that grew
out of them became centers of learning and book production.
of the vita communis, which required the priests who served the cathedral church to live
in almost monastic fashion.
15
See Hans Schöneberg, Schulen, Geschichte des Unterrichts von der Antike bis zur neuesten Zeit
(Frankfurt: Haag und Herchen, 1981), 83, and Riché, Éducation et culture, 331–32.
16
Riché, Éducation et culture, 549.
17
See, among others, Franz Anton Specht, Geschichte des Unterrichtswesen in Deutschland:
von den ältesten Zeiten bis zur Mitte des dreizehnten Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart: J. G. Cotta, 1885;
reprinted Wiesbaden: Dr. Martin Sändig oHG, 1967), 4; Bruno Hamann, Geschichte des
Schulwesens: Werden und Wandel der Schule im Ideen- und sozialgeschichtlichen Zusammenhang (Bad
Heilbrunn: J. Klinkhardt, 1986), 19; Schöneberg, Geschichte des Unterrichts, 67b; Riché,
Éducation et culture, 150–62; M. M. Hildebrandt, The External School in Carolingian Society
(Leiden: Brill, 1992), 21–22.
18
Although many of the most important migrations occurred before the turn of the
millennium, Irish monks continued their wanderings well into the eleventh century. The
Schottenkloster in Regensburg, founded in the late eleventh century by the Irish monk

Despite the importance of the Irish tradition, the Rule of St. Benedict
(early sixth century) established the most enduring educational legacy.
The monastic discipline required by the Rule, especially its emphasis
on the lectio divina, provided a specific institutional context in which
education was encouraged and even necessary. Although the Rule never
speaks of a school in its modern sense,19 its provision for the acceptance
of oblates necessitated the establishment of convent schools to teach
Latin literacy and writing. Yet the Rule of St. Benedict left a complex
and even ambivalent legacy. The very texts used in the schools sparked
significant internal debate. Although the pagan authors provided impor-
tant educational texts, many monks had difficulty reconciling their study
with the spiritual life. This ambivalence reflected the feelings of many
of the most influential Christian writers of fifth and sixth centuries and
continued to be a concern throughout the Middle Ages.20
Further complicating the Benedictine educational legacy, was its
combination with the monastic ideal of flight from the world. St. Jerome
famously admonished his followers, “The duty of the monk is not
teaching, but lamenting.”21 The Rule sought to limit contact between
the monks and the outside world, an ideal that if upheld precluded
the use of monastic schools for the education of outsiders. Benedict
saw the entire monastery as a school but one intended for the spiritual
advancement of the monks; he never envisioned the monastery as a
Marianus, became the center of a network of Iro-Scottish houses that continued to draw
“schotten” to Regensburg into the fifteenth century. For the history of the early years
of the Schottenkloster, see Helmut Flachenecker, “Irische Klausner und Benediktiner:
zur Geschichte von Weih Sankt Peter und St. Jakob,” in Regensburg im Mittelalter: Beiträge
zur Stadtgeschichte vom Frühen Mittelalter bis zum Beginn der Neuzeit, ed. Martin Angerer and
Heinrich Wanderwitz (Regensburg: Universitätsverlag, 1995), 187–201.
19
Benedict calls the monastery a “school for the Lord’s service” Benedicti Regula,
Rudolf Hanslik ed., Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, vol. 75 (Vienna:
Hoelder-Pichler-Tempsky, 1960), 8: “Constituenda est ergo (a) nobis dominici schola
servitii . . .”
20
For a discussion of this ambivalence, see Jean Leclercq, The Love of Learning and
the Desire for God: A Study of Monastic Culture, trans. Catharine Misrahi (New York: Ford-
ham University Press, 1982), 112–15. Benedict was much more influential than was
the somewhat anomalous foundation of his contemporary Cassiodorus, the Roman
noble whose monastic community enthusiastically accepted profane texts as objects
of study and created a two-part educational system divided into the study of profane
and sacred knowledge. Later reform movements such as the Cistercians and early
Franciscans were highly critical of the study of pagan texts, even as they employed
and eventually embraced them.
21
“Monachus non habet docentis offitium sed plangentis.” Decretum II, causa XVI,
q. 1, c. 4, Corpus iuris canonici, ed. Emil Friedberg, vol. 1 (Leipzig: Bernhard Tauchnitz,
1879), col. 762.

90 chapter three
tool for the education of lay clerics, let alone the laity. These tensions
became particularly evident in the late eighth and early ninth century
when Charlemagne attempted to use the monasteries to forward his
educational reforms and continued to influence monastic attitudes
toward external scholars throughout the Middle Ages.
Charlemagne quite naturally turned to the cathedrals and to the
monasteries as the two institutions capable of raising the level of
education within his kingdom.22 He expressed his desire in a letter to
the abbot of Fulda intended for general circulation, in which he wrote
that the bishoprics and monasteries ought to provide schools for “those
who, by God’s blessing are able to learn, each according to his capac-
ity.”23 However, Charlemagne’s primary concern was the education of
competent clerics who could perform the liturgy properly, rather than
universal education.24
The concern here is that priests and monks be able to perform their
duties in a correct and presumably efficacious manner. The inclusion
22
Not surprisingly, when Charlemagne sought to employ the monasteries and
their intellectual assets to advance his own educational agenda, many monks saw it as
impinging on monastic spiritual life. For a discussion of Charlemagne’s reforms and
the backlash under his successor, see Hildebrandt, External School in Carolingian Society,
63–71.
23
Luitpold Wallach, “Charlegmagne’s de Litteris Colendis and Alcuin,” Speculum 26
(1951), 290; see also M. L. W. Laistner, Thought and Letters in Western Europe, A.D. 500–900
(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1966), 196: “ut episcopia et monasteria . . . in litterarum
meditationibus eis qui donante Domino discere possunt secundum uniuscuiusque
capacitatem docendi studium debeant impendere . . .”
24
Hildebrandt emphasizes that Charlemagne’s primary interest was the reform of
religious education, rather than the establishment of widespread, accessible lay educa-
tion. See Hildebrandt, External School in Carolingian Society, 55. In the Admonitio generalis of
789, Charlemagne spelled out the purpose of the educational program he was attempt-
ing to establish: “In order that by the good practice of these, many may be brought
into the service of God, they should gather and join to themselves, not only children of
a servile status but also the sons of freemen. And that they should establish schools of
reading for boys.” He also expressed concern for the proper editing of liturgical texts.
See Georg Lurz, ed., Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente Altbayerns, einschließlich Regensburgs,
Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica (Berlin: A. Hoffman, 1907–1908), vol. 1, 143:
“ut eorum bona conversatione multi protrahantur ad sevitium Dei, et non solum ser-
vilis conditionis infantes, sed etiam ingenuorum filios adgregent sibique socient. Et ut
scolae legentium puerorum fiant. Psalmos, notas, cantus, compotum, grammaticam per
singula monasteria vel episcopia et libros catholicos bene emendate; quia saepe, dum
bene aliqui Deum rogare cupiunt, sed per inemendatos libros male rogant. Et pueros
vestros non sinite eos vel legendo vel scribendo corrumpere; et si opus est euangelium,
psalterium et missale scribere, perfectae aetatis homines scribant cum omni diligentia.”
The extent to which monasteries and bishoprics actually followed these edicts is unclear
and no doubt varied significantly from place to place.

of the sons of both free and servile men in his educational program
has led some historians to argue that Charlemagne attempted to estab-
lish some sort of universal public education. However, evidence of an
abiding interest in providing public education is lacking.25 Indeed, as
the pendulum has swung in the opposite direction some historians have
begun to question whether the educational reforms of Charlemagne
resulted in any significant increase in the educational level of the laity,
or even the vast majority of the clergy.26
As M. M. Hildebrandt has pointed out, his efforts to employ mon-
asteries in the training of secular clerics seems to have been extremely
ephemeral. After Charlemagne’s death in 814, his son and successor
Louis the Pious immediately began to restrict the education of external
students in monastic schools. A capitulary from the Synod of Aachen
in 817 required, “There be no school held in the monastery except
for those who are oblates.”27 By restricting monastic schools to monks,
reformers sought to define the boundaries between monks and the world
more clearly. Louis the Pious’ endorsement, and Benedict of Aniane’s
zealous promotion of these reforms effectively ended any attempt to
provide for the systematic education of clerics within the context of
existing monastic schools.28
25
There are some hints at the possibility of the existence of schools open to a broader
public. A capitulary of Theodulf of Orleans, for example, admonished, “Presbyteri per
villas et vicos scholas habeant. Et si qui libet fidelium suos parvulos ad discendas litteras
eis commendare vult, eos suscipere et docere non renuant, sed cum summa caritate
eos doceant . . .” Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 144. Hildebrandt is open
to the possibility that there was a desire to educate the lay public but concludes that
direct evidence of the establishment of such schools eludes us. Hildebrandt, External
School in Carolingian Society, 58.
26
For a particularly negative assessment of the impact of the Carolingian Renais-
sance see Thomas Frenz, “Das Schulwesen des Mittelalters bis ca. 1200,” in Max
Liedtke, ed., Handbuch der Geschichte des bayerischen Bildungswesens, vol. 1 Geschichte der Schule
in Bayern, von den Anfängen bis 1800 (Bad Heilbrunn: J. Klinkhardt, 1991), 86. See also
François Ganshof, Was waren die Kapitularien? trans. Wilhelm A. Eckhart (Darmstadt:
Hans Böhlau, 1961), 85. For a more positive assessment of education in the Carolin-
gian period, see the works of Rosamond McKitterick, The Carolingians and the Written
Word (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 212–23, and “The Carolingian
Renaissance of Culture and Learning,” in Charlemagne: Empire and Society, ed. Joanna
Story (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005), 151–66.
27
“Ut scola in monasterio non habeatur, nisi eorum qui oblati sunt.” Synodi secundae
Aquisgranensis decreta authentica, Kassius Hallinger, ed., Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum,
vol. 1, Initia Consuetudinis Bendictinae, (Siegburg: F. Schmitt, 1963), col. 474. See also
Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 148.
28
See Hildebrandt, External School in Carolingian Society, 139–40.

92 chapter three
Concern for education, however, continued. In the famous monastery

of St. Gall, the monks sought to address the problem of separation by
establishing an external school within the monastic compound but out-
side the cloister area. Other monasteries do not appear to have emulated
this ingenious solution. Indeed, even at St. Gall, some have continued
to question whether the school as it appears in the surviving plan ever
actually existed.29 In most cases, despite the occasional appearance of
externs within monastic schools, there were no systematic educational
programs for secular clerics or the laity within the monasteries.
One final example from the reign of Louis the Pious bears mention-
ing. In 829, the bishops of the empire encouraged Louis the Pious to
establish at least three “scolae publicae” in the kingdom for the benefit
and honor of the holy church lest, “his labor, and that of his father be
undone through neglect, or God forbid, intentional destruction . . .”30
This short exhortation illustrates two important points. First, the bishops
linked the scolae publicae with the honor and prestige of the church, point-
ing again to the training of clerics as the primary goal of Carolingian
educational policy. Second, as early as 829, the bishops looked back
to Charlemagne’s reign nostalgically. Already they saw his educational
reforms under threat from neglect and possibly much worse.
During the century following the eclipse of Carolingian political
hegemony, the flow of evidence relating to schools in the former empire
diminishes considerably.31 Although this resulted partly from the loss
of a centralized record keeping bureaucracy, it also reflected a general
decline in the activities of many schools. Faced with invasions, economic
decline, and political instability, the brief Carolingian Renaissance fal-
tered. Nevertheless, many monasteries and cathedral schools continued
29
Hildebrandt, External School in Carolingian Society, 99–100.
30
Monumenta Germaniae Historica (hereinafter, MGH) Legum, Section II, Alfred Bore-
tius and Victor Krause, eds., Capitularia Regum Francorum, vol 2 (Hannover: Impensis
Bibliopoli Hahniani, 1897), 37; and Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 149:
“Similiter etiam obnixe et suppliciter vestrae celsitudini suggerimus, ut morem paternum
sequentes, saltim in tribus congruentissimis imperii vestri locis scolae publicae ex vestra
auctoritate fiant, ut labor patris vestri et vester per incuriam quod absit labefactando
non depereat, quoniam ex hoc facto et magna utilitas, et honor sanctae Dei ecclesiae,
et vobis magnum mercedis emolumentum et memoria sempiterna adcrescet.”
31
Documents from Bavaria for this period are particularly sparse, and as Thomas
Frenz has noted, fall silent much sooner than those relating specifically to western
Frankish areas. Frenz, “Schulwesen des Mittelalters,” 81.

their educational traditions, reemerging in the early eleventh century

with renewed vigor.32
Pre-University Curriculum
Building on these earlier traditions, the basic organization of grammar

and especially elementary curriculum was remarkably stable.33 As early
as 789, the Synod of Aachen laid out a program that included song, the
Psalter, letters, mathematics (for calculating the church calendar), and
grammar.34 Although not without some changes and local variations, the
32
The monastery of St. Emmeram in Regensburg continued to add to its library
until the mid-ninth century followed by a period of significantly less activity. Bernard
Bischoff has identified around sixty codices from the period between 800 and 850
but only 10 from the subsequent fifty-year period. Bischoff, “Die Schreibschulen der
Diözese Regensburg,” in Die Südostdeustschen Schreibschulen und Bibliotheken in der Karolingerzeit,
ed. Bernard Bischoff (Wiesbaden: Harroswitz, 1960), 181–82. Bischoff describes the
surviving manuscripts from the tenth century as “zu spärlich, um irgendein Tradition
erkennen zu lassen.”
33
Several historians have argued that medieval education became increasingly secular
during the late Middle Ages. Although lay literacy and lay education expanded signifi-
cantly during this period, wholesale changes in the curriculum do not seem to have
been the result. Nor was the relationship between civic and ecclesiastical authorities
invariably hostile, as some historians appear to suggest. See, in particular, Edith Ennen,
“Stadt und Schulen in ihrem wechselseitigen Verhältnis vornehmlich im Mittelalter,” in
Gesammelte Abhandlungen zum europäischen Städtewesen und zur rheinischen Geschichte, edited by
Georg Droege, Klaus Fehn, Dietrich Höroldt, Franz Irsigler, and Walter Janssen, vol.
22 (Bonn: Ludwig Röhrscheid, 1977), 160. Ennen argues that the rising merchant class
of the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries was confronted by a church largely
antithetical to its aspirations and lifestyle (Homo mercator vix aut nunquam potest Deo placere).
As a result, the increasingly merchant-controlled civic institutions sought to establish
their own educational institutions: “Denn sie schickten ihre Kinder nicht gern auf die
Kapitelschulen, die es ja in all diesen Städten gab, wegen der tiefen Kluft, die zwishen
der Lebensauffasung der Kirche und derjenigen des Kaufmanns lag.” In addition to
expressing this growing self-awareness and self-confidence, the merchants sought to
establish schools that could provide their children with an education that the existing
shools were unable to provide, that is, a curriculum that served the specific needs of
this new class. See also Fritz Rörig, “Grosshandel und Grosshändler im Lübeck des 14.
Jahrhunderts,” in Wirtschaftskräfte im Mittelalter, ed. Paul Kaegbein (Wien: Böhlau, 1971),
29–41; and Henri Pirenne, “L’instruction des marchands au moyen-âge,” Annales d’histoire
économique 1 (1929): 13–28. However, evidence from these new city foundations point to
a greater degree of continuity in both structure and curriculum than Ennen, Pirenne,
or Rörig allow. See, for example, Martin Kintzinger, “‘Ich was auch ain Schueler’: die
Schulen im spätmittelalterlichen Augsburg,” in Literarisches Leben im Augsburg während des
15. Jahrhunderts, ed. Johannes Janota and Werner Williams-Krapp (Sonderdruck aus:
Studia Augustana, vol. 7, 64–68 (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 1995).
34
Admonitio generalis a. 789 c. 72. MGH Leges, Section II, Alfred Boretius ed., Capitularia
Regum Francorum, vol 1, 60. See also Specht, Unterrichtswesen, 67. The length of study

94 chapter three
program described in the Synod of Aachen would have been recogniz-

able by pupils and pedagogues throughout the Middle Ages.35
Even in schools directly controlled by cities, medieval education
remained strongly religious at all levels.36 The most basic texts were
religious, the instructors themselves were frequently clerics, and the
schools were generally associated with ecclesiastical institutions. The
liberal arts, which dominated the medieval curriculum were themselves
fully converted to Christian ends, despite their pre-Christian origins.
The Parisian arts master and Regensburg cathedral canon Conrad
of Megenberg believed them to be the sine qua non of the successful
theologian,
The more proficient he is in the arts, the more praiseworthy he will be as
a theologian, because it is for the theologian alone to dispute concerning
anything and to know the universe, so that he may be able to declare
the more clearly the invisible of God through those things which are
visible.37
Although education came to serve secular ends as well, the essentially reli-
gious and moral nature of education remained largely unchallenged.
Within this context, medieval pre-university education consisted
of several complimentary though not necessarily sequential avenues
varied from eight to twelve years for the full elementary and secondary curriculum.
Conrad of Megenberg laid out a course of study that divided the curriculum into
three seven-year periods analagous to the elementary, secondary, and undergraduate
curriculum familiar today. However, Conrad’s use of seven-year periods was primarily
symbolic, and he himself suggests that it was possible to reduce them to five-year peri-
ods, a periodization that more closely resembled practice. Konrad von Megenberg, Die
Werke des Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik (Yconomica), Buch III, edited by Sabine Krüger,
MGH Staatschriften des späteren Mittelalters, vol. 3, part 3, (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann,
1984), 38.
35
This basic elementary curriculum was common throughout much of the West.
See, for example, Jo Ann Hoeppner Moran, The Growth of English Schooling 1340–1548:
Learning, Literacy and Laicization in Pre-Reformation York Diocese (Princeton: Princeton Uni-
versity Press, 1985), 39–40; and Pierre Riché, Les écoles et l’enseignement dans l’Occident
chrétien de la fin du V e siècle au mileu du XI e siècle (Paris: Aubier Montaigne, 1979), 223:
“Jusqu’à la fin du Moyen Age, être psalteratus signifie savoir lire.”
36
Compare Martin Kintzinger, Das Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig im hohen und
späten Mittelalter: Verfassungs- und institutionengeschichtliche Studien zu Schulpolitik und Bildungs-
förderung, Beihefte zum Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, vol. 32 (Köln: Böhlau 1990), 335–36.
37
Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 40: “Sed quanto perfectior in arti-
bus, tanto laudabilior theologus erit, quia solius theologi est disputare de quolibet et
noscere universa, ut invisibilia dei per ea, que visibilia sunt in creaturis, luculencius
valeat declarare.” translated in Lynn Thorndike, ed., University Records and Life in the
Middle Ages, trans. Lynn Thorndike, Columbia Records of Civilization, vol. 37 (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1944), 227.

of study. In the traditional ecclesiastical schools, and in many of the

city-controlled schools, the primary subjects were song, reading, writ-
ing, and grammar. In some cases, computation was also included.38 In
the largest and best-documented schools, the students studied each of
these subjects in an orderly procession. However, other schools may
have taught only song, or a combination of reading and writing but
with little grammar training.39 A student might advance from a simple
song school to study grammar, however, there is no indication that this
was in any way a typical progression.
Outside the traditional network of ecclesiastical and city schools,
there were an increasing number of private instructors teaching reading,
writing, and computational skills in the vernacular and in Latin. In the
German literature, these schools are often lumped together under the
rubric deutsche Schulen to distinguish them from the more institutional-
ized grammar schools that taught primarily Latin.40 Such schools were
generally small, lasted for only short periods, and often operated without
official license. As a result, they tended to leave behind only the vaguest
traces of their existence and even less of their curriculum.41
38
This appears to have been the case at St. Emmeram in the mid-fifteenth century.
See, for example, Kurt Vogel, Die Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis: ein Rechenbuch des
Benediktinerklosters St. Emmeram aus der Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts nach den Handschriften der
Münchner Staatsbibliothek und der Stiftsbibliothek St. Florian. Schriftenreihe zur bayerischen
Landesgeschichte, vol. 50 (München: C. H. Beck, 1954).
39
See Moran, Growth of English Schooling, 24–25.
40
Although the terms themselves appear in medieval sources, deutsche Schule and
deutscher Schulmaister can be misleading. On the one hand, it seems to imply that such
schools were the only source of vernacular instruction, which was certainly not the
case; on the other hand, some modern historians have tended to use the term deutsche
Schule as a catchall for private schools and private instructors generally, when actually
private instructors also taught Latin at times.
41
A series of school visitation records from 1558 to 1560 provide significant details
regarding the curriculum of several private schools. However, given the impact of
the Reformation on the schools, these must be used cautiously when discussing pre-
Reformation education. For mid-sixteenth century statutes in Regensburg, see, for
example, Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 251–302. Hans Jürgen Kiepe has
shown from one pre-Reformation example that the emphasis on religious instruction
apparent in these later schools may not have been indicative of the fifteenth century.
See Kiepe, “Die älteste deutsche Fibel. Leseunterricht und deutsche Grammatik um
1486,” in Studien zum städtischen Bildungswesen des späten Mittelalters und der frühen neuzeit:
Bericht über Kolloquien der Kommission zur Erforschung der Kultur des Spätmittelalters 1978–1981.
Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen: Philologisch-Historische
Klasse dritte Folge, eds. Bernd Moeller, Hans Patze, and Karl Stackmann, vol. 137
(Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Rupprecht, 1983) (hereinafter, Städt. Bildung.), 461. Kiepe
examines a fifteenth-century German grammar book and concludes that the earlier
medieval grammars emphasized the practical over the religious: “zwar enthält die Fibel

96 chapter three
Given the overwhelming importance of ecclesiastical institutions in

the dissemination of learning and the employment of learned men, it
is hardly surprising that the most frequent references to schoolchildren
appear within the context of religious service, in particular service
to the choir.42 Scholars performed for memorial and funeral masses,
chanted in processions, and sang for special feast days, especially those
related to Christmas and Easter celebrations.43 Choir service was an
experience shared by many students across the entire spectrum of pre-
university education—elementary and grammar students and those
trained specifically in song. Actually, the chorschüler was so familiar in
the Middle Ages that the author of the Algorismus Ratisbonensis used the
examples from the choir to illustrate a mathematical problem. That the
text appears to have been intended for use by lay students bound for
careers as merchants and tradesmen suggests that the experience of
choir service was as familiar in those circles as it was for those intended
for ecclesiastical careers.44
auch zwei kurze Gebete, aber lesen lernten die Schüler nicht am Va-ter un-ser . . . und den
Zehn Geboten, sondern handfest-praktisch an korn und gersten, an haller und pfenning.”
42
Compare Kintzinger, “Schulen im spätmittelalterlichen Augsburg,” 302: “Was
den Alltag der Schüler kirchlicher Schulen im Spätmittelalter allzu häufig bestimmete,
war nicht die intensive Übung des Kirchengesanges, sondern dessen praktische Aus-
fürhrung bei Meßfeiern.” The importance of choir service is evident in the Statuta vel
precepta scholarium, a poem in rhymed couplets, which circulated widely in last quarter
of the fifteenth century. No fewer than seven couplets deal with the responsibilities
of the students in the choir. Karl Kehrbach, “Schüler-Regeln aus dem Ende des 15.
Jahrhunderts,” Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft deutsche Erziehungs- und Schulgeschichte, 3 (1893),
132–33.
43
Susan Boynton, “The Liturgical role of Children in the Monastic Customaries
from the Central Middle Ages,” Societas Liturgica 28 (1998), 204–209.
44
Vogel, Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis, 54: “Item sein 5 korschuler, dere 1 get
all nacht gen meten, dy ander vber dii ander nacht, dy dritt vber dii driten <etcet-
era>. Queritur, wenn sy all zesam komen in einer metn.” Although all students were
expected to serve the choir, not all bore the the burden of choir service equally. By
the fifteenth century, especially, the poor and intinerant scholars were most called on
for these duties. Compare, for example, Urs Martin Zahnd, Die Bildungsverhältnisse in
den Bernischen Ratsgeschlechtern im ausgehenden Mittelalter. Verbreitung, Charakter und Funktion der
Bildung in der Politschen Führungsschicht einer spätmittelalterlichen Stadt. Schriften der Berner
Burgerbibliothek (Bern: Berner Burgerbibliothek, 1979), 286: “Offenbar waren es ofte
gerade die armen, die fremden oder eben die “fahrenden Schüler”, die das Singen in
der Kirche übernahmen . . .” The poor and the itinerant tended to be more dependent
on the payments that they received for such services. In Regensburg, for example, two
poor and pious scholars were to receive 4 groschen a quarter to accompany the priest
of St. Cassian and to sing when he administered to the sick and dying. Josef Schmid,
Die Urkundenregesten des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle in Regensburg (Regensburg:
J. Habbel, 1911–1912) (hereinafter, Urk. AK.), vol. 1, 262 #1362: 12 February 1489.

The primary concern was that the students learn to sing and recite
properly. As the liturgy, and the attendant performance became increas-
ingly complicated, many churches began to employ special choristers to
perform the complex arrangements associated with the increasing use
of polyphony.45 The fifteenth century statutes of the Schottenkloster, for
example, demanded that the cantor be an expert musician and direct
his choir without mistakes. To ensure the diligence of the cantor, these
statutes also included the levying of financial penalties for errors com-
mited by his charges.46 By the sixteenth century, the cathedral chapter
saw fit to completely reform its choir, bringing well-trained professional
musicians to sing alongside the scholars.47
As part of these reforms, the cathedral in Regensburg began to
employ eight chorales or professional choristers. These served two func-
tions: first, they reduced the burden on the cathedral scholars, and
second, they raised the performance of the choir.48 The chorales were
45
See, for example, the Regensburg musical treatises edited in Marie Louise Mar-
tinez-Göllner, ed., The Manuscript Cod. Lat. 5539 of the Bavarian State Library: With an
Edition of the Original Treatises and of the Two-Voice Organal Settings, Musicological Studies &
Documents, vol. 43 (Neuhausen/Stuttgart: American Institute of Musicology: Hänssler-
Verlag, 1993), 7–8. The specialization can also be seen in the increasing number of
professional choristers employed by cathedral churches during the fifteenth and early
sixteenth centuries. See, for example, the early sixteenth century statutes from Regens-
burg. Andreas Mayer, ed., Thesaurus novus iuris ecclesiastici potissimum Germaniae, seu codex
statutorum ineditorum ecclesiarum cathedralium et collegiatarum in Germania: notis illustratus atque
dissertationibus selectis iuris publici ecclesiastici adiectisque animadversionibus (Regensburg: Anton
Lange, 1793), vol. 3, 42–45.
46
BayStB clm 14892 fol. 235r: “Item ordinamus quod idem scolasticus semper
et continue scolam et chorum bono et experto Cantore provideat sciens artificialiter
musicam qui scole et chori preesse possit et vale ac idemque cantor singulis vigiliis
festivitatum ac singuilis sabatinis diebus totius anni historias tam de sanctis quam de
tempore cum suis scolaribus per cantet prevideat et confusiones chori evitet sub pena
privacionis prebende diei occurrentis.”
47
Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 44–45: “Item quia compertum est, quod diverse et
multe confusiones ac errores in Antiphonis ac Responsoriis et aliis Cantibus in Missis
et horis Canonicis sepius sunt, et scandala non modica exorta fuerunt. Later, “Item
placuit, quod in psalmodiis rectus ordo et debita distinctio habeatur, ita quod intra
festa summa ac mediocria, et feriis debita sentiatur differentia etiam in elevando et
deprimendo voces, nunquam tamen in eisdem ita properandum erit, quin virilis ver-
borum fiat pronuntiatio, sic ut distincte et syllabe et verba intelligibiliter proferantur
et intelligantur.”
48
The cathedral in Freising funded ten chorales and two choirboys to sing so that
the cathedral scholars could spend more time in study (magis studio literarum insistere . . .).
Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche, vol. 1, 191. No doubt similar considerations lay behind
the establishment of eight chorales in the Regensburg cathedral school at beginning of
the sixteenth century. Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 42–45.

98 chapter three
to be rigorously examined both for their skill and for moral character.49
In addition, the statutes required that those who had not yet attended
a studium generale attend the cathedral school.50 Although the chorales
were clearly a special case, the level of education demanded of them
suggests that, at least in the cathedral schools, the song scholars would
have achieved a fairly high level of literacy.
Outside the context of cathedral and collegiate schools, the level
of literacy attained by song scholars is more difficult to gauge. They
certainly did not always enjoy a particularly high reputation for learn-
ing, and the priest in charge of their instruction may himself have
been only marginally literate. Even so, the ability to sing did provide
tangible rewards and perhaps sufficient knowledge to qualify for the
priesthood.
The significant overlap between reading and song education often
makes it difficult to distinguish between them. The schools generally
employed the same texts and in some cases studied under the same
master. As with song, the students learned to read (recite) the Psalter
and the most important prayers. In the mid-eleventh century, Otloh of
St. Emmeram recalled his elementary education at the monastery of
Tegernsee, where he learned to read from the continuous recitation
of the Psalms.51 Some four hundred years later, the use of the Psalter
remained a staple of the elementary curriculum. The statutes of the
famous school of St. Stephan’s in Vienna stipulated that the youngest
students were to learn their letters, spelling and vocabulary focusing
on the tabula, which included the seven Psalms of repentance and the
first parts of Donatus.52
49
Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 42: Item jidem chorales asumendi debent in assmp-
tione eorundem probari et examinari et recipi per Dominum Decanum . . . ubi fieri
debet examen et inquisitio de moribus, vita, scientia, sicuti hactenus levite probati et
examinati fuerunt, et semper assumentur habiliores et meliores, qui sunt Clerici, non
tamen uxorati, non attendendo preces seu favores quorumcunque.”
50
Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 45: “Quapropter statuimus et ordinamus, quod
omnes chorales pro tempore existentes, qui universitates generales nondum visitarunt,
teneantur scolas ingredi . . .”
51
Specht, Unterrichtswesen, 68. See also Otloh von St. Emmeram, Otloh von St. Emmeram:
‘Liber de Temptatione cuiusdam monachi,’ ed., & trans. Sabine Gäbe, Lateinische Sprache
und Literatur des Mittelalters, ed. Peter Stotz, vol. 29 (Bern: Peter Lang, 1999), 352.
52
Johannes Müller, ed., Vor- und frühreformatorische Schulordnungen in deutscher und nieder-
ländischer Sprache, 2 vols, Sammlung selten gewordener pädagogischer Schriften früherer
Zeiten, vol. 12–13 (Zschopau: F. U. Raschke, 1885–86), vol. 1, 59. “der erst tail der
jungisten sol besliessen kinder, die allererst gen schul werdent gelassen, und die deu
tafel and den Donat puchstaben lernent und zu latein sullen haben vocabel, das sind

At the end of the fifteenth century and into the sixteenth century,
as humanist works became increasingly common in the libraries and
schools of Germany, the place of the Psalter remained unshaken. Es
tu scolaris? a popular grammar compiled in the mid-fifteenth century,
which circulated widely well into the sixteenth century, continued to
reference the Psalter as the foundation of elementary education.53 The
master asks his students, “What do you read;” they respond, “I do
not read, I listen.” “To what do you listen?” “I listen to the tabula.”54
Such a response is telling and should temper rash assertions about
the impact of printed books in the classroom. Indeed, even as books
became increasingly affordable through the advent of the printing
press, it appears that many students at the elementary and secondary
levels, still did not have texts of their own. Thus, important aspects of
elementary education, and even higher levels of instruction, remained
essentially aural/oral experiences.55
Yet the fifteenth century was also one of transition. By the end of
the Middle Ages, references to schoolbooks were increasingly common.
The so-called Statuta vel precepta scolarium, which circulated during the
last quarter of the fifteenth century, refers frequently to schoolbooks. It
zwai wort mit ir auslegung.” The tabula included the letters of the alphabet alongside
the seven Pslams of repentance (Psalm: 6, 32, 38, 51, 102, 130, 143), and some of the
most important prayers the Credo, Paternoster, Ave Maria. For a description of the content
of the Tabula see Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 44–49.
53
The work was published in twenty-eight editions between 1493–94 and 1500 in
many of the most important printing centers in the south and southwestern portions
of the empire, including Nuremberg, Freising, Augsburg, Memmingen, Ulm, Basel, and
Freiburg. Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 242. The work incorporated everyday school
experiences and conversation as a way to build vocabulary and reinforce grammatical
lessons. It also employed German in an effort to speed the acquisition of vocabulary. A
similar text circulated in England. Moran, Growth of English Schooling, 34. Some humanist
grammars did begin to circulate in Regensburg by the end of the fifteenth century. The
Zandt family owned an early printed edition of the humanist grammar by Nicolaus
Perottus, Rudimenta grammatices (Milan: Leonard Pachel and Ulrich Scinzenzeler, 1478),
112 pages, 4o, P-224, BSB-Ink: Online-Version, 24 May 2007.
54
Compendiosa Materia pro iuvenum informatione satis magistraliter compilata. Cuius Titulus. Es
Tu Scolaris (Nürnberg: Hieronymus Hölczel, 1505), aiii. The text reads, “Es tu scolaris?
Sum. Quid legis? Non lego sed audio. Quid audis? Tabula[m].” Later, the master asks
the student, “Scis tu tabulam? Scio. Quo[modo] incipit tabula? Pater noster qui est in
celis. Quid est tabula? Est liber prosaicus tractans de oratione d[omi]nicali et aliis sibi
adiunctis a deo et sanctis compilatus. Quid est subiectum in tabula? Oratio domincalis.
Quid est eius propria passio? Devota vel indevota or[ati]o.”
55
Es Tu Scolaris, aiiii. The older students respond to the question, “To what do you
listen?” depending on their level of instruction “vel donatum; vel alexandrum; vel
logicam; vel musicam.”

100 chapter three
admonishes the students, for example, to maintain their books carefully

and without blemish being sure not to fold or bend the pages.56
Es tu scolaris? also brings into focus the increasing use of the vernacular
in teaching Latin grammar. Although some school statutes continued
to demand that students speak only Latin,57 the growing importance
of the vernacular in the schools and in the texts is clear from the
thirteenth century forward.58 When used in the grammar school, the
schoolmasters used German primarily as an aid for the acquisition of
Latin rather than as an object of study in its own right. Large sections
of Es tu Scolaris? concern the translation of Latin into German as a
means to reinforce Latin vocabulary. In a series of questions playing
on the word scolaris, the master asks the student if he is a scutellaris, a
scurlaris, or a scalaris. The student answers that he is not and translates
the meaning of the question into German. “Ob ich ein schusselspueler
sey . . . ob ich ein umblauffer sey . . . ob ich ein laiter steiger sey.”59
The libraries of Regensburg provide further evidence of the growing
importance of the vernacular in grammar education. Often compiled
by individuals closely associated with the schools, Latin/German dic-
tionaries and translations of important hymns become common by
the fifteenth century. The Regensburg Franciscan Michael Pföllinger,
who taught for a time in the convent school in Augsburg, wrote out
word-for-word translations of numerous Latin hymns.60 Johannes von
Münnerstadt, prior of the Dominican convent in Regensburg in the sec-
ond quarter of the fifteenth century, compiled a Latin/German diction-
56
Paul Bahlmann, “Schüler Regeln aus dem Ende des 15. Jahrhunderts,” Mitteilungen
der Gesellschaft für deutsche Erziehungs- und Schulgeschichte, vol. 3, 3 (1893), 134: “Textum
tuum virgula ipsum et emenda, Lecta sic proficiunt ipsa repetenda . . . Tui sine macula
libri teneantur, Et cantuales penitus in cura habeantur. . . . Insuper et curvitas nulla sit
in ipsis, sic non habes tedium legere in istis.”
57
See, for example, the mid fifteenth-century statutes for the city school in Bayreuth:
Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 148: “Darzu sollen dise knaben in der schul, auf dem
kirchoff, zu chor, kirchen unnd procession nichts dann latein reden . . .”
58
Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 94–102. See also Günther Hampel, Die deutsche
Sprache als Gegenstand und Aufgabe des Schulwesens vom Spätmittelalter bis ins 17. Jahrhundert,
Beiträge zur deutschen Philologie, vol. 79 (Giessen: Wilhelm Schmitz, 1980), 46–52.
This was certainly not limited to German-speaking regions. See Moran, Growth of
English Schooling, 41.
59
Es tu scolaris, aiii. See also Klaus Grubmüller, “Der Lehrgang des Triviums und
die Rolle der Volkssprache im späten Mittelalter,” in Städt. Bildung. 371–97; and Henkel,
Deutsche Übersetzungen, 183–93.
60
BayStB clm 14698 fol. 28r–45r. For a discussion of this manuscript and the role
of this type of translation, see Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 112–15.

ary possibly for use in the schools,61 as did Leonard Panholz who taught
both in Prüll and in the Franciscan school of St. Salvatore.62 Other
dictionaries of this type appear in the libraries of St. Emmeram.63
Such works clearly presumed some level of vernacular literacy
before the study of Latin. However, specific evidence regarding ver-
nacular schools in Regensburg is scarce. It is likely that many learned
to read German at home. By the late fourteenth century, an increasing
number of families owned devotional works, hymnals, and Psalters in
the vernacular that could have served as texts for elementary reading
instruction.64 Outside of Regensburg, evidence indicates a significant
number of teachers providing basic reading instruction alongside writ-
ing and arithmetic.65
When the children had mastered their letters and learned to put
them together into syllables and words, they could begin to learn the
specialized and highly useful skill of writing. Although not every school
provided instruction in writing—those who could read appear to have
out numbered those who could write by a significant margin66—many
accounts of elementary education include writing as an aspect of the
curriculum. In his autobiographical work, Liber de Temptationibus, Otloh
61
BayStB clm 13571 fol. 65r–75r.
62
BayStB clm 26611. See Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 442. Clm 26611 also includes a
copy of Hugh of St. Victor, de Vitae et Morum honestate and a German/Latin vocabulary
Esse essentia wesn. For more on the career of Leonard Panholz see Appendix I.
63
BayStB clm 14068 fol. 1–9 and BayStB clm 14189; This use of the vernacular
reflects much broader changes in the written culture of late medieval Germany in which
German had already begun to dominate bureaucratic and administrative language. See,
for example, Hugo Kuhn, Liebe und Gesellschaft, edited by Wolfgang Walliczek (Stuttgart:
Metzler, 1980), 135–155.
64
This is reflected in several wills from Regensburg. In the will of Dietrich Zoll-
ner mentioned earlier, Zollner left a Psalter, “der latein und ta%tsch ist,” to three of
his female relatives, all nuns in the convent of the Poor Clares in Regensburg. Josef
Widemann and Franz Bastian, eds. Regensburger Urkundenbuch. Urkunden der Stadt. Monu-
menta Boica (hereinafter, MB) (München: Verlag der k. Akademie, 1912/1956), 54, 328
#788. Dietrich Zollner’s library was clearly exceptional; he further stipulated that his
remaining books should be sold and the money distributed among the poor. Those
that were not sold were to be given to poor scholars and other poor learned people.
Finally, the city scribe was to receive a “p%ch, daz sagt de valsis propfetis, und ain
puch, daz haizzt Cyntyll de sanctis auctoritet.” MB 54, 328#788.
65
By the mid-sixteenth century, significant numbers of such masters taught in the
diocese of Regensburg. In Straubing, for example, a deutsche Schulmeister taught his
students “buchstaben, Brief und Evangelia lesen, rechnen und schreiben.” Lurz, Mit-
telschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 298.
66
For Germany, see Alfred Wendehorst, “Wer konnte im Mittelalter lesen und
schreiben?” in Schule und Studium, 19–25; Moran discusses this problem for England,
Growth of English Schooling, 49–51.

102 chapter three
of St. Emmeram describes with much pride how he secretly taught

himself to write while a student in the external school of Tegernsee:
When I had quickly mastered the letters, and the songs, which are learned
with the letters, I also began to learn the art of writing without the direc-
tion of a master, and long before the accustomed time for learning it.67
Otloh’s training was clearly extraordinary, as was the school of Tegern-
see itself, which was justly famous for its learned men and libraries.
However, there is a significant body of evidence, especially from the
middle of the fourteenth century forward, suggesting that writing was
a frequent, if not necessary aspect of elementary curriculum.68
Conrad of Megenberg places the beginning of writing instruction
within the first year of school, around the time students learned their
letters and syllables and received their first instruction in grammar:
Now descending to particulars let us say that when the seven-year olds
have first begun to study grammar and have learned the letters of the
alphabet and how to write them correctly together in syllables and to
put the syllables together into words, it is opportune that they note the
meaning etymologically, that is both the significations of the words and
the properties of the parts, which the perspicacity of the moderns calls
modes of signifying . . .69
67
Otloh von St. Emmeram, Liber de Temptatione, 352: “Cum igitur parvus scolari
discipline traditus fuissem, literasque et cantica, que cum literis discuntur, cleriter
didicissem, cepi etiam longe ante solitum tempus discendi sine iussu magistri artem
discere scribendi.”
68
Wendehorst shows that before the fourteenth century writing remained a highly
specialized skill even among clerics. After the middle of the fourteenth century, the
number of canons and bishops who could not write diminished significantly. By
the time of the councils of Constance and Basel a bishop who could not write was
considered worthy of reproach. Wendehorst, “Wer konnte lesen und schreiben?,” 24.
A distinction also must be made between the more practical cursive common in the
schools and commerce, and the bookhands of the most skilled scribes, which remained
a fairly rare and specialized art.
69
Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 38: “Specialius autem descendendo
dicamus, quod cum septennes pueri gramata proferre didicerint et figuras noverint
elementorum atque eadem ortographice componere sciverint in sillabas, et sillabas in
dictiones congregare, oportunum est, ut ethymologice insistant interpretacioni, tam
scilicet dictionum significacionibus quam parcium proprietatibus, quas modernorum
perspicacitas modos significandi nominat . . .” Translated in Thorndike, University Records
and Life, 225.

Although there continued to be schools that did not include writing,

Conrad’s statements reflect his own close association with schools in
Erfurt, Vienna, and Regensburg, suggesting that instruction in writing
was a common aspect of the curriculum over a wide geographic area
by at least the middle of the fourteenth century. Further reinforcing
this impression, the fifteenth-century author of the Statuta vel precepta
scolarium simply assumed that the students he addressed would be able
to write, advising them always to have “pens and ink nearby” to write
down the lectures.70
The ability to take such notes was even more important for those
students who advanced to study at the universities.71 The necessity of
writing for a successful university career no doubt spurred an increase
in the number of schools that provided such instruction. Not coinciden-
tally, we see a significant increase in the number of educated individu-
als capable of both reading and writing in the mid-fourteenth century,
precisely at the beginning of a spate of new university foundations
within German-speaking territories. At the same time, cities and towns
were demanding educated scribes for their chancery, and merchants and
tradesmen found writing to be an increasingly advantageous skill.72
The actual teaching of writing probably changed very little over
time. Students usually made their first efforts at writing on a wax tablet,
which was relatively inexpensive and easily erased. The teacher provided
exemplars of each of the letters, perhaps written on the tablet itself,
which the students attempted to copy.73 The teachers carefully observed
their students, correcting the manner in which they held their pens and
70
Kehrbach, “Schüler-Regeln,” 134: “Lectio dum legitur, attende diligenter, incaus-
tum pene folia sint circa te frequenter.” Students are also admonished to “Textum tuum
virgula ipsum et emenda, lecta sic proficiunt ipsa repetenda.”
71
Wendehorst, “Wer konnte lesen und schreiben?,” 24.
72
The close connection between schüler and schreiber is illustrated by a certain
Peter Schueler the schreiber, who was accepted as a citizen of Regensburg in 1465.
StAR Politica III, 1 63v: 25 June 1465.
73
Specht, Unterrichtswesen, 70, 71. Otloh of St. Emmeram’s description of medieval
methods of teaching writing reflects the use of such wax tablets. See, Otloh von St.
Emmeram, Liber de Temptatione, 352: “Nam cum in puericia ipsoque tempore, quo tabula
mihi data est cum aliis pueris ad discendam scripturam . . .” Late fourteenth-century
remains of a wax tablet retrieved from the cloaca of the St. Jacobi school in Lübeck,
demonstrates a high degree of pedagogical continuity stretching over nearly 250
years. Albrecht Cordes, “Who Shall Educated the Merchants’ Children,” in Law and
Learning in the Middle Ages: Proceedings of the Second Carlsberg Academy Conference on Medieavl
Legal History 2005, edited by Helle Vogt and Mia Münster-Swendsen (Copenhagen:
DJØF, 2006), 186.

104 chapter three
formed their letters.74 After sufficient practice in the transitory medium

of wax, students graduated to the relative permanence of ink and
parchment. Young students in the monasteries and collegiate schools
were frequently put to work as copyists, although concern about their
abilities are reflected in Charlemagne’s Admonitio generalis, which required
that only mature men copy Bibles, Psalters, and prayer books in order
to avoid textual corruptions.75
Not surprisingly, monasteries provided the earliest centers of writ-
ing. Regensburg was home to important scriptoria in St. Jakob (the
Schottenkloster) Prüfening, Prüll, and above all, St. Emmeram.76 As is
clear from their libraries these monastic scriptoria continued to train new
scribes and produce an impressive number of manuscripts throughout
the Middle Ages.77
By the fifteenth century, the number of people employed as scribes, at
least part time, was growing rapidly. The demand for their services was
such that ecclesiastical institutions could not supply sufficient numbers.78
74
Otloh von St. Emmeram, Liber de Temptatione, 353: “Furtivo enim et insolito modo
necnon sine docente nisus sum eandem artem scribendi apprehendere. Qua de re con-
tigit, ut pennam ad scribendum inrecto usu retinere consuescerem, nec postea ab ullo
docente super hoc corrigi valerem. Nimius namque usus prohibuit me emendare.”
75
Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 143. See earlier in this chapter.
76
See the still seminal work of Bernard Bischoff on the scriptoria of southern Ger-
many. Bischoff, “Schreibschulen.”
77
Andreas of Regensburg tells an intriguing, if ultimately tragic, story concerning
the monastery of Prüfening that attests to the ongoing scribal activities of the mon-
astery, and the continued training of new scribes. In 1420, a certain monk, a skilled
scribe who had copied many holy books, driven by the “passionibus animi sui” called
his young scholar to him, climbed to the top of the choir and threw himself down,
killing himself and injuring his scholar. Andreas von Regensburg, Sämtliche Werke, ed.
Georg Leidinger, Quellen und Erörterungen zur bayerischen Geschichte (hereinafter,
QuE ) Neue Folge, vol. 1 (München: Rieger, 1903), 299: “Nam dum dominus episcopus
predictus in quodam monasterio [Prüfening] satis noto causa visitacionis esset, mona-
chus quidam presbiter motus passionibus animi sui, dum in melius proficere recusaret,
enumeratis suis virtutibus cunctis aliis sedentibus et ignorantibus, quid facturus esset,
vocato ad se iuvene scolare suo solus exiit tabulatumque monasterii ascendit et se ipsum
secum trahens iuvenem, quem vocaverat, in medium chori deorsum precipitavit sicque
tali casu in eodem loco mox exspiravit, iuvenis vero vivus evasit. Hunc monachum
ego novi laboresque suos laudabiles et religiosos precipue in scribendo sanctos libros,
in quibus aliis religiosis preferendus erat, oculis meis vidi.”
78
However, many of Regensburg’s scribes continued to hold ecclesiastical benefices
throughout the fourteenth century; see, for example, Matthias Thiel, Die Urkunden des
Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg, QuE, Neue Folge, vol. 28, pt.1 (München: Beck,
1975), 316 #228, 5 April 1350: “Hans der Hertinger, chorherr von sand Johans und

As a result, scribes no longer came exclusively from among the clergy,

as the frequent references to schreiberin (most likely wives of scribes,
though possibly scribes in their own right) and married scribes attest.79
For example, in 1394–95, the city paid sixteen pounds to the city scribe
in honor of his daughter’s marriage.80 The city accounts from the late
fourteenth- and fifteenth-century record countless payments to steuer-
schreibern, wachtsschreibern, umgeltschreibern,81 and Stuhlschreiber.82 Providing
statschr(eiber) zur Regensburg.” The earliest city scribes (stadtschrieber) date from the
thirteenth century, see Alois Schmid, “Notarius civium Ratisponensium. Beobachtungen
zu den Stadtschreibern der Reichsstadt Regensburg,” in Staatkultur—Kultur—Politik:
Beiträge zur Geschichte Bayerns und des Katholizismus Festschrift zum 65. Geburtstag von Dieter
Albrect, Winfried Becker, and Werner Chrobak, eds. (Kallmünz: Michael Lassleben,
1992), 50.
79
See, for example, the entry from 1405 StAR Cam. 06 fol. 115r: “Item man hat
geschankt dem Götfride dem schreiber zu seiner hawsfräwn II lb. d. und VIII d. ver-
trinchken pey denn münspriefen . . .” (digital images and some transcriptions of StAR
Cameralia can be accessed online at http://bhgw20.kfunigraz.ac.at/virtual/index.htm).
Agnes Schmidl, wife of the Steuerschreiber Georg Schmidl was buried in St. Emmeram
(d. 27 November 1497). Freytag, Grabmälerverzeichnis, 33.
80
StAR Cam. 03 fol. 72v: “Item wir haben geben dem statschreybär XVI lb. d. Dy
schankchten ym mein hern, da er sein tochter verheyrat.”
81
There are too many to record here, but see, for example, StAR Cam. 10 fol. 101r
(1426/27): “item wir haben geben den Andre Schreiber 1/2 lb den. für sein müe.”
StAR Cam. 17 fol. 172r (1476): “Item wir gaben den acht wachtschreibern ir vuren von
meiner herrenherren poten zum statschrieber ab zu schreiben ir ieden xxxvi den . . .”
StAR Cam. 19a 127: “Wir gaben den Stewrschreiber umb zwo hewt pergamens xx
den. R. und umb sigelwachs xx iiii d.”
82
Leonardus Heff Stuehlschreiber was accepted as a citizen in 1466. StAR Politica III, 1,
fol. 71r (See also Susanne Kropac, Das Älteste Bürgeraufnahmebuch der Reichsstadt Regensburg,
http://bhgw20.kfunigraz.ac.at/virtual/index.htm, last revised 2006 03 16). A certain
maister Steffan stuehlschreyber and citizen of Regensburg appears as a witness in a charter
of the Alte Kapelle in 1494. J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, #1398, 25 August 1494, 282.
The Stuhlschreiber set up specific hours (stuhlstunden) when he was available for hire. In
Nuremberg, the term appears to have been synonymous with Teutschmeister or Lehrmeister.
Rudolf Endres, “Das Schulwesen von ca. 1200 bis zur Reformation. Gesamtdarstel-
lung,” in Handbuch der Geschichte des bayerischen Bildungswesen, vol. I, Geschichte der Schule in
Bayern von den Anfängen bis 1800, 332–348, (Bad Heilbrunn: Julius Kinkhardt, 1991), 170.
Whether this was true generally, however, is the subject of some controversy. Reinhard
Jakob argues that the evidence is too thin to make such broad generalizations. Jakob,
Schulen in Franken und in der Kuroberpfalz 1250–1520: Verbreitung—Organization—Gesellschaftli-
che Bedeutung. Wissensliteratur im Mittelalter, eds. Horst Brunner, Harald Dickerhof
and Dietrich Huschenbett, et al., vol. 16. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert, 1994),
238: “Ob auch die teuschen Schreiber, die Stuhl- und Guldenschrieber und Modisten
tatsächlich einer Lehrtätigkeit nachgingen, bedarf im Einzelfall der Klärung, die bei
der schmalen Quellenbasis schwer genug zu erriechen ist.” Although Jakob is correct
to call for caution, not every scribe necessarily ran a school on the side; it seems likely
that they did so whenever the situation allowed. This would have been especially true
for those scribes who held no official positions or otherwise lacked sufficient income.

106 chapter three
further evidence of the growing importance of the scribal profession,

the Regensburg Bürgeraufnahmebuch records the admission of sixteen
scribes as citizens of Regensburg between 1427 and 1473.83
Unfortunately, despite the expansion in the number of scribes,
specific evidence regarding their education is often difficult to find.
Most probably received an elementary education and perhaps more
advanced Latin training before serving an apprenticeship under an
older established scribe in the city. In at least one case, a Regensburg
city scribe had studied at the University of Vienna.84 Some scribes
may also have set up schools to augment the income they earned
copying documents and writing letters.85 At least one example from
the city account books points in that direction. In the year 1488, the
city paid twelve Regensburg pfennige to a certain scribe for helping the
Steuerschreiber Jörg write some letters. This payment is similar to those
found by Martin Kintzinger in the account books of Braunschweig, in
which a dener, geselle, or scolre of the stadtschreiber received payments for
assisting him.86 The language in these cases suggests the existence of
Such men no doubt would have been willing, even eager to take on students. There is
also evidence that the boundaries between the scribal and teaching professions were
extremely fluid. For example, a scribe from Regensburg established himself as a teacher
in Amberg ca. 1470. Franz Krebs, Das deutsche Schulwesen Ambergs von den Anfängen im 15.
Jahrhunderts bis zum Ausgang des 17. Jahrhunderts (Kallmünz: Michael Lassleben, 1931),
5. A certain Marquardus Treberger, “qui per plures annos litteras studuit et in civ.
Ratisponen. scolas rexit,” was appointed as a papal notary. Urbain V, 1362–1370: lettres
communes, analysées d’après les registres dits d’Avignon et du Vatican, edited by M.-H. Laurent,
12 vols. (Paris: E. de Boccard, 1954), vol. 1, 378 #3401.
83
Susanne Kropac, Das Älteste Bürgeraufnahmebuch der Reichsstadt Regensburg, http://
bhgw20.kfunigraz.ac.at/virtual/index.htm, last revised 2006 03 16 (StAR Pol. III/1).
84
Johannes Rehaver matriculated at Vienna in 1461 and appears as stadtschreiber
in 1477 and 1490. In 1480 he was sent as a representative of Regensburg to the
imperial court. He also served the Emperor Frederick III for a time in 1471. See
Appendix II.
85
Contracts between master scribes and students do survive for other cities. In 1492,
the city scribe from Ulm, Lienhart Weber called Jung agreed to teach an unnamed Bac-
calaureus who “die schreiberey lernen will.” Karin Schneider, Die deutschen Handschriften
der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: die mittelalterlichen handschriften aus Cgm 888–4000,
Editio altera(Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1991), 356 (Cgm 2518, 345r).
86
StAR Cam. 19 fol. 258v: “Wir gaben ainem schreiber der dem Jorg Steurschreiber
etlich brief hat helfen abschreiben 12 d R.” He is perhaps the same as Georg Schmidl
whose wife Agnes died in 1497 and is buried in St. Emmeram, Freytag, “Grabmälerver-
zeichnis,” 33. Compare Kintzinger, Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig, 425–27.

at least a small number of students assisting an established scribe in a

kind of apprentice relationship.87
Like writing, the ability to perform basic computations became an
increasingly valuable skill in the late Middle Ages.88 In the earliest
monastic schools, students studied arithmetic to ensure the proper cal-
culation of the ecclesiastical calendar.89 The eighth century Admonitio
generalis, which included mathematics as an essential aspect of elemen-
tary and secondary curriculum, was clearly concerned primarily
87
Above these scribes, there were a small number of highly trained public notaries.
The education level of the notaries was generally quite high and included individuals
with significant university training, including some with advanced degrees. The Refor-
matio Sigismundi recommended that all Reichsstädte have a learned scribe who was also an
official notary. See Heinrich Koller, ed., Reformation Kaiser Siegmunds, MGH Staatsschriften
des späteren Mittelalters, vol. 6. (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1964), 305. To become
an official notary required elementary training in writing followed by a longer period
of apprenticeship under a recognized public notary. Increasingly, notaries were also
university graduates, as were some of the official city scribes. University-trained men
such as Heinrich der Igeltaler, who also appears as schulmaister in the Alte Kapelle in
1402, Casparus Kantner, doctor of canon law, and Michael Apfelpeck, who held the
licenciate of both canon and civil law, all appear as notaries in Regensburg. Apfelpeck
also served as city legal advocate. See Appendix II. There is a particularly interesting
manuscript from the library of St. Emmeram that demonstrates both the manner in
which the specific skill of letter writing was learned, as well the important role played
by familial connections. The manuscript BayStB clm 14660 contains a standard for-
mulary for letter writing and legal instruments. In addition, it includes a significant
number of German language marginalia, mostly definitions of words (e.g., above the
words nec contentus, the scribe has written nicht genugit and above ex sequente, noch volgende.
BayStB clm 14660 fol. 11r and fol. 16r). The manuscript, which was produced in the late
fourteenth century, was owned for a time by Nicholas Zehentner before being donated
to the monastery of St. Emmeram. In 1415, a Christian Zehentner was a monk in St.
Emmeram. In that same year, a Johannes Zehentner appears as a notary.
88
The following discussion is not intended as a comprehesive consideration of math-
ematics or even arithmetic in the late Middle Ages, a subject beyond the scope of this
study. For a general overview of the history of mathematical instruction in German
speaking areas see Siegmund Günther, Geschichte des mathematischen Unterrichts im deutschen
Mittelalter bis zum Jahre 1525, Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica, vol. 3 (Berlin: A.
Hoffman, 1887). My intent here is primarily to discuss the increasing demand for
mathematical skills within the context of an increasingly complex commercial society
and the extent to which this was reflected in the curriculum of the schools.
89
The mathematical texts of St. Emmeram, which survive in significant numbers,
were often bound together with texts on the calendar. See, for example, BayStB clm
14908, in which Calendarium ecclesiasticum is followed immediately by Regulae et exempla
arithmetica. For a discussion of the mathematical texts of St. Emmeram and an edition of
portions of BayStB clm 14783 and 14908, see Vogel, Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis.
A number of the scientific and mathematical texts in St. Emmeram’s library have been
described recently in Elisabeth Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der bayerischen
Staatsbibliothek München: clm 1400–14130 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1995).

108 chapter three
with such calculations.90 It is also evident in the mathematical texts

themselves. The libraries of the Regensburg convents, especially St.
Emmeram, were replete with the mathematical works of Boethius,
Martianus Capella, and Bede.91 By the fourteenth century, the library
of St. Emmeram also collected numerous texts showing the increas-
ing influence of Arabic mathematics. The library held, for example,
mathematical texts of Johannes de Sacrobosco, Alexander de Villa Dei,
and Peter of Dacia.92
About this same time, the number of laymen capable of at least
basic arithmetical calculations grew substantially. Spurred by the need
for individuals capable of keeping accounts, calculating interest, and
converting the chaos of competing currency, weights, and measures,
lay interest in arithmetic and basic mathematics continued to grow
throughout the later Middle Ages.93 In the mid-fifteenth century, a
monk of St. Emmeram, Friedrich Amman, produced the Algorismus
Ratisponensis that included numerous practical mathematical problems
90
MGH Leges Sect. II capitularia Regum Francorum, vol. 1, 60.
91
See, for example, BayStB clm 14401 (Martianus Capella, de Nuptiis philogiae et
Mercurii ) 14601 (Boethius, de Arithmetica), and clm 14689 (Bede, Liber de Arithmeticis
propositionibus). This latter codex dating from the twelfth century also includes texts
related to astronomy (William of Hirsau, Dialogus de astronomia) and a work by Gerbert
de Aurrilac (Sylvester II) on the abacus; compare Vogel, Die Practica des Algorismus
Ratisbonensis, 4–5.
92
See, for example, BayStB clm 14401 fol. 169–179v, which includes Peter of
Dacia’s commentary on the Algorismus of Joannes de Sacrobosco; see also BayStB clm
14684, which includes a number of works by Johannes de Sacrobosco and Mashallah,
a twelfth-century Jewish astrologer, on the Astrolabe. Arabic methods and notations first
appeared in the West through the translations of Adelard of Bath (1075–1160). However,
through the works of Leonard of Pisa their usefulness became apparent (1170–1240).
By the late thirteenth century, the methods brought to the West by these translations
began to appear in the account books and manuals of the Mediterranean, especially
Italian merchant families. Slowly, the methods and symbols began to appear north of
the Alps as well, although as in so many things, the Italians had nearly a century head
start. See the discussion in Vogel, Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis, 2–3.
93
The example of a certain Ava (discussed in Chapter II) who engaged Albertus,
the chaplain of St. Blasius, to provide her family with mathematical knowledge is
instructive. As this example also demonstrates, mathematics, especially within the
context of the private schools, was frequently taught independently from other aspects
of the elementary curriculum. It cannot be assumed, as some historians have, that all
private schools (often misleadingly called “deutsche Schulen” in the literature) provided
instruction in all aspects of the normal elementary curriculum. The level and content
of instruction would have been extremely variable, depending almost solely on the
educational background of the individual teacher. For an excellent discussion of these
issues see Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 12.

drawn from the daily lives of merchants.94 In one passage, the author
asks, “If six ulnas (measurement of length commonly used for textiles)
have been purchased for ten florins, at what price will I obtain twenty-
four Ulnas?”95 The language employed by Friedrich also suggests that
his audience was an educated lay audience. He presents examples
in Latin, German, and, as the modern editor of the Algorismus, Kurt
Vogel, puts it, “ein eigenartig Sprachgemisch.” These characteristics leave
little doubt that Friedrich intended the work as a textbook useful to a
lay, merchant audience.
Although the usual curriculum introduced aspects of grammar in
the first years of schooling, it did not become the real focus of the
curriculum until after the students had mastered their letters and the
Psalter and acquired some significant portion of Latin vocabulary.
The grammatical program at St. Stephan’s school in Vienna relied
heavily on the Ars Minor of Donatus, which the students continued to
use throughout their education. Alongside the Donatus, the students
heard and recited the Distichs, a series of paired verses imparting both
grammatical and ethical guidance for young scholars. Along the way,
the students attained an active knowledge of Latin that would allow
them to produce grammatically correct Latin verse.96 When they had
94
There is some disagreement on the identity of this Friedrich. Kurt Vogel, editor
of the Practica Algorismus Ratisbonensis, and Bernard Bischoff identify him with Friedrich
Gerhart a monk of St. Emmeram and influential monastic reformer. Vogel, Practica
des Algorismus Ratisbonensis, 7–8 and Bischoff, “Studien zur Geschichte des Klosters
St. Emmeram im Spätmittelalter (1324–1525),” Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte
des Benediktinerordens und seiner Zweige 65 (1953/54), 152–98, reprinted in Mittelalterliche
Studien, vol. 2 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1967), 128–29. More recently, Elisabeth
Wunderle has argued convincingly that this must be Friedrich Amman. See, Katalog
der lateinischen Handschriften, XIV.
95
“Sint igitur gracia exempli 6 vlne pro 10 florenis empte, quo igitur precio 24
comparabo?” Vogel, Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis, 28.
96
Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 59–60: “Darnach der erst tail der mittern sol bes-
liesen schüler die jungisten lernen die regel und die Katho und andreu solhe puhel, die
ain schulmaister schafft ze lesen, und sulllen zu latein haben zwen vers.” die Katho, a
third century work falsely ascribed to Cato the Elder (also called the Disctichs of Cato),
was an immensely popular school text throughout the middle ages. It included moral
and ethical instruction and was heavily influenced by Stoic thought. The Regel is no
doubt the regulae pueriles which is listed along with Cato and Donatus as a text for more
advanced boys in the 1267 foundation charter for the city school in Bratislava. See
Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 44, 228.

110 chapter three
progressed sufficiently, the older students began to study the works of

Peter Helyas, Priscian, and Boethius, among others.97
The program as outlined in these statutes is at once detailed and
specific without being rigid. Even within a school as carefully admin-
istered as St. Stephan’s, an individual teacher could select from a wide
variety of complementary texts. Above the elementary level, the statutes
explicity allowed instructors to read “from time to time other small
books according to the determination of the schoolmaster.”98
At the same time, a handful of works dominated the basic curriculum
to the extent that they gave their names to the students who studied
them. The oft-mentioned late medieval schoolbook Es tu scolaris? lays
out lessons for tabulistes, Cathonistes, Donatistes, and Alexandristes, names
that mirrored the chronological progression of students through the
most popular elementary and grammar texts.99 Also influential were
the grammars of Priscian, John of Garland (ca. 1195–ca. 1272) and
Eberhard of Béthune (early thirteenth century), all works included in
the influential Registrum of Hugo of Trimberg and amply attested to
in the libraries of Regensburg.100 These texts continued to dominate
97
Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 60: “darnach der erst tail under den grossisten sol
besliessen sölich schüler, die uber die mittern lernen den secundum pars mit dem prima
pars und zwen vers zu latein und dieselben paid decliniren. Der ander tail der grös-
sisten sol belsiessen solh schuler, die uber die andern mit dem secunda pars lernen den
tertia pars und darzu zwen vers decliniren, regiren und construiren. Der dritt und der
lest tail, die do uber die vodern lernen Petrum Helie, Priscianum, Floristam, Boetium oder
rhetoricam oder andre püchel nach geschëfft ains schulmaister.” Peter Helyas (d. 1166)
authored a commentary on Priscian, Summa super Priscianum; Florista was the nickname
of Ludolf de Luco (d. 1378) author of an extremely popular rhymed Latin grammar
see, Ulrike Bodemann and Hartmut Bleumer, Die ‘Flores grammaticae’ Ludolfs de
Luco. Materialien zur Überlieferung und Handschriftengebrauch in der mittelalterlichen
Schule, eine Untersuchung am Beispiel des ‘Speculum Grammaticae’ und seines Kom-
mentars,” in Klaus Grubmüller, Schulliteratur im Späten Mittelalter, 281–85; the text has
also been edited see Hans Jürgen Scheuer, “Ludolf de Luco, ‘Flores Grammaticae,’ ”
in Schulliteratur im späten Mittelalter, ed. Klaus Grubmüller, Münsterische Mittelalter-
Schriften, vol. 69 (München: Wilhelm Fink, 2000), 303–50.
98
Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 59–60: “denselben (intermediate grammar students)
mag man auch lesen undeweiln andreu klaineu püchl nach schickhung ains schulmais-
ter.” Similarly the advanced students were to read a specific list of texts: “oder andre
püchl nach geschëfft ains schulmaister.”
99
Es tu scolaris?, av–vi. The works were respectively: the tabula, the Distichs ascribed to
Cato, the Ars Minor of Donatus, generally employed by beginning grammar students, and
the more advanced grammar of Alexander de Villa Dei (ca. 1170–ca. 1250), Doctrinale.
Both of these latter texts also came to be employed in the universities, contributing to
a significant degree of continuity between pre-university and university education.
100
Hugo of Trimberg compiled a list of authors and works appropriate for use in
the schools in the late thirteenth century. For more see Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen,

the curriculum into the early sixteenth century despite inroads made
by humanist texts.101
The final years of pre-university schooling also saw the introduc-
tion of more complex studies, in some cases including aspects of the
quadrivium. Conrad of Megenberg placed the quadrivial subjects of
arithmetic and astronomy alongside more advanced aspects of the
trivium such as logic and rhetoric.102 In this respect, Conrad’s program
was already something of an anachronism, reflecting an older tradition
in which monastic and cathedral schools offered a full arts curriculum.
By the time Conrad was writing, however, the quadrivium was increas-
ingly the domain of the universities.
Beyond the subject matter discussed thus far, medieval education
also aimed at higher things. Even as the students themselves included
a growing number of children with no interest in a clerical career,
religious and moral instruction remained central aspects of the cur-
riculum. In addition to choir service, and the religious texts (especially
the Psalter) used in elementary education, students also learned basic
17–19, passim. John of Garland left behind a significant body of work including Syn-
onyma, which was held by at least two Regensburg libraries (see BayStB clm 14251,
14598, 26874). St. Emmeram held several copies of Eberhard of Béthune’s Graecismus
(BayStB clm 14133, 14592, 14958).
101
By the second half of the fifteenth century, a handful of humanist authors began to
appear in the libraries of Regensburg, especially St. Emmeram. The manuscript BayStB
clm 14125, copied in part by the future abbot of St. Emmeram, Johannes Tegernpeck,
during his university studies at Leipzig in 1467, contains a collection of humanist texts
including letters of Petrarch and works by Aeneas Sylvius, Pindar, Vergil, and Cicero.
The manuscript also contains a version of the humanist inspired speech of Ulricus
Part honoring the visit of Cardinal Piccolomino to Regensburg in 1471. The speech
has been edited in Helmut Wolff, ed., Detusche Reichstagsakten unter Friedrich III, vol 22.,
pt. 2 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Rupprecht, 1999), 478–79. See BayStB clm 14125
described in Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der bayerischen Staats-bibliothek
München, 329–36. Other humanist authors copied by Tegernpeck included Boccaccio
and Leonardo Bruni. However, Tergernpeck’s interest in humanist authors did not
prevent him from copying numerous older grammars, illustrating the extent to which
these works continued to circulate alongside the newer humanist influenced texts. See
the codex BayStB clm 14133 copied by Tegernpeck, which includes the grammars of
Eberhard of Béthune and Alexander de Villa Dei.
102
Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 39: “Tunc enim elucescere incipit
lumen racionis in eo atque hinc convenit dyalectice proponere involuciones acutis et
hiis melioribus cum incidenciis rhetorice pulchritudinis, nichilominus quandoque de
facilioribus aliarum scienciarum ysagogis aliquos congerendo libellos. Consuevit etenim
practica musice pariter cum lactifera concurrere gramatica in scolarium educacione
necnon ars algoristica practice derserviens arismetice. Similiter et tractatus de speris
celestibus introductorii in astronomiam cum dyalectis atque rethoricis dissercionibus
concurrunt.”

112 chapter three
aspects of theology. Many of the questions posed in Es tu Scolaris? are

specifically religious in nature. In one section, the master asks, “Why
were you baptized?” The student responds, “So that the original sin in
which I was conceived and born might be removed. And I might have
entrance into the kingdom of heaven.”103
Conrad of Megenberg recommended poetry and “books of moral
character” for both the rhetorical polish they provided and the morals
and virtues they contained.104 About a century later, the popular Statuta
vel precepta scolarium begins by admonishing the students to serve God
night and day to remain virtuous and to flee sin.105 The great histories
inherited from the ancient world could also teach moral lessons. It
was precisely for this reason that commentaries on Sallust were bound
together with grammars and other schoolbooks.106
Higher Education in Regensburg
Even after the universities came to dominate higher learning, many of

the older cathedral and monastic schools continued to provide some
training in theology, canon law, the arts, and even medicine. At the very
least, their libraries and traditions of learning provided opportunities for
103
Es tu Scolaris, aiiii: “Quare es tu baptisatus? Ideo ut mihi peccatum originale in
quo conceptus et natus sum deleat. Et habeam introitum et ingressum regni celorum.”
Elsewhere the master asks “Es tu hereticus? Non sum. Quare? Quia credo in articulos
sancte matris ecclesiae Christiane.”
104
Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 38. “Interea vero commisceri oportet
rerum moralium atque poetice deductionis codicillos, in quibus tam fructus virtutum
quam bonorum morum fertilitas carpitur et rethorice venustatis vestigia in eisdem
reperiuntur.” The texts recommended by Conrad likely included the fables of Aesop
and Avian, which were used extensively as school texts througout the Middle Ages,
and the Christian poet Prudentius (d. ca. 413), whose poem Psychomachia famously
portrays the battle between the seven virtues and the seven deadly sins. For a discussion
of the importance of the Avian fables in university and pre-university curriculum see
Baldzuhn, “‘Fabulae Aviani’ im Schulunterricht,” 327–83.
105
Bahlmann, “Schüler-Regeln,” 130–31: “Primo deum diligas, cui seroque mane/
Diligenter servas, et non sis mentis vane . . . Si studere cupias, tunc sis virtuosus/Et pec-
cata fugias, sic vives gloriosus.”
106
The fables were particularly popular in the later Middle Ages, appearing in many
of Regensburg’s libraries, along with other school texts. See, for example, BayStB clm
14301, owned by St. Emmeram, which includes Aesop’s fables alongside putative
works of Cato and Boethius. See also BayStB clm 26781, belonging to the Regensburg
Augustinian Hermits, which contains the fables of Aesop and of Avian, and a work on
the Ten Commandments, the Speculum Historiale by Vincent of Beauvais (ca. 1190–ca.
1264), and a chess manual.

individuals to gain a level of proficiency that could rival that obtained

within the universities. However, the vitality of these schools could vary
considerable depending on the intellectual interests of the individual
bishop or abbot. That these schools lacked the authority to grant official
degrees and the ius ubique docendi—both university monopolies—further
restricted their influence and prestige. However, the resources and edu-
cational networks of the mendicant orders allowed them to establish a
number of thriving schools whose significance often extended beyond
the specific orders they served.
Before universities were established, the cathedrals were the pri-
mary providers of higher education. Some episcopal centers—such
Hildesheim, Erfurt, Mainz, Cologne and Freising—became renowned
for their schools, attracting students from great distances.107 However,
primarily because of the growth of the universities, the prestige of many
of the cathedral schools declined rapidly during thirteenth century. Most
continued to provide some level of theological training—the Third
Lateran Council (1179) required that each archdiocese maintain a mas-
ter of theology—but their importance was geographically limited.108
The Regensburg cathedral school was among those with only regional
influence. Even before the foundation of the universities, its school never
enjoyed the esteem accorded to the schools of the Rhine. As a center for
theological study, Regensburg remained of only marginal importance,
providing basic training for future priests, but little else. The limited
reach of Regensburg’s cathedral schools was partly the result of the
complex relationship between the cathedral and the monastery of St.
Emmeram, whose abbot also served as bishop until the end of the tenth
century and whose school overshadowed that of the cathedral.
Evidence of literary production is also scant. However, the cathedral
and its chapter were not intellectually barren. Before the separation of
the offices of bishop and abbot in 975, a number of learned men occu-
pied Regensburg’s cathedra.109 Later, Albertus Magnus, one of the most
107
On these schools, see Specht, Unterrichtswesen, 329–37, 343. For Erfurt, see also
Sönke Lorenz, Studium Generale Erfordense: zum Erfurter Schulleben im 13. und 14. Jahrhun-
dert, Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, vol. 34 (Stuttgart: Hiersemann,
1989).
108
Friedberg, Corpus iuris canonici, vol. 2, 768 and Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Doku-
mente, vol. 1, 153–54.
109
Most important of these were Baturich (817–847), who corresponded with
the great Carolingian educator and theologian Hrabanus Maurus, and St. Wolfgang
(972–994), who brought the learned Ramould from Trier to serve as abbot of St.

114 chapter three
important intellectual figures of his day, served briefly as bishop. The

literary career of the fourteenth-century canon Conrad of Megenberg
is also well documented.110 Less well known, the cathedral also served as
the locus of important humanist networks in the last half of the fifteenth
century. The Italian-educated Fridericus Parsberger (d. 1449) served as
both scolasticus and bishop in Regensburg. The cathedral canon Ulricus
Part (d. 1487) left behind a humanist inspired speech celebrating the
Piccolomino family and the arrival of Francesco Todeschini-Piccolomini
(the future Pope Pius III) in Regensburg for the Reichstag of 1471. The
author and bibliophile Johannes Tröster (d. 1484) belonged to Aeneas
Silvius Piccolomini’s (Pius II) humanist circle.111
From time to time, university-trained men also lectured in the cathe-
dral. In 1420, Conrad Duvel von Hildesheim, who held a licentiate in
law and a theology degree, lectured on canon law in the bishop’s court.
Conrad also left a generous gift of books to the city upon his death in
1430.112 In 1511, a certain theological student at Leipzig—Wolfgangus
Winckler—received permission to complete his lectures on the Sentences
in the cathedral church of Regensburg “ubi ad prelaturam assumptus
Emmeram. See Bischoff, “Literarisches und Künstlerisches Leben in St. Emmeram,”

77–78; and Franz Fuchs, “Literarisches und Geistiges Leben im frühen Mittelalter
(8.–11. Jahrhundert),” in Peter Schmid, Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 2, 866–69.
110
For discussions of his career and works see Margit Weber, “Konrad von
Megenberg Leben und Werk,” BzGBR 20 (1986), 213–323. His corpus includes
German translations of works of natural philosophy, and treatises on theology and
ecclesiology. His translations of works of natural philosophy into German provide
compelling evidence of a literate lay audience. For more on Conrad of Megenberg,
see Appendix I.
111
Franz Fuchs and Claudia Märtl, “Literarisches und Geistiges Leben im 15. Jahr-
hundert,” in P. Schmid, Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, (Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet,
2000), vol. 2, 909–11. Tröster also served as tutor to Francesco Todeschini-Piccolomini
before becoming a canon in the Regensburg cathedral. F. J. Worstbrock, “Johannes
Tröster,” VL 9, 10878–1083. See Appendix II for Parsberger, Part, and Tröster. The
late fifteenth century also saw the famous German humanist Conrad Celtis briefly lead
the cathedral school. Others associated with the cathedral during this period included
the canonist Thomas Pirckheimer who studied at Leipzig, Erfurt, Bologna, Padua,
and Pavia before serving as rector in Perugia, as well Johannes Tolhopf, a frequent
correspondent of Celtis.
112
Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica pontificum et imperatorum Romanorum, in Sämtliche
Werke, 133: “Item perpendens, quod magister Conradus de Hyldeshaym licenciatus
decretorum, presbiter et cappellanus S. Georgii secus pontem Ratispone, iurista civium,
pecuniam, quam a domino acceperat, in sudario ligare, hoc est percepta dona sub
ocio lenti corporis abscondere, nollet, ordinavit, ut legeret in iure canonico in aula sua
episcopali.” Conrad Duvel von Hildesheim also left eight law books books to the city
library. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 476, 477. See Appendix II for more on Conrad.

fuit.”113 Although these men, with the exception of Fridericus Parsberger,

were not connected directly with the cathedral school, they do point to
an active intellectual life within the cathedral chapter.114
The libraries of the four Benedictine houses located in and adjacent
to Regensburg also reflect a long tradition of higher learning, includ-
ing advanced study in logic, the quadrivium, theology, canon law,
and medicine.115 By the tenth century, the convent of St. Emmeram
enjoyed a wide reputation for its arts and theological studies, and its
fame continued to grow through the eleventh and into the twelfth
century. Two eleventh-century figures contributed enormously to the
growing prestige of the convent. The monk Hartwig, who studied under
Fulbert of Chartres, returned to St. Emmeram with several liberal arts
texts from that famous school.116 About a generation later, the scribe
and schoolmaster, Otloh of St. Emmeram, wrote and copied numer-
ous works for the library of St. Emmeram, and the monasteries of
Tegernsee, Fulda, Hersfeld, and Amorbach.117
After a period of relative silence in the thirteenth century, higher
studies again appear prominently within the monastery in the early
fourteenth century. Under the abbot Albert von Schmidmüln, the mon-
astery sent several monks to study in Bologna. These men returned to
the convent bringing with them numerous books of northern Italian
origins. Although the late fourteenth century brought a series of
financial and spiritual crises, by the middle of the fifteenth century,
the monastery saw another spike in university attendance. The Melker
113
Georg Erler, ed. Die Matrikel der Universität Leipzig, 1409–1559. Codex diplomaticus
Saxoniae Regiae. Leipzig: Giesecke u. Devrient, 1895–1902; reprint Nendeln: Kraus
Reprint, 1976 (hereinafter MUL), vol. 2, 20: “mgr. Wolffgangus Winckler Egrensis, qui
legit duos libros Magistri usque ad formam inclusive tercium inchoando, a dominis
doctoribus tunc facultatem theologicam representantibus obtinuit dispensacionem, quod
reliquos duos libros Magistri, quos in universitate legere non poterat, extra universitatem
in kathedrali ecclesia Ratispanensi, ubi ad prelaturam assumptus fuit, perinde acsi in
universitate legisset et iuxta statuta facultatis theologice complevisset, legat.”
114
For example, Johannes Tolhopf helped recruit Conrad Celtis to teach in the
cathedral school in Regensburg and the previously-mentioned Conrad Duvel von
Hildesheim donated a number of his books to the city’s library. See Appendix II.
115
Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 142–385, 393–439.
116
Bernhard Bischoff, “Hartwic von St. Emmeram,” in VL 3, 529–532; Fuchs, “Das
Reichsstift St. Emmeram,” in P. Schmid, Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 2, 734.
117
Otloh of St. Emmeram, Liber de Temptatione, 354–60. For a discussion of the life
of Otloh, see Helga Schauwecker, Otloh von St. Emmeram: ein Beitrag zur Bildungs- und
Frömmigkeitsgeschichte des 11. Jahrhunderts, Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des
Benediktinerordens und seiner Zweige, vol. 74 (München: Bayerische Benediktiner
Akademie, 1965), 33–42.

116 chapter three
reform movement, which came to Regensburg in the early 1450s,

forced a reorganization of the school and ushered in a new period of
intellectual activity.118
In the years immediately following the implementation of the reforms,
the monastery established important connections with the university
of Leipzig. The future abbot Johannes Tegernpeck studied there, as
did Heinrich Prew and Friedrich Amman, both of whom entered
St. Emmeram after their university studies. A schoolmaster of St.
Emmeram, Hermann Pötzlinger, also studied for a time at Leipzig.119
The level of intellectual activity during this period is again evident
from the library. Between 1347 and 1452, the library shows only modest
expansion.120 In the subsequent fifty years, however, it grew substantially.
Particularly evident is the increasing interest in scientific texts, especially
astronomy and mathematics, and humanist works.121 Although the
mere existence of certain texts does not necessarily indicate widespread
use, it does attest to the interests of at least some of the monks, and
an atmosphere supportive of intellectual pursuits. In addition, at least
some outsiders had access to many of the library’s books, making the
library of St. Emmeram, and the other Benedictine houses, important
reservoirs of higher learning whose significance reached well beyond
the city’s walls.122
Although the Benedictine convents in Regensburg did not develop
systematic programs for the exploitation of these assets, the books
reflected the individual interests and teaching of particular abbots
and monks, and provided the basis for an ongoing tradition of
higher learning. Nor were these convents isolated from the outside
world; through the influence of individual learned monks, and their
prodigious libraries, they contributed significantly to Regensburg’s
intellectual climate.
118
Bernard Bischoff, “Studien zur Geschichte des Klosters St. Emmeram, 115–32.
119
See Appendix II and Bischoff, “Literarisches und künstlerisches Leben in St.
Emmeram,” 129–32.
120
The newer works collected between 1347 and 1452 included those of Nicho-
las of Dinkelsbühl, Thomas Ebendorfer de Haselbach, and Henry von Langestein.
Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 171.
121
See, in particular, the 1501 catalogue of Dionysius Menger. Ineichen-Eder, MBK
IV, 1, 185–385.
122
The library of St. Emmeram attracted a number of humanist scholars seeking
early examples of classical texts. The most famous of these was Conrad Celtis, who
discovered the manuscript containing the tenth century plays of Hrostvitha of Gan-
dersheim. The early sixteenth historian and humanist Aventinus was also a frequent
user of the library.

The mendicant orders also maintained more advanced schools for

the study of the arts, natural philosophy, and theology. At the lowest
level, almost every convent would have had daily theological lectures
directed by the convent lector. These lectures were geared toward
preparing the friars for preaching—the raison d’être of all mendicant
education. Lectures focused on the Bible (often read in conjunction
with the Historia Scholastica of Peter Comestor)123 and Peter Lombards’
Sentences, both of which figured prominently in the university theology
curriculum.124 For most friars these lectures constituted the highest level
of theological training.
Above the level of theological education available at nearly all
convents, some of the schools offered a curriculum that rivaled the
university, both in content and rigor. For much of their history, the
Regensburg convents of the Dominicans and the Augustinian Hermits
appear to have risen to this level. The Regensburg Dominican con-
vent was frequently home to a provincial theological studium and the
Augustinian studium was the primary school in the Augustinian province
of Bavaria. These studia held advanced lectures on the Sentences, cursory
lectures on the Bible, and disputations.125
123
Peter Comestor (died ca. 1178) compiled the Historia Scholastica as a sacred history.
In it, he drew on biblical and secular texts. The Historia Scholastica contains discussions
of most of the books of the bible, and includes dates, etymologies, and geography,
making it a valuable, if often fanciful, pedagogical text. In the fourteenth century, the
Dominicans held at least one copy, see Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 457.
124
For the Dominican convent lectures, see Michèle M. Mulchahey, “First the Bow
is Bent in Study,” Dominican Education Before 1350, Studies and Texts, vol. 132 (Toronto:
Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1998), 138. For the Franciscans, see Bert
Roest, A History of Franciscan Education, Education and Society in the Middle Ages and
Renaissance, eds. Jürgen Miethke, William J. Courtenay, Catto Jeremy, and Jacques
Verger, vol. 11 (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 81–87. For the Augustinian Hermits, see Adalbero
Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 1 (Würzburg: Augustinus,
1969), 247–54. In 1290, the Augustinian Hermits held their general chapter in Regens-
burg. Among other issues, this chapter laid out an ambitious educational program to
address the shortage of qualified lectors in the order.
125
See the discussion of the school in Chapter Two. Some evidence from other
Dominican studia indicates that these disputations and lectures were open to outsid-
ers. Participation by those from outside the convent appears to have been especially
prominent where mendicant studia were established in university towns. On Vienna
see Isnard Wilhelm Frank O.P., Hausstudium und Universitätsstudium der Wiener Dominikaner
bis 1500, Archiv für Österreichische Geschichte, vol. 127 (Vienna: Hermann Böhlaus,
1968), 53; On Oxford, see William J. Courtenay, Schools & Scholars in the Fourteenth Cen-
tury (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 57. As mentioned earlier, caution is
necessary here. Much of the most recent scholarship has tended to downplay the role
of the mendicant schools in the education of the laity, and one cannot assume that
Vienna and Oxford were typical.

118 chapter three
The evidence suggests that the theology and arts curriculum in the
Dominican convent was generally conservative. Alongside numerous
patristic and early scholastic authors, the library contained works
primarily associated with the via antiqua. Not surprisingly, the works
of Thomas Aquinas and Albertus Magnus were particularly well rep-
resented. These were supplemented by Hugh Ripelin of Strasbourg
(d. 1268) and the mystic theologian Johannes von Sterngassen (d.
1327). In addition to these Dominican authors, the library also held
the Summa of Alexander Hales (d. 1245) O.F.M., the Quodlibeta of
Henry of Ghent (d. 1293), and the Tractatus de vite et moribus of Walter
Burleigh, O.F.M. (d. 1337).126
The studium of the Regensburg Augustinian Hermits, however, more
closely resembled the range of ideas emanating from the universities
during the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, and the con-
flicts within the thought of the Augustinian order itself, especially that
between the via moderna and the via antiqua. The richness of the convent’s
library reflects the prominence of the school, and its close association
with the universities.127
By 1347, the library held Giles of Rome’s commentary on the
Sentences, the de Regimine Principum, de Divina Influencia and his com-
mentary on Aristotle’s physics.128 By the fifteenth century, most of the
other prominent Augustinian authors were also represented, including
126
In 1347, the library held a copy of the Sentences, and the Sentences commentaries
of Thomas Aquinas (and several of his other works including his Summa) and John of
Sterngassen, Henry of Ghent’s Quodlibetic, biblical commentaries of Albertus Magnus,
and the Summa of Alexander Hales O.F.M. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 458, 459. By
the early fifteenth century, the library had added the Summa of Hugh of Strasbourg
O.P. (BayStB clm 13439), works on natural philosophy by John of Paris O.P. (BayStB
clm 26885) the Tractatus de vite et moribus of Walter Burleigh, O.F.M. (BayStB clm
13439), and Johannes de Sacrobosco, de Sphaera (BayStB clm 26812). The only certain
representative from the via moderna is Robert Holcot (BayStB clm 26948), but this is a
collection of sermons rather than a work of logic or theology.
127
For the Augustinians and university study, see Chapter Four. The connections
between the convent and the universities were particularly frequent in the period
between 1370 and 1430. During this period, both Nicholas of Laun, a founding
member of the theological faculty at Prague and Berthold Puchhauser, who studied at
Oxford, Bologna, and Vienna before joining the theological faculty in Vienna in 1405,
spent time in the convent. Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3,
285–87. See also Appendix II for Berthold Puchhauser.
128
Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 469. For the works of the Augustinian Hermits gener-
ally, see Adolar Zumkeller, Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenordens
in mitteleuropäischen Bibliotheken, Cassiciacum, vol. 20 (Würzburg: Augustinus, 1966).

James of Viterbo (d. 1308), Augustinus de Ancona (d. 1328), Gregory

of Rimini (d. 1358),129 Alfonsus Vargas (d. 1366),130 Bonsemblantis de
Padua (d. 1368), Hugolino of Orvieto (d. 1372), and John Hiltalingen
(d. 1392).131 There were also numerous Dominican, Franciscan, and
secular masters represented. These included the Dominicans Thomas
Aquinas, Albertus Magnus, Hugh of Strasbourg, and Robert Holcott
(d. 1349) and the Franciscans: David of Augsburg,132 Walter Burleigh,133
Peter Thomae (d. 1340),134 and Bonaventure, and the secular masters
Albert of Saxony (d. 1390)135 and Nicole Oresme (d. 1382).136
The most important additions to the library after 1347 appear to
have been made in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries—a
time when Regensburg Augustinians could be found at Oxford, Bologna,
Erfurt, and Vienna.137 The works these men brought back with them
reflected contemporary university debates, and no doubt served as works
of reference for the school’s own disputations. Whether these debates
reached beyond the convent’s walls and influenced the other mendi-
cant studia in the city is not clear. However, if the spirit that helped to
create the library catalogue of 1347 remained, such cross-fertilization
was possibile, even likely.
Evidence from the city library also shows the extent to which the
higher studies associated with the city’s religious foundations had an
129
BayStB clm 26838. This volume reflects the range of theological and philosophical
approaches of the fourteenth century. It was copied between 1407–12 and contains the
Formalitates of the Scotist, Petrus Thomae O.F.M. (d. 1340); the Augustinian, Hugulino
de Orvieto O.E.S.A. (d. 1376), Tractatus de perfectione speciarum; the Thomist-leaning,
Jacobus de Viterbo O.E.S.A. (d. 1308); the pro-papal writer, Augustinus de Ancona
O.E.S.A. (d. 1328); the terminist logician Albertus de Saxonia (d 1390); and the Scotist
and opponent of Ockham, Walter Burleigh O.F.M. (d. 1337). The codex was owned
by the Regensburg Augustinian and university of Vienna theology professor Berthold
Puchhauser and clearly reflects the theological interests in Vienna at the turn of the
fifteenth century. Compare Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 464. Around the same time, the
library also came into posession of Berthold Puchhauser’s own lectures on the book
of Revelation. BayStB clm 26676.
130
BayStB clm 26650. Copied in 1475 at the request of the lector Conrad of
Regensburg. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 464. Alfonsus Vargas was an ardent defender
of Thomas Aquinas.
131
BayStB clm 26711.
132
Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 470.
133
BayStB clm 26838.
134
BayStB clm 26711.
135
BayStB clm 26612.
136
BayStB clm 26711.
137
See Chapter Four for a more detailed discussion of university attendance by
Regensburg Augustinian Hermits.

120 chapter three
impact well beyond their particular institutions. A canon of the Alte

Kapelle, a guardian of the Franciscan order, and the monastery of
Prüfening all gave books to the city library.138 Many of these works
were of practical interest to the city and were used by the city doctor,
pharmacists, treasurer, and legal advisors.139
The level of study available in Regensburg ranged from basic song to
the most recent theological arguments emanating from the universities.
Although institutions provided the structure, framework, and support
for study, the quality of the schools themselves often depended on the
education and competence of the individual instructors.
Teachers and School Personnel
Qui autem docti fuerint, fulgebunt quasi splendor firmamenti140

Teachers at the pre-university level varied considerably in their educa-
tional background, experience, and authority. Indeed, they varied as
widely as the schools in which they worked. As we have already seen,
some schools had a clearly delineated hierarchical organization housed
within a permanent physical structure. Others, however, appear to have
consisted of little more than a single, itinerant teacher, with only a few
pupils. Moreover, even within the same schools, the quality and quantity
of the teachers could differ substantially over time.
In Regensburg, the names and titles of individuals associated with the
schools appear frequently in the sources. However, with the exception of
the mendicant lectors, no official records of their tenure survive. Most
appear only as witnesses to wills, property transactions, or other legal
138
Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV 1, 471–72. As mentioned previously, Conrad Duvel von
Hildesheim, a frequent legal advisor to the city, donated several legal commentaries.
Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1 476–77. Numerous works originating in the monastery of
Prüfening also ended up in the city library, perhaps associated with the late fifteenth
century exodus of monks from the monastery. BayStB clm 13001–13002, 13021, 13024,
13029, 13031–13032, 13037–13039, 13041–13042, 13045, 13047, 13050, 13055,
13058–13059, 13061–13062, 13069, 13070, 13072, 13075, 13077, 13079–13081,
13083, 13085, 13087–13088, 13090–13095, 13097–13103, 13105–13109, 13125.
See Sigrid Krämer, ed., Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der Schweiz,
Ergänzungsband, vol. 1, 2, Handschriftenerbe des deutschen Mittelalters (München: C. H.
Beck, 1990), 676, 683.
139
See Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 477–78.
140
Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 144: Theodolph of Orleans (797),
“capitulare ad parochiae suae sacerdotes.”

documents. More rarely, their names survive on burial inscriptions, as

recipients of annuities from the city, or, in one case, as a supplicant
of papal largesse. Nevertheless, the evidence is chronologically and
quantitatively sufficient to draw at least tentative conclusions about
the educational background, career ambitions, and social standings of
these men, and to address questions relating to geographic and social
mobility.
Before looking more closely at these questions, it is necessary to exam-
ine the variety of terms by which contemporaries identified teachers and
other school personnel. Teachers appear in the sources under a wide
range of names. Conrad of Megenberg listed three types of teaching
personnel, which were essential for a well-run school. In addition to
students, it was necessary to have a schoolmaster, a pedagogue, and an
accusator to monitor the students and assist in maintaining discipline.141
Although Conrad’s terms do not correspond precisely with the most
common titles used in other sources, the basic organizational structure
he describes is quite familiar.
The most common term associated with ecclesiastical schools was
scolasticus. As mentioned ealier, although initially an active participant
in the classroom, by the thirteenth century, scolastici in many cathedral
and collegiate schools had ceased to perform this function directly.142
In some schools, however, it retained its original meaning contributing
to significant ambiguity. In the schools of the Alte Kapelle and the
141
Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 25. “In domo scolastica levinoma
artistarum quatuor sunt persone ad minus necessarie, videlicet magister, discipulus,
pedagogus, et accusator. Magister est paterfamilias ac dominus scolastice domus, cui
singule persone in eadem communicantes domo reverenter obedire tenentur. Sed
discipulus est filius atque heres magistri, cui pater sue mentis thezaurum venerabiliter
dispensat vel saltem desiderat dispensare. Pedagogus vero est ductor pueri scolastici et
in scola ipsius vicemagister. Illum autem accusatorem dicimus, qui scolarium excessus
pernotat et ipsorum exorbitaciones magistro accusat.”
142
This development was part of larger changes within diocesan and collegiate
chapters discussed earlier in Chapter Two, in which vicars increasingly performed the
day-to-day responsibilities attached to particular prebends. Chorales performed in the
choir in the place of frequently absent canons, the succentor took over the direction
of the choir, and the rector scolarum (to be discussed later) taught in the schools. The
frequent absence of canons engaged in university study was clearly an important factor
in creating these changes. As early as 1323, the cathedral in Regensburg provided for
the establishment of three vicars “propter Canonicorum absenciam, quorum aliqui
in aliis prebandati ecclesiis, alii in studio commorantes . . .” Mayer, Thesaurus novus,
vol. 2, 63.

122 chapter three
cathedral, where the position of scolasticus was largely divorced from its
original function, its direct role in the schools was limited.143
In both schools, the office-holder himself was frequently little more
than a distant, even disinterested administrator. Statutes of the Alte
Kapelle from the late fifteenth century clearly lay out the duties of
the scolasticus. In addition to the usual responsibilities shared by all the
canons, he was to “arrange all the letters excepting those concerning
matters which require the council of lawyers,” and hire and supervise
the rector scolarium.144 Despite these duties, it was common for the sco-
lasticus to be absent for lengthy periods.
143
In Regensburg, the scolasticus in the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle was also a
canon. The statutes from the Alte Kapelle (c. 1486) include the scolasticus among the
highest positions in the chapter. Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 4, 93: “si Praepositus,
Decanus, Scholasticus et Plebanus noster, aut alter eorum in studio extiterint, nec
non de fructibus et obventionibus eorum gaudere voluerint, de eisdem dignitatibus
seu officiis expediendis et pro omnibus superportandis per Capitulares nostros cum
consensu et voluntate nostra provideant ac satisfacere procurent.” The evidence for
the cathedral is less direct, however, the scolasticus is always included among the first
two or three witnesses preceded generally only by the provost and the dean. This was
not the case everywhere; compare Kintzinger, Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig,
99–101. In the neighboring diocese of Freising Gregory XI ordered that the position of
scolasticus should no longer be a dignity but a simple office. Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche
Dokumente, vol. 1, 168: “Nobis nuper exposuit, quod Scholastria ecclesiae Frisingensis
dignitas, ad quam consuevit quis per electionem assumi existat, et magis expediens ac
utile sit eidem ecclesiae, quod Scholastria ipsa in officium commutetur . . .” In 1303,
a Heinrich appears as scolasticus in St. Mang; unfortunately there are no surviving
statutes from the house to shed light on the specific role of the scolasticus there. Ried
II, 739 #760, 19 August 1303. See also Kintzinger, “Schulen im spätmittelalterlichen
Augsburg,” 350; and Kintzinger, “Status Scolasticus und Institutio Scolarum im späten Mit-
telalter. Überlegungen zur Institutionengeschichte des Schulwesens,” in Dieter Engelhus:
Beiträge zu Leben und Werk, ed. Volker Honemann, Mittelhochdeutsche Forschungen,
vol. 105 (Köln: Böhlau, 1991), 35.
144
Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 192–93. The full text reads, “Domi-
nus praepositus veteris Capellae vacante Scholasteria ad petitionem et praesentationem
Decani et Capituli aut maioris partis uni de Canonicis nostris capitularibus ipsam
Scholasteriam conferre habet et debet; hic sic admissus recipit eam nomine summi
Scholastici et est Canonicus huius Collegii, et debet omnes literas expedire praeter
literas ad iudicia, ad quas requiruntur consilia iurisperitorum. Hic Scholasticus sum-
mus ad voluntatem Capituli aut maioris partis habet Rectorem scholarium ad scholas
introducere et ipsum ad eundem Capituli aut maioris partis et non aliter licentiare,
quod si non fecerit, fiat per Capitulum, aut per unum de Canonicis nomine Capituli.
Item habet providere et superintendere, ut Rector in scholis diligentiam faciat, et ut
scholares in choro disciplinaliter cantent, et legant et tenetur singulis annis dare Rectori
duas schaffas siliginis de proventibus Scholasteriae, et in die caenae de collatione quatuor
grossos, si per se collationem non fecerit, et eodem die Rectorem et submissarium in
mensa habeat propter scholares communicantes, quibus deserviant.” In the customary
oath taken by the scolasticus, he swore to oversee the rector and his assistants, ensur-
ing that they perform their duties well and provide good examples for the students:

Johannes Marschalk, scolasticus in the Alte Kapelle in the mid-fifteenth

century, provides a particularly striking example of this development.
Marschalk was a well-connected young man of knightly descent who
obtained a canonry in the Alte Kapelle in 1459 at the age of only fifteen.
Clearly impressed by his credentials, the canons elected him scolasticus
immediately. For most of the next ten years, he studied at the universities
of Erfurt and Leipzig, rarely, if ever, appearing in Regensburg.145 Given
the age at which he took on the office and his immediate matriculation
at Leipzig, it is clear that no one expected him to fulfill personally even
the very limited responsibilities of his new office.146
Despite the growing disconnect in many cathedral and collegiate
schools between the office of the scolasticus and its function, its original
meaning was not entirely lost. The secular teacher Leonard Panholz,
who taught at Benedictine convent of Prüll and the Regensburg
Franciscan convent, appears as both scolasticus and informator iuvenum,
a term frequently synonymous with rector scolarum/scolarium.147 The
scolasticus in the Benedictine monastery of Prüfening also appears to
have been directly involved in teaching.148 In the Schottenkloster too,
“quod Rector et succentores, Locati et Scholares in choro et scholis laudabiliter vivant,

ordinante legant et decantent, strepitus et insultus tempore divinorum incompositos
non faciant, sed moribus, scientia et virtutibus undique proficiant . . .” References to
the customary oath of of the scolasticus survive from at least 1459. J. Schmid, Urk.
Ak., vol. 1, 181 #927, 29 February 1459.
145
Johannes Marschalk appears in Leipzig in 1459 to 1462, and 1468 and in Erfurt
in 1462 and 1464 to 65. He was still scolasticus in 1463 when, at the age of nineteen,
he received a dispensation for holding an additional incompatible benefice. Repertorium
germanicum: Verzeichnis der in den päpstlichen Registern und Kameralakten vorkommenden Personen,
Kirchen und Orte des Deutschen Reiches, seiner Diözesen und Territorien vom Beginn des Schismas bis
zur Reformation, (hereinafter Rep. Germ.) vols. 1–9 (Berlin: Weidmann, 1916–) vol. 8, 1,
470 #3228. He finally resigned his position in 1469 under pressure from the chapter.
J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, #1042, 30 May 1469, 203. See Appendices I and II.
146
On at least one occasion, a vice-scolasticus was appointed in the absence of the
scolasticus. In the year 1466, a Christian Heimlich appears as vice-scolasticus of the
Alte Kapelle in a letter protesting the introduction of “insolitam ordinationem,” which
appear to have restricted the ability of absentee canons to enjoy the income from their
positions. BZAR, StiAK U 1006, 17 May 1466; J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1 #1006, 195,
17 May 1466; see also Ried III #713, StBR (Sign. Rat. ep. 164). Christian Heimlich
also served as the aforementioned Johannes Marschalk’s proctor. See J. Schmid, Urk.
AK., vol. 1, 203 #1042, 30 May 1469.
147
BayStB clm 2611 fol. 140v: “Scriptum Ratispone in conventu fratrum minorum
per me leonard panholz scolasticum ibid anno 1459 . . .” In the Franciscan Necrology
he is called informator iuvenum fidelis. See Appendix I.
148
Albertus Elsendorfär, who served as scolasticus in Prüfening in the late fourteenth
century, left his name in two manuscripts containing primarily educational texts, BayStB
clm 13021 and clm 13102. The first is a collection of quadrivial texts including works

124 chapter three
the scolasticus continued to have teaching responsibilities.149 As in the

Alte Kapelle, he hired and recruited subordinate teaching personnel
and assisted the convent in the preparation of letters and other legal
instruments. However, unlike in the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle,
his role in the classroom remained central.
St. Johann may provide another example of the more general appli-
cation of the term. In a charter, which Josef Schmid dates from 1397
(actually 1396), an Albertus scolasticus “praedictae Johannae” appears
as a witness to the incorporation of the parish of Roting to the Alte
Kapelle.150 Matthias Thiel argues that because St. Johann had no scolasti-
cus, Albertus must have been the scolasticus of the Alte Kapelle, a certain
Albertus Preiser.151 If the scribe used the term scolasticus it in its more
on music, astronomy, geometry, and Chalcidius’ commentary on Plato’s Timaeus. See

Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 409; and Bernhard Bischoff, “Das Griechische Element in der
abendländischen Bildung des Mittelalters,” in Mittelalterliche Studien: Ausgewählte Aufsätze zur
Schriftkunde und Literaturgeschichte, vol. 2, 256 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1967), 256.
149
These statutes appear to use the terms scolasticus and rector scolarium interchange-
ably. In the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle, the rector scolarium was appointed by the
scolasticus and was responsible for the daily functioning of the school. In the case of
St. Jakob, however, the writer of the statutes appears to make no distinction between
these two positions. The first two sections read, “Primo et antea omnia constituimus
et ordinamus quod rector scolarium apud monasterium nostrum et in scola omni
tempore cum suis scolaribus illos diligenter instruendo et informando summam faciet
diligentiam tam in moribus quam disciplinis necnon scolam nostram semper optimis
collaborationibus provideat. Item ordinamus quod idem scolasticus (emphasis mine) semper
et continue scolam et chorum bono et experto Cantore provideat sciens artificaliter
musicam . . . necnon litteras missivas et alia instrumenta pro utilitate nostri monasterii
conficiant et scribant sine contradictione.” Here “idem scolasticus” refers back to the
previously mentioned “rector scolarium,” the latter perhaps reflecting his function as
“director of the schools,” the former, his title. The specific responsibilities spelled out
in the statutes further support the argument that these two terms refer to the same
person. In particular, they specify in the beginning that the scolasticus was responsible
for providing the school with a capable cantor. Later, the statutes require that “nullus
rector scolarium aliquem Cantorem sine scitu et consensu et voluntate dicti nostri
prelati assummat . . .” BayStB clm 14892 fol. 235r. Kintzinger has commented on the
conflation of these terms, noting that “zwischen “magister scolarum” und “scolaster”
wurde im Einzelfall ohne erkennbare Regel variiert,” and that magister scolarum and
rector scolarum/scolarium were also frequently synonymous. Kintzinger, Bildungswesen
in der Stadt Braunschweig, 110, 115. Compare the reforms of the Alte Kapelle, which
required newly-accepted canons to give sixteen pounds for the support of the school,
four pounds of which was to be given to the “magistro seu rectore scolae.” BZAR,
StiAK U 244, 31 October 1359.
150
BZAR, StiAK U 490, 30 December 1397. Published register J. Schmid, Urk. AK.,
vol. 1, 94 #490, 30 December 1397.
151
Matthias Thiel, ed. Die Urbare des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg mit den
Registern zu Urkunden und Urbaren. QuE,. Neue Folge, vol. 28, pt. 2 (Munich: C. H. Beck,
1996), 520: “er [Schmid] verzeichnet auch als Zeugen einen “Albert, Schlolastikus bei

general sense, as a synonym for magister/rector scolarum, Albertus might

have been associated with St. Johann rather than the Alte Kapelle.152
This set of related terms, including combinations of rector or magister
and scole, scolarium, and scolarum can be as problematic as scolasticus.153
The earliest occurrences appear to have used the term magister scole in
its most general sense (schoolmaster). In the cathedral and collegiate
churches, the term rector scolarum first appears in the late twelfth and
early thirteenth centuries as the scolasticus’ role as a teacher diminished.
In these cases, the scolasticus hired the rector scolarum/scolarium to provide
the actual classroom instruction, similar to the way in which vicars
came to perform many other canonical duties.154
The term rector scolarum/magister scole also appears in connection with
a number of monastic schools including those of St. Emmeram and the
Schottenkloster of St. Jakob.155 In 1363, a magister scole received six solidi
for winter clothing from St. Emmeram.156 In 1450, the university-trained
Hermann Pötzlinger served in the monastery in the same capacity.157
Other common terms with similar meanings are rector puerorum,158 doctor
St. Johann” St. Johann hatte aber keinen Scholaster, in der Urk. von 1396 heißt es
denn auch, daß Albertus Preiser bei der Alten Kapelle summus scolasticus war!” See
also J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 382 #1837, 17 March 1402.
152
The account books of St. Johann from the early fifteenth century also include
payments made “pro sallario scolastici” with payments made to the magister scolarum.
See, for example, Thiel, Die Urbare des Kollegiatstifts, 24. Because this use of the term
appears to be dropped in later formulations and replaced by “magister de summo” that is
master from the cathedral, the references to a scolasticus in the account books might refer
to the schoolmaster from the cathedral, rather than to one associated with St. Johann.
See, for example, Thiel, Urbare St. Johann, 28 and BZAR. St. Johann 1, 11 r. (1426).
153
These were also the preferred terms for the schoolmasters in the city-controlled
schools, which began to appear in many German cities in the fourteenth and early
fifteenth century. See, for example, Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 235.
154
See Kintzinger, Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig, 92–110; and Kintzinger,
“Status Scolasticus,” 31–48. For more on these terms in the context of both communal
and ecclesiastical schools, see Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 234–39.
155
As noted earlier in the case of St. Jakob, it appears to have been used as a
synonym for scolasticus.
156
StBR Rat. Ep. 263, St. Emmeram Rechnungbuch, fol. 86v: “Item magistro scole
pro vestitu hyemali vi sol. dn.”
157
J. Schmid, Urk. Ak., vol.1, 164 #846, 15 November 1450.
158
Conrad of Megenberg uses the term rector puerorum in its most general sense. “Et
primo circa scolares, ubi plerumque non magister in artibus regit, sed rector puerorum
sine titulo nominatur . . .” Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 34. The title rector
puerorum appears in the sources for the Alte Kapelle: Reinboto (1238), and Johannes
(1287), an unnamed rector puerorum in the Cathedral (1295) and St. Emmeram: Johannes
(1325). For the Alte Kapelle, see Josef Schmid, Die Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L.
Frau zur alten Kapelle (Regensburg: J. Habbel, 1922), 106, and Ried III, 4 March 1287.

126 chapter three
puerorum,159 and magister ludi. Although these generally referred to teach-

ers of younger students, one should not necessarily assume that this
is the case. Likewise, one cannot assume that rector scolarum connotes a
teacher of older students.160
Below the rector scolarum, teaching assistants (locati or ushers) assisted in
maintaining classroom discipline, in a manner similar to the accusatores
described by Conrad. In larger schools such as that of St. Stephan’s in
Vienna, ancillary teaching personnel could take on a more important
role.161 The Paedagogi (in some statutes called schreiber) accompanied
individual students from home and assisted them in the classroom.162
The term also encompassed some private instructors, especially at
the elementary level. The secular cleric Ulrich Grünsleder burned as
a Hussite in 1421 may have been a private instructor of this sort.163
For the cathedral see Martinez-Göllner, The Manuscript Cod. Lat. 5539, 7–8. See also
Dominicus Mettenleiter, Aus der musikalischen Vergangenheit bayerischer Städte Musikgeschichte
der Stadt Regensburg, aus archivalien und sonstigen Quellen bearbeitet, (Regensburg: J. G. Bös-
senecker, 1865), 61. For St. Emmeram see BayHstA Kloster Urkunden Regensburg
St. Emmeram #325, 27 March 1325.
159
A Heinricus doctor Puerorum of St. Mang appears as witness to exchange of incomes
with St. Katherinenspital. StAR, Sammlungen des Historischen Vereins für Oberpfalz
und Regensburg (now held in StAR) VH Urk. 3: 3 November 1241.
160
Hugo of Trimberg, for example, was called rector scolarum, rector scolarium, and rector
puerorum and called himself ludi magister: Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 237.
161
See Müller, Schulordnungen, vol.1, 58. “Item man sol auch in Sand Stephan schul
setzen drei obrist locaten, die stetlich in der schul beleibn und gewalt haben nach ainem
schulmaister uber all schüler . . . Item dieselben drei obristen locaten sullen aufheben
alle nutz von allen schulern . . .” Although it dates from the late sixteenth century, the
oath of the scolasticus in the Alte Kapelle mentions locati and succentors in the school.
Fifteenth-century bequests to the school mention locati and Jungmeistern (chorales). See
Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 193; and J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau
zur alten Kapelle, 275.
162
Pedagogues appear throughout the late medieval statutes. At St. Stephan’s, it is
assumed that some of the students would bring their own pedagogues with them to
school. The locati were to take all the income from all the students excepts those who
had their own pedagogue. Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 59: “ausgenomen die aigen
schulmaister oder pedigogen haben,” The statutes for the Latin school in Landshut
speak of schreiber, but their function is clearly the same as that of the Pedagogue. Müller,
Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 115. “Item desgleichen, so sollen die schreiber, die den Bürgern
ihre kinder gen schul führen, auch chorröck haben . . .”
163
Andreas von Regensburg, the historian and canon of St. Mang, describes Ulrich
Grünsleder as a former pedagogue of the secular judge (Erhardus auf Donau) by whom
he was ultimately condemned to death. Andreas von Regensburg, Sämtliche Werke, Georg
Leidinger, ed., QuE, Neue Folge, vol. 1 (München: Rieger, 1903), 133: “Qui [Ulrich]
mox a iudice, cuius quondam pedagogus fuerat, ducitur ad comburendum.”

Finally, Baccalaurei, generally more advanced students, often contributed

significantly as instructors.164
Because of the importance of the choir, the cantor or succentor also
played a significant role in the schools.165 The connections between choir
and school is particularly evident in the statutes of St. Jakob, which
explicitly required the cantor to preside over the school and the choir
(scole et chori). He was responsible for the discipline of the children in
the choir and their performance.166 The cantor’s direction was primarily
of a practical nature emphasizing performance and memorization. Any
music theory would have been included as part of the arts instruction
and was often cursory. However, it is possible that in smaller schools,
which lacked additional teaching personnel, that the cantor provided
rudimentary education in reading.
In addition to these terms, the more specialized educational system
of the mendicants employed its own, largely unique, vocabulary. By the
fourteenth century, the three largest mendicant orders—the Franciscans,
Dominicans and Augustinian Hermits—had all developed similarly com-
plex, hierarchical educational systems. Although initially the mendicant
orders accepted only those above the age of fourteen, the increasing
number of younger novices who entered the orders beginning in the
early fourteenth century necessitated the development of grammar
and elementary educational programs. It is likely that the magister novi-
ciorum would have provided this basic instruction at the convent level.
Above the convent level, there were also schools of logic and natural
164
The school of St. Sebald in Nuremberg had three baccalaurei as did St. Lorenz.
Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 103. At St. Stephan’s in Vienna, the statutes required
the “drei obrist locaten” to select baccalaurei “aus dem studentenhaus in der Kernerstras
das weilent maister Albrecht pharrer zu Gors, lerer in der erznei gestift hat . . .” Mül-
ler, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 58. The title baccalaureus alone should not be taken as
evidence of university study. It, like the more common term magister, could be applied
to individuals with teaching responsibilities who did not hold degrees. See Kintzinger,
Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig, 137–38.
165
The cantor figures prominently in many of the school statutes. The statutes for
St. Jakob required that both the scolasticus and the cantor swear to uphold the customs
and protect the interests of the monastery and the school. BayStB clm 14892 fol. 235r:
“Ego N iuro et promitto quod . . . omnia et singula statuta cum omnibus et singulis
clausulis superius descriptis fideliter observabo . . . nullasque novitates seu conspiraciones
verbo vel facto attemptabo necnon eorum secreta nulli pandam neque manifestabo
dampnaque et iacturas rerum et prebendarium dicti monasterii iuxta meam possibili-
tatem precavebo . . .”
166
The cantor of St. Jakob was to oversee the proper performance of his choir and
was subject to fines if they made mistakes. BayStB clm 14892 fol. 235r. See earlier.

128 chapter three
philosophy. In the case of the Dominican Order, these schools rotated

between convents, sharing the burdens of housing the school between
several nearby houses.167
The primary focus of the mendicant schools, however, was theol-
ogy. Most mendicant convents had at least one lector who provided
daily lectures. The level of instruction and the qualifications of specific
lectors varied significantly depending on the prestige and size of the
particular school. This was especially true in the case of the Dominicans
who rotated their studia between several convents. Arrangements could
vary significantly from year to year as well. In studia particularia theolo-
giae, which drew students from throughout the province, the schools
could include additional lectors and a biblicus, sentenciarius, and magister
studentium.168 Between 1396 and 1401, for example, the Dominican
convent in Regensburg boasted a magister studentium, a sentenciarius, and
a lector principalis who was required to hold theological lectures and
disputations.169 In 1440, Peter of Rosenheim served the convent as
biblicus cursor.170
The translation of Latin terms into German, and less frequently
German terms into Latin, adds an additional layer of complexity.
German sources generally rendered scolasticus as obrister Schulmeister, or
simply Schulmeister.171 However, Schulmeister could also denote the sub-
167
William J. Courtenay, Schools & Scholars in the Fourteenth Century (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1987), 64–65.
168
For a discussion of these positions within the Franciscan Order see Roest, A
History of Franciscan Education, 65–81. For the Dominicans see Mulchahey, First the Bow
is Bent in Study, 132–36. For the Augustinians, see Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen
Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 1, 47–53. Although the systems varied slightly between the
orders, the terminology and hierarchical nature were the quite similar.
169
They were as follows in 1396: Ulricus Wasserburger (disputet et legat), Conradus
Hauweck (magister studentium) and Conradus Meczinger (Sentenciarius), in 1398: Conra-
dus Raider (disputet et legat), Petrus de Cliendorf (magister studentium), Conrad Hauweck
(Sentenciarius), in 1400: Conradus Raider again, Michael Altheiden (magister studentium)
and Andreas de Ratispona (Sentenciarius); in 1401 Henricus Troglin (legat et disputet),
Fr. Hertt (magister studentium), and Andreas de Ratispona (sentenciarius). In 1402, there
appears to have been no sentenciarius, however, Henricus Troglin was reassigned to
hold theological disputations and lectures and Johannes Theobaldi served as magister
studentium. See Appendix I (Dominicans).
170
BayStB clm 26833 fol. 13. “Scripsit Petrus Rosenheim cursor Ratisbon. existens 1440.”
171
Fridericus Wirsing (8 March 1393), Albertus Preiser (7 Sept. 1425) and Henricus
Parsberger, all appear as “obrister schulmeister,” see J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 87,
129, 228 #460, #690, #1165; elsewhere as scolasticus, see J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1,
77 #410, 31 July 1386 and 382 #1837, 17 March 1402. Whereas, Albertus Chunig-
swert is called alternately scolasticus and “schulmeister uf dem chor ze dem tum.” See
Franz Martin, ed., Die Regesten der Erzbischöfe und des Domkapitels von Salzburg 1247–1315,

ordinates of a scolasticus, directors of city schools, and private instruc-

tors.172 The misleading simplicity of a term like Schulmeister with its
extremely broad application makes it impossible to determine the level
of instruction, educational background, or competency of individual
Schulmeister without significant additional context. Nevertheless, some
historians have falsely assumed that a Schulmeister necessarily signified
an individual teaching in a German language school (Deutscheschule),
which was manifestly not the case.173
The educational background of the individual instructors can provide
clues regarding the level of instruction at a specific school.174 Given the
extent to which the trivium dominated the curriculum of so many of
the schools, the ability and educational level of the individual teach-
ers, rather than the content, varied most significantly.175 Unfortunately,
before the fourteenth century, the educational background of individual
teachers and scolastici in Regensburg is at best dimly illuminated.176
3 vols. (Salzburg: Gesellschaft für Salzburger Landeskunde, 1934), vol. 2, 129 #1115,
20 March 1313; and Johann Geier, ed., Die Traditionen, Urkunden und Urbare des Klosters
St. Paul in Regensburg , QuE, vol. Neue Folge, vol. 34 (München: C. H. Beck, 1986), 78
#27, 10 February 1315.
172
The previously mentioned “Agnes die Schulmeisterin” was buried in the Fran-
ciscan cemetery in 1318. MGH Necrologiae III, 249.
173
Schulmeister, like Schüler, is used to connote a wide array of meanings. Schulmeister
appears in the sources as a translation of a number of words with more specialized
meanings such as scolasticus, rector scolarum and even pedagogus. At the most basic level
a Schulmeister could be almost anyone with authority within a school. Although some
authors did attempt to use their terms with greater precision, Jakob—for example,
has noted that the term rector scolarium is best translated by the German Schülermeister
and rector scolarum by Schulmeister, there does not appear to be any broadly consistent
distinction made between these terms in the sources. Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 235.
Many earlier historians assumed that Schulmeister applied only to German language
instructors. This contributed to frequent false assertions regarding the first appearance
of Deutscheschulen in particular cities. Compare Xaver Buchner, Schulgeschichte des Bistums
Eichstaett vom Mittelalter bis 1803 (Kallmünz: Lassleben, 1956), 22. See also Jakob, Schulen
in Franken, 237.
174
Moran, Growth of English Schooling, 81.
175
Compare Kintzinger, Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig, 130: “Unterschiede
zwischen einzelnen Lehranstalten bestanden danach nicht in der Annahme oder
Abstoßung dieser Tradition, [i.e. the liberal arts] sondern im Grad der Vollstän-
digkeit und des wissenschaftlichen Niveaus, der den Unterricht nach Maßgabe des
Bildungsstandes seiner Lehrkräfte prägte.”
176
There are some exceptions. From the eleventh century, we learn that Otloh of
St. Emmeram, who taught in the school of St. Emmeram, studied first in the external
schools of Tegernsee and Hersfeld, two of the most important German Benedictine
schools and centers of the eleventh-century Gorze reform movement. He did not
become a monk until 1032 when he entered St. Emmeram. He also traveled widely,
spending time at Fulda, Passau, and Amorbach. See Schauwecker, Otloh von St. Emmeram,

130 chapter three
At the most basic level, rudimentary literacy or the ability to sing

seems to have sufficed. Even for the larger more advanced schools typical
in cathedral and collegiate churches, university training would not have
been necessary. In Germany, cathedral schools like those at Hildesheim
provided a level of arts instruction rivaling that of universities well
into the thirteenth century.177 As a result, university study appears to
have been the exception rather than the rule, despite the statutes of
the Fourth Lateran Council that required that every diocese employ a
master to teach grammar in the diocese free of charge.178
However, beginning in the late fourteenth century, many of those
associated with the schools in Regensburg had studied, at least briefly,
at one or more universities.179 Evidence of this change is particularly
11. Albertus Magnus, who served briefly as a lector in the Regensburg Dominican
convent, studied the arts in Padua in the 1220s, where he became a Dominican. Around
1224, he began his theological studies in Cologne, and in 1228, he began his career as
a lector, first in Hildesheim, then Freiburg, and finally Regensburg. After approximately
two years in Regensburg he began his studies at Paris. The magister Eberhardus, who
served as scolasticus of the Alte Kapelle and episcopal notary during the second quar-
ter of the thirteenth century, may have been university educated. Although evidence
beyond the fact that he is called magister and held a position as notary is lacking. Indeed,
nearly all the scolastici in both the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle are called magister.
However, in most of these cases the title magister did not connote a university degree,
but marked their status as schoolmaster. The terminology parallels the language used
with reference to masters within guilds, reflecting authority and expertise rather than
university credentials. In his famous treatise on education Conrad of Megenberg refers
the master who is truly a master although he lacks the title “magister est re, quamvis
careat titulo.” See Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 35. For a discussion of
the general growth in university study see below Chapter Four.
177
The qualifications of indvidual teachers could vary signifcantly between schools.
In England, the appointment of grammarmasters with university degrees appears to
have been more frequent before the Black Death than it was in Germany, partly reflect-
ing the lack of universities within the empire and the greater expense that university
study entailed. For a discussion of the employment of university graduates as gram-
marmasters in England see Moran, Growth of English Schooling, 72–73; and Nicholas
Orme, Education in the West of England 1066–1548: Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, Gloucestershire,
Somerset, Wiltshire (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1976), 19.
178
Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 154: “adiicimus, ut non solum in
qualibet cathedrali ecclesia, sed etiam in aliis, quarum sufficere poterunt facultates,
constituatur magister idoneus, a praelato cum capitulo, seu maiori et saniori parte
capituli eligendus, qui clericos ecclesiarum ipsarum [et aliarum] gratis in grammatica
facultate ac aliis instruat iuxta posse. Sane metropolis ecclesia theologum nihilominus
habeat, qui sacerdotes et alios in sacra pagina doceat . . .”
179
However, this trend was by no means absolute. Private instructors, especially
those who operated “Deutscheschulen” often did not have university training. Even
those teaching Latin grammar need not have pursued their education beyond what
would have been readily available in most cathedral and city schools. The career of
Andreas von Regensburg, canon of St. Mang and historian of Regensburg, illustrates the

strong in the case of the scolastici of the Alte Kapelle and the cathe-
dral. Although they had ceased to be directly involved in classroom
instruction, the frequency with which scolastici appear among university
matriculants, does reflect the growing emphasis placed on university
training within these institutions.
By 1313, Albert Chunigswert, who held a doctorate in canon law,
held the position of Regensburg cathedral scolasticus.180 The next identifi-
able university educated scolasticus does not appear until 1350, when the
Parisian scholar Conrad of Megenberg contested for the position with
the Bologna-educated Johannes Rederer.181 Although Conrad failed in
his efforts to secure the position, that two highly educated candidates
sought the dignity is indicative of things to come. Indeed, from 1350
forward, almost every cathedral scolasticus matriculated at one or more
universities. In fact, of the eleven identifiable scolastici between 1350
and 1500, nine had engaged in some level of university study.182
Similarly, the scolastici of the Alte Kapelle appear increasingly
among the ranks of the university educated. Although the percentage
degree of proficiency that a student could attain in a city school. Although his formal
education appears to have been limited to his studies at the city school in neighboring
Straubing, his historical writings reveal broad literary interests and a high level of Latin
proficiency. Andreas von Regensburg, Sämtliche Werke, vol. 2.
180
Unfortunately, I have not been able to identify where he studied.
181
In his work on the Plague written in 1350, Conrad refers to himself as “magister
Conradus de Monte puellarum scolasticus Ratisponensis . . .” Sabine Krüger, “Krise
der Zeit Als Ursache der Pest? Der Traktat de Mortalitate in Alamannia des Konrad von
Megenberg,” in Festschrift für Hermann Heimpel zum 70. Geburtstag am 19. September 1972,
Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte, vol. 36/II (Göttingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1972), 863. This may have been wishful thinking or legal
posturing, but he eventually abandoned his claim to Johannes Rederer (Hans von
Augsburg). See Franz Fuchs, “Neue Quellen zur Biographie Konrads von Megen-
berg,” in Das Wissen der Zeit. Konrad von Megenberg und sein Werk (1309–1374), Akten
zur Tagung vom 8. bis 10. Oktober 2003 München, eds. Gisela Drossbach, Martin
Kintzinger, and Claudia Märtl, Zeitschrift für Bayerische Landesgeschichte, Beihefte
B, 27 (München: C. H. Beck, 2007). By 1350, Johannes Rederer was scolasticus in the
cathedral. Ried II, 874 # 921.
182
It is also possible that “Erhart Puerchofer Schulmaister zum tum” was scolas-
ticus rather than rector scolarum, in which case the numbers would be ten of twelve.
StAR Cam. 4 1395 fol. 1r. The latter seems the most likely as he does not appear to
have held a canonry in the cathedral. When he obtained the rectory of Rorbach in
1403, he is not listed as holding any additional benefices. Rep. Germ. vol. 2, 68. The
university-matriculated scolastici between 1350 and 1500 were Conrad of Megenberg,
Johannes Rederer, Ulricus Straubinger, Conradus Satelpoger, Albertus Stauffer, Frid-
ericus Parsperg, Johannes Parsberger, Henricus Parsberger, and Georgius Paulstorffer,
all of whom were also of noble or knightly descent. For references and more detailed
information see Appendix I.

132 chapter three
of university-trained scolastici was lower in the Alte Kapelle, they still

constituted one-quarter (three of twelve) of those who held the office
between 1350 and 1500. Counting from 1386, the year when the first
university-trained scolasticus appears, three of eight scolastici were uni-
versity matriculants.183
Although one should be careful of assigning too much significance
to the growth of university study among the canons—higher educa-
tion primarily served the interests and ambitions of the canons, rather
than their chapter—the pursuit of higher learning does reflect a grow-
ing preoccupation with university study that informed the intellectual
culture of the chapter, the selection of individual teachers, the collec-
tion of books, and the curriculum of the schools. Nor did these men
remain isolated from the broader community. They made donations to
schools and indvidual scholars, advised the civic administration, served
as learned preachers, and exchanged and copied texts, which became
part of the libraries of both religious and civic institutions.
Whether as a direct result of the increasing number of university-
trained scolastici, or simply a reflection of general rise in university
attendance, a significant number of those directly responsible for instruc-
tion in Regensburg’s schools also began to have some university train-
ing. Of the known rectores scolarum in the Alte Kapelle, at least four
likely studied at a university. A Heinrich der Igeltaler, who served as
a notary in Regensburg and rector scolarum in the Alte Kapelle, may be
the Heinrich Igeltaler who studied in Vienna in 1383.184 In 1429, a
magister Hermann de Gotta, rector scolarum in the Alte Kapelle, witnessed
an agreement between the chapter and one of the canons concerning
the income of his benefice.185 A Johannes Stöckel, who held the degree
of bachelor in arts, appears in 1463 as rector scolarum.186 Johannes Gross,
183
These were Fridericus Wirsing (Heidelberg), Johannes Marschalk (Leipzig and
Erfurt), and Johannes Velber (Ingolstadt). A fourth scolasticus, Johann Geginger, could
possibly be the same as the Johannes Geginger de Patavia who matriculated at Vienna in
1436. Geginger also served as magister fabricae in the cathedral. Anneliese Hilz, Die Min-
derbrüder von St. Salvator in Regensburg 1226–1810, BzGBR, ed. Georg Schwaiger, vol. 25
(Regensburg: Verein für Regensburger Geschichte, 1991), 60. See also Appendix I.
184
J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 382 #1836, 30 December 1401; and 383 #1840,
16 May 1402.
185
J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 137 #719, 15 December 1429. The use of the title
magister in addition to the title rector scolarum is unique in this context. No other rector
scolarum is similarly named in the charters, suggesting that magister may refer to his
educational standing rather than simply his status as teacher.
186
J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 263; and J. Schmid,

rector scolarum in 1495, could be the same as the Johannes Gross de

Ratisponensis who matriculated at Ingolstadt in 1480.187
Fewer names of rectores scolares survive for the cathedral. Nevertheless,
a similar pattern is evident. In 1395, Erhardus Purchofer, who studied in
Vienna in 1384, appears in the account books of the city as “Schulmaister
zum tum.”188 In 1456, Ulrich Kaegerl who earned his master in arts at
Vienna four years earlier, served as rector scolarum in the cathedral.189
Finally, in the winter of 1491–92, the famous humanist and university
professor, Conrad Celtis directed the cathedral school.190 University-
trained teachers also emerged in other schools in Regensburg. Hermann
Pötzlinger studied at both Vienna and Leipzig before becoming rector
scolarum at St. Emmeram. Leonard Panholz, who directed schools
attached to the Benedictine monastery of Prüll and the Regensburg
Franciscans, matriculated at Vienna in 1454.191
Urk. AK, vol. 1, 182 #930, 16 June 1459. He may be the same as Johannes Stöckel
who matriculated at Vienna in 1451.
187
MLMU I, 94, 30. Gross was rector of St. Cassian in 1508 and died in 1519. See
J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 331 #1613, 5 August 1508; and Karl Schottenloher, ed.,
Tagebuchaufzeichnungnen des Regensburger Weihbischofs Dr. Peter Krafft von 1500–1530, Refor-
mationsgeschichtliche Studien und Texte, vol. 37 (Münster in Westfalen: Aschendorff,
1920), 36.
188
MUW, vol. 2, 1384 R 162; and StAR Cam. 4 1395 fol. 1r. Erhart Purchofer may
actually have been a cathedral scolasticus; see Appendix I.
189
Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 41. See also BayStB clm 18736 fol. 190r. Kaegerl
donated a collection of hymns for classroom use to the monastery of Tegernsee. BayStB
clm 19614 fol. 242v: “Explicit exposicio bona super ympnos data per reuerendum
magistrum udalricum tunc temporis rector scolarium in lanndaw. Anno domini 1452.”
Cited in Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen, 41.
190
Lewis W. Spitz, Conrad Celtis: The German Arch-Humanist (Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1957), 33–34; Hans Rupprich, ed., Der Briefwechsel des Konrad Celtis,
Veröffentlichungen der Kommission zur Erforschung der Geschichte der Reformation
und Gegenreformation: Humanistenbriefe, vol. 3 (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1934), 95–98.
See also Laetitia Boehm, eds., Biographisches Lexikon der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität
München, Universität Ingolstadt-Landshut-München Forschungen und Quellen: For-
schungen, vol. 18 (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1998), 65–68. In 1506, a magister Silvester
Krafft appears in the sources as “rector scolaris” in the cathedral and as scolasticus
in 1508. See BZAR, StiA U 844, 26 August 1506; and J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1,
330 #1606, 24 April 1508. It is likely that he was related to the suffragan bishop of
Regensburg, Peter Krafft, whose admission as a canon of the Alte Kapelle he witnessed
in 1508. Peter Krafft himself was one of many sons of Dr. Peter Krafft who served the
Bavarian duke Georg the Rich. When Peter and his brother Hieronymus matriculated
at Ingolstadt in 1491, the usual fees were waived “intuitu patris apud principem . . .”
MLMU I, 21 October 1491. Peter kept a diary between 1500 and 1530 and briefly
mentions the death of Silvester Krafft on 25 March 1519, noting, “ad illam noctem
magister Silvester Craft mortuus est circa mediam noctem.” Schottenloher, Tagebuch-
aufzeichnungnen, 35.
191
See Appendix I.

134 chapter three
In addition to these, many of the mendicant lectors also had sig-

nificant university experience.192 Dominican lectors with identifiable
university careers include Albertus Magnus, who had studied at Padua
and at the Dominican studium generale in Cologne before teaching
in Regensburg.193 After completing his studies at Paris, he returned
to Regensburg as bishop. The general chapter assigned Andreas de
Ratispona to Cologne in 1398. Two years later he lectured on the
Sentences in Regensburg. In addition, Petrus von Rosenheim, who served
in Regensburg as master of students in 1434 and cursor in 1440, studied
at three of the most important Dominican studia, appearing at Cologne
in 1437, Bologna in 1441, and Vienna ca. 1444.194 Franciscan lectors
in Regensburg with university training included Johannes Sack, who
studied at both Erfurt (1423) and Vienna (1431) before becoming lector
in Regensburg in 1433, and Marcus Schönprunner who also studied
at Vienna (1447–53).195
The lectors of the Augustinian Hermits were a particularly distin-
guished group. In the fifteenth century alone, five identifiable lectors
appear in the sources with advanced degrees earned at many of the
most prestigious universities in Europe. At the end of the fourteenth
century and the first years of the fifteenth, Berthold Puchhauser studied
at Oxford, Bologna, and Vienna. His near contemporary, Fridericus
de Ratisbona, studied at Siena, Rome, and Bologna (the chapter also
assigned him to either Erfurt or Magdeburg). In 1463, the lector
Nicholas de Ratispona studied at Vienna, as did Casparus de Ratispona
approximately twenty years later. In 1473 Hermannus Meyer de
Ratisponensis served as cursor in Rome. In addition to these, a Leonard
Mühlhauser who died in 1500 was a doctor of theology.196
192
Hermann Pötzlinger studied at Vienna in 1436 and accompanied several sons of
the Regensburg patriciate to Leipzig in 1456. See Apendix II. At his death in 1469, he
left his impressive library to St. Emmeram. Leonard Panholz matriculated at Vienna
in 1454. See Appendix I. For a discussion of university attendance by the Regensburg
mendicants see Chapter Four. The lectorate program for the Franciscans is discussed
extensively in Roest, Franciscan Education, 87–97.
193
For a fourteenth century account of his career, see Henricus de Hervordia, Liber
de rebus memorabilioribus sive Chronicon Henrici de Hervordia, ed. August Potthast (Göttingen:
Dieterich, 1859), 201
194
See Appendix I.
195
See Appendix I. When Schönprunner served as lector is unknown; at his death
1462 he was described as doctor, lector, and preacher of the convent.
196
See Appendix I.

Although it is significant that an increasing number of school person-

nel matriculated at a university, this does not provide the full picture.
Not all who matriculated took degrees, nor were all degrees equal. By
analyzing the course of study and the degrees taken, it is possible to
obtain a better sense of the relationship between university study and
pre-university education, and the relative prestige of particular posi-
tions within the schools.
Most of the scolastici from the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle studied
canon law—with canonists outnumbering simple artists seven to four.
None studied the far rarer disciplines of theology or medicine. This fact,
however, is more indicative of the course of study for canons generally,
than of anything pertaining to the scolastici specifically.197 Given the
expenses associated with pursuing a degree in law it also is a reflection
of the resources available to this privileged group.198
University selection also reflected their privileged position. Three of
the eleven scolastici studied law in Italy, at the prestigious universities of
Padua and Bologna.199 Conrad of Megenberg, although a mere artist,
studied at Paris. The afore-mentioned Johannes Marschalk, studied at
both Erfurt and Leipzig. Closer to Regensburg, Conradus Sattelpoger
and Albertus Stauffer studied at Prague, Georgius Paulstorffer and
Johannes Velber at Ingolstadt and Johannes Parsberger at Vienna.200
Two of these men, Fridericus Parsberg and Albertus Stauffer, went on
to serve as bishop of Regensburg, further evidence of the prestige of
those who attained the office of scolasticus.201
197
For a discussion of the attendance patterns of the canons generally, see Chap-
ter Four. From the cathedral, Ulrich Straubinger, Conradus Satelpoger (also studied
the arts), Albertus Stauffer, Fridericus Parsberger, Johannes Parsberg, and Henricus
Parsberger all studied law. Of the three university-trained scolastici of the the Alte
Kapelle, only Friedrich Wirsing studied law, attaining the licentiate in canon law at
Heidelberg in 1390.
198
For a discussion of the relationship between university study and canonical
benefices, see Peter Moraw, “Stiftspfründen als Elemente des Bildungswesen im spät-
mittelalterlichen Reich,” in Studien zum weltlichen Kollegiatsift in Deutschland, ed. Irene
Crusius, Studien zur Germania Sacra, vol. 114 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Rupprecht,
1995), 270–97.
199
Ulricus Straubinger studied at Bologna as did Fridericus Parsberger. A speech
Fridericus Parsberger gave before the council of Basel also suggests a familiarity with
the teaching faculty at Padua and has been taken as evidence that he studied there.
His nephew Henricus also studied at Padua between 1441 and 1445. See Appendix
II, and Christina Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg (Köln: Böhlau 2005),
391, 396.
200
See Appendix I.
201
Albertus Stauffer was bishop of Regensburg (1409–21) and Fridericus Parsberger
(1437–49). See Appendix I.

136 chapter three
The schoolmasters themselves, however, were much more likely to

have studied the arts at one of the more accessible universities. Of the
eight identifiable as likely university students, all appear to have studied
the arts. In addition, the universities they chose were much more limited
geographically. Of the six for whom the specific university attended
can be ascertained, four studied at Vienna, one at both Vienna and
Leipzig, and one at Ingolstadt. Vienna and Leipzig tended to attract
numerous poorer scholars, in part because of their relatively low fees,202
while Ingolstadt’s proximity to Regensburg likely overcame the higher
costs associated with it. Although the sample is admittedly small, these
limitations further highlight the relatively lowly position of the classroom
teacher—even one who had studied at a university—vis-à-vis the more
privileged scolastici.
Not surprisingly then, the scolastici were generally drawn from a much
higher level of medieval society. As the work of R. C. Schwinges has
shown, university study in no way eliminated distinctions of social and
economic rank. Even those who were skilled and privileged enough to
have earned advanced degrees, but who lacked the familial and social
connections of their more privileged fellow graduates, often found it
difficult to obtain the most coveted positions.
The advantages of birth are particularly evident in the case of
the cathedral scolastici where the nobility continued to dominate the
most important positions. With few exceptions—most notably, Ulrich
Straubinger, a member of a Regensburg merchant family—those elected
as scolasticus were drawn from noble and knightly families with power
centers within the diocese of Regensburg, or those with extraordinary
connections. Indeed, between 1398 and 1500, local noble and knightly
families accounted for six of the seven identifiable scolastici.203
In the Alte Kapelle, where children of the Regensburg citizenry
became increasingly evident among the canons during the fourteenth
century, noble and knightly families were less dominant. Nevertheless,
202
Rainer C. Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert: Studien
zur Sozialgeschichte des alten Reiches, Beiträge zur Sozial- und Verfassungsgeschichte des
Alten Reiches; Nr. 6, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für europäische Geschichte Mainz.
vol. 123. (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1986), 452–457.
203
These were Conradus Satelpoger, Albertus Stauffer of Stauffenberg, Fridericus
Parsberger, Johannes Parsberger, Henricus Parsberger, and Georgius Paulstorffer. The
only exception appears to be Jacobus Klinkebeyl, who was provided to the scholasterie
by Martin V in 1428. See Appendix I.

those who became scolastici generally had important connections in

Regensburg or were in some way affiliated with the bishop of Bamberg,
who maintained influence in the Alte Kapelle through his control of
the office of the dean.
Between 1350 and 1500, twelve scolastici can be identified. Of these,
the geographic origins and social background of four are clear. Two
were from knightly families—one of Bavarian origins (Henricus von
Rordorf ) and the other from the diocese of Bamberg ( Johannes Mar-
schalk). Two others were members of Regensburg patrician families (Ulricus
der Loebel and Erhardus Sittauer).204 A fifth, Bertholdus de Askania
(resigned as scolasticus in 1361) was from the region of Anhalt, perhaps
with connections to the bishop of Bamberg.205
Unfortunately, our knowledge of those lower down the school hier-
archy is often even more limited. At least one of the schoolmasters in
the Alte Kapelle came from the region around Bamberg (Hermann
de Gotta) and another (Heinrich der Igeltaler) was likely from Nieder-
bayern. For the rest of the rectors there is little additional biographical
information, although a significant contingent bears names suggestive of
backgrounds within the class of artisans, small merchants, and farmers,
such as Gyrstner, Holzman, and Gerber.206
Interestingly, although few names of the rectors who served the cathe-
dral school survive, the three who can be identified between 1450 and
1506 were an impressive lot. They included two men who studied at
Vienna, Erhardus Pünchhofer (Purchofer) and Ulricus Kaegerl, and the
arch-humanist Conrad Celtis, who was a man of considerable importance
by the time he assumed the post. Indeed, his acceptance of the position
surprised many and inspired significant humor at his expense.207
204
See Appendix I. These two men held the position between 1361 and 1386, a
period immediately following the murder of the cathedral canon Conrad von Braunau
and subsequent boycott of the schools of the Alte Kapelle and the cathedral in 1357.
Was the appointment of these two patrician sons to head the school Alte Kapelle related
to a settlement between the college and the city that helped lift the city’s boycott of
the school? For the details of the boycott, see Chapter Two.
205
See Appendix I. A sixth, Philip Leo who first appears in connection with the
Alte Kapelle in 1459 was originally from Leutschau in Hungary.
206
See Appendix I.
207
By this time, he had already been crowned as poet laureate. See, for example,
the response of Bartholomäus Stäber who wrote to Conrad in February of 1493.
Hans Rupprich, Briefwechsel des Konrad Celtis, Veröffentlichungen der Kommission zur
Erforschung der Geschichte der Reformation und Gegenreformation: Humanisten-
briefe, vol. 3 (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1934) 96 #58: “Quas ad me nuper dedisti litteras,

138 chapter three
As the reaction to Conrad’s acceptance of a teaching position at

Regensburg suggests, ambitious young men rarely, if ever, saw teach-
ing as an end in itself. Those who did find themselves in the classroom
were generally looking for other opportunities. As a result, most teachers
appear to have spent only a short time in a particular school before
moving on to higher, or at least more remunerative, things.
Then, as now, teachers were not particularly well paid. The rector
scolarium in St. Emmeram in 1452, presumably the university educated
Hermann Pötzlinger, received a salary of thirty-four florins. This
amount was significantly more than the approximately twenty florins
received by many country vicars, but about twenty percent less than the
monastery paid to their smith and to the rector of the parish church
of St. Rupert.208 It also compares favorably to known teacher’s salaries
from the city of Nuremberg. In 1485, the teachers of the four Latin
schools in Nuremberg earned between 5.5 and 28.5 florins.209 On the
other hand, the city physician in Regensburg earned as much as 75
recte intellexi, quibus ab antiquo conditae Ratisbonae praeceptorio munere te fungi

accipio et, si ex te futurum, id plures non putabamus . . . Si Ratisbonam tua, qua
praefulges instar radiosissimi sideris, doctrina tuis moribus, tua virtute ac singulari
modestia, humanitate et beneficentia dignam cogitaveris, sapienter actum te ad nos
crudos homines non rediisse.”
208
Walter Ziegler, Das Bendediktinerkloster St. Emmeram zu Regensburg in der Reformations-
zeit, Thurn und Taxis-Studien 6, vol. 6 (Kallmünz: Lassleben, 1970), 134. The smith
received 14 Regensburg pounds 6 schilling and 22 denarii from St. Emmeram in 1451,
an amount that Ziegler estimates at approximately 12 denarii a day. The rector of St.
Rupert received 14 Regensburg pounds. The Regensburg account books from 1465
converted 50 Rheinische Gulden to 17 pounds 5 schillings 20 denarii, which corresponds
to roughly 3 Rheinische Gulden per Regensburg pound. See StAR Cam. 16 fol. 25v:
“wir gaben den Stewrherren heten sy maister caspar Katntner gelihen als er auf die
Studium zechen wold 50 reinisch guldein machent xvii lb v schil. xx den.”
209
Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 103. These four schools were well attended and
supported and probably represent a fairly high benchmark. Subordinate teachers of
course earned much less. The total paid to the cantor and three baccalaurei, for example,
was only 13 florins at St. Sebald. At St. Egidius the cantor and the locatus shared 6
florins, while at St. Laurentius, the cantor three baccalaurei and a locatus divided 17
florins; Compare also the southern Bavarian monastery of Benediktbeuern. In 1487
the monastery provided the schoolmaster 4 gulden [florins] plus an alottment for a
choir robe and hose. Minus the clothing allotment, the salary was 2 gulden less than
that paid to the chief cook and equal to that paid to his assistant. Lurz, Mittelschulge-
schichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 194.

florins per year.210 It also fell far short of the earnings of many of the
beneficed clergy.211
Not surprisingly then, most teachers sought out opportunities to
supplement their teaching incomes. Most commonly, teachers accom-
plished this through participation in processions, vigils, anniversary
masses, funerals and other religious ceremonies which could be quite
lucrative. The rector of the church of St. Sebaldus in Nuremberg earned
nearly one-third of his annual income in this manner.212 In Regensburg,
Lieb Baumbergerin left “den Schulmaistern 30 d., daz si die Sch%laer
mit der leich lazzen gen.”213 Wernher der Rüdnär, a canon in the Alte
Kapelle, provided a total of 170 schillings for the celebration of the
Octave of Corpus Christi and of the birth of Mary, to be divided
among the canons, chorales, Schulmeister and schüler.214
In addition to such sacramental side-jobs, teachers could also supple-
ment their income through scribal work. Indeed, the line between
scribes and teachers was frequently a fluid one.215 It was common to see
individuals functioning in both capacities at the same time, and moving
freely between the two professions. The university educated Leonardus
Heff, who completed his bachelor in arts at Vienna in 1461, appears
210
For the earnings of manual laborers and the salaries of the city physician in
Regensburg, see C. T. Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, 4 Vols. Edited by Hans Anger-
meier, (Regensburg: Montag und Weiss, 1800–1824. reprint, Munich: C. H. Beck,
1971) vol. 3, 270. The city doctor earned from 35 to 75 florins. At the same time a
skilled craftsman earned approximately 7 d. per day. Senior city officials could earn
as much as 100 pounds a year.
211
Compare Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 277.
212
Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 103. Of the total of 28.5 fl. he earned in 1485 just
over 9 fl. “von vigilien, jartägen etc.”
213
Widemann and Bastian, MB 53, 688 #1272, 27 March 1350. The use of the
plural schoolmasters could suggest that the students were being drawn from more than one
school or she may have been using the term generally to refer to both the schoolmaster
and his subordinates. Unfortunately, the will does not specify the names of any specific
schools from which the schoolmasters and scholars were to be drawn.
214
J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 66 #344, 1372; J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur
Alten Kapelle, 111; compare the statutes from Landshut that clearly spell out the specific
income the teacher in the city school could expect to collect, including tuition, burials,
vigils, and processions. It is also clear from this passage that teachers had a tendency
to freelance in their efforts to expand their income. In two places, the writers of the
statutes felt compelled to emphasize that the schoolmaster should collect only the income
specifically mentioned “sonst anders nichts.” Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 33–34.
215
In many cities, in fact, the city scribe also served as a teacher. For the close con-
nection between stadtschreiber and schulmeister, see, for example, the statutes from Brugges.
Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 136–37.

140 chapter three
to have earned his living in both these capacities. He copied numerous

works relating to the history of Regensburg, translated portions of the
works of Andreas von Regensburg into German, served the city as a
scribe and also worked as a Stuhlschreiber. In addition to performing
scribal services for the public, such Stuhlschreiber often provided basic
reading and writing instruction in the vernacular.216
As we have already seen, service in the chancery was frequently
included among the responsibilities of the both the scolasticus and the
rector scolarium. Leonard Panholz, for example, copied a large section of
BayStB Munich clm 26611, including a section on excommunication,
while a teacher at the Franciscan school in Regensburg.217 Similarly,
Hermann Pötzlinger also served as a scribe for St. Emmeram where
he copied BayStB clm 14810. In 1228, a certain magister Eberhard
served as scolasticus veteris capelle and notarius episcopi Ratisp.”218 In 1363,
Marquardus Treberger, “who reigned in the schools of Regensburg for
three years,” sought employment as papal notary.219 A century later
in 1476, a “schreiber von Regensburg” opened a school in Amberg.220
Frequently, the city scribes also had students ( gesellen/schreiber), who
assisted them in much the same manner as apprentices.221 Ultimately,
216
Rudolf Endres, “Das Schulwesen von ca. 1200 bis zur Reformation. Gesamt-
darstellung.” in Max Liedtke, ed., Handbuch der Geschichte des bayerischen Bildungswesen, vol. I,
Geschichte der Schule in Bayern von den Anfängen bis 1800, (Bad Heilbrunn: Julius Kinkhardt,
1991), 170. Jakob, however, sounds a note of caution. Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 238.
217
BayStB clm 26611 fol. 140v.
218
Widemann and Bastian, MB 53 vol. 1, 22 #54: 14 December 1228. Similarly, in
1300, a Heinrich schulmeister in the Alte Kapelle appears as schreiber to the Archbishop
of Salzburg. Martin, Regesten der Erzbischöfe von Salzburg, vol. 2, 59.
219
Josef Lenzenweger, ed., Acta Pataviensia Austriaca: Vatikanische Akten zur Geschichte
des Bistums Passau u. d. Herzöge v. Österreich (1342–1378), Publikationen des Öster-
reichischen Kulturinstituts in Rom: 2. Abteilung; Reihe 4 (Vienna: Verlag der Österr.
Akad. d. Wiss., 1996), vol. 3, 195–96: “Supplicat sanctitati vestre humilis creatura
vestra Marquardus dictus Treberger clericus Ratisponenis diocesis nullum beneficium
ecclesiasticum assecutus, qui plures annos studuit necnon tres annos scolas in solemni
civitate Ratisponensis rexit ac continuavit quatinus sibi tabellionatus officium vestre
sanctitatis dignemini concedere . . .”
220
Krebs, Das Deutsche Schulwesen Ambergs, 5. The city council of Amberg approved
a “Schreiber von Regensburg” to come to Amberg and “die Kind loern und schul
halt . . .”
221
See, for example, Franz Bastian, ed., Das Runtingerbuch (1393–1407) und ver-
wandtes Material zum Regensburger-südostdeutschen Handel und Münzwesen, 3 vols., Deutsche
Handelsakten des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit, vols. 6–8 (Regensburg: Gustav Bosse,
1935–1944), vol. 1, 184. “Item mir gab der statschreiber [Linhart] 5 lb R. dez montags
in der andern vastwochen. Di zalt Chunradus, sein Schreiber . . .” Compare Kintzinger,
Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig, 428–29.

however, most appear to have sought ecclesiastical benefices that were

generally more lucrative and secure.
In addition to the notarial position mentioned, Marquardus Treberger
also received an expectation in the diocese of Passau valued at twenty-
five pounds with cure of souls and eighteen without.222 In 1395,
Erhardus Pünchover “schulmaister zum tum” received two pounds as a
payment for the lifetime annuity he had purchased from the city.223
Seven years later, he made an unsuccessful bid for the rectorship of
Rorbach (by which time he was no longer designated schoolmaster).
At his death in 1424, he had succeeded in securing only the income
from an altar in the cathedral.224 Three-quarters of a century later,
little had changed, as evidenced by the mixture of glee and shock that
greeted Conrad Celtis’ acceptance of teaching position in the cathedral
school in Regensburg.225 Not surprisingly, Celtis left Regensburg less
than two years later.
From the preceding discussion, several important patterns emerge.
First, by the thirteenth century, at least in the cathedral and collegiate
schools, there developed a disconnect between the office of scolasticus
and its function. This in turn led to the development of a second tier
of school personnel within the educational hierarchy. Ultimately, the
men at this level were those responsible for teaching and the day-to-day
functioning of the school. Second, those connected with the schools
were increasingly university educated, with the study of the arts pre-
dominating among the schoolmasters. Third, teachers’ salaries, and the
prestige accorded to them, rarely satisfied ambitious men. Thus, to the
extent that they were able, medieval schoolmasters sought to augment
their income through the performance of both religious and scribal
functions and ideally through promotion out of the profession.
222
See Appendix I.
223
StAR Cam. 4, 1r, “Item Erhart Puenchofer Schulmaister zum tum hat ii lb
leipting.”
224
See Appendix I for references. Ulrich Kaegerl described himself as rector scolarum
in 1456 but left Regensburg to enter the monastery of Tegernsee one year later. See
Appendix I.
225
Hans Rupprich, Briefwechsel des Konrad Celtis, 97–98.

142 chapter three
Students and Student Life
Quot sunt opera scolarium? Mane surgere, statim induere, crines ornare, manus lavare,
deum adorare, et scolas frequenter visitare.226
It is one of the peculiarities of medieval education that schoolchildren
are at once ubiquitious and invisible. As a group, they appear in numer-
ous testaments, charters, and regulations, but as individuals, they are
only rarely identified. As a result, our understanding of the individual
experience of education often depends on indirect evidence and rare
biographical details from extraordinary lives. Nevertheless, such details
are essential for full understanding of the importance of education
in Regensburg, particularly, and late medieval society generally.227
Although the evidence is not always explicit, by combining evidence
from Regensburg and other German cities, it is possible to provide a
reasonable sketch of the school experience, the approximate number
of schoolchildren within the city, and the motivations of the families
who sent their children to the schools.
Such details as the organization of the school day and classroom
discipline provide important insights into late medieval perceptions
of childhood and changing notions of time. In addition, a careful
examination of the experience of education reveals the essential public
roles played by the schoolchildren in the performance of the Mass,
the celebration of public feasts, funeral processions, and as objects of
civic charity. In these roles, the schoolchildren provided a vital link
between the city and the ecclesiastical institutions within it. Finally, and
perhaps most important, education represented one of the few means
by which social and economic advancement was possible. Although
economic factors limited educational opportunities for many, clerical
and lay support of poor (generally financially less privileged, although
medieval understanding of pauperes was extremely fluid) scholars lowered
the barriers to education to the extent that even children of modest
means could pursue some level of education.
To address these issues clearly, it is first necessary to understand the
terms by which contemporary writers identified the city’s schoolchildren.
226
Es tu Scolaris, aiii.
227
The following discussion relates to elementary and secondary education. Men-
dicant theological education, which assumed a strong background in Latin and the
trivium, was directed toward much older students.

The most common term was scolaris and its German equivalent schüler.
Contemporary sources used these terms very generally, applying them
to schoolchildren of any age, although there is some evidence of the
modern German distinction between student and schüler. In 1455, for
example, the city provided funds for the “studenten und schuelern zu Sand
haymeran von des spils wegen . . .”228 However, such distinctions were not
followed with any degree of consistency. Other common terms such as
the Latin pueri and the German jungen could apply to young children
of either gender.229
Scolaris or schüler could also have meanings that do not necessarily
suggest the existence of a school. Those whose primary function was
to assist priests in the performance of the Mass and other tasks fre-
quently bore the name scolaris or schüler.230 Indeed, every parish rector
was required, at least in theory, to have a cleric or scolaris “who could
read the Epistles, respond to the Mass, and read the Psalms.”231 By the
fourteenth century, schüler also came to be used as a family name. In
one case, a brother and sister are described as Caspar Schueler and
Elspet Schuelerin. Twelve years later, these siblings appear again still
228
StAR Cam.14, 56v.
229
Compare Martin Kintzinger, “Status Scolasticus und Institutio Scolarum im späten
Mittelalter: Überlegungen zur Institutionengeschichte des Schulwesens.” In Dieter Engel-
hus: Beiträge zu Leben und Werk, ed. Volker Honemann, Mittelhochdeutsche Forschungen,
vol. 105 (Cologne: Böhlau, 1991) 428.
230
For example, Nicholas der Swaiger an der Hayd provided 16 d. to the priest
of the hospital of St. Lazarus and 2 d. for the “schuler der im darzu hilft . . .” for the
performance of an annual Mass in his name. Widemann and Bastian, MB 54, 318
#767, 20 February 1386. In the visitation records of 1508 the rector of St. Paul’s
in Regensburg was required to have a scolaris. Because St. Paul’s was a house for
women, the scholar in question must certainly have been a young clerical assistant
to the rector rather than a student in the traditional sense. Paul Mai and Marianne
Popp, Das Regensburger Visitationsprotokoll von 1508, BzBGR, vol. 18 (Regensburg: Verlag
des Vereins für Regensburger Bistumsgeschichte, 1984), 33. Compare Kintzinger,
“Schulen im spätmittelalterlichen Augsburg,” 71: “Aus den Nennung von Pfarrschülern,
die zumeist im Zussamenhang . . . die mitwirkung bei Seelmessen . . . darf keines falls
auf das Vorhandensein einer regelrechten Pfarrschule geschlossen werden.” See also
Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 183–84. The connection between individual clerics and such
“scolares” is further illustrated by statutes relating to the reform of St. Emmeram in
1452, which prohibited the priests and monks of the monastery from having their own
“scolares” except for special assistants. Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1,
182: “prohibemus insuper ne singuli prespiteri et alij fratres huius monasterii singulos
scolares habeant nisi famulos speciales, ut cellas fratrum et commune dormitorium
intrare scolares permittantur.”
231
Ried II, 982. Also appears in Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 174–75:
“Omnis Presbyter clericum habeat vel scholarum, qui Epistolam legat et ad missam
respondeat, et cum quo Psalmos legat . . .”

144 chapter three
bearing the name Schueler, suggesting that this was indeed a name
rather than their vocation.232
These caveats aside, the frequent references to schüler in wills, statutes,
court records and account books clearly demonstrates their social impor-
tance, not only as future clerics and scribes but as essential contributors
to daily civic life. Assessing this role, however, requires a closer examina-
tion of the daily lives and activities of the students themselves.
Although easily taken for granted, medieval notions of time and the
seasonal variation of daylight and darkness shaped the daily experience
of education in significant ways. Particularly important in this regard
were monastic conceptions of time based on the ecclesiastical hours.
Of these, the most important were Prime, Tierce, Sext, Nones, Vespers,
and Compline. In this schema, day and night were divided into twelve
hours each, with the length of the hours varying by season.233 The
ringing of the bells to signal the monks to prayer thus marked the most
important divisions of the day.
Although the mechanical clock, and its more regular division of the
hours, appeared in Western Europe during the fourteenth century, it
did not immediately or universally supplant earlier conceptions of time
within the schools.234 A mid-fifteenth century statute from St. Stephan’s
in Vienna, for example, continued to order the school day with reference
to traditional monastic offices.235 By the end of the fifteenth century,
232
J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 258 #1300, 1 September 1487, and Urk. AK., vol. 1,
296 #1460, 22 November 1499.
233
Even after the advent of the mechanical clock, time continued to be reckoned
from dawn to dusk and from dusk to dawn. During the longest days of the year, the
clock in Regensburg counted sixteen hours of the day and eight hours of the night
(this was reversed for the shortest days), the last hour of daylight being referred to as
“eins gen nacht” and the first hour “eins auf den tag.” Following this pattern, “fünf
in der nacht” meant the fifth hour after the bell that marked sundown. The beginning
and end of the day were fixed between 4:00 and 8:00 with a half an hour added or
subtracted every three and a half weeks. Grotefend, Taschenbuch der Zeitrechnung (Han-
nover: Hahn Buchhandlung, 1991), 24.
234
Evidence in other parts of Europe indicates a gradual change from solar to mod-
ern conceptions of time in the universities by the fourteenth century. See Courtenay,
Schools & Scholars in Fourteenth-Century England, 6.
235
Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 61. “item all locaten und schüler, die über ein
jahr zu schul gegangen sein, sullent des morgens under unserfrauenambt und nach
essens in der zwelften stund zu schul sein, und des Morgens heim geen zu hant nach
der non und des nachts nach der Complet.” By the fifteenth century the Nones were
nearly three hours earlier in the day than they had been in previous centuries, that
is roughly equivalent to the modern English term noon. For a discussion of these
changes see Gustav Bilfinger, Die mittelalterlichen Horen und die modernen Stunden: ein Beitrag
zur Kulturgeschichte (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1892; reprint, Vaduz, Liechtenstein:
Sändi Reprint, 1992).

however, the influence of the clock became increasingly evident. Rather

than beginning with the rising sun, school statutes began to fix specific
hours of the day. A statute from Ulm in 1500 makes explicit reference
to the clock: “(z)um ersten nach alter gewohnheit so bald die glock vj geschlecht,
so gat der schulmeister in die schul.” At nine, the students went home to
eat, returned “zum ersten so die glock xij schlecht . . .,” and remained in
the school until 4:00 in the afternoon.236 The inclusion of the phrase,
“nach alter gewohnheit,” suggests that, in Ulm at least, the mechanical
clock had ruled the school day for some time. One of the symptoms
of the change from monastic to mechanical time was an increase in
the number statutes requiring students to supply candles for use dur-
ing the dark winter mornings.237 Nevertheless, school statutes issued in
Regensburg one hundred years later continued to reflect scheduling
distinctions between the winter and summer months.238
Organizing the school day in such a manner also had practical
ramifications; when daylight was scarcer, and the expense of keeping
the classroom lit and heated was prohibitive, the school day was signifi-
cantly shorter.239 In addition, some writers expressed concern that the
236
Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 125–26. Compare Karlheinz König, “Rahmen-
bedingungen und Praxis des Unterrichts an ‘Teustschen’ Schulen im ausgehenden
Spätmittelalter und in der frühen Neuzeit,” in Max Liedtke, ed., Handbuch der Geschichte
des bayerischen Bildungswesen, vol. I, Geschichte der Schule in Bayern von den Anfängen bis 1800,
(Bad Heilbrunn: Julius Kinkhardt, 1991), 258–60.
237
See among many others the statutes of 1432 from Landau. Müller, Schulord-
nungen, vol. 1, 48: “Zwischen Martini [November 11] und Weinachten soll er je 6
schüler zusammenordnen, welche wöchentlich die Beleuchtung versorgen sollen. Die
Lichte sollen des Morgens um 6 Uhr angezündet werden und bis zum hellen Tage,
des Abends aber nur von 4–5 Uhr, da die Schule beendiget wird, brennen.”; See also
the Schliezer statutes of 1492. Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 113: “Item ein statkinth
muss zcwey unslitlicht geben, wenn mann von Martini biss zu weynachten fruh vor
tag zur lernung auffsteht . . .”.
238
During the summer, the school day began at 6:00, let out for lunch at 9:00,
resumed again at 12:00 and ended at 4:00. In the winter the morning session lasted
from 7:00 until 10:00 while the afternoon was an hour shorter, running from 12:00 until
3:00. König, “ ‘Teutschen’ Schulen im ausgehenden Spätmittelalter,” 259–60. Based on
this schedule, the actual impact of the mechanical clock in terms of real time spent
in the classroom was probably negligible. During the year, students in the sixteenth
century appear to have attended school approximately 6.5 hours a day; roughly the
same number of hours attended before the widespread use of the mechanical clock.
239
The expense of heating, even a small room, should not be underestimated.
Numerous school regulations for other German cities make specific mention of the
provision of fuel. One school regulation from 1418 required that each student who
could afford it provide either fuel or money for its purchase. Müller, Schulordnungen,
vol. 1, 39: “Item ein jeglich wohlhabend kind soll mit ihm tragen den winter ein scheit
holz, oder soll kauffen ein fuder holz, oder dem meister geben 2 gr. zu holz . . .” The
city account books for Regensburg also make frequent reference to the purchase of

146 chapter three
cold would cause health problems, especially for the youngest students.
Conrad of Megenberg suggested that beginning students (presumably
the youngest and therefore most vulnerable to the cold) begin school
in spring lest their tender limbs suffer the deleterious effects of ice and
cold.240
The school year itself was divided into four quarters (quatemper), which,
corresponded roughly to the four seasons.241 Payment of tuition, teachers
pay, and the beginning of instructional periods were all tied to these
divisions, as were payments to individual students for their participation
in the choir.242 The poor scholars who assisted the rector of St. Cassian
in providing masses for the critically ill received 4 groschen each qua-
temper.243 A Munich school statute circa 1300 required that the students
pay the schoolmaster “ze iglicher chotemper,” as does a similar one from
Landshut just over a quarter century later.244 The division of the school
year in this manner seems to preclude a long summer break like that
wood for heating; each year the council gave 1 lb to the Augustinian Hermits “umb
holz.” StAR Cam. 07, 19v, passim.
240
Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 34: “Dico autem aeris intuendam esse
qualitatem, quia membrorum teneritas de facili frigore percutitur aut calore penetratur.
Unde conveniens est citra veris medium infantulos disciplinabiles litteris alligare . . .” As
Sabine Krüger has pointed out, this passage, and others within the text rely heavily
on the De disciplina scolarium of the pseudo-Boethius, which served as an important,
if often obtuse, pedagogical guide. See Pseudo-Boethius, De disciplina scolarium, Olga
Weijers ed., in Studien und Texte zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters, vol. 12, Albert
Zimmeram ed. (Leiden: Brill, 1976), 94. The library catalogue from 1347 lists a copy
in the library of St. Emmeram. Ineichen-Eder, MBK IV, 1, 160. (Perhaps the same
as BayStB clm 14476, which dates from the fourteenth century and includes a com-
mentary on Priscian Maior).
241
The quarters began as follows: spring (quatemper in der ersten Vastwochen) between
Wednesday and Saturday in the week following Invocavit, summer (Pfingstenquatember)
after Pentecost, autumn (most frequently vor Emerami or Michaelis) after Kreuzerhöhung
(14 September), and winter after St. Lucie (13 December). Grotefend, Zeitrechnung,
16.
242
See, for example, the statute of 1499 from Nördlingen: “Ich soll unnd will auch
zu ainer jeden quatemper von ainem schuler xv d[enarii]. . . .” Müller, Schulordnungen,
vol. 1, 116. The Straubing schoolmaster was to receive a quarter’s notice before his
dismissal. Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 190: “wann sy mich sunst nit
lennger zu irem schuelmaister haben wollten So mügen sy mir zu yeder quottember
ausagen Alsdann sol ich zu der nachsten quottember darnach von der schuel abtretten
und sy ir schuel versehen mit wem sy wellnt.”
243
J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 262 #1316, 12 February 1486. The bequest provides
funds for two students, with “fändlein, latern, prinnenden kertzen darinn, in chor-
rocken und praunkappen an hals gezogen” to accompany the sacrament whenever it
was taken to the sick during the day or on winter mornings “umb das Hornplasen so
die schüler zu schul sein.”
244
Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 165–67.

found in the universities, at least one that included all of July, August,
and September because this would have consumed the entire summer
quarter. If the labor of the schoolchildren was required at home or in
the fields, the existing holidays and quarter breaks, augmented by local
traditions and customs, appear to have sufficed.245
When school was in session, the schoolchildren spent the long class-
room hours under the watchful eye and correcting hand of the school-
master “Cum fueris verbis correptus, fer patienter, Et verbis plus quam verbere nosse
velis.”246 Although disciplinary tactics and severity differed considerably
from one schoolmaster to another, the important pedagogical role of
the switch was largely unquestioned. Augustine’s recollection of the
tortures he and his fellow classmates suffered, Abelard’s beatings of
Heloise—not, as he noted, out of anger or frustration, but because of
the suspicion it would have engendered had he refrained from beating
his pupil—and the brutal treatment Erasmus endured in the schools
of the Brethren of the Common Life are but a few examples. In his
autobiographical Liber de Temptatione, Otloh of St. Emmeram remem-
bered when, having been handed over to the school for the learning of
letters, he had prayed that he might be defended “from the plague of
the switch.”247 Not surprisingly, the rod came to be the most recogniz-
able symbol of the teaching profession.248
245
W. J. Courtenay has suggested that the appearance of the longer summer break
in northern European universities may have been an extension of practices already in
place at the level of city and town schools. However, if the practices in Bavaria are
any indication this was probably not the case. As Karlheinz König has noted for the
Deutscheschulen in Bavaria no explicit reference to the summer break appears in surviving
statutes. König, “‘Teutschen’ Schulen im ausgehenden Spätmittelalter,” 260.
246
Conrad Celtis, Fünf Bücher Epigramme von Konrad Celtes, ed. Karl Hartfelder (Berlin:
S. Calvary, 1881; reprint, Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1963), 4.
247
Otloh von St. Emmeram, Liber de Temptatione, 276: “Quis igitur ille erat, quem
tu quondam, cum nuper ad scolam pro litteris discendis traditus esses, et sepe inter
coaevulos ac scholasticos residens, ne verberibus diris castigareris, timuisses, unice pro
discendi facilitate invocasti et exaudivit te? Quem, quaeso, tunc credideras tam pium,
ut te parvulum a virgularum plagis defendaret . . .?”
248
See Wolfgang Scheibe, Die Strafe als Problem der Erziehung: eine historische und system-
atische pädagogische Untersuchung (Weinheim: Julius Beltz, 1967), 22; See also Robert Alt,
Bilderatlas zur Schul- und Erziehungs Geschichte, vol. 1, Von der Urgesellschaft bis zum Vorabend
der bürgerlichen Revolutionen (Berlin: Volk und Wissen, 1960), 110 passim. Numerous
songs and poems also attest to the frequency of such instructional beatings. See, for
example, Hans Walther, ed., Initia Carminum ac versuum Medii Aevi posterioris Latinorum:
Alphabetisches Verzeichnis der Versanfänge Mittellateinischer Dichtungen, Carmina Medii Aevi
Posterioris Latina, vol. 1 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Rupprecht, 1959), 676 #13180.
“Olim sustulerunt scholares magistrorum libenter verbera”.

148 chapter three
In a late fifteen-century woodcut illustrating the Pseudo-Albertus

Magnus’ secreta mulierum, Albertus, who along with Aristotle became
one the most important figures in the educational iconography of the
Middle Ages, is depicted hovering above his young students. With his
left hand, he gestures didactically, and with his right hand he holds
the switch, if not menacingly, at least at the ready, prepared to deliver
a teaching blow.249 The beatings suffered by students even became a
favorite subject for school texts, their personal experience no doubt
serving as a powerful mnemonic device.250
Other penalties included monetary fines and humiliation. In Crail-
sheim, for example, the statutes imposed fines of one to twenty schill-
ings depending on the severity of the offense. In Stuttgart, those who
were unable to write or did not complete their written work were to
be penalized “nach zimlicher gepür.”251 The statutes also attest to the
application of systematic humiliation. When students transgressed the
rules, or failed to complete their lessons properly, they were forced to
don ass’s ears, or in some cases an entire head, as symbols of their
laziness and stupidity. Statutes from Nuremberg in the early sixteenth
century stipulated that any student who had received the ass (or the
wolf) three times in a single day, and the one who held it last, would
receive a beating.252
At the same time, there were efforts to mitigate the worst abuses.
Many of the statutes include the phrase “ziemlich strafen” or “usz vernunfft
wie sich gepürt strafen.”253 A statute from the city of Bayreuth in the mid-
fifteenth century cautions the schoolmaster that he should do nothing
249
Emil Reicke, Magister und Scholaren Illustrierte Geschichte des Unterrichtswesen (Leipzig:
Dierderichs, 1901; reprint, Bayreuth: Gondron, 1976), 36.
250
See, for example, Moran, Growth of English Schooling, 30: “Habuisti ne hodie anum
verbertatum bene?” See also Nicholas Orme, “An Early-Tudor Oxford Schoolbook,”
in Renaissance Quarterly 34 (1981), 11–39. The popular fifteenth-century school text, Es
tu scolaris asks the question “quotiens correctus es hodie?” Es tu scolaris, bv.
251
Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 347; and Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 130.
252
Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 148. “Darzu sollen dise knaben in der schul, auf
dem kirchoff, zu chor, kirchen unnd procession nichts dann latein reden unnd desshalb
einen lupum oder asinum haben, unnd darumb verhort, unnd der, der den asinum
oder lupum eins tags dreymal gehabt und von im gegeben, und auch der, der ine auf
das letst behalten unnd noch hat, darumb zu straff der rüten genomen werden.” See
also Jakob, Schulen in Franken, 348. The school regulations for the grammar school of
Bayreuth in 1464 also make explicit reference to this practice. See Müller, Schulord-
nungen, vol. 1, 82.
253
See, for example, Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 115, 130.

cruel to the students.254 Conrad of Megenberg also cautioned against

the tyrannical treatment of students. Teachers were to take care that
their charges were healthy, adapting their approach to the needs of
individual students, rather than resorting to blows at the least cause.
Teachers, he writes, should “correct the timid by words, master the
frivolous with the switch, and dispense to each according to his abili-
ties the gift of letters.”255
The emphasis on discipline was due in no small measure to the
important role that the students played in the choir; their participa-
tion was vital to the performance of the daily offices, feast days, and
processions.256 Childish antics and rambunctious misbehavior did not
mix well with the often-somber role they were asked to play. Even as
cities asserted greater control over the schools, the quasi-clerical status
of students remained unchallenged, as did the expectation that they
participate actively in religious services.257 It is telling that much of the
income earned by the three city schoolmasters in Nuremberg was tied
to service in the choir.258
254
Müller, Schulordnung I, 82: “Sich sol auch der schulmeister seinen schulern gar
nichts gemeyn machen, sondern sie in forcht mit der lere halten . . .”
255
Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 38. “Sic ergo rector puerorum eos
dirigat, ut timidos verbis corrigat, frivolos virgis magistret atque unicuique secundum
suas exigencias dona dispenset litterarum.”
256
One of the most frequent concerns raised in the statutes related to the behav-
ior of the students in the choir. The statutes of the Alte Kapelle required that the
scolasticus ensure that the scholars performed in the choir in a disciplined manner.
Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 192: “scholares in choro disciplinaliter
cantent . . .” The oath taken by the Scolasticus reinforces this emphasis. See Lurz,
Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 193: “Ego N. summus Scholasticus Ecclesiase
veteris Capellae . . . providebo, quod Rector et succentores, Locati et Scholares in
choro vivant . . . strepitus et insultus tempore diuinorum incompositos non faciant.”
For a discussion of the liturgical function of children, see Boynton, “Liturgical Role
of Children,” 194–209.
257
The city school of St. Stephan’s in Vienna, expected the children to learn song.
See Müller, Schulordnungen, 61: The students were required “zu schul geen an dem
veirabent. daran sol man etlich lernen singen, die andern das Benedicite, das Ostende,
die jarzal und andere ding, damit man seu nicht bekumern sol ander teg.” It is also
reiterates the general concern over the behavior of the students, “doch also das sie
sorg haben und nicht geschrai machen auf den freithof.”
258
Müller, Schulordnungen, vol. 1, 103. The author of the Algorismus Ratisbonensis,
used the near universality of choir service among schoolchildren as the basis for a
mathematical exercise. “Item sein 5 korschuler, derer 1 get all nacht en meten, dy
ander vber dij ander nacht, dy dritt vber dij driten <etcetera>. Queritur, wenn sy all
zesam komen in einer metn.” Vogel, Practica des Algorismus Ratisbonensis, 54.

150 chapter three
Although almost all students were expected to serve in the choir,

they did not bear the burden uniformly.259 Poor students spent more of
their time performing these duties than did their wealthier colleagues
whose parents could afford to provide the full cost of study. Students
who were unable to fund their study from their own resources were
often required to perform additional service to secure support. In
addition to such required service, many schoolboys earned additional
money by participating in processions, anniversary masses, and special
feast days.
The demands of the choir on the individual cathedral scholars
could be substantial. By the early sixteenth century, the chapter saw
fit to employ eight chorales (semi-professional singers assigned to the
choir) to limit the hours students spent serving the choir.260 That such
statutes were necessary shows that the time spent on song was begin-
ning to impinge on the time available for study. Although it is not clear
where the impetus for these changes originated, it seems unlikely that
the chapter itself would have been moved to implement them without
significant outside pressure, perhaps from the families of the scholars
themselves or even the city. The implementation of this system of cho-
rales also changed the demographics of the school and choir, leading
to an older and more professional choir.
Despite the demands of the choir, and the frequent, and apparently
enthusiastic administration of the switch, the lives of students were
not without amusements. Pedagogues, educational theorists and school
administrators all recognized the importance of occasional diversions to
“uplift the spirit” and “stir the blood” of the young pupils. “Nec semper
scolares libris imminere tenentur et tabulis pugillaribus, sed dandum
est intervallum studiis quandoque atque ludis congruis inhyandum, ut
spiritus exaltentur et sanguis sublimetur ludi delectacione. Sic etenim
puerorum ingenia subtiliantur et recreantur tediis scolasticis prius
fatigati.”261 Such diversions included the kind of horseplay and games
259
See, for example, Martin Kintzinger, “ ‘Varietas Puerorum’: Unterricht und
Gesang in Stifts- und Stadtschulen des späten Mittelalters,” in Schule und Schüler im
Mittelalter: Beiträge zur Europäischen Bildungsgeschichte des 9. bis 15. Jahrhunderts, ed. Martin
Kintzinger, Sönke Lorenz and Michael Walter, Beihefte zum Archiv für Kulturge-
schichte, vol. 42 (Köln: Böhlau, 1996), 299–326.
260
The cathedral chapter in Freising introduced similar statutes about twenty years
earlier stating explicitly that the purpose was to reduce the burden on the scholars.
See Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 191: “ne pueri sew scolares (propter)
nimium cantum negligantur, sed magis studio literarum inistere et vacare possint . . .”
261
Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 38.

that one would expect of children and young adolescents, and more
formalized affairs such as the, Bischofsspiel, Virgatumgehen, and Lenten
celebrations. These latter events also involved members of the com-
munity and became an important part of the civic calendar.262
Controversial from its first appearance in the documents, the Bischofs-
spiel remained the most popular and subversive school festival through-
out much of the Middle Ages. In its most general form, the festival
began before the feast of St. Nicholas (December 6) with the election
of a boy bishop from among the schoolchildren. Clad in episcopal
vestments, the newly elected Schülerbischof and his entourage entered the
cathedral and began a reign that would last until Vespers on the day of
the Feast of Innocents (December 28).263 During this time, prominent
members of the community would seek out the adolescent bishop for an
audience, receiving dispensations and other privileges. On the last day
of his reign, he led a frequently raucous procession of schoolchildren,
townspeople, and clerics through the streets of the city.264
The evidence from Regensburg suggests that the celebration also
included something akin to the modern Halloween tradition of “trick
or treat” in which the students clad in “hideous masks” traveled about
the city collecting donations under threat of mischief.265 Not surprisingly,
the festival generated numerous complaints, especially from ecclesiastical
institutions. In 1249, the boy bishop and his entourage descended on
the monastery of Prüfening and, according to the abbot’s complaint to
262
For a recent discussion of play as it relates to education see Nicholas Orme,
“Education and Recreation,” in Gentry Culture in late Medieval England, ed. Raluca Radu-
lescu and Alison Truelove (Manchester/New York: 2005), esp. 75–79.
263
For a general description of this festival see Franz Falk, “Die Schul- und Kinder-
feste im Mittelalter,” in Frankfurter zeitgemäße Broschüren, vol. 1 (Frankfurt am Main,
1880), 230–37. See also Shulasmith Shahar, “The boy bishop’s feast: a case study in
church attitudes towards children in the High and Late Middle Ages,” Studies in Church
History 31 (1994), 243–260.
264
This inversion of the traditional social order no doubt contributed to its popularity
among the townspeople, and the general mistrust in which the higher clergy held it.
265
In 1325 the convent accounts of the monastery of St. Emmeram in Regensburg
record a donation to the “Episcopo scolarium de Summo” in the amount of 60 pfen.
Roman Zirgnible, “St. Emmeramische Kloster-Rechnung von 26. Julius 1325 bis wieder
den 26 Julius 1326,” in Beyträge zur vaterländischen Historie, Geographie, Staatistik etc., 1812
(9 = Neue Beyträge), 231. In his complaint to the pope, the abbot of Prüfening writes
that the iuvenes scholares came to the monastery each year clad in monstra lavarum. It is
probable that they demanded the kind of donation which St. Emmeram was accustomed
to provide, and when the crowd found the monastery’s generosity unsatisfactory, the
students carried out their implicit threat of violence by driving off their animals and
carrying away whatever goods they could get their hands on. The letter is edited in
Widemann and Bastian, MB, vol. 13, 214 #XL.

152 chapter three
the Holy See, they committed “numerous shameful acts . . . and having
dishonorably handled the monks and familia . . . violently carried off
horses, cattle and other goods.”266 The celebrations held in 1357
resulted in even worse violence. At the height of the festivities, as the
procession of schoolchildren and clerics wound its way through the
streets of Regensburg, the prominent Regensburger Mathias Reich,267
“presumed to murder cruelly” the newly admitted canon Conrad of
Braunau “in the presence of the canons of the church and before many
of the citizens of Regensburg . . .”268
Given such a proclivity for violence and the intentional mocking of
the sacred order that it represented, it is hardly surprising that some
ecclesiastical authorities attempted to ban, or at least control these
festivities. They remained, however, immensely popular throughout
much of Europe and proved remarkably resistant to efforts aimed at
suppressing them.269 Following the complaints of 1249, the pope him-
self demanded that the bishop restrain the students from future acts
of violence.270 In 1274, the Provincial Synod of Salzburg forbade the
celebration of the games in the church and banned all church personnel
266
Widemann and Bastian, MB 13, 214 #XL. “Abbas et conventus Monasterii de
Pruuingen Ordinis Sancti Benedicti tue Diocesis nobis exponere curaverunt, Clerici
et Scolares iuvenes Civitatis Ratisponensis, in festo nativitatis Dominice annuatim sibi
ludendo constituentes Episcopum, monstra lavarum et alios ludos exercent plurimum
inhonestos, et ad monasterium ipsum cum huiusmodi ludi armata manu annis singulis
accedentes, confractis ostiis ac Monachis et familia dicti Monasterii inhoneste tractatis,
equos, boves et res alias ipsis auferunt violenter, insolentias quoque ac ludibria plurima,
que interdum sine sanguinis effusione non fiunt.”
267
Mathias Reich was a member of a Regensburg patrician family. For a recent
discussion of the murder of Conard of Braunau see Franz Fuchs, “Neue Quellen zur
Biographie Konrads von Megenberg,” in Das Wissen der Zeit. Konrad von Megenberg und
sein Werk (1309–1374). Akten zur Tagung vom 8. bis 10. Oktober 2003 München,
Zeitschrift für Bayerische Landesgeschichte, Beihefte B,27, edited by Gisela Drossbach,
Martin Kintzinger, Claudia Märtl (München: 2006), nn. 42–47. Both he and his father
appear frequently among the witness lists to property transactions and city business.
In the decade after the incident his influence seems, if anything, to have increased. At
his death in 1367 he left a sizable estate including 500 fl. to his nephew Gotfried, “da
er gein Paris fur.” Widemann and Bastian, MB 54, 308–09 #733.
268
Lang #604, 474, 29 March 1359. “. . . inhumaniter interficere presumpsit . . . pre-
sente canonicorum ecclesie et civium Ratisponen. mulitudine copiosa . . .” See als Franz
Fuchs, “Neue Quellen zur Biographie Konrads von Megenberg,” nn. 42–46.
269
See Franz Falk, 230.
270
MB, vol. 13, 214 #XL. “Nolentes igitur hec si vera sunt sub dissimulatione
transire, fraternitate tue per apostolice scripta mandamus, quatinus predictis Abbati
et conventui non permittas ab eisdem clericis seu scolaribus aliquam violentiam fieri,
eos quod ab iusmodi violentia omnino desistant monitione premissa per censuram
ecclesiasticam, appellatione post posita compescendo.”

and those over the age of sixteen from participating.271 Later, in 1379,
citing the murder of Conrad of Braunau, the bishop of Regensburg
cut off financial support for the festival.272 With this, the Regensburg
Bischofsspiel finally ended.
But other school festivals developed to take its place. Among these
was the so-called Virgatumgehen.273 Celebrated in early summer, the
festivities centered on the task of gathering switches for the school.
Such an activity, of course, called for song, and onlookers from the city
came to watch the incongruous levity of the event. It was at once a
welcome escape from the classroom and a cruel reminder of the days
and years ahead.
The children, however, seem to have enjoyed it all the same. The
merriment of the day is evident in the city ordinance from 1559 that
banned the playing of trumpets, flutes, violins, or other stringed instru-
ments and dancing.274 The open fields and waterways also provided
opportunities for amusement and recreation, and at times, danger. In
1426, the deaths of two students from the Alte Kapelle who drowned
while swimming in the Regen marred the event.275
These events, along with the Fasching celebrations, which received
direct financial support from the city council, were clearly important
to the schoolchildren and the citizens of Regensburg more generally.
They provided welcome release from the stresses of the classroom and
271
Even this strongly worded pronouncement, which referred to the games as “ludi
noxii” did not ban them outright. Children under the age of sixteen would still be
allowed to participate provided that older students and churchmen did not mix with
the children. Josephus Hartzheim, Concilia Germaniae, III, 639 ff.
272
Ried, II, 920–21 #DCCCCLXXII: 7 February 1389. “. . . in predicta nostra
Ratispon. Eccl[es]ia a longis retroactis temporibus illa fuit observata consuetudo, quod
quilibet Canonicus tunc receptus ordine ipsum tangente quoddam festum seu quendam
ludum puerorum in quibusdam Eccl[es]iis, ludum Ep[iscop]atus, in nonnullis vero festum
stultorum nuncupatum vulgariter sub certis poenis inibi appositis tenebatur peragere,
pro quo centum florenos auri ad minus expendidit et consumpsit . . . Nos diuturna et
matura deliberatione prehabita volentes futuris obviare periculis, ne malitia hominum
similia et hiis pejora committantur, dictum ludum, festum et statutum unanimi voto
et consensu tollimus, revocamus et reprobamus poenitus, et de aliis nostris statutis
delevimus et delemus, ipsumque in alia pietatis opera commutavimus . . .”
273
The festival was celebrated throughout Swabia, the Upper Palatinate and Swit-
zerland. See Falk, 240–42.
274
Gemeiner II, 461–62.
275
Andreas von Regensburg, Diarium sexenale, in Sämtliche Werke, 333: “Item feria 3.
infra octavas corporis Christi scolares veteris cappelle ibant virgatum et, dum redirent,
balneabantur in Regino fluvio inter pistores, et duo iuvenes ex eis, dum ex improviso
venirent ibidem ad gurgitem, subito a vi aquarum suffocantur.”

154 chapter three
further highlighted the extent to which the young scholars were an

integral part of the larger community.
The importance of the students and their games likely also reflects
the extent to which the students themselves were increasingly drawn
from among the children of Regensburg’s citizenry. However, it is much
less clear from what level of Regensburg’s society they came and in
what numbers. Occasionally a schüler or scholar appears as a witness to a
charter or property transaction. However, even in these rare instances,
they are almost never associated explicitly with a particular school, nor
is it always certain that they were students in any modern sense of the
word.276 Further complicating matters, these references are frequently
unique, providing little more than a name, and no opportunity to trace
their careers over time. Nevertheless, it is possible to draw a few tentative
conclusions regarding these students from the surviving evidence.
First, by at least the middle of the fifteenth century the children of
the citizens of Regensburg were attending the schools of the cathedral,
the Alte Kapelle, and St. Emmeram in significant numbers.277 The
boycott of the schools of the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle by the city
council in the fourteenth century, and the economic hardship that it
caused shows the importance of the laity within these two ecclesiastical
schools.278 Similarly, efforts to reform the convent of St. Emmeram and
its school in the mid-fifteenth century make it clear that it educated
both its own novices and outsiders.279 Their numbers could also be
276
The only exception I have found is a certain Henricus Erlbach (d. 1530) who
was identified as a scholar at the Alte Kapelle at the time he copied Peter Hispanus’s
Summulae logicales. BayStB clm 14518; CCL, II, II, 186. See Appendix II. For his father’s
protracted dispute with Augsburg and its tragic conclusion see Franz Fuchs, “Ehemalige
Amtsträger als Feind ihrer Heimatstadt,” in Regensburg, Bayern und Europa: Festschrift für
Kurt Reindel zum 70. Geburtstag, Lother Kolmer and Peter Segl eds. (Regensburg: Uni-
versitätsverlag, 1995), 335–364.
277
This is evident from the city’s boycott of the schools following the events of 1357
See discussion in Chapter Two above.
278
The effect on the Alte Kapelle was particularly significant, forcing the chapter
to change the way it funded the schools. See above page 31.
279
Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 182; See Chapter Two note 113 for
text. Convent account books also show frequent payments to wandering scholars (that
is students from outside the city) throughout the fourteenth century. Account entries
from 1358/59 show payments to the scholars of St. Emmeram for their service to the
choir “Em(m)eram(m)i scolaribus cantantibus alle(lujam) IIIIor d. in vigilia Symonis
et Jude in capelle nostra scolaribus cantantibus alle(lujam) VI d.” and to the rector
scolarum “pro vestitu hymali,” StBR Rat. Ep. 263, St. Emmeram Rechnungbuch 1363,
86v. Such payments would only have been necessary if both the rector and the scolares
were not members of the convent.

substantial. The Alte Kapelle, for example, had at least sixty students
by the mid-fifteenth century.280
In addition, the number of university matriculants who identified
Regensburg as their place of origin suggests that there were numer-
ous grammar and elementary students within the city. Although it is
impossible to tie specific university students to particular pre-university
schools in the city, it is reasonable to assume that a significant number
of Regensburg’s university matriculants who are otherwise lacking any
definite affiliation studied at one of Regensburg’s grammar schools.
Between 1401 and 1500, approximately 500 students fit this descrip-
tion, or approximately five per year.
Comparing this figure with the number of university matriculants
from Augsburg during the same period provides an estimate of the
overall size of Regensburg’s grammar schools. According to Rolf
Kießling, who has studied Augsburg university matriculations, 650
Augsburgers matriculated at one or more universities during this period.
At the same time, the grammar schools of Augsburg were attended
by approximately 300 students per year.281 Assuming that the ratio of
university matriculants to grammar students was similar in these two
episcopal cities, the grammar schools in Regensburg would have had
approximately 230 students during any given school year. Although
this number must remain an estimate, it is certainly plausible, and,
given the lack of other evidence, provides one of the only means for
assessing the size of these schools.
Foreign, so-called wandering scholars were also common in Regens-
burg as they were in many other larger cities and towns. The account
books of St. Emmeram record frequent payments to these vagi scholares.282
These were generally older students from less privileged backgrounds
280
BZAR, StiAK U 851, 23 March 1451. For the published register of this charter
see J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, #851, 166.
281
Rolf Kießling, “Das Gebildete Bürgertum und die Kulturelle Zentralität Augsburgs
im Spätmittelalter,” in Städt. Bildung, 583.
282
See, for example, the fragmentary account records from 1305/6, which include
payment of ½ talent to “vagis scolaris.” BayHStA.St.Emmeram.Lit.35 ¼. See also
Zirngibl, “St. Emmeramische Kloster-Rechnung von 26. Julius 1325 bis wieder den
26 Julius 1326,” Beyträge zur vaterländischen Historie, Geographie, Staatistik Etc. 9 (1812), 234.
Provincial synods in 1274, 1284, 1291, and 1294 specifically condemned wandering
scholars, although legitimate poor scholars should still be supported. Lurz, Mittelschul-
geschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 162–65; and Hartzheim, Conciliae Germaniae, III, 639 and
IV, 4. The frequency with which these condemnations were repeated suggests that
efforts to curtail the activities of these scholars was largely ineffective.

156 chapter three
who were able to pay for their living expenses through service in the
choir, tutoring of younger, wealthier students, or begging.283 The begging
and intinerancy of these students particularly troubled local authorities
and contributed to the poor reputation of wandering scholars generally.
Depictions of the wandering scholar drinking, quarrelling, or playing
at dice in the tavern became a common trope in the iconography of
medieval education.284 A Salzburg synodal decree from 1291 described
them as “scurrilous, foul mouthed, and blasphemous” men, who “parade
nude in public, lie before the fire, and frequent taverns, games, and
whores.”285 Although medieval writers no doubt exaggerated the moral
turpitude of the wandering scholars, their itinerancy made them par-
ticularly difficult for local authorities to control.
Some cities attempted to limit the number of wandering scholars
admitted each year in an effort to control this potentially destabiliz-
ing element.286 The Church, too, repeatedly prohibited their support,
threatening the individuals and institutions who did with significant
penalties.287 That such prohibitions were largely ineffective shows the
power of the social and economic forces that drove them and demon-
283
Endres, “Das Schulwesen von ca. 1200 bis zur Reformation,” 162–63.
284
See, for example, Alt, Bilderatlas, 182–83.
285
Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 163: “Licet contra quosdam sub
vagorum Scholarium nomine discurrentes scurriles, maledicos, blaphemos, adulationibus
importune vacantes, qui se clericos in vituperium clericalis ordinis profitentur . . . Publice
nudi incedunt, in furnis jacent, tabernas, ludos et meretrices frequentant . . .”
286
In 1478 the city of Nuremberg sought to limit the number of wandering students
accepted each year. Twenty two years later the Nuremberg city council sought to further
restrict their activities by distinguishing between native and foreign students and forcing
the latter to register themselves with civic authorities before they were allowed to beg.
Josef Baader, Nürnberger Polizeiordnungen aus dem XIII bis XV Jahrhundert, Bibliothek des
Litterarischen Vereins in Stuttgart, vol. 63 (Stuttgart: Litterarischer Verein, 1861), 316 ff.
cited in Endres, “Das Schulwesen von ca. 1200 bis zur Reformation,” 163.
287
The province of Salzburg issued at least two such prohibitions in 1274 and 1291.
See, for example, Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 165. According to the
statute of 1274, those who provided aid to such men were required to pay a penalty of
of up to one pound “in subsidium terrae sanctae.” The church justified the prohibitions
not only on the grounds of the scandalous behavior of the students but also because
of the demands which they placed on the charity of the church. According to the
decrees of 1274 “se exhibent adeo onerosus, quod per eorum importunitatis audaciam
nonnumquam Clerici illud eis erogare coguntur, de quo sit necessitatibus pauperum
providendum: denegantibus sibi suffragia, per quae occasionem nutriunt malae vitae,
calumnias inferunt: conferentibus sibi, quod postulant, vituperium existunt: reverentiae
Clericali utique multum detrahitur, dum blasphemi hujusmodi se personas Ecclesiasticas
profitentur.” Lurz, Mittelschulgeschichtliche Dokumente, vol. 1, 162.

strates that these scholars were ultimately valued, despite ecclesiastical

and civic protests to the contrary.288
Unfortunately, the sources rarely reveal much about the specific ori-
gins or careers of those who studied in Regensburg. However, individual
examples when used with caution can be revealing. The case of Ulrich
Grünsleder is particularly compelling and provides a glimpse into the
life and education of a Regensburg student.289 Grünsleder first came to
Regensburg as a youth from the small market town of Vohenstrauss near
Bohemia.290 Educated in Regensburg from adolescence, he later served
as a pedagogue for Erhard auf Donau, the son of a Regensburg patri-
cian family, and the future Regensburg propstrichter.291 Such an arrange-
ment was a common means of support for poorer, more advanced
students, and reflects one of the ways in which less advantaged students
might continue their education.292
Grünsleder’s early career appears to have been a success. Despite
coming to Regensburg from the outside, he was eventually able to secure
288
The anonymous author of the Reformation Sigismundi, claimed that where once
wandering scholars had been protected and celebrated they were now persecuted by
clerics who feared that these scholars might expose their corruption (perhaps a clue to
the author’s own background). Heinrich Koller, ed., Reformation Kaiser Siegmunds, 236–37.
“Vor ziten was "ch ein ordenung in dem geystlichem stadt, das man wys gelert in den
hohen künsten varn sch%ler hat, denen wart ein orden gegeben in einem concily by
bobstes Galasy ziten, das si netz um sich tragen solten, und die sch%ler soltent n% den
geistlichen stat bl$men mit herlichen gedihten und priesterliche ordenunge verkünden
mit sch∂nen gedihten, der priester unordenunge stroffen und offenen in der mosß, das
ein yegelicher bekante sin unreht und darumb worent sy gefryet, das inen kein bischof
nützig z% gebieten hat . . . dis hant n% aber byschoff vast vertriben und zerst∂rt; sy wend
die stroffung in irem gewalt han, als durch den git; sy nement gelt und verhengent das
unreht, sicht man von tag z% tag.” An alternate version is even more to the point “diß
schuler waren nun geordnet weißlich und nutzlich dem gaistlichen stadt zu erwecken
ir unrecht; das hant nun die bischof benidnet und vertreibents. Warumb? das sy ir
unrecht in allen rechten gewaltiglich übent wern . . .”
289
Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica pontificum imperatorum Romanorum, in Sämtliche
Werke, 133. “quia concilium Constanciense impugnabat defendens et dicens Johannem
Huss heresiarcham in eodem concilio legitime non fuisse condempnatum tradiditque
ipsum pertinacem curie seculari. Qui mox a iudice, cuius quondam pedagogus fuerat,
ducitur ad comburendum.”
290
Erich Keyser and Heinz Stoob, eds. Bayersiches Städtebuch, pt. 2, in Deutsches
Städtebuch: Handbuch städtischer Geschichte, vol. 5, pt. 2 Bayern (Suttgart: Kohl-
hammer, 1974), 703–07.
291
The latin word educatus is potentially problematic. Like its German counterpart
erzogen it can also mean “was reared.” However, given that he later served as a peda-
gogue in the city and as chaplain of the Ahakirche it seems safe to assume that it can
be accurately translated as educated.
292
Gemeiner II, 440. Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica pontificum imperatorum Roma-
norum, in Sämtliche Werke, 133.

158 chapter three
a living as the chaplain of the Ahakirche in Regensburg. His connec-

tion to the influential Super Danubio (auf Donau) family might have
helped him obtain the benefice that was in the gift of the city council.
Although not the most lucrative position, it did provide a steady income
and is clear evidence of Grünsleder’s success at securing local patron-
age. The Ahakirche itself was closely tied to the city council located
immediately adjacent to the Rathaus complex.293
In 1421, however, the authorities increasingly suspected Grünsleder
of Hussite sympathies.294 One wonders if the fact that he came from an
area near Bohemia exposed him to greater scrutiny. At any rate, after an
initial examination was inconclusive because of his “evasive and cautious
answers,” further investigation exposed him as a heretic. Grünsleder
admitted to possessing two Hussite tracts he was said to have written
with his own hand and translated from Latin into German.295 Armed
with this damning admission, Regensburg ecclesiastical officials handed
Grünsleder over to the secular authories for summary execution.296
Ulrich Grünsleder’s service as pedagogue to a more fortunate student
illustrates one of the possible avenues by which a poor scholar could
finance his own education. Less advantaged scholars made similar
arrangements to fund university study.297 In 1328, the Regensburg
cathedral canon Heino paid eight pounds for himself and his master
Heinrich for their fees at the university of Bologna.298 In his Yconomica,
Conrad of Megenberg addresses this prospect directly. Those of great
intelligence but lacking sufficient wealth might be raised up to the uni-
293
The chaplain frequently received payments directly from the city council. StAR
Cam. 19. fol. 53v 1481: “Item wir gaben dem messrer in der Ekirchen sein sold 1 lb
den.”
294
According to Andreas von Regensburg suspect statements and “praedicaciones
angulares” concerning the Hussite heresy brought him to the attention of the bishop.
Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica Husitarum, in Sämtliche Werke, 350.
295
Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica Husitarum, in Sämtliche Werke, 350–51: “Sed
tandem post medium annum in adventu domini, prout domino placuit, venerunt in
medium duo sexterni continentes duos tractatus Huss in propria forma sedicionibus
ac scandalis ac heresibus refertos, quos sibi presentatos fassus fuit ipsos propria manu
conscripsisse et de latino in teutonicum diligenter transtulisse atque diversis laycis
secrete dedisse et communicasse.”
296
Andreas von Regensburg reports that this sentence was carried out after a sermon
given by the Augustinian Hermit, and Regensburg native Berthold Puchhauser. For
more on Puchhauser see Appendix II.
297
Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 199.
298
G. C. Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna (1289–1562). Biographischer Index den Acta
nationis Germanicae universitatis Bononiensis (Berlin: R. V. Decker, 1899). 435.

versity as the pedagogue of another.299 With his characteristic humility,

Conrad relates his personal experiences in Erfurt and Paris, as a man of
excelling abilities but insufficient inheritance, detailing how he earned
his education by helping younger, more fortunate students.300
For those whose genius burned less brightly than his own, Conrad
offers other paths to study. Some, he says, teach in local schools, filling
their purses with money so that they might proceed to higher study.
Others, “qui non tantis lucent ingenii candelabris,” write with the pen,
exchanging the labor of their hands that they might study. Finally, those
who despaired of attaining the highest learning should study grammar,
song, and computation and become priests.301
Other options included grants and charitable contributions. Poor
scholars appear frequently as recipients of both private and public char-
ity. In 1364, Alhayt die Pybugerin left two pounds to be distributed to
the “Schulern und andern armen laüten.”302 Four year later Dietrich Zollner,
left money and books to Regensburg’s poor scholars.303 At the beginning
of the sixteenth century, Anna Stirsdortferin endowed a celebration of
Maundy Thursday, in which she provided twelve poor scholars with a
good meal, including “gueter pairisch wein und weyß prot” along with two
pence.304 Such donations placed students, despite negative stereotypes,
alongside orphans, widows, and other deserving poor as object of
proper Christian charity.
299
Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 200. Those of “ingenium excellens”
but who “sub rerum fortuitarum non est natus affluencia . . .” might “in pedagogio
alicuius vehitur procerum ad studium generale.”
300
Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 200, 201: “Non enim michi patrimo-
nii suppetabat facultas, et desiderium ingenii mei ad alta quasi transvolans in minimis
philosophie dotibus noluit saciari. Cumque minoris etatis extra limina paterna me
exulare fecerat teneritas, in Erfordiam me transtuleram et subito me ad se sociaverat
pietas sociorum. Quibus prope septennis cellariis prefui repeticionibus, quousque fama
clarescente ad cathedram publice lecture me sustulit eiusdem studii magistratus . . .”
301
Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik, Buch III, 201: “Sed quia non est omnibus
eadem gradiendi via, quidam panibus philosophicis in adolescencia enutriti scolas
regunt particulares et marsupia sua farciunt nummismate, quo ad studia proficiscuntur
alciora . . .”
302
Widemann and Bastian, MB 54, 263 #594, 13 October 1364.
303
Widemann and Bastian, MB 54, 325 # 788, 21 June 1368.
304
J. Schmid, Urk. Ak., vol. 1, 359 #1742, 27 March 1515.

160 chapter three
Although significant financial barriers to study remained, the provi-

sions made for poor scholars, especially through their service in the
choir, provided increasing opportunities for those from less fortunate
backgrounds. As a result, by the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,
education was open to a much broader spectrum of society; a fact
reflected in increasing references to books, expanding rates of ver-
nacular literacy, and a dramatic expansion in the number of university
students.

CHAPTER FOUR
REGENSBURG AND THE UNIVERSITIES
In scientiis proficere et virtutibus decorari1

When boys completed their grammar training, usually between the
ages of fourteen and sixteen, those who had shown sufficient skill and
possessed the requisite means could continue their education at the
university level. Advanced education offered a variety of advantages,
not least of which was the prestige that it brought to the individual
and his family. However, the absence of German universities that
persisted well into the fourteenth century forced German students to
travel great distances at significant personal expense. The extent of
this financial burden generally precluded all but the economically and
politically privileged from university study. Beginning with Prague in
the 1340s and especially Vienna in the 1370s, the economic threshold
of university study fell. As a result, the number of German university
students expanded nearly unabated for a century.2 The rate of expansion
was particularly impressive between 1385 and 1470 when university
matriculants at German universities increased nearly nine-fold.3
Even though Regensburg entered into economic stagnation and
decline in the late fourteenth century, its students participated in this
general expansion in a manner roughly equal to that of other large cit-
ies in southern Germany. The long-established grammar schools within
1
Alois Weißthanner, “Die Gesandtschaft Herzog Albrechts IV. von Bayern an die
römische Kurie 1487—Stiftungsprivileg für eine Universität in Regensburg,” in Archi-
valische Zeitschrift 47 (1951), 196.
2
As Rainer Schwinges has noted this expansion runs counter to the overall demo-
graphics of the period which saw a precipitous decline in general population following
the Black Death. German population does not begin to recover until the late fifteenth
century and does not return to pre-plague levels until after the end of Middle Ages.
Schwinges, “On Recruitment in German Universities from the Fourteenth to Sixteenth
Centuries,” in Universities and Schooling in Medieval Society, eds. William J. Courtenay and
Jürgen Miethke (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 34.
3
Rainer C. Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert: Studien
zur Sozialgeschichte des alten Reiches, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für europäische
Geschichte Mainz Abteilung Universalgeschichte, vol. 123, Beiträge zur Social- und
Verfassungsgeschichte des alten Reiches, no. 6 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1986), 55.

162 chapter four
the city provided a steady and even growing supply of students to the
newly founded universities. In addition, the wealthy collegiate churches
of the city and the cathedral chapter attracted significant numbers of
highly educated men and provided benefices that supported well-con-
nected individuals during their years of study. The mendicant orders in
Regensburg too, especially the Dominicans and Augustinian Hermits,
sent many of their members to universities throughout Europe.
As the number of students from the schools of Regensburg to the
universities increased, so did the stream of university-trained men
into the city and its institutions. Beginning in the early fifteenth cen-
tury, the city itself began to recruit university-trained men to serve
its bureaucratic and legal needs. In some cases, the council provided
direct financial aid to specific students. At the same time, the sons of
Regensburg’s political elites began to attend universities in significant
numbers, especially Leipzig, Vienna, and Ingolstadt.
By examining the flow of students from the city of Regensburg into
the universities, and from the universities back into the city, it is possible
to gain a clearer understanding of the interface between city and uni-
versity during the late Middle Ages. In this, historians of late medieval
German education are better situated than those of other regions. The
large number of matriculation records that survive from the period, when
combined with other biographical information, provides extraordinary
opportunities for exploring the growing importance of, and increasing
access to, education during the fourteenth and fifteenth century.4 In
4
The literature on the universities is vast and growing. For a good recent bibliography
and discussion of the reorientation of university history over the last several decades,
see William J. Courtenay, and Jürgen Miethke eds, Universities and Schooling in Medieval
Society (Leiden: 2000), 1–4. For Germany, see particularly, Peter Moraw, “Zur Sozial-
geschichte der deutschen Universität im späten Mittelalter,” Giessner Universitätsblätter 8
no. 2 (1975), 44–60; Peter Classen, Studium und Gesellschaft im Mittelalter, MGH Schriften,
vol. 29, ed. Johannes Fried (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1983), 1–26; Rainer C.
Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher; Gelehrte im Reich, zur Sozial- und Wirkungsgeschichte
akademischer Eliten des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts, ed. R. C. Schwinges (Berlin: Duncker &
Humblot, 1996); Klaus Wriedt, “University Scholars in German Cities During the Late
Middle Ages: Employment, Recruitment, and Support,” in Universities and Schooling in
Medieval Society, eds. William J. Courtenay and Jürgen Miethke (Leiden: Brill, 2000),
49–64. Two local case studies are also worthy of note: Urs Martin Zahnd, Die Bildungs-
verhältnisse in den bernischen Ratsgeschlechtern im ausgehenden Mittelalter. Verbreitung, Charakter und
Funktion der Bildung in der Politischen Führungsschicht einer spätmittelalterlichen Stadt, Schriften
der Berner Burgerbibliothek (Bern: Berner Burgerbibliothek 1979); Martin Kintzinger,
Das Bildungswesen in der Stadt Braunschweig im hohen und späten Mittelalter: Verfassungs- und
institutionengeschichtliche Studien zu Schulpolitik und Bildungsförderung, Beihefte zum Archiv für
Kulturgeschichte, vol. 32 (Köln: Böhlau, 1990).

regensburg and the universities 163
addition, it is possible to address the role of education as a means for

social and economic advancement.5
Although the universities reflected and even reinforced existing
inequalities of rank and station,6 they provided one of the few acces-
sible means for advancement in late medieval society. In fact, many
medieval authors complained that the pursuit of education had become
entirely mercenary. Conrad of Megenberg opined, “In our times the
liberal arts are not loved except to the extent that they lead to the pos-
session of other sciences.”7 The usefulness of a university education,
however, went far beyond prestige and the acquisition of marketable
skills. Perhaps most important, it expanded the individual patronage
networks that were essential for the acquisition of desirable positions
within both the ecclesiastical and temporal hierarchies. For many of
5
The purpose of higher education and its potential as a mechanism for social
and economic mobility has been one of the most vexed issues in the historiography
of medieval universities. The idealistic picture presented by Herbert Grundmann in
which the universities represented a unique institution “in der es keine Vorrechte der
Geburt gab . . .” has been largely overturned by the works of Peter Classen, Peter Moraw,
R. C. Schwinges, and most recently, Jürg Schmutz. See Herbert Grundmann, “Vom
Ursprung der Universität im Mittelalter,” in Berichte über die Verhandlungen der Sächsischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig Phil.-hist. Klasse, 103, 2 (Berlin: 1957). Reprinted
Herbert Grundmann, Ausgewählte Aufsätze. Part 3 Bildung und Sprache, in Monumenta Ger-
maniae Historica (hereinafter MGH ) Schriften vol. 25, 3 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann,
1978), 292–342. But compare, Classen, Studium und Gesellschaft im Mittelalter, in MGH
Schriften, vol. 29 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1983), 1–26; Schwinges, Deutsche Uni-
versitätsbesucher. and Jürg Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich: die deutschen Rechtsstudenten an der
Universität Bologna 1265–1425, part 2, Personenkatalog, Veröffentlichungen der Gesellschaft
für Universitäts- und Wissenschaftsgeschichte, vol. 2 (Basel: Schwabe, 2000). However,
in some respects, it seems that the pendulum has swung too far, making the evident
growth in university study almost incomprehensible. For a good summary of the debates
see Rolf Köhn, “Schulbildung und Trivium im lateinischen Hochmittelalter und ihr
möglicher praktischer Nutzen,” in Johannes Fried ed., Schulen und Studium im Sozialen
Wandel des hohen und späten Mittelalters (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke, 1986), 207–211
and Michael Borgolte, Sozialgeschichte des Mittelalter: eine Forschungsbilanz nach der deutschen
Einheit, Historische Zeitschrift, Beihefte Neue Folge, 22 (München: 1996): 373–84. It
is a testament to the power of Grundmann’s thesis (and perhaps wishful thinking on
the part of many academics) that despite decades of devastating attacks, it continues
to receive attention.
6
Rainer C. Schwinges has argued this point particularly forcefully. See most
Schwinges, “On Recruitment in German Universities,” 41: “No university, whether
in Germany or elsewhere, hovered above medieval society or formed an island in the
sea of social inequality.”
7
Konrad von Megenberg, Die Werke des Konrad von Megenberg, Ökonomik (Yconomica),
Buch III, ed. Sabine Krüger, MGH Staatschriften des späteren Mittelalters, vol. 3, part 3
(Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1984), 45. He was especially concerned about the more
mercenary arts of law and medicine: “Esurit ars, decreta tument, lex ipsa superbit
Pontificat Moyses, thalamus medicina subintrat.”

164 chapter four
course, especially those of limited means, university study failed to

provide the expected rewards. However, these expectations, buoyed by
not infrequent successes, continued to draw thousands of students into
the universities each year.
Attendance Patterns
The number of matriculants from Regensburg reflected, to a signifi-

cant degree, broader attendance patterns within the German Empire,
especially the southern and southeastern portions. Between 1300 and
1375, the records show approximately one university student with ties
to Regensburg every 2.5 years.8 Of these, only three appear to have
originated from within the citizenry of Regensburg.9 In the period
between 1375 and 1399, the numbers increase to one and half per year,
with just fewer than one per year coming from among the residents of
city.10 The next forty years saw the number of matriculants per year
8
In Appendices II and III, I have included all individuals who were from Regens-
burg or were attached to one of its churches at the time of their matriculation. In
some cases, this requires the inclusion of individuals with only nominal ties to the city.
This is especially true for absentee canons and many of those who held multiple ben-
efices. However, to eliminate all canons and sons of the nobility would be to exclude
many who made significant contributions to the intellectual life of the city. The chart
of Regensburg university students in Appendix IV has two sets of numbers, one of
which excludes members of noble and knightly families as well as those members of
the mendicant houses who did not originate from within the city.
9
Two were Straubingers, a family briefly exiled from the city in 1312. Franz Bas-
tian, Das Runtingerbuch (1393–1407) und verwandtes Material zum Regensburger-südostdeutschen
Handel und Münzwesen, 3 Vols. Deutsche Handelsakten des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit,
vols. 6–8 (Regensburg: Gustav Bosse, 1935–1944), vol. 3, 434. The Straubinger family
interests had been severely damaged in 1312 when the patriarch, Wernher Straubin-
ger, was banned from the city as the result of a falling out with the mayor Heinrich
v. Ernvels. Did the appearance one year later of Ulricus Straubinger in Paris reflect
the family’s strategy in response to its exile? Having been cut off from some of their
usual sources of income, perhaps they sought advancement within the Church through
education. In the 1350s, another Ulricus Straubinger appears as a cathedral canon in
Regensburg after the family was restored to the city. In the following century, at least
three other Straubingers appear in the university matriculation records. The appear-
ance of a Straubinger at Paris may also reflect the family’s trading networks, which
extended into France. In 1340, for example, a Heinrich Straubing received finished
cloth from France. The third possiblity was a certain Petrus de Bavaria de civitate
Ratisponensis who was accused of assaulting a Henricus Anglicus while a student in
Bologna in 1321. See Jürg Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich, 667 #2785.
10
There were thirty-seven students with ties to Regensburg during this period of
which twenty-two likely originated from within the city of Regensburg.

roughly double. Regensburg university matriculations peaked in the

1470s at approximately ten per year.11
However, beginning in the 1480s, the number of Regensburg matricu-
lants declined. This trend continued until the second decade of the
sixteenth century when the numbers returned to the levels of the 1470s.
The most important reason for the decline in university attendance was
the general economic and demographic decline of the city. By the end
of the fifteenth century, Regensburg had fallen from the first tier of
southern German cities to the second or perhaps even third tier behind
Augsburg, Nuremberg, and Ulm. There were simply fewer people with
the resources and inclination to pursue higher study. This decline also
mirrors a general drop-off in the growth of university study throughout
the Empire during this period. However, changing demographics alone
cannot account for changes in university attendance. Regensburg’s
population declined throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,
but evidence of a sustained downturn in numbers of matriculations
does not appear until the last two decades of the century. As a result,
other explanations must be sought.
Beyond this long-term trend, short-term factors also influenced uni-
versity attendance. At the end of the fifteenth century, political turmoil
wracked the city. As its economic fortunes declined, it became increas-
ingly difficult for Regensburg to maintain its status as a free city and
protect its hard-won privileges. By the 1470s, the emperor, Frederick
III, was exerting increasing pressure on the city. In 1486, pressed by
both the emperor and the Duke of Bavaria-Munich, the city council
recognized the authority of the latter, ending, at least temporarily, its
centuries-old independence. The influence of the Duke lasted until 1492
and included the aborted effort to found a university in the city.12
When the emperor reasserted his power in Regensburg, the patrician
families who had supported the ducal party largely disappeared from
the city.13 In the five years from 1494 to 1498, university attendance
fell by more than fifty percent, from fifty-three the previous five years
to twenty-five. It would appear that as the new elites consolidated their
11
See the chart in Appendix IV.
12
For a recent discussion of these events see Alois Schmid, “Vom Höhepunkt zur
Krise: die politische Entwicklung, 1245–1500,” in Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 1.
ed. Peter Schmid (Regensburg: Pustet, 2000), 204–208.
13
For the turnover in the Regensburg patriciate during this period see A. Schmid,
“Vom Höhepunkt zur Krise,” 209.

166 chapter four
positions and the old elites sought to establish themselves elsewhere,

there was little time, inclination, or resources to pursue university study.
Ten years later, however, after a new group of families had established
itself within the city, university attendance rebounded, with fifty-five
Regensburg students matriculating in the five-year period 1508 to
1513.14
When compared with other significant southern German cities, the
decline in Regensburg matriculations in the late fifteenth century, is
especially evident. Reasonably good numbers are available for both Ulm
and Augsburg, two nearby cities with similar populations.15 During the
course of the fifteenth century the approximate number of matricu-
lants from Regensburg, Ulm, and Augsburg were 510, 580, and 650
respectively.16 For the first half of the century, Augsburg had slightly
more university students than did Regensburg and Ulm had consid-
erably fewer.17 However, by the 1470s, the cities had nearly identical
14
See Appendix III.
15
Although the populations were similar, the demographic trends were moving in
opposite directions. From its peak in the mid-fourteenth century to the end of the
fifteenth century, the population of Regensburg declined from around 15,000 to fewer
than 12,000. During the same period, Ulm’s population nearly doubled from 9,000 to
17,000. In 1500, the population of Augsburg was approximately 18,000. For Augsburg,
see Wolfgang Zorn, “Augsburg: Stadt und Bistum im Spätmittelalters,” in Lexikon des
Mittelalters, vol. 1 (München: Artemis, 1980), 1215. For Ulm see Sönke Lorenz, “Ulm:
Wirtschaft und Kultur,” in Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. 8 (München: Artemis, 1997),
1193. For Regensburg see Alois Schmid, “Regensburg,” in Lexikon des Mittelalters, vol. 7
(München: Artemis, 1995), 565.
16
For these numbers, I have excluded noble canons and others with origins from
outside the city. I have also adjusted for multiple matriculations by the same individual.
Gotfried Geiger places the number of university students from Ulm during the fifteenth
century at 579. Gottfried Geiger, Die Reichsstadt Ulm vor der Reformation: Städtisches und
kirchliches Leben am ausgang des Mittelalters, Forschung zur Geschichte der Stadt Ulm, vol. 11
(Ulm: Kommissionsverlag W. Kohlhammer, 1971), 49; Using Ernst Gebele, “Augsburger
auf hohen Schulen,” in Zeitschrift der historischen Vereins für Schwaben und Neuburg, 53 (1938),
41–121. Rolf Kießling estimates the number from Augsburg at between 600 and 650.
He adjusts Gebele’s numbers downward significantly in an effort to include only the sons
of Augsburg’s citizenry and to eliminate names included more than once. It is unclear
whether Geiger has adjusted for multiple matriculations. For the chart in Appendix IV,
which breaks down matriculations by decade for Regensburg, Ulm and Augsburg, I
have had to rely on Gebele’s numbers and compare them with the unadjusted numbers
from Regensburg, which included canons, nobles, and multiple matriculations.
17
According to Gebele, from 1400 to 1459 a total of 320 students with ties to
Augsburg appear in the matriculation records (this figure includes canons and other
ecclesiastical officials from outside Augsburg). During the same period, Regensburg
saw 288 matriculants (214 when non-Regensburgers are excluded), and Ulm totaled
139. See Appendix IV.

numbers.18 In the following decade, Regensburg’s decline relative to

Augsburg and Ulm becomes increasingly pronounced so that by the end
of the fifteenth century, Regensburg had approximately half as many
university students as both Augsburg and Ulm each did.19
Ulm, however, experienced a significant demographic boom pre-
cisely during a period of lagging fortunes in Regensburg. Augsburg
too expanded rapidly during the fifteenth century. In fact, by the early
fifteenth century, Augsburg, along with Nuremberg, had supplanted
Regensburg as the economic and cultural centers of the region. These
factors tend to exaggerate the decline in the number of Regensburg
university matriculants.
Relative to the empire as a whole, the decline in Regensburg matricu-
lations during the third quarter of the fifteenth century is still evident,
though less pronounced. From 1425 to 1449, Regensburg university
attendance increased by approximately thirty percent, compared with
the previous twenty-five-year period. Across the same period, the empire
saw an overall increase of about forty percent. In the subsequent twenty-
five years, the expansion in Regensburg matriculations ran well ahead
of the Empire as a whole, when the number of Regensburg students
increased approximately 225%, compared with an empire-wide increase
of approximately sixty percent. The last decades of the fifteenth cen-
tury saw Regensburg matricuation rates stagnate compared with a six
percent overall increase throughout the empire.20 From these numbers,
it is clear that the overall attendance patterns, especially if one adjusts
from the downward trend in Regensburg’s population, were generally
in line with the broader trends in other large southern German cities
while running broadly ahead of overall patterns within the German
Empire. However, a closer examination of the attendance patterns
of Regensburg matriculants by university demonstates ways in which
18
Gebele’s unadjusted figure for Augsburg during the 1470s is 124 total matriculants.
For Regensburg the figure is 125 (when noble canons and other from outside the city
are excluded the number is 92). During the same period Ulm had 113 matriculants.
See chart Appendix IV.
19
See chart Appendix IV: Fifteenth-century Matriculations: Augsburg, Regensburg
and Ulm.
20
The numbers for Germany are based on Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher,
542–543. The total numbers are as follows: Regensburg, 1400–24 (86), 1425–49 (105),
1450–74 (243), 1475–99 (243); German Empire, 1402–24 (22,200), 1425–49 (37,347),
1450–74 (60,554), 1475–99 (64,240). When nobles, those attached to canonical houses,
and non-Regensburg mendicants are eliminated the numbers for Regensburg are
1400–1424 (49), 1425–49 (68), 1450–1474 (176), 1475–1499 (192).

168 chapter four
factors unique to Regensburg and its citizenry influenced university

choice.
Until 1375, most university students with identifiable ties to Regens-
burg attended Bologna.21 During this period, thirty-four Regensburg stu-
dents appear in European universities; of these, twenty-seven attended
Bologna, five Prague, one Paris and one Montpellier.22 Geography was
a significant factor in the preference of Bologna over Paris, and more
distant universities—a fact borne out by a quick comparison of atten-
dance patterns for other German towns. Students from the upper- and
middle-Rhine region (Basel, Mainz, Koblenz, and Cologne) frequented
21
The importance of Prague before 1375 is difficult to address because the earliest
matriculations lists of the university no longer exist. It is possible that the university
played a more significant role for Regensburg scholars in the period between 1353 and
1365, the year of the foundation of Vienna.
22
The numbers for Bologna are based on G. C. Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna
(1289–1562), Biographischer Index zu den Acta Nationis Germanicae Universitatis Bononiensis
(Berlin: R. V. Decker, 1899) (hereinafter Knod), with a few additions from Jürg Sch-
mutz, Juristen für das Reich: die deutschen Rechtsstudenten an der Universität Bologna 1265–1425,
Veröffentlichungen der Gesellschaft für Universitäts und Wissenschaftsgeschichte, vol. 2,
ed. R. C. Schwinges (Basel: Schwabe, 2000). Schmutz employs additional sources
especially city records from Bologna to identify German scholars not appearing in
Knod. The numbers for Paris are based on the registers of the German-English nation
published in Auctarium Chartularii Universitatis Parisiensis (hereinafter AUP ) eds. Heinrich
Denifle and Emile Châtelain (Paris: Didier, 1894, 1897), vol. 3, ed. C. Samaran and
E. A. v. Moé (Paris: Didier, 1935), vol. VI, ed. A. L. Gabriel and G. C. Boyce (Paris:
Didier, 1964). For Prague, Liber decanorum facultatis philosophicae Universitatis Pragensis: ab
anno Christi 1367 usque ad annum 1585, e codice membranaceo illius aetatis nunc primum luce
donatus. Monumenta historica Universitatis Carolo-Ferdinandeae Pragensis, vol. 1,
parts 1, 2 (Prague: Joan. Nep., 1830–32) (hereinafter MUP I) and Album, seu Matricula
Facultatis juridicae, 1372–1418, e codice membranceo illius aetatis nunc primum luce donatum.
Codex diplomaticus universitatis ejusdem. Pars 1, Monumenta historica Universitatis Carolo-
Ferdinandeae Pragensis, vol. 2 (Prague: Joan. Gerzabek, 1834) (hereinafter MUP II).
Compare, William J. Courtenay, “Study Abroad: German Students at Bologna, Paris,
and Oxford in the Fourteenth Century: The Crisis of 1313.” In Universities and Schooling
in Medieval Society, eds. William J. Courtenay and Jürgen Miethke, Education and Society
in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, vol. 10 (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 7–31. Some caution is
necessary here, the records for a number of universities, Padua being perhaps the most
important, are lacking for this earlier period. As evidenced by the career of Albertus
Magnus, Padua drew students from southern Germany as early as the first quarter of
the thirteenth century and continued to do so into the fifteenth century. Nevertheless,
the general direction is toward Italy rather than France and points west. A further
note of caution is necessary given the nature of the most important sources for Paris
and Bologna. The proctor’s records for Bologna are a fairly accurate representation
of enrollment at Bologna, recording payments made by students as they entered the
university. However, the records for Paris only record the names of individuals as they
advance in academic rank.

the University of Bologna in significant numbers. However, farther

down the Rhine, students tended instead to fall into the orbit of Paris,
which was geographically more accessible from this region than was
Bologna.23
In addition to its geographic proximity, traditional political and
economic ties also appear to have influenced the decision to attend
Bologna rather than French or English universities. The long-stand-
ing, if often uneasy relationship between the Empire and Northern
Italy likely made Bologna a more attractive destination. Perhaps more
significantly, merchants from Regensburg were deeply involved in trade
with the northern Italian cities, especially Venice. However, Bologna
and Lucca also figured prominently in the itineraries of Regensburg’s
merchants.24 This steady stream of merchants and the local connections
they helped to create contributed to the preference of Bologna over
other universities. Finally, and perhaps most important, the prestige of
Bologna’s law faculty drew many ambitious men, especially collegiate
and cathedral canons to the university.25
Paris, the second major destination for German scholars in the four-
teenth century, had almost no students from Regensburg. Before the
fifteenth century, the only Regensburg student evident in the records
of the English-German nation was Ulricus Straubinger.26 That so few
23
Courtenay, “Study Abroad,” 12.
24
The importance of Regensburg in Venetian trade is evident from its leading posi-
tion within the Fondaco dei Tedeschi, which represented German merchants in Venice. See
Margareta Wagner-Braun, “Wirtschaftliches Leben im Früh- und Hochmittelalter,” in
Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 1, ed. Peter Schmid (Regensburg: Pustet, 2000), 472.
In the late fourteenth and early fifteenth century the records of the Runtinger family
also attest to the continuing importance of trade between Regensburg and northern
Italy. Franz Bastian, Das Runtingerbuch, vol. II, 44–51.
25
With the exception of the mendicants, theological study in Bologna was rare. In
fact, of the 447 theological students between 1364 and 1500, only 24 were seculars.
Hastings Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. F. M. Powicke and A. B.
Emden, 3 vols (London: Oxford University Press, 1936), 250–53. See also Francesco
Ehrle, I più antichi statuti della Facoltà teologica dell’universita di Bologna (Bologna: Presso
d’Instituto per la storia dell’Università di Bologna, 1932), 102–27. The importance
of the law faculty is also evident from the libraries of the city, especially that of St.
Emmeram. See Bernard Bischoff, “Studien zur Geschichte des Klosters St. Emmeram im
Spätmittelalter: 1324–1525,” in Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner-Ordens
und seiner Zweige 65 (1953–54), 116. See also Elisabeth Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen
Handschriften der Bayerischen Staaatsbibliothek München: clm 14000–14130, in Catalogus
Codicum Latinorum Bibliothecae Regiae Monacensis Secundum Andreae Schmelleri
(hereinafter CCL), vol. 4, series nova part 2, 1 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1995).
26
Henri Denifle and Emile Châtelain, eds. Chartularium Universitatis Parisiensis (Paris:

170 chapter four
appear in Paris, which before the foundation of the universities of

Prague and Vienna provided the closest and most prestigious theologi-
cal faculty, might seem surprising. However, a comparison with other
towns from the same region suggests that Regensburg was not entirely
anomalous in this regard. There are no students identified from the
neighboring dioceses of Eichstätt and Freising, one from Augsburg, and
three from Nuremberg.27
Nevertheless, there were important connections between Regensburg
and Paris. The Parisian theologian Albertus Magnus was lector of the
Dominican convent in Regensburg around 1237 and served as bishop of
the city from 1260 to 1262.28 During this time in Regensburg, Albertus
completed his commentary on the book of Luke, which according to
tradition, he personally gave to the convent.29 In the 1320s, the Abbot
of St. Emmeram—Albert Schmidmüln—spent six months in Paris
bringing back several codices for the convent library.30
Didier, 1891) vol. 2 (hereinafter CUP II), 165, #701. Ulricus de Straburga de
Ratisponensis appears among some 336 other, mostly foreign scholars, who requested
additional time for the payment of an unanticipated collection amounting to a full
burse (an amount defined as the average of a week’s expenditures). For a discussion
of this document and a new edition, see William J. Courtenay, “Foreign Scholars at
Paris in the Early Fourteenth Century: The Crisis of 1313,” in History of Universities,
15 (1997–1999), 47–74.
27
AUP II. Although it was significantly smaller than Nuremberg and somewhat
smaller than Augsburg, Ulm had three students at Paris during this period.
28
Heribert Christian Scheeben, Albert der Große: zur Chronologie seines Lebens, in Quellen
und Forschungen zur Geschichte des Dominikanerordens in Deutschland (hereinafter QF ), 27
(Leipzig: Albertus Magnus, 1931), 57. See also Paul Mai, “Urkunden Bischof Alberts
II. von Regensburg (1260–1262)” Verhandlungen des Historischen Verein für Oberpfalz und
Regensburg (hereinafter VHVOR) 107 (1967), 7–9; and Henricus de Hervordia, Liber de
Rebus Memorabilioribus sive Chronicon Henrici de Hervordia, ed., August Potthast (Göttingen:
Dieterich, 1859), 201.
29
Christine Elisabeth Ineichen-Eder, ed., Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands
und der Schweiz, vol. 4, pt. 1, Bistümer Passau und Regensburg (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1977)
(hereinafter MBK IV: 1), 447. In addition to his commentary on Luke, the Dominican
convent also held five of his other works before 1347. These included commentaries
on Isaiah and Job, a collection of sermons, a treatise on the mass, and super Mulierem
fortem and Super Simbolum.
30
An entry in the convent account books reads “Pro vectura librorum ac aliarum
rerum nostrarum de Parisiis Ratisbonam . . .” See also Bischoff, “Studien zur Geschichte
des Klosters St. Emmeram im Spätmittelalter,” 116.

The Parisian arts master, Conrad of Megenberg, provided perhaps

the most important connection between Paris and Regensburg.31 Conrad
received an expectation in the Cathedral church of Regensburg in 1341
and settled there permanently seven years later. In addition to his can-
onry, Conrad reports that he was cathedral scolasticus in 1350.32 During
his long career, he produced a number of works related to education
including, die Sphaera a German language translation of de Sphaera by
Johannes de Sacrobosco, and Das Buch der Natur, which relied heavily on
the Liber de natura rerum of Thomas of Cantimpré. In a lengthy section
of his Yconomica discussed in Chapter Three, Conrad discusses a series
of questions related to university and pre-university education.
Despite these important connections, Paris was never a prominent
destination for study. Indeed, before the foundation of a theology faculty
at Bologna, Regensburg students seeking theology training must have
relied on the older studia particulares of the cathedrals.
Evidence from other European universities before 1375 is equally
scarce. Four students from Regensburg appear in Prague before 1375.
Emden lists one at Oxford in the 1350s, however, later examination
has shown his inclusion to be in error.33 No students from Regensburg
appear in the published records of Toulouse, Orléans, or Montpellier,34
31
Conrad appears in the records of the German English nation on several occasions.
He was elected proctor in 1337 and immediately ran into difficulties with the university.
With the blessing of his nation, he traveled to Avignon to appeal his case. In 1340, he
again appears as proctor and in 1341 as nuntius. In the same year, he helped draft a
condemnation of the writings of Ockham. Conrad’s anti-mendicant position is well
known and remained a constant throughout his career despite the influence of Albertus
Magnus and Thomas of Cantimpré on his works of natural philosophy. For the Paris
years see, Margit Weber, “Konrad von Megenburg: Leben und Werk,” in Beiträge zur
Geschichte des Bistums Regensburg (hereinafter BzGBR) 20 (1986), 223–229; and William J.
Courtenay, “Conrad of Megenberg. The Paris Years,” Vivarium 35 (1997), 102–124.
32
For his failed attempt to secure this dignity see Appendix I. For a good overview
of Conrad’s career in Regensburg see Margit Weber, “Konrad von Megenberg Leben
und Werk,” 230–38; William J. Courtenay, “Conrad of Megenberg as Nuntius and
his Quest for Benefices,” in Das Wissen der Zeit. Konrad von Megenberg (1309–1374) und
sein Werk, Beihefte der Zeitschrift für Bayerische Landesgeschichte, B, 27 (München:
C. H. Beck, 2006), and Franz Fuchs, “Neue Quellen zur Biographie Konrads von
Megenberg,” forthcoming in Das Wissen der Zeit. Konrad von Megenberg (1309–1374) und
sein Werk, Beihefte der Zeitschrift für Bayerische Landesgeschichte, B, 27 (München:
C. H. Beck, 2006). See also Appendix I.
33
William J. Courtenay, “Friedrich von Regensburg and Fribourg Cordeliers 26,”
in Die Philosophie im 14. und 15. Jahrhundert: In memoriam Konstanty Michalski (1879–1947),
Bochumer Studien zum Philosophie, 10, ed. Olaf Pluta (Amsterdam: B. R. Grüner,
1988), 603–13.
34
Marcel Fournier, Les statuts et privilèges des universités françaises depuis leur fondation

172 chapter four
although in 1176, the plebe of the Regensburg cathedral church recalled

the time when he studied in Montpellier.35 The universities of Padua
and Pavia are more problematic. The biography of Albert Magnus
makes it clear that some Germans were studying at Padua as early as
the thirteenth century, however, records are largely lacking. The first
clear indication of students from Regensburg attending Italian universi-
ties other Bologna dates from the fifteenth century.
Unlike other regions whose proximity to the earliest universities
allowed for even men of modest means to pursue university study in
significant numbers, the costs associated with study abroad limited
university attendance to the wealthy and well-connected.36 The requi-
site financial resources could come in the form of personal wealth, a
church benefice, or the support of a religious order. Although the papal
constitution Cum ex eo (1298) allowed even the lower clergy to use their
church incomes to support university study, more lucrative benefices
appear to have been the norm for this select group of students.37
Regensburg matriculants at Bologna before 1375 bear this out.
Seventeen held ecclesiastical positions or were members of a religious
order. Two were monks of St. Emmeram supported by their convent. A
third also had ties to the venerable Benedictine house, serving as plebe
of the church of St. Emmeram.38 Eleven were canons, future canons, or
jusqu’en 1789; ouvrage publié sous les auspices du Ministère de l’instruction publique et du Conseil
général des facultés de Caen, 4 vols (Paris: L. Larose et Forcel, 1890–94).
35
Thomas Ried, ed., Codex chronologico-diplomaticus episcopatus Ratisbonensis, vol. 1
(hereinafter Ried I) (Regensburg: L. S. Schaup, 1816), 246 #268, ca. 1176: “cum in
montem Pesulanum ad scolas ivi.”
36
The fact that German cathedral and even collegiate chapters, which frequently
provided income to university students, were almost exclusively reserved for the nobil-
ity, also made it difficult for non-nobles to pursue higher studies before the foundation
of German universities.
37
On university study and benefices see, among others, Peter Moraw, “Sozialge-
schichte der deutschen Universität im späten Mittelalter,” 44–60. Compare the recent
work of Jürg Schmutz whose findings largely agree with those of Moraw. Jürg Sch-
mutz, vol. 2, 268. “Wie die Karrieren der Bologneser Studenten zeigen, blieben die
klassischtraditionalen (Moraw) Qualifikationen für die Besetzung der herschaftsnahen
Stellen in der bretrachteten Zeit im Wesentlich unangetastet.”
38
Those from St. Emmeram were Christianus de Ratispone, plebanus ecclesiae St.
Emmerami (1337), Hugo de Ratispone (1337), and Gotfridus Scheffel de Ratispone the
future abbot of St. Emmeram (1349). For references, see Appendix II. The appearance
of three men associated with St. Emmeram in such a short time span (1337–1349),
coincided with the reform efforts of the Abbot Albert von Schmidmüln (1324–1358),
who oversaw a revival of intellectual activity at the once renowned monastery. The
abbot expanded the already rich monastic library, purchasing a number of works from
both Paris and Avignon. He was also instrumental in the creation of a portable catalog

otherwise attached to the cathedral in Regensburg.39 One was a canon

of St. Johann, and another was canon in the Alte Kapelle.40 Two held
churches in the diocese of Regensburg.41 An additional three made
payments of ten solidi or more suggesting significant private wealth,
and a fourth purchased a glossed Accursius for the large sum of 70
bolognese pounds.42
The six remaining students had no benefices or obvious wealth,
although two bore the title dominus.43 Three paid six solidi or less upon
their matriculation (suggesting they were not particularly wealthy).
Interestingly, all three of these men entered the university in the same
year (1322).44 It is possible that one of these, a certain Henricus de
Ratispona, is the same as the magister Henricus de Ratispona who
appears in Bologna six years later as the master of the Regensburg
cathedral canon Heino.45 That all three of these came to Bologna in
of the major libraries of the city and environs. These included the collections of the
Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustinian Hermits, and the three Benedictine foundations
of St. Emmeram, Prüfening and Prüll (later converted to the Carthusians). The period
of Schmidmüln’s leadership also saw an influx of legal texts from northern Italy. For
the importance of Abbot Albert Schmidmüln see Bischoff, “Studien zur Geschichte
des Klosters St. Emmeram im Spätmittlalter,” 152–94.
39
Those with connections to the cathedral included Hermannus de Ratispona (1268),
canon in the cathedral when he matriculated at Bologna. He paid the enormous sum
of 70 bolognese pounds for a glossed accursius, Henricus de Sinzenhofer (1316), who
was a canon in the Regensburg cathedral by at least 1342; Henricus de Lapide (1317),
Johannes Rederer (1320), cathedral canon and scolasticus by 1350, Conradus Comperti
(1325), Heino de Ratispona (1328), Andreas de Ratispona (1337), “thesaurius eccl.
Ratisponensis,” Ulricus Straubinger (1353), canon and later Scolasticus also proctor of
the German nation, Otto de Offensteten (1353), Henricus de Amberga de Bavaria
(1359), and Carolus Leonrod 1369. See Appendix II for references.
40
Johannes de Ratisbona (1337), canon of St. Johann, Bertholdus de Burghausen
(1338) canon in the Alte Kapelle. For references see Appendix II.
41
Wernherus de Ratispona (1329), and Stephanus de Ratispona (1333). The former
was the plebe of Gebenbach, and the latter rector of Lenoltingen. For references, see
Appendix II.
42
Johannes de Ratispona (1317) paid 14 sol., Ludovicus de Ratispona (1320) paid
20 sol., Heinricus Hurlbach paid 12 sol. (1335). He also served as proctor in 1336.
For references, see Appendix II.
43
For a discussion of possible meanings of Dominus see Schwinges, Deutsche Uni-
vesitätsbesucher, 403–408.
44
Henricus de Ratispone, Otto de Ratispone, Rudgerus de Ratispone. For refer-
ences, see Appendix II.
45
Henricus was placed in charge of the younger Heino who paid “pro se et Hainrico
de Ratispona magistro suo VIII libros Bononienses.” Although the age of Heino is
not directly stated, the fact that he was sent with a master would suggest that he was
fairly young, certainly much younger than students at Bologna are generally assumed
to be. The canon Conrad Comperti also appears in 1325 “cum magistro suo,” Knod,
264. Compare Courtenay, “Study Abroad,” 13. Courtenay writes, “many already held

174 chapter four
the same year illustrates the common practice of traveling together

and sharing expenses with other individuals from the same town or
region. In addition to the three who arrived together in 1322, two or
more students from Regensburg matriculated together in 1317, 1337,
and 1353.46
An examination of the social backgrounds of these students further
underscores the privileged nature of this group. The majority came
from noble and knightly lines, including de Lapide, Burghausen, and
Sinzenhofer. One of the few exceptions was Ulricus Straubinger,
the lone student at Paris during this period. He was a member of a
prominent cloth trading family in Regensburg that held a number
of important positions in the city including the office of mayor and
the mint.47
Despite the lack of matriculation records from the universities that
pre-dated the German foundations, several patterns are evident: first
before 1375, most university students with ties to Regensburg were
attached to wealthy religious institutions; many of them came from
knightly families and the lower nobility; finally, the center of gravity
of Regensburg students tended toward the south, especially the law
faculty of Bologna.
After the foundation of the German universities, some students con-
tinued to study abroad (that is in universities outside of the Empire).48
ecclesiastical positions as canons, rectors, priors, deans, or archdeacons. This means

not only that most were probably in their twenties or early thirties, but that they had
already received a basic education in arts sufficient to permit them to undertake legal
studies.” Heino, however appears to have attained his canonry at an extraordinarily
young age.
46
Johannes de Ratispona and Henricus de Lapide (1317); Henricus Hurelbeck and
Conradus de Ratispona (1336); and Christianus, Andreas, and Hugo de Ratispona
(1337). For references see Appendix II. For a discussion of the sharing of expenses
see Courtenay, “Study Abroad,” 12.
47
Bastian, Runtingerbuch, vol. 3, 434. Despite a series of setbacks for the family during
the mid-fourteenth century, another Ulricus Straubinger appears in Bologna in 1353,
perhaps the nephew of the Ulricus who studied at Paris. The younger Ulricus was proc-
tor of the German nation in Bologna and held a cathedral canonry as well as several
dignities, including the position of scolasticus, Knod, 563. Matthias Thiel, Die Urkunden
des Kollegiatstfits St. Johann in Regensburg, in Quellen und Erörterungen zur bayerischen Geschichte
(hereinafter QuE ) Neue Folge, 28, pt. 1 (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1975), 469 #402.
48
Despite increasing regionalization as more universities were founded, the impact
of the small number who continued to study abroad remained strong. See, for example,
Hilde de Ridder-Symoens, “Mobilität,” in Geschichte der Universität in Europa, vol. 1, Mit-
telalter, ed., Walter Rüegg (München: C. H. Beck, 1993), 274. Although they constituted
a smaller percentage of university students, the total number of Regensburg university
students studying abroad changed very little.

As in the earlier period, these were most often wealthy individuals

holding ecclesiastical benefices. They also tended to be older students
seeking advanced degrees in law, theology, and more rarely, medicine.
Between 1375 and 1399, university matriculants at universities outside
the Empire still constituted just over fifteen percent of the total number
of university students from the city.49 During the fifteenth century, while
those studying abroad actually grew in number, they composed only
about eight percent of all matriculations.50 The fifteenth-century peak
came between 1460 and 1480 when 19 of the 192 university students
with ties to the city studied abroad.51 In the subsequent twenty-year
period, the number of foreign matriculations fell by more than fifty
percent, likely reflecting the increasing number of students, especially
from among the highest levels of society, drawn to the newly founded
university at Ingolstadt.
As in the earlier period, most of those who matriculated at foreign
universities were of high social status, held a lucrative benefice, or
were members of religious orders (or some combination of all these).
Just over eighty Regensburg students can be identified in foreign uni-
versities between 1375 and 1500. Thirty-two held benefices in one of
Regensburg’s three secular canonical houses, thirteen were mendicants
(four Dominicans and nine Augustinian Hermits), and one was the
plebe of Pilzing.52 With the exception of the mendicants, most of
these were of noble or knightly descent. Only six came from among
the unbeneficed citizens of Regensburg.53
For most of those who studied abroad, the faculty of choice was
law and the preferred university was increasingly Padua rather than
49
The total numbers were still relatively small. During this period, only thirty-nine
students with ties to Regensburg can be identified at a university, six of whom studied
at foreign universities. Of these, two Augustinian Hermits studied at Bologna, one
Dominican at Verona, and another Augustinian Hermit at Oxford (this was Berthold
Puchhauser who also studied in Bologna).
50
The total number of foreign matriculations during fifteenth century was 52 of
677.
51
See the charts in Appendix IV.
52
There were twenty-four cathedral canons, four canons of the Alte Kapelle, and
four canons of St. Johann. The provost of St. Johann Stephanus Schrotel, matriculated
at Padua and Ferrara where he earned a doctorate of canon law in 1471.
53
These were Erasmus Amman (Padua, 1464), Casparus Kantner (Padua, 1467),
Georgius Bromberger (Padua, 1471), Johannes Mainberger (Bologna, 1470), Johannes
Schmidner (Padua, 1484), and Wolfgangus Portner (Padua, 1487). A seventh native of
Regensburg, Leonardus Zollner, was a canon of St. Johann at the time of his matri-
culation (Bologna, 1471).

176 chapter four
Bologna.54 The number of Regensburg students at Bologna declined

significantly during the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. The
decline is particularly striking given that Regensburg had been one of
the most important sources of German students at Bologna during the
early fourteenth century.55 In fact, secular students from Regensburg
appear to have abandoned Bologna entirely for nearly half a century.
From 1370 to 1411, the only students connected with Regensburg at
Bologna were those of the mendicant orders. The proximity of Vienna
likely drew away numerous students who might otherwise have stud-
ied at Bologna, and the turmoil created by the Schism (1377–1415)
interfered with the usual distribution of benefices and patronage that
made foreign study possible. Yet the nearly complete abandonment of
this prestigious university by Regensburg’s canons remains puzzling.
When Regensburg students returned to Italy in significant number in
the 1430s, Padua replaced Bologna as the school of choice.56
Between 1430 and 1499, nineteen students with ties to Regensburg
appear in Padua. Twelve of these studied canon law. All of the canonists
were beneficed clerics of noble or knightly families, whereas those who
studied civil law and medicine do not appear to have held benefices
and were frequently drawn from among the citizenry of Regensburg.57
54
There were also students with ties to Regensburg in Bologna, Ferrara, Florence,
Pavia, Rome, Siena, and Verona. Of these, only Bologna had any significant number.
However, after about 1440 Padua was the most important destination, drawing twenty
students between 1430 and 1490. Between 1375 and 1500, sixteen students with ties
to Regensburg, appear in Bologna, two in Ferrara, two in Florence, two in Pavia, two
in Rome, and one in Verona. Students with Regensburg connections outside of Ger-
many and Italy continued to be rare: Ulricus Wagener (1475) and Augustinus Molitoris
OESA (before 1500), studied in Paris, and the much-traveled, Regensburg cathedral
canon, Carolus de Absperg studied at Dôle before 1480. Finally, Ulrich Deichsler, a
canon of the Alte Kapelle, appeared at the council of Basel in 1443 and was identified
as “magister artibus parisiensis.” There were also two at Oxford: Berthold Puchauser
(1389) and Petrus de Ratispona (1434) both Augustinian Hermits, and one at Toulouse,
Leonardus Modler O.P. For references, see Appendix II.
55
Compare the finding of Jürg Schmutz. Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich.
56
From 1430 to 1499, twenty students with ties to Regensburg studied at Padua
compared with only eight at Bologna. See Appendix III.
57
Two of those who studied civil law were members of Regensburg families: Wolfgan-
gus Portner and Johannes Schmidner. They appear together in 1484 when Schmidner
witnessed Portner’s promotion to the licentiate in civil law, Università di Padova, Acta
Graduum Academicorum Gymnasii Patavini (hereinafter Acta Grad. Pat.) ed. E. Martellozzo
Forin, Fonti per la storia dell’Università di Padova (Rome: Editrice Antenore, 2001),
vol. 2, 4: 1303. Both later received benefices in the Regensburg cathedral. For more
biographical details, and references see Appendix II. The students in the medical fac-
ulty were Erasmus Amman and Georgius Bromberger. Erasmus Amman completed his

The evident preference among non-nobles for fields such as civil law
and medicine illustrates the extent to which social status continued to
influence both university choice and paths of study. Even for students
with the means to study abroad, the most prestigious subjects were
often inaccessible to those of lower social standing.
Even for those of who were able to study at the most prestigious
universities, connections and birth remained essential for advancement.
As we have already seen, university students from noble and knightly
lineages almost invariably began their studies with one or more ben-
efices. Those lower on the social ladder often had to wait to attain the
lucrative benefices they sought. Nevertheless, their years of study often
did open doors to advancement.58
Two sons of Regensburg, Johannes Schmidner and Wolfgangus
Portner, completed law degrees at Padua in the 1480s, the former in
civil law and the latter in canon and civil law. Although neither appear
to have had benefices during their years of study, both were eventually
able to secure canonries in the cathedral chapter, positions restricted
by statute to nobles and university graduates.59 In other cases, students
brought together in a foreign environment appear to have forged
important relationships. Johannes Trabolt, who studied with Casparus
Kantner in Padua, joined him in Regensburg as a trusted servant of the
city and frequent advisor to the council.60 Those who studied abroad,
degree in medicine in 1464 and was received into the faculty of medicine at Vienna in
1467. See Appendix II. Georgius Bromberger is likely related to Conrad Pramberger
identified by Gemeiner as a city physician in 1459. See Appendix II.
58
Cathedral statutes admitted only nobles and university graduates (degrees in theol-
ogy or canon law) as canons. See Andreas Mayer, ed., Thesaurus novus iuris ecclesiastici
potissimum Germaniae, seu codex statutorum ineditorum ecclesiarum cathedralium et collegiatarum in
Germania: notis illustratus atque dissertationibus selectis iuris publici ecclesiastici adiectisque animadver-
sionibus, 4 vols (Regensburg: Anton Lange, 1791–94), vol. 3, 2. The Alte Kapelle required
that the canons be in major orders and have studied two years at a studium generale to
be admitted to vote in chapter. Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 4, 80–82: “De admissione
vero ad vocem capitularem, eum qui sequitur modum decrevimus observari, quod ad
eandem non nisi in sacerdotio aut saltem in maioribus ordinibus et per biennium in
studio generali causa studii . . . tali Canonico vox et locus in Capitulo assignetur.”
59
Schmidner first appears in the sources as a canon in the cathedral in 1492. See
Appendix II.
60
See Appendix II for references. The impact of the study abroad can also be seen
in the intellectual realm. Many of the individuals who studied at Padua in the 1470s
later formed the core of an early humanist network within the Cathedral and the
Alte Kapelle. For the importance of the cathedral chapter and the spread of human-
ist ideas, see Franz Fuchs and Claudia Märtl, “Literarisches und geistiges Leben im
15. Jahrhundert, in Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg (Regensburg: Pustet, 2000), 909–911.
On the humanist circles in Regensburg at the end of the fifteenth century, see also

178 chapter four
however, constituted only a small and relatively privileged portion of

university students, most set their sights closer to home.
The foundation of German universities in the late fourteenth and
early fifteenth centuries significantly altered the geography and demo-
graphy of university study, especially in the arts.61 As political, cultural,
and geographic barriers diminished, university attendance became
possible for a broader spectrum of late medieval society. Although
the pool of potential students remained restricted to those of some
means, it is clear from the overall increase in students, and the social
background from which they were drawn, that university study in the
fifteenth century was possible for individuals who would have lacked
the resources necessary to attend the older universities of Italy, France,
or England.62
The first evidence of this important shift comes from Prague.63
Between 1375 and 1409, seventeen Regensburg students matriculated
Ingrid D. Rowland, “Revenge of the Humanists, 1493,” in The Sixteenth Century Journal
25 (1994), 307–322.
61
As is clear from the students at Prague, study in the higher faculties, something
that required significantly more time and resources, continued to be a privilege of the
wealthy and connected, although study in the arts was increasingly open to indivdu-
als from lower levels of medieval society. In his excellent study of German collegiate
churches and university study, Peter Moraw has noted a similar growth in the number
of university students, especially at the arts level, who had not secured benefices. Moraw,
“Stiftspfründen als Elemente des Bildungswesen im spätmittelalterlichen Reich,” in
Studien zum weltlichen Kollegiatsift in Deutschland, ed. Irene Crusius, Studien zur Germania
Sacra, vol. 114 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Rupprecht, 1995), 286: “Es kam ein neues
Verhalten auf oder verstärkte sich, insofern als mann immer häufiger studiert, ohne
bereits über ein Kanonikat zu verfügen. Der Wettstreit um die Positionen begann dann
nach dem Studium.”
62
A significant number of matriculants appear in the university records as “pauperes.”
Although this did not mean destitute, it did denote an individual who was deemed
incapable of supporting study entirely from his own, or his family’s, means. The is
the definition given by Jean Paquet, “Recherches sur l’universitaire ‘pauvre’ au moyen
âge,” in Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire, 56 (1978), 307:“celui qui, faute de moyens
suffisants, ne étudier à ses frais, ou aux frais de parents ou de tiers ans leur causer
quelque préjudice.” See also Christoph Fuchs, Dives, Pauper, Nobilis, Magister, Frater, Cleri-
cus. Sozialgeschichtliche Untersuchungen über Heidelberger Universitätsbesucher des Spätmittelalters
(1386–1450), Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, vol. 5 (Leiden:
Brill, 1995). This is not to suggest that university study eliminated social and economic
boundaries. R. C. Schwinges and others have shown the ways in which the universities
themselves reinforced these distinctions. One need only consider the organization of
university processions, the recording of names in matriculations records, or the manner
in which names were presented in university rotuli, to recognize the emphasis placed on
social order and class distinction. However, university study did provide opportunities
for economic and social advancement that would otherwise have been lacking.
63
The importance of Prague as a center of study for German scholars was extremely

at the newly founded institution. The six men who studied the arts
were all unbeneficed.64 One was a member of a Regensburg patrician
family, but the remaining five had no obvious means of support. That
two of the six sought a delay in the payment of their academic fees
illustrates the precarious nature of their financial situation.65
Changes in the higher faculties were more subtle. Even here, how-
ever, the dominance of the beneficed clergy was no longer absolute.
Seven of the nine matriculants in law were beneficed clergy, six were
cathedral canons, and one was a canon of the Alte Kapelle.66 However,
two—Fridericus Prenner and Georgius Meller—were unbeneficed mem-
bers of Regensburg patrician families.67 Although an admittedly small
sample, it is indicative of the changing demography of German uni-
versity study, which an examination of later German foundations more
clearly illustrates.
Founded after Prague, Vienna emerged in the late fourteenth century
as the most important German university. After a difficult beginning,
which saw the fledging university nearly fail entirely, Vienna began to
flourish after the beginning of the Schism in 1378.68 The divisions cre-
ated in Paris by the Schism provided the opportunity to recruit German
short-lived, lasting from the mid 1360s or 1370s until the exodus of nearly all the
German scholars after 1409.
64
These were Andreas de Ratispona, Bertholdus de Ratispona, Conradus de
Ratispona, Otto de Ratispona, Wernherus de Ratispona, and Casparus Meller. See
Appendix II for references.
65
Casparus Meller was a member of a prominent Regensburg family. He later
matriculated in law at Prague. Bertholdus de Ratispona (not Puchauser who appears
to have been at Oxford at this time) had already earned a bachelor in arts at Vienna
when he entered Prague in 1389 MUP, vol. 1, 267. He was granted a delay in paying
his fees “ad fortunam pinguiorem.” Otto of Regensburg who received his baccalaureate
in 1406, requested a similar delay. MUP, I, 390.
66
The cathedral canons were Eberhardus Hofer (1373), Johannes de Peyne (1375),
Conradus Satelpoger (1384), Stephanus Satelpoger (1382), Albertus Stauffer (1374),
and Johannes Zenger (1377). The canon of the Alte Kapelle was Johannes de Reyn-
bach (1378). All of these men represented important noble and knightly families with
prominent connections in and around Regensburg. See Appendix II for full references
and additional biographical information.
67
The Prenner family made their fortune as grocers before becoming involved in
long-distance trade, especially with Venice. Rosa Kohlheim, Regensburger beinamen des 12.
bis 14 Jahrhunderts, Beinamen aus Berufs-, Amts-, und Standes bezeichnungen. in Bayreuther
Beiträge zur Dialektologie Hamburg, vol. 6 (Hamburg: 1990), 217. See also Fritz Morré,
“Ratsverfasung und Patriziat in Regensburg bis 1400.” in VHVOR, 85 (1935), 1–147.
The Mäller family were involved in the wine trade and owned several vineyards. See
Morré, Ratsverfassung, 89.
68
See Paolo Nardi, “Die Hochschulträger,” in Geschichte der Universität in Europa. vol. 1,
Mittelalter, ed., Walter Rüegg (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1993), 103.

180 chapter four
scholars to Vienna. In the 1380s, Heinrich von Langenstein, Heinrich

Totting von Oyta, along with lesser-known masters arrived in Vienna
from Paris. The influx of distinguished talent, and the adherence of the
University of Paris to Avignon, made Vienna an increasingly attractive
option for German students coming from regions under the Roman
obedience.69 The success of Vienna inspired other studia to seek papal
privileges and recognition as universities. Princes, and in a few cases
municipalities and bishops, seized the opportunity to add to their own
prestige by founding additional universities—a trend that continued
unabated until the end of the Middle Ages.
Universities rose up quickly in Heidelberg (1385), Cologne (1388),
Erfurt (1392), Leipzig (1409), Rostock (1419), Greifswald (1456), Freiburg
(1455–56), Basel (1459), Ingolstadt (1472), Trier (1473), Mainz (1476),
and Tübingen (1476–77). Regensburg itself received papal approval for
the foundation of a university in 1487. However, the political tumult
that plagued Regensburg during the late fifteenth century prevented
the plan from coming to fruition.70
Until the foundation of Ingolstadt, Regensburg students visited
Vienna at a rate that surpassed all other universities. In fact, the num-
ber of students associated with Vienna was roughly equal to that of
all the other universities combined.71 Geographical proximity played
an important role in the popularity of Vienna. However, other factors
were also at play. By the end of the Middle Ages, numerous universi-
ties were closer to Regensburg than Vienna, and many others were no
69
The Emperor and much of the Empire supported Urban VI, the Roman claim-
ant, but France, and consequently the University of Paris, supported Clement VII.
Given the significance of papal patronage for the future careers of university students
this question was of paramount importance.
70
The foundation document has been edited by Alois Weißthanner and includes
a brief discussion of this failed endeavor. Weißthanner, “Die Gesandtschaft Herzog
Albrechts IV. von Bayern,” 189–200. In many ways, Regensburg was uniquely suited
to host a university. Its long tradition of learning and well-endowed monasteries had
left Regensburg with extraordinarily rich libraries. Regensburg was also home to
three mendicant studia, see Chapter Three. Indeed, its profile in many ways compares
favorably to Erfurt, one of the earliest and most successful German university towns.
Compare, Sönke Lorenz, Studium Generale Erfordense: zum Erfurter Schulleben im 13. und
14. Jahrhundert, Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, vol. 34 (Stuttgart:
Hiersemann, 1989), 1–58.
71
See the chart in Appendix IV. Tübingen remained a relatively small university and
never achieved the extra-regional significance of Vienna and other large universities such
as Louvain or Cologne. Ulm, however, was geographically much closer to Tübingen
and fell within its narrower recruitment base. For the importance of Tübingen as a
destination for scholars from Ulm, see charts in Appendix IV.

more distant. Yet, Vienna continued to draw more Regensburg students

than all but Ingolstadt.
From 1385 to 1450, just under twenty-seven percent of all students
who matriculated at German universities did so at Vienna.72 By the
last two decades of the fifteenth century, however, Vienna no longer
commanded such a high percentage of German matriculations. In fact,
Vienna ranked only fourth, behind Louvain, Cologne, and Leipzig.73 It
is likely that the historically close economic ties between Regensburg
and Vienna helped maintain the flow of students to the university,
even as students from other cities began to look elsewhere. Regensburg
merchants had long plied their trade along the Danube through
Vienna where they maintained business representatives and received
important privileges.74 Such familiarity made Vienna a natural choice
for the education of Regensburg’s more talented sons. The university’s
relatively low fees, and the greater economic opportunities available in
a city the size of Vienna also helped to attract many of Regensburg’s
less affluent students.
In the 1470s, the upstart university of Ingolstadt supplanted Vienna
as the most popular destination for Regensburg’s university students,
although the long-term effect on the number of Regensburg students
who visited Vienna was relatively minor. In the decade immediately
following the establishment of a university at Ingolstadt, Regensburg
students at Vienna fell from thirty-six to twenty-five.75 However, by the
end of the fifteenth century and the beginning of the sixteenth century,
the numbers enrolled at Vienna returned to around thirty per decade.
The greatest impact appears to have been on matriculations at Leipzig,
which fell from twenty-six in the 1460s to only seven in the 1470s. The
number studying at Leipzig rebounded slightly in the next two decades
but never recovered completely.
72
During the same period, eighty percent of Regensburg university students matri-
culated at Vienna.
73
These numbers are based on the work of Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher,
544. Although it does not appear that the newer universities were drawing significant
numbers of students away from Vienna—its absolute numbers remained fairly stable—
Vienna no longer kept pace with the rapidly expanding universities to the north.
74
The prominent Runtinger family, for example, traded frequently in Vienna. See
Bastian, Runtingerbuch, 73–75, passim.
75
This period also coincided with a serious outbreak of the plague in Vienna,
which likely had a greater impact on matriculation rates than did the foundation of
Ingolstadt. For dates of the plague in university cities, see Schwinges, Deutsche Univer-
sitätsbesucher, 546–48.

182 chapter four
In the last two decades of the fifteenth century, Ingolstadt com-

manded just over forty percent of the Regensburg matriculants, with
Vienna drawing twenty-seven percent, and Leipzig a distant third at
fifteen percent (in the 1460s, Leipzig claimed slightly more than thirty-
seven percent).76 Likewise, students from Augsburg visited these three
universities more frequently than all others. However, Ingolstadt was
much less dominant, claiming approximately twenty-five percent of
the total matriculants, while Vienna and Leipzig drew seventeen and
fourteen percent respectively. For students from Ulm, Tübingen was the
most visited university with twenty-seven percent of the matriculants,
followed by Erfurt with twenty-two percent and Vienna with eighteen
percent.77
Comparing the numbers for Regensburg with those of the Empire
as a whole, the exaggerated importance of Vienna as a destination for
Regensburg students is more evident. Although Vienna was the most
commonly attended German university between 1385 and 1505, its
position vis-à-vis the other German universities was less dominant.
Approximately twenty percent of all those who attended German
universities matriculated at Vienna. In the last quarter of the fifteenth
century, Vienna’s percent of the total fell significantly, drawing only
fourteen percent of the total matriculants, behind Louvain, Cologne,
and Leipzig.78 During this same period, however, Vienna continued to
receive one quarter of Regensburg matriculations.
Beyond simple geograhic convenience, short-term and personal fac-
tors also influenced university choice. During the outbreak of plague
in the early 1480s, only two students from Regensburg matriculated
at Vienna.79 It took several years for the students to return even after
the threat of plague had subsided; students did not return in their pre-
plague numbers until 1486.80 Yet the plague did not have much impact
on matriculations rates overall.81 Those who wisely chose not to attend
76
77
See Appendix IV.
78
Louvain and Erfurt never seem to have attracted students from Regensburg in
significant numbers. Erfurt matriculations never constituted more than five percent
of the total. I have been unable to identify any Regensburg students at Louvain until
after 1520.
79
Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher, 546–48.
80
From 1480 to 1485, only two students from Regensburg, Johannes Turnbeger,
and Johannes Schwartzhofer, matriculated at Vienna. In the previous and subsequent
six-year periods, twenty and nineteen students, respectively, matriculated at Vienna.
81
One possible exception to this was 1483, a year in which the plague struck

Vienna during and immediately after the outbreak of plague appear

to have attended Ingolstadt instead. Enrollment figures for Ingolstadt
nearly doubled during these years. The increase of nineteen is exactly
equivalent to the decrease in attendance at Vienna during the same
period. In the six year period after the plague from 1486 to 1491, the
number of students at Vienna increased to nineteen, fairly close to
its pre-plague level, while the number who attended Ingolstadt fell to
twenty-three. Similar patterns emerge for the plague years in Leipzig
from 1437 to 1439, and Ingolstadt in 1483.82
Family connections also played a role in university selection. The
patrician Amman family, for example, sent nine students to Vienna
between 1454 and 1511. The only exception came in the plague
year of 1481 when Casparus and Emeramus Amman matriculated at
Ingolstadt. The knightly Parsberger family sent two and perhaps three
generations of students to study in Padua.83 Between 1480 and 1519,
four members of the Schwäbel family studied at Ingolstadt.84 Other
examples of this pattern include the Portners and Ellenbachs who sent
four students each to Ingolstadt and Vienna respectively.85 Also striking
is the frequent appearance of multiple children from the same family
who attended a university together. In 1465, Martin and Warmund
Bebenhauser matriculated together at Leipzig. In 1476, both the
Portners and Zellers sent two of their sons to Ingolstadt. Five years later
Casparus and Emeramus Amman matriculated at Ingolstadt.86 Such
arrangements helped to defray costs, while providing built-in networks
of support and companionship in an otherwise foreign environment.
The resources available to individual students also influenced univer-
sity choice. The fringe groups, the poor, and the nobles, were unevenly
Ingolstadt and had only recently subsided in Vienna. In that year only two students
from Regensburg can be identified in any university (both at Leipzig). Whereas in
1482, nine students appear in Ingolstadt alone (1484 saw eleven Regensburg students
matriculate at Ingolstadt).
82
No students attended Leipzig from Regensburg in the plague years of 1437 to
1439. Only two attended Ingolstadt in 1483 when the plague hit that city.
83
Henricus Parsberger and Johannes Parsberger studied in Padua in 1441 and 1472
respectively. Some historians have asserted that Fridericus Parsberger studied at Padua
at the beginning of the fifteenth century as well, although he does not appear in the
published records of the university. See Appendix II.
84
See Appendix II. Before the foundation of Ingolstadt, one member of the Schwäbel
family studied at Leipzig (1467). See Appendix II.
85
See Appendix II. Numerous other examples occur of families who sent at least
two individuals to the same institution.
86
See Appendix II.

184 chapter four
distributed among the universities of the Empire.87 As R. C. Schwinges

has shown, approximately eighty percent of the “poor” students attend-
ing German universities entered the large, urban universities of Leipzig,
Vienna, or Louvain. These cities, all among the largest in the Empire,
offered better opportunities to students of limited means.88 They were
also significantly cheaper than the elite universities of Erfurt, Rostock,
and Ingolstadt.
The usual fees for students at Vienna before 1414 were two groschen,
rising to 4 groschen in 1415.89 At Leipzig the amount was set at six
groschen, while a student with the same resources paid eight groschen
at Erfurt. Although the distinction might seem trivial, these fees were
the basis for calculating all other debts owed to the university, includ-
ing those assessed for advancement in academic rank. When coupled
with the higher costs and more limited opportunities associated with
living in smaller university towns like Heidelberg, Tübingen, Erfurt
and Ingolstadt, it is hardly surprising that these universities attracted
fewer “poor” students than did the larger cities of Vienna, Louvain,
and Leipzig.
Of the four universities (Vienna, Ingolstadt, Leipzig, and Erfurt)
that Regensburg students frequented in significant numbers, the poor
constituted the highest percentage in Vienna and Leipzig. At Vienna,
nearly twenty percent of the students from Regensburg paid no burse.
An additional eight percent paid only a partial burse. For Leipzig, the
number of pauperes was lower, around nine percent, but an additional
eleven percent paid reduced fees.90 At Ingolstadt, only two students, less
87
See Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher, 454. The matriculation records generally
recorded whether an individual student had paid the requisite fees and the amount
received. University fees varied according to ability to pay so the records of payments
received from individual students can provide important clues regarding the relative
standing of individuals within the university communities. The normal fees collected
were set by statute; however, these could be lowered (or raised) depending on the
financial situation of the student. Or they could be waived all together. For this latter
group, the matriculation records often include an additional comment “on account of
poverty” or simply “pauper.” As mentioned earlier, the ambiguous use of the term pauper
can make these designations misleading. Given the financial benefit that accompanied
classification as poor some individuals likely abused the system. Given the frequency
of statutes seeking to restrict and control the numbers of designated poor, university
officials clearly were concerned about such abuse.
88
Schwinges, Deutsche Universitätsbesucher, 455–56.
89
For the value of the Groschen see Chapter Two note 29.
90
At Leipzig, six paid nothing, eleven paid a partial burse, fifty-four paid full, sev-
enteen paid more, and five were unspecified; at Vienna, 75 pauperes, 35 partial, 175
full, 73 paid more, and 28 were unspecified.

than two percent, had their fees waived or reduced. The popularity of
Leipzig and Vienna was, at least in part, attributable to overall afford-
ability, whereas the proximity of Ingolstadt provided some compensation
for the higher fees.
Funding University Study
Recipiantur viri qualificati, qui possint salubriter Ecclesie consiliis suis assistere 91
The funds necessary to meet the costs associated with university study
came from a variety of sources. Before 1375, the cathedral chapter, and
to a lesser extent St. Emmeram, provided the majority of institutional
support for Regensburg’s university students. By the late fourteenth
century, numerous mendicants from Regensburg also begin to appear
in the universities.92 Around the same time, the city itself made a series
of payments to individual students to assist them during their years of
study. Such support for university scholars reflects the extent to which
these institutions viewed university study as essential to their function;
it was not simply a matter of prestige or the love of learning, but the
acquisition of useful skills that motivated many university students and
those who supported them.
The late thirteenth-century constitution of Boniface VIII, Cum ex eo,
which allowed beneficed clergy engaged in study at a studium generale
to continue to collect the revenues from their churches, provided one
of the most important sources of financial support for universities and
university scholars. Although the constitution applied at all levels of
the church, the most obvious beneficiaries came from the ranks of the
canons. By the fourteenth century, the number of Regensburg canons
engaged in university study forced the chapter to change the way it
91
Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 24.
92
Although the Franciscans and Dominicans had been established in Regensburg
since the middle of the thirteenth century, and the Augustinian Hermits since the
late thirteenth century, evidence of university students from these convents is mini-
mal before 1375. This is somewhat puzzling given the dominant positions that these
Orders held within many universities. It is possible that the lack of university students
is more apparent than real. The mendicants did not generally pay fees, and did not
take lower degrees, so the names of many mendicants who did study simply were not
recorded.

186 chapter four
functioned.93 The cathedral statutes from 1321 cite the number of

absentee canons “in studio commorantes . . .” as one of the reasons for the
establishment of a system of vicars to fulfill the duties usually performed
by these men.94
The nobility had long dominated the cathedral chapter. Statutes from
the mid-thirteenth century required that all canons be of noble birth
and “viri literati.”95 However, by the fifteenth century, cathedral chap-
ter began to accept non-nobles who held advanced degrees as canons.
Cathedral statutes issued in 1414 required that canons be either noble,
or doctors or formed bachelors in theology, or doctors or licentiates in
canon or civil law.96
93
For the relationship between collegiate and cathedral churches and university
study see, Moraw, “Stiftspfründen.”
94
Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 2, 63. The full text reads: “Cum nostra Ratisponensis
Ecclesia propter Canonicorum absenciam, quorum aliqui in aliis prebendatis eccle-
siis, alii in studio commorantes, et non nulli servicio domini Episcopi deputati, suam
nobiscum non valent presenciam exhibere, quam eciam propter factam puerorum
receptionem in Canonicos et in fratres, importunitate precum Principum et aliorum
potencium, ac provisione Romanorum Pontificum, non modicum defectum pateretur, et
propter hoc contingeret divini cultum nominis negligi, minui, non augeri, prout etiam
imposterum verosimiliter timeri poterat . . .” The statutes also blame the number of
noble boys, not yet of canonical age, whom they were required to accept.
95
96
This statute dates from 1414. Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 2: “Volumus etiam,
ut de caetero nullus assumatur vel admittatur in Canonicum et Confratrem, qui non
sit nobilis ad minus ex utroque parente de militari genere procreatus, quod ante
assumptionem et admissionem probare tenetur per duos idoneos eiusdem generis, aut
plures Sacramento hoc firmantibus et personas huiusmodi specifice nominantibus et
demonstrantibus aut nisi fuerit scientia litterarum expertus, et in divino officio exer-
citatus, declarantes appellatione literatorum et expertorum comprehendi tundaxat
Doctores aut Magistros in sacra pagina, aut Baccalaureos formatus eiusdem, Doctores
aut Licentiatos in iure Canonico aut Civili, qui cum rigore examinis in studio generali,
extra tamen Romanam curiam, sunt promoti, de quo ante sui receptionem legitimam
Capitulo nostro fidem facere teneantur.” The total of non-noble canons was not to
exceed one-third. Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 2. “ita tamen, quod huiusmodi gradu-
atorum receptio tertiam partem numeri personarum seu Canonicorum Ecclesiae nostrae
non excedat, sed ultra huisumodi tertiam partem etiam qualitercunque graduati non
recipiantur nec admittantur. Volumus tamen, quod Nobiles, qui sic graduati fuerint in
huiusmodi tertia parte graduatorum non computentur.” Later statutes make it clear
that individuals frequently misrepresented the extent of their university training to take
advantages of the opportunities which it offered. See, for example, the cathedral statute
from 1493. Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 24: “Nos cupientes ut ammodo usque ad
supplecionem numeri prefati recipiantur viri qualificati, qui possint salubriter Ecclesie
consiliis suis assistere: Statuimus per p[rese]ntes quod de cetero Assumendus per nos
in Canonicum et Confratrem Ecclesie nostre teneatur in Principio sue assumpcionis,
unacum legittimitate et promocione gradus sui probare, quod in aliquo studio univer-
sali privilegiato, extra Romanam Curiam steterit animo, studendi in facultate, in qua
se allegat promotum, ad minus per quatuor annos et quidem fuerit in eodem loco
reputatus habitus et tentus pro Scolari illius facultatis.”

These same statutes also set the conditions under which existing
canons might attend a studium generale and continue to collect the income
from their benefices.97 First, the statutes required that the canons obtain
permission from the chapter before they could embark on their stud-
ies. If the chapter refused permission, the canon was denied access to
the income from his prebend during his absence. Second, the canons
were required to provide “progress reports” from the university or its
representative. If the behavior of the student or his academic progress
was deemed unsatisfactory, the chapter reserved the right to recall the
student from his studies. Third, the statutes required that canons only
study in recognized universities. Finally, the statutes defined the portion
of the income the student could enjoy during his absence.98
The number of cathedral canons who took advantage of these oppor-
tunities was significant.99 From 1300 to 1375, twelve canons pursued
97
Non-noble canons were required to have already obtained an advanced degree,
so the noble canons would be those most likely to take advantage of this privilege.
98
Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 11–12: “Fratres autem, qui Universitates generales
studii causa visitare voluerint, tenentur et debent licentiam a nobis et Capitulo nostro
petere et obtinere, quae si denegata fuerit, licet petita, vel si non petita, scolas huius-
modi visitaverint, absentes et non residentes censebuntur, neque aliquid de fructibus
praebendarum suarum percipient. Obtinentes vero licentias, et in scolis existentes
tenebuntur infra tempus per nos statuendum fidem facere per litteras universitates
vel Rectoris eiusdem de inceptione studii ac vita et conversatione eorundem; non
debent etiam sic stantes in studiis, nisi per paucos dies causa recreationis illuc exire, et
ab eo abesse. Quod si querrarum, pestis, famis vel alia ex causa diutius se absentare
voluerint, ad nos declinent, nisi una cum Magistris seu Rectoribus ad certum locum
irent, ubi nihilominus licentiam alibi per nos transeundi saltem litteris suis obtinebunt,
si secus facerent, fructus sibi deputatos perderent. Huiusmodi etiam Scolares in aliqua
approbata universitate, extra tamen Romanam curiam, ut praefertur, stantes et scolas
frequentantes ex antiqua et longissima observata consuetudine, percipiunt, ac percipere
habent et debent corpus praebendae in vino et blado tantum, in quibus essent contenti;
de vinali distributione in pecuniis, et aliis quibuscunque proventibus et obvenientibus
nihil habebunt omnino; etiam si a studio ante tredecim septimanas, quibus quilibet
absens esse potest, reverterent, et apud nos residentiam facerent praesentialem et
personalem. Si autem talis reversus fuerit Capitularis, et ante tredecim septimanas, ut
praefertur, revertatur, tunc integram praebendam habebit, concurrentibus saltem aliis
prout statuta disponunt. Volumus tamen, ac facultatem nobis reservamus praefatos
scolares a scolis huiusmodi revocandi, quandocunque et quoties nobis placuerit, et
visum fuerit expedire, quod si revocati revertere non curaverint, fructibus praebendarum
suarum sint privati ipso facto.”
99
Most of the cathedral canons in university study were members of noble or
knightly families (especially before the fifteenth century). The nobility mantained
control of the cathedral chapters in Bavaria, and Germany in general, to a much
greater degree than was typical in France. Non-nobles did not begin to appear at all
until very late. The Alte Kapelle, too, though to a lesser degree after the fourteenth
century, drew much of its membership from among the nobility, especially the lower
nobility and knightly families in the vicinities of Regensburg and Bamberg. However,

188 chapter four
university studies, nine at Bologna and three at Prague. During the next
125 years, another eighty-nine appear in thirteen different universities.
The peak of study appears to have been during the 1440s when thir-
teen cathedral canons matriculated in three different universities. Eight
of these men studied law in Italy and many more studied before their
entry into the chapter.100
Although the education obtained by the canons was primarily for the
benefit of the individual canon, their impact on the chapter and even
the city should not be entirely dismissed. Indeed, by the end of the
fifteenth century, several important intellectual figures were associated
with the chapter, making Regensburg an important regional center for
the transmission of humanist ideas from Italy into the German-speaking
portions of the empire.101
In addition to the cathedral chapter, the collegiate churches in the
city also supported university scholars. Foremost among these was
the Alte Kapelle.102 Although initially dominated by the nobility, by
non-nobles made significant inroads into the chapter of the Alte Kapelle beginning
in the fifteenth century.
100
In a complaint directed to the Papal Curia from the Regensburg cathedral
canons dated 28 April 1482, nearly all of the eighteen named canons had studied
at a university and many held advanced degrees. J. Schmid, Die Urkundenregesten des
Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle in Regensburg (Regensburg: J. Habbel, 1911–12).
vol. 1, 273 #1360, 28 April 1482. A prosopographical study of the cathedral chapter
is as yet lacking and would likely significantly increase our knowledge of geographical
and social mobility, patronage networks, and intellectual influences, as well as the role
of university study in the procurement of benefices.
101
Contact between the Regensburg cathedral and Italian centers of humanist activity
is evident from second quarter of the fifteenth century. Twelve cathedral canons studied
at Padua between 1430 and 1520: Henricus Tanhein (1436), Henricus Absperger (1441),
bishop of Regensburg (1465–1493), Henricus Parsperger (1441), Casparus Schenck
(1441), Ulricus Part (1444), Georgius Nothafft (1466), Ulricus Baumgartner (1468),
Georgius Kynsberger (1470), Stephanus Schrotel (1471), Johannes Trötster (1471),
Johannes Schmidner (1484) and Wolfgangus Portner (1484). Two additional canons
studied at Bologna during the same period: Franciscus Schlick (1447), Geogius Kolb
(1515). This period of study brought many of the canons into contact with humanist
ideas, of which Padua was one of the foremost centers. See for example, Agostino
Sottili, Studenti tedeschi e umanesimo italiano nell’Università di Padova durante il Quattrocento,
Contributi alla storia dell’Università di Padova, vol. 7 (Padua: Antenore, 1971), 1–14.
They also brought with them numerous texts that eventually found their way into the
city’s libraries.
102
Smaller and much poorer, the collegiate church of St. Johann saw a handful of
its canons pursue university study. These included two men who studied in Bologna,
a certain Lubertus de Ratispona (1443) and the son of a Regensburg patrician fam-
ily Leonardus Zollner (1471). That same year, the provost of St. Johann, Stephanus
Schrotel, appeared at Padua and Ferrara where he took his doctorate in canon law.
As was frequently the case with canons of St. Johann, Schrotel soon resigned his posi-

the fifteenth century its members came increasingly from among the
educated citizenry of Regensburg.103 As with the cathedral, a number of
statutes survive from the Alte Kapelle relating to university study and the
admission of university graduates to the college. According to a statute
from 1486, the college should only receive those who had studied for
some years in a studium generale or in a reputable studium particulare, and
only those who had studied in a studium generale for at least two years
could vote in chapter.104 Like the cathedral canons, those who wished
to continue to receive the income from their benefices were required
to provide proof of academic progress and good behavior.105
Although the Alte Kapelle was smaller than the better-endowed
cathedral chapter, the college still boasted a significant number of
university students and graduates.106 Between 1400 and 1500, twenty-
three canons of the Alte Kapelle attended one or more universities.
tion to take a more lucrative one in the Alte Kapelle and then later in the diocese of
Passau. See Appendix II. Finally, a brief mention of St. Mang is in order. Although
this house of Augustinian canons just outside the city proper enjoyed a significant
intellectual flowering in the fifteenth century, it left little mark in the universities. Its
most famous intellectual figure, the chronicler Andreas von Regensburg seems to have
been educated within a very short distance of Regensburg, first in the nearby town of
Straubing and then St. Mang, rarely, if ever, venturing outside his adopted city. See
Kurt Ruh, Gundolf Keil, et al., eds., Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon /
Begründet von Wolfgang Stammler, Fortgeführt von Karl Langosch (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1978–2006)
(hereinafter VL), vol. 1, 341–348.
103
Heinrich Wanderwitz, “Die Kanoniker- und Chorherrenstifte im mittelalterlichen
Regensburg,” in Regensburg im Mittelalter, eds. Martin Angerer and Heinrich Wanderwitz
(Regensburg: Universitäts Verlag, 1995), 198.
104
See Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 4, 80. “certos annos in studio generali sive alio
loco honesto studii.” and Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 4, 81–82 (quoted earlier, see
Chaper Four, note 59).
105
Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 4, 93. “ Studentes vero iuxta consuetudinem Ecclesiae
nostrae licentia obtenta causa studii in studiis generalibus et privilegiatis existentes, si
in sacerdotii sint dignitate constituti percipiunt, atque eis debetur ex officio cellaris
integrae corpus praebendae vini et bladi una cum denariis officii cellaris ac finalis
distributionis: si autem in minoribus constituantur, vini duntaxat et bladi de officio
cellaris, denariis et finali distributione exceptis, percipere et de eisdem Levitis eorum-
dem vices in legendo Evang. et Epistolas supplentibus de statuto salario duodecim
sch. denar. Ratisb. satisfacere habebunt, et tenentur dare singulis annis iuxta servatam
consuetudinem, proviso tamen, quod iidem, si studium suum continuare et portionibus
supra dictis gaudere voluerint, Capitulum nostrum singulis annis circa festum S. Viti.
quatuordecim dies ante vel post, sine phara de studii continuitate per literas Rectoris
earundem Universitatum diligentias eorum continentes certificent.”
106
The Alte Kapelle had approximately fifteen canons at any given time, wheras
the number for the cathedral was set at thirty-five. For the Alte Kapelle, see Paul Mai,
“Die Kanoniaktstifte in der Stadt Regensburg,” in Peter Schmid, Geschichte der Stadt
Regensburg, 2 vols (Regensburg: Pustet Verlag, 2000), vol. 2, 813. For the cathedral see

190 chapter four
Many of these used their income to support their law studies in Italy.
Nearly twenty percent of the total matriculants from the Alte Kapelle
studied for a time in Italy and Padua appears to have been the favored
destination. In 1475 alone, three canons held degrees from Padua, and
a fourth was studying in Padua at the time.107
Like most Benedictine houses, St. Emmeram was relatively slow
to embrace the advantages of university study.108 Even after the first
students from the monastery appear in the universities, connections
between St. Emmeram and the universities remained sporadic. Between
1337 and 1349, three monks from the monastery studied in Bologna.
The interest in university study was primarily the result of the activi-
ties of the abbot, Albert von Schmidmüln, and does not seem to have
survived his death.109 Several generations later, from 1427 to 1464,
St. Emmeram again appears to have had frequent contacts with the
universities, especially Leipzig where three monks associated with the
monastery studied.110 In 1456, St. Emmeram’s first university-trained
school master—Hermann Pötzlinger—resigned his position as school-
master and accompanied several sons of the Regensburg patriciate to
study at Leipzig.111 It seems likely that the four Regensburg university
matriculants who appear that year at Leipzig had been students of
Pötzlinger at St. Emmeram.112 However, just as a century earlier, the
107
They were Stephanus Schrotel, Johannes Prukhay, and Casparus Kantner—all
doctors in law. Schrotel attended Padua but completed his degree in Ferrara. Schrotel’s
circle at Padua included a number of important humanists, including Johannes Mendel
and Johannes Tröster. Georgius Snoeder appears in Padua in 1475 to 76, where he too
completed his degree in canon law. See Appendix II for references and details.
108
See, for example, the discussion of Benedictine students at Paris by Thomas
Sullivan, Benedictine Monks at the University of Paris, A.D. 1229–1500, A Biographical
Register, Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, eds., William
J. Courtenay, Jürgen Miethke, et al. (Leiden: Brill, 1995) and for England, William J.
Courtenay, Schools and Scholars: in the Fourteenth Century (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1987, 77–80.
109
These were Christianus de Ratispona (1337) Hugo de Ratispona (1337–39)
and Gotfridus Scheffel de Ratispona (1349). See Knod, 435: 2693, 2959, 2955, and
Appendix II.
110
These were Friedrich Amman de Wysenfelt (1427), Heinrich Prew de Wysen-
felt (1449), and Johannes Tegernpeck (1464). Only the latter was associated with St.
Emmeram at the time of his matriculation at Leipzig, Bischoff, “Studien zur Geschichte
des Klosters St. Emmeram im Spätmittelalter,” 124–35.
111
He appears at Leipzig in 1456, Georg Erler, ed., Die Matrikel der Universität Leipzig,
1409–1559, 3 vols. Codex diplomaticus Saxoniae Regiae, vols. 16–18 (Leipzig: Giesecke u.
Devrient, 1895–1902; reprint Nendeln: Kraus Reprint, 1976) (hereinafter MUL I–III),
vol. 1, 203. For more on Pötzlinger see Appendix I.
112
These were Paulus Caspender, Jeronimus Leskircher, Sigismundus Lohener, and
Ulricus Magenst. See Appendix II.

sudden and intense interest in university study appears to have been

associated with one particular abbot rather than an ongoing institu-
tional connection. Indeed, after the death of the abbot Tegernpeck,
evidence of university study by the monks of St. Emmeram nearly
disappears.113
There is even less evidence of university study from the other
Benedictine houses in and near Regensburg. Only two students from
Prüfening appear in the matriculation records, both of them in 1474,
and none from Prüll.114 The relationship between the Schottenkloster
of St. Jakob and the universities is more complex. Although the
Schottenkloster also had only two identifiable university matriculants,115
two of the daughter houses of the Regensburg convent—the Schotten-
kloster in Vienna and in Erfurt—played important roles in the universi-
ties of their respective cities. The abbot of the Schottenkloster in Erfurt
even served as “conservator privilegiorum” for the university.116 When the
abbot of the Schottenkloster in Regensburg matriculated at Erfurt in
1453, he held the title “subconservator privilegiorum membrorum universitatis,”
and the university waived his fees.117
More than any of the regulars, the Regensburg mendicant orders
actively supported university study. As has already been noted, iden-
tifying mendicant students by means of the matriculation records is
problematic. As a result, one must rely on the records of the orders
themselves, particularly those of the province. Unfortunately, for the
Dominicans and the Franciscans the evidence is extremely fragmentary.118
113
Nicholas Bernawer, who entered St. Emmeram after his studies, matriculated
in Ingolstadt in 1479. Götz Freiherrn von Pölnitz, Die Matrikel der Ludwig-Maximilians-
Universität Ingolstadt-Landshut-München, vol. 1, 1472–1600 (München: Lindauer, 1937)
(hereinafter MLMU I), 88. See Bischoff, “Studien zur Geschichte des Klosters St.
Emmeram im Spätmittelalter,” 129–34.
114
The two Prüfening monks were Wolfgangus Molitoris and Johannes Grasser who
matriculated together at Ingolstadt. MLMU I, 53.
115
The Abbot Mauricius at Erfurt in 1453 and Otto Hoege at Ingolstadt in 1478
MLMU I, 85.
116
Gustav A. Renz, “Beiträge zur Geschichte der Schottenabtei St. Jakob und des
Priorates Weih St. Peter (O.S.B.)” Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner-
Ordens und seiner Zweige, 18 (1897), 630 #262, 11 February 1427.
117
J. C. Hermann Weissenborg, Acten der Erfurter Universitaet, vol. 1, Geschichtsquellen
der Provinz Sachsen und angrenzender Gebiete, vol. 8 (Halle: O. Hendel, 1881) (here-
inafter Act. Erf. I), 235: “dominus Mauricius abbas monasterii sancti Iacobi Scotorum
Ratisponensis, subconservator privilegiorum membrorum universitatis etc. gratis.”
118
For a good list of the published provincial acts for the Dominicans, see Isnard Wil-
helm Frank, Hausstudium und Unversitätsstudium der Wiener Dominikaner bis 1500, Archiv für
Österreichische Geschichte, vol. 127 (Vienna: Hermann Böhlaus, 1968); for the Franciscans,
see Brigitte Degler-Spengler, “Oberdeutsche (Strassburger) Minoritenprovinz 1246/

192 chapter four
In the case of the Augustinians, we are better informed, at least after

the middle of the fourteenth century.119
Among the Regensburg mendicant orders, the Franciscans appear
to have been the least active (although the lack of surviving provincial
records is reason to be cautious). Five university students from the con-
vent appear in the matriculation records before 1500.120 Three others
who entered the order in Regensburg—Conrad von Sulzbach (later
lector in Regensburg), Liephard von Regensburg, and Friedrich von
Amberg (both later provincials of the Avignon obedience in Freiburg)—
studied at the provincial studium generale of the order in Strasbourg during
the last quarter of the fourteenth century. Additionally, Friedrich von
Amberg studied at both Paris and Avignon, completing his education
some time before 1392. However, beyond the fact that he entered the
order in Regensburg, he left virtually no evidence of his presence.
1264–1939,” in ed. Brigitte Degler-Spengler, Der Franziskusorden: die Franziskaner, die

Klarissen und die regulierten Franziskanerterziarinnen in der Schweiz, Helvetia Sacra, abteilung
5, vol. 1 (Bern: Francke, 1978), 53–56.
119
The provincial acts for the Augustinian Hermits after the middle of the fourteenth
century are preserved in the archives of the order in Rome in the series Dd. A hand-
written copy relating to convents in Germany is in Munich at the Hauptstaatsarchiv as
clm 8423. I have used the latter for my references and also relied heavily on Adalbero
Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner- Eremiten, Cassiacum XXVI (Würzburg,
Augustinus, 1969–76), 7 vols., especially vol. 1 and 3.
120
The identifiable university students are Marcus Schönprunner de Ratispona
(Vienna, 1447–53), Laurencius Erhardi de Eschenbach (Erfurt, 1479–81), Johannes
Winckler de Ratisbona (Ingolstadt, 1479), Ulricus Brannburger (Ingolstadt, 1482),
and Michael Schieser (Freiburg, 1486). At the beginning of the sixteenth century,
the Regensburg Franciscan, Erasmus Swaiger, studied at Ingolstadt. In addition, the
Regensburg lector Johannes Sack studied in Erfurt (1423) and Vienna (1431) before
teaching at Regensburg (for references and more details on these men, see Appendix
I). Given the lack of records from the Strasbourg Franciscan province, this number
is certainly too low. However, other evidence, including the profile of its lectors and
its library suggests that intellectually the convent never rose to the level of the other
mendicant houses in the city. After a particularly brilliant beginning—such towering
figures as Berthold of Regensburg and David of Augsburg as well as the lesser known
authors Werner and Lamprecht von Regensburg, were all members of the convent—we
hear little of the convent’s intellectual activities. See Hubert Glaser, “Wissenschaft und
Bildung im Spätmittelalter: die Regensburger Minoriten,” in Handbuch der bayerischen
Geschichte, ed. Max Spindler, vol. 2, Das alte Bayern der Territorialstaat vom Ausgang des 12.
Jahrhunderts bis zum Ausgang des 18. Jahrhunderts (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1987), 811–19.
See also Anneliese Hilz, Die Minderbrüder von St. Salvatore in Regensburg, 1226–1810, in
BzGBR, 25 (Regensburg: Verein für Regensburger Bistumsgeschichte, 1991). The library
catalogue of 1347 betrays little influence from the universities, only the Sentences com-
mentaries of Bonventure, Alexander (persumable Hales) and William (Brito?), MBK 4:
1, 446. The possession of Alexander of Hales and Bonaventure is hardly remarkable
given that they represented two most important Franciscan theologians.

By the mid fifteenth century, evidence of university study by Regens-

burg Franciscans increases significantly. During this period, three of the
four identifiable Regensburg Franciscan university students appeared. In
addition, between 1462 and 1499, the convent had five guardians who
held doctorates in theology, one of whom also served as lector in the
convent. A sixth, Ulricus Awmayer a native of Regensburg and doctor
of theology, served the convent as lector and preacher.121 Concomittant
with the increase in the number of Regensburg Franciscans in uni-
versity study, the convent also expanded its school—moving it outside
the convent to the Sinzenhof—and hired a secular priest to oversee
instruction.122 By the end of the century, the convent again fell on hard
times. In 1499, the school in the Sinzenhof closed and the property
itself was lost to the financially troubled convent.123
Unlike the Franciscans, the Regensburg Dominicans left much
clearer evidence evidence of their pursuit of higher studies. Regensburg
Dominicans appear in Verona, Bologna, Cologne, and Toulouse.
Between 1389 and 1480, twelve Regensburg Dominicans can be found
at seven different universities.124 Six of the eleven studied between 1461
121
In the list of lectors and guardians compiled by Anneliese Hilz only Hildebran-
dus, who died in 1316, is identified as a doctor of theology prior the middle of the
fifteenth century. A second lector, Conrad von Sulzbach, studied in Strasbourg in 1346
and “dedit calicem et bonos libros” to the convent. Anneliese Hilz, “Die Bibliothek der
Minoriten von St. Salvator in Regensburg,” VHVOR, 122 (1982), 274. However, from
the fifteenth century, a series of guardians, lectors, and preachers with advanced degrees
appeared: Marcus Schönprunner (died 1462), Ulricus Awmayer (died 1468), Johannes
Winckler (died after 1498), Ulricus Brannburger (died 1497), Laurencius Erhardi de
Eschenbach (died fter 1498), and Laurentius Wagner (Guardian in Regensburg in
1499)—all doctors in theology. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 183–85, 13, 294–97.
122
The school was moved to the Sinzenhof outside of the convent in 1457. Two
years later the secular schoolmaster Leonard Panholz began teaching there. See Hilz,
Minderbrüder, 152. Panholz studied at Vienna in 1454 MUW 1454 II R 25 and died
in 1494, Monumenta Germaniae Historica Antiquitates Necrologia, vol. 3, Diocesis Brixinensis,
Frisingensis, Ratisbonensis, ed. Ludovicus Franciscus Bauman (Berlin: Weidmann, 1905)
(herinafter MGH Antiquitates Necrologia), 253, 20 November. For more on Panholz see
Appendix I (Franciscan secular masters).
123
Hilz, Minderbrüder, 152.
124
They were Conradus de Ratisbona (Verona, 1389), Conradus Hauweck (Bologna,
1400), Andreas de Ratispona (Cologne, 1402), Johannes Eglof de Ratispona (Vienna,
1423), Johannes de Munnerstadt (Cologne, 1425), Petrus de Rosenheim, who served as
cursor and master of students in Regensburg (Vienna, 1434; Cologne, 1437; Bologna,
1441), Casparus Brandstetter (Cologne, 1461), Casparus de Ratispona (Padua, 1468),
Jacobus Siger (Bologna, 1476), Georgius Nigri (Ingolstadt, 1478), Wolfgangus Loebel
(Ingolstadt, 1480), and Leonardus Modler (Toulouse, 1478–80). Modler’s peregrinations,
though perhaps extreme, illustrate the high degree of mobility that characterized the

194 chapter four
and 1480, a period characterized by reform and increasing intellectual

activity. In 1468, under pressure from the city, the convent began to
implement reforms.125 The process appears to have progressed too slowly
for some, and in 1475, the General of the Order, Nicholas Mansuetis,
brought in the learned Johannes Nigri as prior.126 It was also during
this period that the manuscript BayStB Cgm 597—a German and
Latin Sammelband of scientific texts, especially Astronomy, Astrology,
and medicine—came into the possession of the convent.127
intellectual elite within the mendicant orders. In 1476, he served as lector in Schlett-
stadt (B. M. Reichert, Registrum litterarum Raymundi de Capua, (1386–1399) [et] Leonardi di
Mansuetis, (1474–1480), QF vol. VI (Leipzig: Harassowitz, 1911) (hereinafter Reichert,
Reg. litt., QF, VI), 99. From 1478 to 1480, he studied in Toulouse where he completed
his theology studies. In 1481 he was assigned as confessor to the Dominican sisters in
Nuremberg (B. M. Reichert, Registrum litterarum Salvi Cassettae (1481–1483) [et] Barnabae
Saxoni (1486), QF vol. VII (Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1912) (hereinafter Reichert, Reg. litt.,
QF, VII), 13. By the end of 1481, he was on the move again, sent to reform the convent
of Bozanensis (Posen?) “propter ruinam conventus.” (Reichert, Reg. litt., QF, VII, 6).
He was removed from that position three months later “qui ex falsis informacionibus
fuit factus vicarius Bozanensis . . . revocatus et absolutus ab officio vicariatus. . . .” and
ordered to leave within two days, “sub pena carceris.” (Reichert, Reg. litt., QF, VII, 17,
12 March 1482). On 4 December 1483, he was granted permission to make a pilgrim-
age to Jerusalem (Reichert, Reg. litt., QF, VII, 48). By 1490, he returned to Regensburg,
BayHstA KU Dominikaner Regensburg, 189, 10 May 1490. Another well-travelled friar,
the Bohemian-born Petrus Nigri, brother of the Regensburg Prior Johannes Nigri, spent
some time in Regensburg. According to his own account he secretly studied with the
Jews of Salamanca before moving to Montpellier where he began reading the Sentences.
Two years later he completed his reading of the Sentences at the University of Freiburg.
In 1473, he transferred to Ingolstadt, completing his formal studies at the level of
licenciate in theology. Until 1474 he taught a course at Ingolstadt, most likely Hebrew.
Laetitia Boehm, Winfried Müller, Wolfgang J. Smolka, and Helmut Zedelmaier, eds.,
Biographisches Lexikon der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, Universität Ingolstadt-
Landshut-München Forschungen und Quellen: Forschungen, vol. 18 (Berlin: Duncker
& Humblot, 1998) (hereinafter Bio-Lex Ingol.), 292–93.
125
Anneliese Hilz, “Mendikanten-Niederlassungen,” in Regensburg im Mittelalter: Beiträge
zur Stadtgeschichte vom frühen Mittelalter bis zum Beginn der Neuzeit, ed. Martin Angerer and
Heinrich Wanderwitz (Regensburg: Universitätsverlag, 1995), 212–213.
126
Johannes was the brother of Nicolas, Georgius, and Petrus Nigri, the latter two
also playing important roles in the Regensburg convent. See Appendix II.
127
The text dates from 1485 and includes works in both Latin and German, among
them a Latin version of astrological treatises by John of Bruges and Bartholomew of
Parma, Latin translations of Arabic astronomy texts by Albumasar and Alkindi, as well
as vernacular medical works, including an anatomy of a pregnant woman. The com-
piler was particularly interested in the relationship between astronomy and medicine.
Karin Schneider, Die deutschen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: Cgm
501–690.—Editio altera, Catalogus codicum manu scriptorum Bibliothecae Monacensis;
T. 5, Ps. 4 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1978), 215–216. This catalogue is also available
online on http://www.manuscripta-mediaevalia.de.

The Augustinian Hermits, whose school served as the provincial

studium for the Bavarian province, had approximately the same num-
ber of university students as the Dominicans—sending thirteen of its
members to the universities between 1388 and 1500. The school of
the Regensburg Augustinian Hermits and the general level of intellec-
tual activity, however, surpassed the Dominicans.128 However, like the
Dominicans, the convent experienced two distinct periods of intense
study. Between 1388 and 1405, three Augustinian Hermits studied
at five universities.129 For the next fifty-eight years, we hear only of a
certain Petrus de Ratispona, who studied at Oxford in 1434. Beginning
in 1472, again associated with a period of reform, there was a flurry
of students from the convent.130
Although religious institutions provided the most consistent and
often the most lucrative sources of university funding, by the fifteenth
century, cities also began to provide direct financial assistance to select
students. Civic support came in a number of forms. Perhaps most
important was the city’s increasing demand for university-trained men
to serve as legal advisors, scribes, preachers, and medical doctors. Such
individuals brought valuable expertise and their presence contributed
a measure of prestige to the city in its dealing with ecclesiastical and
imperial courts as well as with other cities.
128
The convent was home to a number of important intellectual figures during the
late fourteenth and early fifteen centuries, including Nicholas of Laun, one of the first
professors of theology at the university of Prague. For a discussion of the importance
of the convent and its intellectual figures see, Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen
Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 280–292.
129
Berthold Puchauser studied at Oxford (1388–95), perhaps Vienna (1389), Bologna
(1398–1403), and then served as professor of theology at Vienna (1404–1415), Fridericus
de Ratispona was in Siena in 1389 when he was assigned to “Erfurt vel Magdeburg.”
Three years later in 1392, he was assinged to Bologna. In 1389 Johannes Metempoli
of Regensburg studied in Prague. For references see Appendix II.
130
Hilz, “Mendikanten-Niederlassungen,” 212–213. The first of these was the pro-
vincial himself, Johannes Ludovici whom the city helped recruit to reform the convent.
In 1466 Johanes Ludovici received four gulden from the city “zu stewr seiner Doctorei.”
StAR Cam. 16 81v (digital images, and in some cases transcriptions, available online,
Fontes Civitates Ratisponensis, Gechichtsquellen der Reichsstadt Regensburg *ONLINE*; Ingo
H. Kropač, “Stadtarchiv Regensburg, Bestand Cameralia, 01–24,” http://bhgw20.
kfunigraz.ac.at/virtual/index.htm; Last revision: 2006–03–09). See also Kunzelmann,
Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 236–41. In 1473, a Hermannus Meyer
was assigned to study in Rome. Four years later, Casparus Kursner received money
from the city to support his studies in Poloni (Poland perhaps Krakow?). He was also
assigned to “Ingolstadt vel Vienna,” in 1486. Some time before 1487, an Augustinus
de Ratisbone studied in Florence and then Vienna in 1487. In 1489, Johannes de
Ratispona was also assigned to Vienna. See Appendix II.

196 chapter four
Initially, the city drew these men primarily from among the learned
canons of the collegiate churches and of the cathedral. However, from
the early fifteenth century on, cities also began to recruit, fund, and
employ these men directly. The increasing complexity and professional-
ization of imperial, ducal, and ecclesiastical courts made it imperative
that the cities have access to men with sufficient training to hold their
own in this environment.
To ensure the necessary supply of university-trained men in its
service, the Regensburg city council began to provide direct funding
for promising students who were willing to serve their patron city for
a given amount of time. Although no contracts exist for Regensburg,
the council recorded a number of payments to individual students. In
1401, the city council granted “dem lesemaister Perchtolt in der chappel XII
ungarische guldein zu steur daz er maister solt werden.” In 1404, when he had
completed his studies, he received an additional pound “damit man in
geert hat da er von rom cham und da er maister ward.” 131 This beneficiary
of the council’s largesse was almost certainly Berthold Puchhauser—a
native son of Regensburg, lector, theology professor in Vienna, and
provincial of the Bavarian province of the Augustinian Hermits.132 In
131
StAR Cam. 6, 85r.
132
Neither of the account entries refer specifically to the Augustinian Hermits
calling him only “lesemaister in der chappel.” However, elsewhere in the city account
books, the phrase “die herrn in der Cappel” is used to refer to the Augustinian Her-
mits. See StAR Cam. 12, 18v where in 1436 the city granted to “den Herrn in der
Cappel . . . fur Holz 1 lb.” In nearly every other year the same amount was granted to
the “Augustinern umb Holz.” In 1412, the city paid “ainem knaben der dy stuben
gehaizt hat in der Kappeln,” and in 1413–14 a payment was made to the Baumeister
“zu der stuben in der Capelln” Elsewhere, the Augustinian Hermits received money
“für Holz zu der Ratstuben.” See StAR Cam. 14, 16r. It is also clear from numerous
charters that chappel served as short-hand for the convent of the Augustinian Hermits.
Josef Widemann and Franz Bastian, eds., Regensburger Urkundenbuch. Urkunden der Stadt,
Monumenta Boica, vols. 53, 54 (Munich: Verlag der k. Akademie, 1912, 56), (herein-
after MB 53 and 54), vol. 53, 1287: “hintz den parf%ssen 3 £ under si ze taylen; hintz
der Kappel 3 £ under si ze tailen, und 2 £ zu dem werche; hintz den predigern 1
£.” The use of the term lesemaister would also suggest one of the Mendicant houses.
Additionally, the years he received financial support from the city fit nicely with the
known career of Berthold Puchhauser. After studying in Vienna and Oxford in the
1380s and 1390s, he entered Bologna, where he remained from 1398 to 1403 when
he completed his theological studies. A year later, he entered the theological faculty
of Vienna. Kunzelmann, Geschichte der Deutschen Augustinern, vol. 3, 123–24. Finally, the
council’s later support of the Augustinians Johannes Ludovici (1466) and Casparus
Kursner (1477) demonstrates the city’s investment in the education of members of the
order. See StAR Cam. 16 fol. 76v and StAR Cam. 17 fol. 206r. Such an investment is
hardly surprising given that the city was the convent’s most important patron and the
number of Regensburg’s native sons who joined it. See, for example, StAR Cam. 04,

addition to the role he played within the Augustinian Order, Berthold

was also an influential preacher in the city. He was particularly active in
anti-Hussite preaching and was a key figure in the trial and execution
of the accused Hussite, and erstwhile Regensburg pedagogus, Ulrich
Grünsleder.133
Records survive from four other university students who received
financial assistance from the city. Conrad Duvel von Hildesheim whom
the city supported during his legal studies at Vienna beginning in
1407, had a long and distinguished career in the city.134 By 1414, he
was chaplain and priest of St. Georg in Regensburg and served as a
legal advisor to the council. From 1415 to 1418, he represented the
city at the council of Constance.135 Shortly after Conradus returned
1r which numbers among the members of the Augustianian Hermits a Straubinger and
a Portner. The city also helped to pay for windows in the convent’s library during the
1460s and 1470s. See StAR Cam. 16 fol. 168r and Cam. 19 fol. 207r, and celebrated
Easter at the convent from 1467 to 1475. See StAR Cam. 16 fol. 121v, StAR Cam 17
fol. 93v. For more about Berthold Puchauser’s career, see Appendix II.
133
Andreas von Regensburg reports that in the last year of the episcopate of Albert
Stauffer (1421), Berthold Puchauser delivered a sermon condemning the secular priest,
and chaplain in the Ahakirche, Ulrich Grünsleder as a Hussite. Berthold Puchhauser
was likely among the “diversos doctores atque peritos viros tam in sacra pagina quam
in iure canonice” who examined the accused Hussite. Andreas von Regensburg, Säm-
tliche Werke, ed. Georg Leidinger, QuE, Neue Folge, vol. 1 (München: M. Riegerische
Universitäts-Buchhandlung, 1903), 350.
134
In 1399 Conrad studied at Prague, Liber Decanorum Facultatis Philosophicae Universitatis
Pragensis, Monumenta Historica Universitatis Carolo-Ferdinandeae Pragensis, vol. 1, part
1–2 (hereinafter MUP I), pt. 1, 361, 364 and in 1405 at Heidelberg, Gustav Toepke, Die
Matrikel der Universität Heidelberg von 1386 bis 1870. vol. 1 (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1884.
reprinted Nendeln: Kraus Reprints, 1976) (hereinafter MUH I), 197. At Heidelberg,
Conrad came into contact with Leonardus Propst (they are listed next to each other
in the matriculation record). Propst was a canon in the Regensburg cathedral and son
of a prominent Regensburg family. It was likely through this university connection
that Conrad came to the attention of the Regensburg city council. Two years later,
both Conrad and Leonardus Propst appeared in Vienna. During his period of study at
Vienna, Conrad wrote the city council concerning money he had received “Mir hat her
Hans Woller ewr mitburger ausgericht fuemf phunt Regenspurger phenigen.” BayHStA
RS. Regb. Urk. Nr 3196, as transcribed in Hermann Heimpel, “Regensburger Berichte
vom Konstanzer Konzil: der reichstädtische Jurist Konrad Duvel von Hildesheim,
† 1430,” in Festschrift für Karl Gottfried Hugelmann: Zum 80. Geburtstag am 26. September 1959,
Dargebracht von Freunde, Kollegen und Schülern, 2 vols (Aalen: Scientia, 1959), vol. 1, 214.
Heimpel points out that the note has been incorrectly dated to 1391, a date by which it
is still identified in the Bayerische Haupstaatsarchiv. During his years at Vienna, Conrad
and Berthold Puchauser appear as witnesses at the trial of the accused Hussite Jerome
of Prague in Vienna. See Ladislav Klicman, “Processus iudicarius contra Jeronimum
de Praga habitus Viennae a. 1410–1412,” in Historický Archiv, 12 (1898), 10, 14, 21.
135
Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 2, 409. Conrad’s correspondence from
Constance is edited in Hermann Heimpel, 237–272.

198 chapter four
to the city, the bishop of Regensburg and former scolasticus, Albertus

Stauffer, instructed him to lecture on canon law in the Bischofshof.136
While associated with the cathedral, Conradus acquired a number
of law texts, which he willed to the city library after his death. These
included a glossed Codex Justiniani, a volume of the Authenticae, the
Speculum of William Durandus, and several others.137 In 1424, this time
well endowed with benefices, Conradus returned to Vienna to study
theology. At his death in 1430, he was both a licentiate in law, and a
bachelor of theology.138
In the mid-fifteenth century, the city also supported the legal studies
of Casparus Kantner. A native son of Regensburg, Kantner began
his studies at Vienna in 1451 where he matriculated in the arts as a
pauper.139 By 1463, he was employed as a public notary “oeffentlicher
Notar” in Regensburg.140 A year later, he traveled to Padua to study
canon law with the support of the city council. In all, Kantner received
payments amounting to 150 gulden, a truly extraordinay sum.141 When
he completed his doctorate in 1467, he received an additional thirty
gulden “in sein doctorei”142 He returned to Regensburg almost imme-
136
Andreas von Regensburg, Sämtliche Werke, 133: “Item perpendens, quod magister
Conradus de Hyldeshaym licentiatus decretorum, presbiter et cappellanus S. Georgii
secus pontem Ratispone, iurista civium, pecuniam, quam a domino acceperat, in sudario
ligare, hoc est percepta dona sub ocio lenti corporis absondere, nollet, ordinavit, ut
legeret in iure canonico in aula sua episcopali.” See also Christian Heinrich Kleinstäuber,
Ausführliche Geschichte der Studien-Anstalten in Regensburg: 1538–1880, vol. 1, Geschichte des
evangelischen reichstädtischen Gymnasii Poetici (von 1538–1811) (Stadtamhof: Joseph Mayr,
1881), 4; and Heimpel, “Regensburger Berichte vom Konstanzer Konzil,” 214–16.
137
These are now found in BayStB clm 13013; BayStB clm 13018; BayStB clm
13087. In addition to these works, he also left books to both the universities of Hei-
delberg and Vienna, Sigrid Krämer, Mittelalterliche Bibliothekskataloge Deutschlands und der
Schweiz, Ergänzungsband, I, 2, Handschriftenerbe des deutschen Mittelalters (München: C. H.
Beck, 1990) (hereinafter, MBK I, 2), 97. See MUH I, 695 and Paul Uiblein, Ein Kopialbuch
der Wiener Universität als Quelle zur österreichischen Kirchengeschichte unter Herzog Albrecht V. Codex
57G des Archivs des Stiftes Seitenstetten. Fontes Rerum Austriacarum. 2. Abt.: Diplomataria
et Acta, vol. 80 (Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften 1973).
138
He established a memorial at St. Johann, where he is described as “licentiatus
decretorum et baccalarius in theologia.” BZAR St. Johann Urkunden #435a, 24 June
1431.
139
MUW 1451 I R 237.
140
Josef Hemmerle, ed., Archiv des ehemaligen Augustinerklosters München, Bayerische
Archivinventare, vol. 4 (München: 1956), 31, U59: 20 December 1463. See also
BayHstA KU Regensburg. Augustiner. Nr. 75, 16 June 1463.
141
This was an extremely generous amount, equivalent to about three years salary
for the city physician.
142
StAR Cam. 16 fol. 25v (1464/65): “Item wir gaben den Stewrherren heten
sy maister caspar Kantter gelihen als er auf die studium zechen wold 50 rheinisch

diately following completion of his degree and began to repay the city’s
investment in his education, serving as legal advisor and representative
of the city.143 By 1475, Kantner held several church livings including a
canonry in the Alte Kapelle and the parish church of Donaustauf.144
In the 1460s, two additional Augustinian Hermits were the beneficia-
ries of the city’s largesse. The first, Johannes Ludovici, became provincial
of Bavaria in 1461, at which time he was a bachelor in theology.145 In
November 1464, he received permission to complete his theology studies
in Florence or Bologna. He appears to have completed his doctorate
by the following year.146 A year later, he oversaw the reform of the
Regensburg convent at the behest of the council.147 By 1466, despite
some early difficulties, Ludovici had succeeded in getting the convent
guldein.” StAR Cam. 16, fol 76v (1465/66), fol. 122v (1466/67), fol. 128v (1466/67):
“wir gaben doctor Casparen Kanttner Schanckten im mein herren in sein doctorei
xxx Reinisch gulden . . .” For the record of his promotion, see Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2,
2: 279 #687, 25 August 1467. Among the witnesses to his promotion were Balthasar
Hundertpfund, and Johannes Trabolt, both of whom were intricately involved in the
affairs of the city. For Trabolt see StAR Cam. 17 fol. 194r as well as Bio-Lex Ingol,
440–41. For Hundertpfund, who was an advisor to Duke Albert of Bavaria Munich
during his hegemony in the city. StAR Cam. 19 fol. 358v and passim. See also Gemeiner,
Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 744, 779.
143
StAR Cam. 16 fol. 346v 1472: “Item es lief ein pot gein Straubing zu Doctor
Caspareren . . .”; Cam. 19 fol. 49r 1481: “Es raitten . . . im 81 jar doctor Caspar Cantner
und her Linhart Portner schulthais . . . gen Nuremperg auf den kaisterlichen tag . . .”
144
Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 561 and J. Schmid, Urk. AK, vol. 1, 219
#1115. Among the other canons named in the latter reference were two others who
had studied in Padua—Stephan Schrotel and Johannes Prugkhay, as well as a third
who studied in Freiburg—Johann Wisent. See Appendix II for full references. The cases
of Conrad Duvel von Hildesheim and Casparus Kantner also illustrate how the city
used ecclesiastical benefices to reward their servants. This could be done either directly
through impropriated benefices or indirectly by recommending their candidates to the
appropriate people. As a result, a significant percentage of the legal advisors and advo-
cates of the city continued to be drawn from among those in at least minor orders.
145
He received his bachelor’s degree in theology in 1452 in Florence. Kunzelmann,
Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 237. Johannes Ludovici delivered two
sermons at the university of Vienna in 1460 on the occasions of the Feast of St. John
the Evangelist and Pentecost by which time, he is described as “arcium magister et in
sacra theologia baccalariandus.” Paul Uiblein, ed., Die Akten der Theologischen Fakultät der
Universität Wien (1396–1508), 2 Vols. (Vienna: Verband d. Wissenschaftl. Gesellschaften
Österreichs, 1978) (hereinafter AFT ) vol. 1, 261, 264.
146
Johannes Ludovici is called magister by June of 1465. See Kunzelmann, Geschichte
der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 238.
147
This appears to have been done with some difficulty, at one point Ludovici
despaired that he should become a mockery because of his failures. See Gemeiner,
Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 398–99. See also Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen
Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 288–89.

200 chapter four
to accept strict observance.148 Within the context of these reforms, the

city helped to support the theological studies at the convent. Ludovici
himself received four gulden “zu stewr in seiner Doctorei,” from the
city in 1465.149 Eleven years later in 1476, Caspar Kursner received
eleven schillings and six denarii “auff die Studium gen Poloni.”150
Office-holding Families and University Study
The general increase in the effort to recruit the university trained accom-
panied a similar increase in the number of office-holding families who
sought a university education for their children. Although the number
of university-trained members of the council was negligible, members
of the leading families attended universities in significant numbers by
the middle of fifteenth century.151
Of the eighty-six families who dominated civic offices in Regensburg
between 1385 and 1485, some forty percent had at least one member
who had studied at a university.152 Approximately ten percent had
148
Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 288.
149
StAR Cam. 16 fol. 81v. In addition to these four gulden, the council also sent
twelve gulden “zu stewr irer Regl.”
150
StAR Cam. 17 fol. 207r. The specific university intended is unclear. “Poloni”
could be some corruption of Bologna, which was a frequent destination for theology
study within the order. However, it could also be Poland, with the scribe assuming that
Krakow was the only studium generale there. The first option has much to recommend
it given the frequency with which Augustinian Hermits studied in Bologna, and it at
least has the merit of being a specific university. However, the scribe very clearly wrote
“Poloni,” and a corruption from “Pononi” to “Poloni” would not be one of the most
common scribal errors. It would also seem that given the fame of Bologna, the error
would tend to be in the other direction, that is, assuming Bologna when Poland was
actually intended. It should also be remembered that convents in Poland (including
Krakow) were included in the Augustinian province of Bavaria. A Caspar Henrici de
Ratispone matriculated at Krakow in 1476, Album Studiosorum Universitatis Cracoviensis,
Vol. 1 (1400–1489), Vol. 2 (1490–1551) (Krakow: Univ. Jagellonicae, 1887–1892) (here-
inafter Crac. Album. Stud.), vol. 1, 228. However, there is no indication that this Caspar
was a member of the Augustinian Hermits so it seems unlikely that they are the same
person. It is more likely that he is the same Caspar for whom Ludovici requested the
city provide financial assistance. See Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 398 who
says that Ludovici “wünschte einem Caspar ein Stipendium zu verschaffen . . .” He may
also be the same as Casparus de Ratispona who served as a lector in the convent in
1475 and as provincial from 1483–89. See Appendix I.
151
152
University matriculants who are identified as coming from Regensburg and
who share the same second name as one of these families will be assumed to be
connected.

three or more family members represented. If we restrict the families

under consideration to the thirty-one that had at least one member in
the inner council between 1400 and 1485, the percentages are much
higher—nearly sixty-eight percent.153
An examination of the families who served in the council in 1485
provides a further sense of the extent to which Regensburg’s elite
families engaged in university study. Of these eleven families, nine had
members who attended one or more universities; three—the Portners,
Müldorfers, and Trainers—had at least three university matriculants
during the fifteenth century. In all, these nine families had eighteen
university matriculants in the thirty years between 1470 and 1499.154
Yet they do not seem to have pursued higher education with an
eye toward service in the city’s burgeoning bureaucracy. With the possi-
ble exceptions of Simon Weltinburger,155 Casparus Amman,156 Johannes
Portner,157 and Johannes Rehaver,158 most of these university students
153
However, the number with three or more matriculants remains nearly the same,
or about twelve percent.
154
155
A Simon Weltinburger studied at both Vienna and Padua in the 1430s and may
be the Simon Weltinburger who served in the council in the late 1450s and 1460s.
See Appendix II.
156
A Casparus Amman matriculated at Ingolstadt in 1481 and may have been the
same Casparus Amman who served as Regensburg treasurer in 1518. See Appendixes
II and IV.
157
Johannes Portner could be the same as the Ratsherr Hans Portner who represented
the city, along with the city jurist Dr. von Hirnkofen, at the Reichstag in Worms fol-
lowing the destruction of the Jewish community in 1519. See Appendix II. Lacking
additional evidence, it is unwise to state these connections too emphatically. Families
tended to reuse the same names each generation, and it is often impossible to deter-
mine the identity of the individuals with certainty. The need for caution is clear from
the example of Leonardus Portner. A Leonardus Portner matriculated at Ingolstadt
in 1476, however, it is unlikely that he was the same as the Leonardus Portner who
served as mayor in 1485. The latter is likely father of both Leonardus Portner and
Wolfgangus Portner, who matriculated together at Ingolstadt. Wolfgangus Portner
went on to study in Padua and is identified there as Wolfgangus Portner Leonardi. See
Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 566f., 692, and MLMU I, 64, and Acta Grad.
Pat. vol. 2, 4, 894, 1256, 1303. The potential uncertainty is also illustrated by the case
of Wolfgangus Leskircher who studied in Vienna in 1492, MUW 1492 I R 29. This
Wolfgangus Leskircher should probably be identified with Wolfgang Leßkircher who
was a canon of the Alte Kapelle in 1505, J. Schmid, Urk. AK. vol. 1, 318, 1558, 28
August 1505. However, a second Wolfgangus Leskircher was a member of the inner
council in 1502, J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 303, 1495, 15 March 1500.
158
Johannes Rehaver matriculated at Vienna in 1461, one year before Sebaldus
Rehaver (his brother?). He served Emperor Frederick III, he was taken into imperial
service in 1471, and later was employed by the city of Regensburg as a scribe (1477
and 1490) and emissary to the imperial court 1480. See Appendix II.

202 chapter four
were destined for careers in the church. The Regensburg patrician

sons, Georg Friesheimer (canon in the Alte Kapelle by 1482), Jacobus
Friesheimer (cathedral canon 1429), Peterus Hofmeister (canon in the
Alte Kapelle before 1511), Henricus Kurtz (canon of the Alte Kapelle
1517), and Wolfgangus Leskircher (canon of the Alte Kapelle 1505),
all pursued ecclesiastical careers.159 Two others, Georgius Meller (law
faculty in Prague) and Erasmus Amman (medicine at Vienna), pursued
university careers.160
In addition, it does not appear that most of these students completed
a degree; those who did were exceptional. A Wolfgangus Sittauer, son
of the council member Christoph Sittauer, studied in Ingolstadt in the
1470s and appears as a master in arts by 1485.161 The aforementioned
Erasmus Amman studied arts at Vienna and medicine at Padua, eventu-
ally returning to the faculty of medicine in Vienna.162 Jacobus Friesheimer
(before 1439), Henricus Kurtz (before 1501), Georg Meller (1409), and
Wolfgangus Portner (1484) earned degrees in canon law.163
For the most part, it appears that university study among the city’s
office-holding elite was limited to younger sons and those not expected
to assume positions of leadership within the council. At no time did
university study come to be seen as a necessary component in the
education of the council members themselves. To the extent that the
leading families pursued university study, they did as so preparation for
a career in the church, not for a role in city government.164 Nevertheless
by the fifteenth century, university trained-men, frequently from outside
Regensburg, took on increasingly important roles in the city.
159
For their careers, see Appendix II.
160
Georgius Meller was active in the law faculty at Prague from 1408. Erasmus
Amman studied at Vienna and Padua before returning to Vienna in the faculty of
medicine in 1467; that same year, likely through the university patronage networks, he
received a benefice in the diocese of Passau. See Appendix II for more details.
161
BayHstA KU Regegensburg Dominkaner, 186, 1485 XII 26 (I am grateful to
Olivier Richard for this reference). See Appendix II.
162
Vienna (1454–57, 1467), Karl Schrauf, Acta facultatis medicae Universitatis Vindobonen-
sis. 3 vols. (Vienna, 1894–1904) (hereinafter AFM), vol. 2, 88, 132. Padua (1464), Uni-
versità di Padova. Acta Graduum Academicorum Gymnasii Patavini, vol. 1 (1–3) ed. G. Zonta
and G. Brotto (1970), vol. 2 (1), ed. M. P. Grezzo, vol. 2 (2), ed. G. Pengo (1992),
vol. 2 (3–6), ed. by E. Martellozzo Forin (2001), Fonti per la storia dell’Università di
Padova (Rome: Editrice Antenore, 1970–2001) (hereinafter Acta Grad. Pat.), vol. 2, 2,
342–344. See Appendix II.
163
See Appendix II.
164
This is very similar to what Urs Martin Zahnd found in his study of university
education in Bern. See Zahnd, Bildungsverhältnisse in den bernischen Ratsgeschlechtern im
ausgehenden Mittelalter, 134–41, 222–23.

Employment of University-Trained Men
The importance of such men is further illustrated by the city’s fund-

ing of the legal education of both Conrad Duvel von Hildesheim and
Casparus Kantner. In addition to funding their education directly, the
city also used its influence to ensure that men with useful legal training
received benefices within the city. Both Kantner and Conrad Duvel
von Hildesheim received canonries in the city. Johannes Trabolt, who
studied at Padua with Kantner and served the city faithfully for at least
two decades as a scribe, envoy, and legal advisor, secured a benefice
in the diocese of Regensburg.165 Wolfgangus Portner, licentiate in both
canon and civil law, held a canonry in the cathedral.166
The city also had need for university-trained physicians. By he end
of the thirteenth century, these gradually took their place alongside a
165
Johannes Trabolt (1424/25–1505) studied first at Heidelberg in 1455, earning a
bachelor in arts by 1457. He completed his legal training at Padua in 1467, studying
alongside the noted humanists Johannes Mendel and Johannes Tröster. In 1467 he
secured a benefice in Plattling. Likely through his friendship with Casparus Kanter, he
entered the service of the city of Regensburg in 1476, where he served as a notary, legal
advisor, and frequent envoy for the city. In 1482, Trabolt appears in the law faculty at
Ingolstadt (MLMU I, 113, 42). In 1482 he represented Regensburg as an envoy to the
imperial court of Frederick III. Bio-Lex Ingol, 440–41. During the period of Bavarian
hegemony in Regensburg, he was on the anti-Bavarian side. After the return of Regens-
burg to its status as an imperial city Trabolt reentered the service of the city. He appears
for the last time in Ingolstadt in 1502, spending the remaining three years of his life in
Regensburg. Heidrun Stein-Kecks, and Franz Fuchs, “Neues zu Atldorfer: Die Bildtafel
‘Die beiden Johannes’ und ihr Stifter Johannes Trabolt,” Blick in die Wissenschafte, 12
(2000), 26–27. Trabolt left several texts to the the library of the Augustinian Hermits
for remedium et salutem anime sue . . . Oldradus de Ponte, Consilia et questiones (Rome: Apud
Sanctum Marcum, 1478), 232 pages, 2o, O-40, BSB-Ink: Online-Version, 24 May 2007;
Ludovicus Pontanus, Concilia et allegationes (Pavia: Franciscus Giradengus, 1485.03.05),
230 pages, 2o, P-695, BSB-Ink: Online-Version, 24 May 2007; Johannes Franciscus de
Pavinis, Inquisitio et condemnatoria sententia contra Judaeos Tridentinos (Rome: Apud Sanctum
Marcum, 1478), 14 pages, 2o, P-116, BSB-Ink: Online-Version, 24 May 2007. The latter
relates to the supposed murder of the young boy Simon of Trent at the hands of the
Jews in 1475. Popular outrage over the “murder” contributed to growing anti-Jewish
sentiment in the Empire and is reflected in the convent’s own increasingly anti-Jew-
ish preaching. See, for example, Raphael Straus, Urkunden und Aktenstücke zur Geschichte
der Juden in Regensburg, 1453–1738, QuE, vol. 18 (München: C. H. Beck, 1960), 335,
337–38, #946 and #952. Trabolt died 28 October 1505 (the same year as Kantner)
and has an epitaph in St. Emmeram. Rudolf Freytag, “Ein Grabmälerverzeichnis von
St Emmeram in Regensburg aus dem Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts,” Blätter des Bayerischen
Landesvereins für Familienkunde, 2 (1924), 35. Trabolt also funded the panel painting of
the two St. Johns executed by the renowned Regensburg painter Albrecht Altdorfer
(1480–1538) in the monastery of St. Emmeram.
166
See Appendix II.

204 chapter four
much larger number of less-formally trained wuntärtzte, apoteger, and

augenärtze. These so-called Puechartzte enjoyed direct support from the
council and several left lasting intellectual legacies to the city. Rudolf
Volkard von Heringen established an endowment for the scholars of
the Alte Kapelle, and Ulricus Mückel left the city library a number
of his own professional texts.167 Many of these men were also able to
parlay their positions into the lucrative ecclesiastical benefices. Indeed,
it is striking how many city physicians and former city physicians held
benefices from the Alte Kapelle.168
Lower down the pay-scale were the ubiquitous scribes that carved
out a living serving the city’s commercial needs and those of the grow-
ing record keeping bureaucracies. The level of expertise and education
varied considerably. At the lowest level, the vernacular scribes who
recorded business and property transactions rarely had university train-
ing. Few even of the official city scribes held university degrees.169 It is
possible that Erasmus Pänger, city scribe from 1484 to 1489, and Erhart
Schönstetter, city scribe in 1498, were university graduates; they both
are called “master” in the city accounts books. Johannes Rehaver, city
scribe in 1477 and 1490, matriculated at Vienna in 1461.170 However,
167
For Rudolf Volkard von of Heringen’s endowment see J. Schmid, Urk. AK
vol. 1, 166, 851, 23 March 1451. Two codices, which “maister Műgkel mit seiner aign
hannt geschrieben . . .” are now in München: BayStB clm 26665 a codex containing
an Almonsor (perhaps Rhazes?) and a treatise on the making of medicinal wine and
clm 26674. MBK IV: 1, 478. For a list of city physicians see Rudolf Freytag, Verzeichnis
der Regensburg Aerzte bis 1850 (Regensburg: Gebrüder Habbel, 1929).
168
Rudolf Volkard von Heringen was a canon in the Alte Kapelle and dean in St.
Johann, see Appendix II. Ulrich Teytinger served as city physician in 1435, Freytag,
Regensburg Aerzte, 5. Teytinger petitioned for a benefice in the Alte Kapelle at the
Council of Basel in 1438 ( Johannes Haller, Gustav Beckman, Hermann Herre, and
Heinrich Dannenbauer, eds., Concilium Basiliense: Studien und Quellen zur Geschichte des
Concils von Basel, 8 vols. (Basel: Helbing u. Lichtenhahn, 1896–1936, Nendeln: Kraus
Reprint, 1971) (hereinafter Conc.Basil.), vol. 6, 1, 155). He appears as a canon in the
Alte Kapelle before 1446, BZAR, StiAK U, #534, 22 April 1446. In 1448, the city
physician Ulricus Mückel was a chaplain in the Alte Kapelle. J. Schmid, Urk. AK., vol.
1, 162, 834, 18 April 1448.
169
Alois Schmid, “Notarius civium Ratisponensium. Beobachtungen zu den Stadtsch-
reibern der Reichsstadt Regensburg,” in Staat, Kultur, Politik: Beiträge zur Geschichte Bayerns
und des Katholizismus: Festschrift zum 65. Geburtstag von Dieter Albrecht, eds., Winfried Becker
& Werner Chrobak (Kallmünz: Michael Lassleben, 1992), 49–51.
170
Erasmus Pänger was sent, along with Erhardus Grafenreuter, Johannes Fuchstainer
and Johannes Aunkofer, to the court of Duke Albert in Munich. StAR Cam. 19 fol.
175r: “Es ritten wider zu unserem herrn herzog Albrecht gen Mu(e)nchen Fuchstainer
hanns awnkover und her Erhart Grafenreuter michl pflanzhans Elmpeck und maister
Erasmus stattschreiber am freytag vor dionisii im 84 iar.” and StAR CAm19a, 179:
“Etwa Schueffen unser herren zw geben meyster Erasmus pan(e)nger etwan statschrieber

a university degree was never, at least in Regensburg, a prerequisite

for the position. The city did employ the Vienna-educated scribe
Leonard Heff, although it is not clear whether he was ever officially
stadtschreiber. He first appears in Regensburg five years after complet-
ing a bachelor of arts degree. He became a citizen of Regensburg in
1466, at which time, he was described as a stuelschreiber.171 In 1471, he
translated Andreas von Regensburg’s Chronica Pontificum et imperatorum
at the behest of the Regensburg Ratsherr Erasmus Trainer. He worked
in Regensburg throughout the 1470s and described himself as a “poor
and willing servant,” of the council.172 Other university-educated men
performed occasional scribal duties for the city including the notary
and future cathedral scolasticus Johannes Velber, to whom the city paid
four schillings in 1481 for copying two letters.173
As discussed in Chapter Three, university-trained men were also
beginning to occupy many of the teaching positions within Regensburg’s
schools. Between 1450 and 1463, the grammar schools of the Cathedral,
the Alte Kapelle, St. Emmeram, Prüll, and the Franciscans all employed
men who had spent at least some time at a university.174 During the
same period, the lector of the Franciscans, Marcus Schönprunner, was
hie x guld. . . .” For Schönstetter see StAR Cam. 22 11r “Meister Erhart Scho(e)nsteter
statschreiber xxxii gult xi lb, schl xvii den. fuer sein grosse muee.” Johannes Rehaver,
StAR Cam19a 34; Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 455, and Appendix II.
171
StAR Politica III, 1, fol 71r. Digital images and transcriptions are also available
online. Fontes Civitates Ratisponensis, Geschichtsquellen der Reichsstadt Regensburg *Online*,
Ingo H. Kropac, “Stadtsarchiv Regensburg, Bestand Politica / Einwohnerwesen,”
1996–2004.07/26/2004 http://bhgw20.kfunigraz.ac.at/virtual/index.htm. See also
J. Schmid, Urk. AK. vol. 1, 198, 1016, 27 February 1467.
172
VL, vol. 3, 570–71. Leonardus Heff copied a number of other works, includ-
ing the Imago Mundi of Vincent of Beauvais. It is possible that he is the same as the
stadtschreiber Linhart, who appears in 1475 and 1476. StAR Cam17. fol. 138v: “Item wir
gaben dem Linhart unserm Schreiber das jar fur pergamen i lb den.” The following
year, there is an identical entry. StAR cam17 fol. 176v.
173
See Appendix I.
174
Johannes Stöckel (Stoeckel), rector scolarum in the Alte Kapelle in 1463, matricu-
lated at Vienna in 1451. Ulricus Kaegerl studied at Vienna as well and was a master
in arts when he began teaching at the cathedral school in 1456. Hermann Pötzlinger
earned a bachelor in arts at Vienna in 1439 and taught in St. Emmeram beginning
in 1450. In 1456, he accompanied several Regensburg patrician sons to Leipzig, but
maintained a lifelong connection with St. Emmeram and its school. See Appendix II.
Leonard Panholz matriculated at Heidelberg in 1453 and Vienna in 1454. He began
teaching at Prüll two years later. By 1459, he moved to the newly established school
of the Franciscans. For references and biographical details see Appendix I.

206 chapter four
a doctor in theology and a lector of the Augustinian Hermits matricu-

lated at Vienna.175
Finally, university-educated men appear increasingly among the ranks
of the canonical vicars and even chorales, positions which carried much
less prestige and were significantly less lucrative than canonical ben-
efices.176 Fridericus Zirckendorffer, who studied at Leipzig in 1461, served
as a vicar in the Alte Kapelle from 1468 until at least 1491.177 Other
university-educated vicars associated with the Alte Kapelle included
Martinus Fridman, Georgius Wirtenberger, and Johannes Velber.178 The
presence of such highly educated men in relatively unremunerative
postitions becomes particularly evident by the middle of the fifteenth
century—a reflection of the increased competition for benefices that
resulted from the unprecedented expansion of university study in the
previous half century. As Peter Moraw has pointed out, the competition
for benefices was now beginning for many university students only after
they had completed their studies.179 Thus, many university students,
especially those who lacked the most powerful connections, found
themselves scrambling for benefices after they had already completed
their studies. Although it took some time, Zirkendorffer, Fridman, and
Velber eventually obtained additional benefices in the churches they
served as vicars, illustrating what became an increasingly common
career path for less advantaged university graduates.180
175
Marcus Schönprunner studied at Vienna, becoming a doctor in theology in
1453. He returned to his native convent shortly thereafter where he served as lector.
In 1463, the lector of the Augustinian Hermits Nicholas de Ratispona, matriculated
at Vienna. See Appendix I.
176
The statutes of the cathedral required those who had not yet studied at a studium
generale to attend the cathedral school. Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 2, 45: “Quapropter
statuimus et ordinamus, quod omnes chorales pro tempore existentes, qui universitates
generales nondum visitarunt, teneantur scolas ingredi . . .” This presumes that some at
least had already studied at a university or studium generale.
177
He eventually obtained an additional benefice in the altar of Saints Barbara and
Blasien (endowed, not coincidentally by (his uncle?) Georgius Zirckendorffer, a canon
in the Alte Kapelle and himself a university graduate). See Appendix II Fridericus
Zirkendorfer.
178
For Velber see Appendix I. For Fridman and Wirtenberger see Appendix II.
179
Moraw, “Stiftspfründen,” 270–97.
180
Martinus Fridman obtained the altar of St. Erasmus in the Alte Kapelle, see
Appendix II. Johannes Velber, after nearly a decade as cathedral vicar and notary,
became a vicar in the Alte Kapelle in 1497 canon in 1499 and scolasticus by 1506.
See Appendix I.

Networks of Friendship and Patronage
At least as important as the specific skills acquired through university

study, the experience also provided important opportunities for the
cultivation of patronage and friendship networks, which were essential
for the advancement of individual careers. One of the most important
relationships was with the university itself. The university submitted
rotuli, lists of students associated with the university seeking prefer-
ment, to the papacy. Although the lists mirrored the existing social
hierarchy—noblemen and other men of privilege invariably head the
list—the rotuli still provided an important avenue for advancement for
all those who could afford to have their names included. The famous
Regensburg cathedral canon Conrad of Megenberg received an expecta-
tion through his connections with the University of Paris in 1341 and
took up the position seven years later in 1348.
Less direct means of advancement were also critical. The friendships
cultivated during the years of study often lasted a lifetime, and the rec-
ommendation of former classmates could provide important opportuni-
ties. Conrad Duvel von Hildesheim matriculated in Heidelberg in 1405
alongside Leonardus Propst, a cathedral canon and son of one of the
leading families in Regensburg. Two years later, when both entered the
university of Vienna, Conrad had begun to receive funding from the
city of Regensburg. For the remainder of his career Conrad remained
connected to Regensburg.181 A similar example comes from Padua in
the 1460s, where native Regensburger Casparus Kantner was studying
canon law. The document testifying to Kantner’s promotion includes
the name of Johannes Trabolt, who later advised the council on legal
matters and served as envoy in council business.182
The schoolmaster Leonard Panholz, also may have come to Regens-
burg as the result of connections formed during his university years.
Originally from Operkoven near Straubing, he matriculated at Vienna
in 1454, the same year as Michael Ellenpach de Ratispona. By 1456
Panholz served as schoolmaster at Prüll just outside of Regensburg.
Twenty-one years later he witnessed the promotion of Michael Ellenpach
181
See Conradus Duvel de Hildesheim Appendix II.
182
For Johannes Trabolt, see Bio-Lex Ingol, 440–41. For Kantner, see notes 143–
44.

208 chapter four
as a canon in the Alte Kapelle, attesting to the ongoing connection

between the two men.183
The continued importance of the relationships forged during the
university years is further illustrated by a case in 1451, in which four
men—Andreas Freudemberger, Leonardus Platner, Johannes Parsberger
and Ulricus Part—all of whom had studied at Vienna, were implicated
in the death of a certain Paulus Haider. According to testimony, the
four had been returning from a particularly lively celebration of the
Feast of the Annunciation when they came across Haider, a servant
of the Paulstorffer family. An argument ensued and one of the four
men, probably Ulricus Part, drew a knife and killed the unfortunate
servant.184
Apart from the violent end of Paulus Haider, what is most striking
is that all four of the accused shared a common alma mater. In fact,
two of the men, Part and Parsberger, also studied together in Padua in
the mid-1440s. The association of these latter two men does predate
their years of university study—both were cathedral canons by the
time of their matriculation in Vienna—but the presence of Platner
and Freudemberger as well, suggests that the connection with Vienna
was more than simple coincidence.
Social and Economic Mobility
Multi, quos inglorii parentes genuere,

Quia tamen fervide in scholis studuere,
Cernuntur in sedibus altis residere
Et honoris titulis splendide fulgere.185
The problem of social mobility remains central to understanding the
apparent explosion in university study that occured during the late
Middle Ages. It is clear that many, especially those of less than glorious
parentage, hoped that study could overcome their defects of birth. But
183
See Appendix I. Leonard Pahnholz Franciscan secular master.
184
The four men were Ulricus Part (d. 1487), the scion of a Munich patrician family
and canon of the cathedral in Regensburg, the nobleman Henricus Parsberger and
fellow cathedral canon; and two sons of Regensburg, Andreas Freudemberger, and
Leonardus Platner. See Appendix II, Henricus Parsberger, and Gemeiner, Regensburgische
Chronik, vol. 3, 190–95.
185
Clemens Blume, Pia Dictamina: Reimgebete und Leselieder des Mittelalters, in Analecta
Hymnica, vol. 33 (Leipzig: O. R. Reisland, 1899), 328.

how often did education provide these hoped for rewards? There were
certainly many instances where it did not. As Jacques Verger and oth-
ers have pointed out, social mobility through education was frequently
a multi generational proposition. Although some famously rose from
the lower echelons of the free peasantry, or even from servile status,
this was certainly not the norm. In most cases, university students, and
especially graduates, came from a family already occupied to some
degree in the profession of letters.186
The careers of a number of Regensburg scribes illustrates the impor-
tance of such connections. Conradus Platernberger served the city as a
scribe in 1472. Seven years later, a Georgius Platernberger matriculated
at Vienna.187 Hainrich the scribe “genannt der Regeldorffär” was active
in the city at the end of the fourteenth century. About a generation
later, in 1426, a certain Erhardus Regeldorffer matriculated at Vienna.188
Finally at the end of the fifteenth century, a Johannes Hofer, son of
Hanns Hofer “der Maut zur Regensburg gegenschreyber,” became a canon of
the Alte Kapelle, attending the university of Ingolstadt from 1493 to
1496.189 Although these families did not make the leap from illiteracy
to higher learning in a single generation, their access to university study
did allow for advancement.
The statutes of both the Alte Kapelle and the cathedral further
demonstrate the growing importance of the universities as avenues
for social advancement. As was mentioned above, the cathedral and
the Alte Kapelle offered the possibility of admission as canons to non-
noble university graduates. In the early fifteenth century, the cathedral
already felt the need to limit non-noble canons to one-third of the total
186
The names of the Regensburg university matriculants also reveal the large num-
ber of students whose families originated among the artisans, and to a lesser extent,
farmers and laborers. A quick survey of the names finds Pfister (baker), Pauer (farmer),
Pogener (bow maker), Calciatoris (shoemaker), Schinnagel (nail maker), Molitoris (miller),
Plechsmid (metal worker), Modler (moulder), Seld (day-laborer), Walcher (fuller), to
name just a few. See Hans Bahlow, Deutsches Namenlexikon: Familien- und Vornamen nach
Ursprung und Sinn erklärt (München: Keyser, 1967), and Rosa Kohlheim, Regensburger
Beinamen. To what extent these followed the pattern suggested above is unclear. Did
they have extended family members in the church? Did the family still engage in the
activity that earned them their name? Unfortunately, in most of these cases, we have
little additional information beyond their dates of matriculation. Although many of
these appear among the university “pauperes,” others paid the full burse, suggesting
at least some financial resources.
187
See Appendix II.
188
See Appendix II, Erhardus Regeldorffer.
189
See Appendix II.

210 chapter four
number. A statute from 1493 clarified this point even further: “Note
that the number twelve is one third of thirty-six and this is more than
thirty five [the total number of canons in the cathedral].” The statute’s
reiteration of the arithmetically obvious points to the growing number
of non-noble university-trained men seeking (often successfully) these
lucrative benefices. That this was true in the cathedral chapter, which
had traditionally been so dominated by the nobility, further demonstrates
the profound importance of university study in the procurement of
ecclesiastical benefices, and the opportunities for advancement which
it offered.190
Beyond these, some university students came from noble, knightly, or
once powerful patrician families seeking to bolster their flagging fortunes.
Conrad of Megenberg and the Regensburg Straubingers appear to
have been of this ilk. Conrad was from an impoverished noble family,
and spent most of his life pursuing often-elusive benefices. Although
he was frustrated in his ability to obtain the most lucrative benefices
his strategy was moderately successful.191 The Straubingers experi-
enced a series of setbacks in the early fourteenth century precisely as
several members of the family began to appear in the universities and
ecclesiastical institutions.192 Although they never regained their once-
prominent position within the city, university study offered opportunities
for attaining lucrative benefices within the church that would otherwise
have been denied them.
Generally then, university study did not create men of substance
ex nihilo. In many cases, university study was an effect rather than a
cause of social advancement. Those individuals who rose from the
lower ranks of society, often had some connection with literate culture
either directly or through their extended family. However, this does
not diminish the fact that education played a significant role in social
and economic advancement during the late Middle Ages. It became
increasingly advantageous, even for those from established families, to
have at least some of the family members engaged in university study. It
provided marketable skills and widened the patronage networks to which
190
Mayer, Thesaurus novus, vol. 3, 24. “Tercia vero pars numeri Canonicorum
possit recipi ex non nobilibus gradu tamen sciencie qualificatis hoc est in Theologia
in utroque vel altero iurium doctoribus vel licentiatis, aut saltem in Theologia Bac-
calaurys formatis . . . Attento quod numerus duodecim est tercia pars de triginta sex, et
transcendit terciam partem de triginita quinque.”
191
On Conrad of Megenberg see Appendix I.
192
On the Straubingers see Appendix II.

individuals had access. By the fifteenth century, these advantages were

increasingly accessible despite enduring social and economic hurdles.
Indeed, there is no clearer evidence of the advantages of university
study than the growing flood of students entering the universities each
year.

CHAPTER FIVE
CONCLUSION
From the evidence presented in this study, it is possible to draw a num-

ber of conclusions about education in Regensburg, and late medieval
Germany more generally. When considering Regensburg specifically, the
fifteenth century appears to have been a particularly active period in
the schools. The Benedictine monasteries of Prüll and St. Emmeram,
as well as the Franciscan convent of St. Salvatore, all employed secular,
university-trained schoolmasters. The schools of the Alte Kapelle and
Cathedral were also frequently headed by university-trained scholars.
Although the fact that more documentation survives from this period
likely exaggerates the apparent increase in school activity, that it also
coincides with a clear increase in the number of university students
from the city suggests that it is not entirely illusory.
The large number of university students with ties to the city also
highlights the extent to which Regensburg was integrated into the larger
German and European intellectual circles. University students and
graduates with close ties to Regensburg attended studia from Krakow
to Salamanca and most of the universities in between. Although most
students stayed closer to home, the city’s extraordinary libraries clearly
reflect the influence and interests of those who studied abroad.
Evidence from Regensburg also suggests that the recent scholarly
trend minimizing the role played by the mendicant orders in civic
education, overlooks the essential connections between city and con-
vent; connections which included convent personnel, funding, and the
transmission of texts and ideas. Even if in most cases the mendicant
schools themselves were closed to outsiders, their presence, the schol-
ars they attracted, and the libraries built to support them, cannot be
overlooked. Caution is of course necessary. The contentions of earlier
scholars who credited the mendicants with running the first “deutsche
Volkschulen,” certainly cannot be maintained. However, it is also
misleading to exclude them entirely. In Regensburg, the relationship
between the city and the mendicant orders was always very close; the
city funded preachers from both the Franciscans and the Dominicans,
and provided direct support for a number of Augustinian Hermits
during their years of study. In addition, many of the books produced

214 chapter five
under mendicant auspices found their way into other libraries in the city.
The mendicants also played a role in the education of women. The
female houses attached to the mendicant orders in the city were domi-
nated by the daughters of the citizens of Regensburg. Most of these
women learned at least the rudiments of Latin, and many appear to
have been literate in the vernacular.
We return now to the historiographical questions with which we
began. First, evidence of a peculiarly “bürgerliche Bildung” is scant.
Even when cities controlled their own schools directly, the primary
change was one of jurisdiction; the curriculum and organization of the
schools was left largely in tact. It is likely that the increasing emphasis
on mathematics apparent in the curriculum of St. Emmeram was in
some way a response to the education needs of a commercial society;
however, such changes could be easily accommodated within the exist-
ing curriculum and organizational structures.
The purpose of education and the motives of the students of course
varied widely, ranging from the amor sciendi famously described by
Herbert Grundmann, to the avarice of the turgid lawyers loathed by
Conrad of Megenberg. For most of those who studied, however, edu-
cation promised social and economic advantages they could obtain in
no other way. Of course, not all benefited equally; as the number of
university matriculants and graduates seeking benefices exploded in the
fifteenth century, some likely wondered if they had benefited at all.1 Yet,
it would be unwise to dismiss too easily the medieval commonplace of
the upwardly mobile scholar.
The growth in university study also signaled a wider expansion of
literacy more generally—both Latin and vernacular. Although the
church remained one of the most important employers of the literate
and educated, lay scribes increasingly appear in the city’s service, as do
learned laymen. Unfortunately, literacy is extremely difficult to quantify.
If we start with the estimate of 230 students in Regensburg’s schools
at any given time, and assuming that they all attained some level of
literacy, then about every seven years, the schools would produce 230
literate boys. At any given time then, there would be about six or seven
cohorts, or approximately 1,400 students and former students in the
city. This would give a conservative estimate of approximately fourteen
1
It is possible that the slower rate of growth in university matriculation in the late
fifteenth century reflects a market flooded with university students.

conclusion 215
percent literacy. This number is likely too low. It does not include the
large number of literate Jews, those educated outside of the schools,
the female literate, both lay and cloistered, or the male religious.
Nevertheless, it is very much in line with estimates for other German
cities, and similar to that suggested by Moran for lay literacy in the
diocese of York.2 However, because Moran’s estimate includes the entire
diocese, it is likely that lay literacy in the urban areas of York exceeded
that of Regensburg. In Italy, recent estimates are much higher. Grendler
estimates that about twenty-eight percent of all Florentine boys and a
third of Venetian boys were literate by age fifteen, with female literacy
at about twelve percent.3
At the very least, the expansion in access to education meant that
the sole users and producers of literate culture were no longer clerics.
The Regensburg city library, already in existence by the late fourteenth
century, stands as a powerful testament to the increasing demand for
books among the lay civic elite. At the same time, the fact that clerics
donated so many of the works and were some of the most frequent
users of the city library should temper any overenthusiastic declara-
tions concerning the laicization of learning. The trend was certainly in
that direction, but the clergy continued to command, at least in sheer
numbers, a dominant position within the literate class long after the
end of the Middle Ages.
Nevertheless, the distinctions between clergy and laity are often over-
drawn. In Regensburg, the friars, the canons of the Alte Kapelle, and, to
lesser extent, the cathedral canons, increasingly included native sons of
Regensburg. As such, it is likely that their outlook and allegiances were
more in line with that of their families and the city, than some abstract
clerical culture. Many of the legal advisors to the city, although they
held ecclesiastical positions, were primarily representatives of the city.
2
Wendehorst provides an estimate of between 10 and 30% suggesting the higher
end for Nuremberg based on a fifteenth century account of a procession that was said
to have included 4000 students. Although 30% percent may indeed be close to the
number of literate in the city, a number of 4000 schoolchildren seems too high. Alfred
Wendehorst, “Wer konnte im Mittelalter lesen und schreiben?” in Schule und Studium
im sozialen Wandel des hohen und späten Mittelalters, ed. Johannes Fried. Vorträge und For-
schungen, vol. 30 (Sigmaringen: 1986), 32; and Jo Ann Hoeppner Moran, The Growth
of English Schooling 1340 –1548, Learning, Literacy and Laicization in Pre-Reformation
York Diocese (Princeton: 1985), 223.
3
Paul F. Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy: Literacy and Learning, 1300 –1600,
Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, vol. 107, no. 1
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), 46, 77.

216 chapter five
Finally, we come to question of the relationship between the city and

the church in relation to the schools. In Regensburg and the similarly
situated diocesan city of Augsburg, evidence of the so-called Schulstreit
is minimal. The ecclesiastical schools in Regensburg appear to have
been satisfactory, in both access and curriculum. As a result, the city
never seriously challenged the ecclesiastical educational monopoly.
Although the bishop would surely have resisted any such efforts, as
he did in the sixteenth century when the council moved decisively to
found its own schools, there is no evidence that the city ever mounted
such an effort.
* * *
In 1505, when the Regensburg city council promised Joseph Grünpeck
40 florins, “allhie ein Poetenschul zu halten,” it marked the first time
the city shouldered the primary burden for the financial support of a
schoolmaster.4 Although the foundation itself was short lived—we hear
nothing of a city school again until 1521—it was in many ways the
beginning of a new era of schooling in Regensburg. The complaints of
the episcopal ordinary in 1542 concerning the council’s establishment
of new schools did little to alter this trend. That the council, after years
of leaning toward the Lutheran faith embraced it openly that same
year likely made his protestations even less effectual.
However, the break with the past was in no way complete. Aspects
of the medieval curriculum and organization continued to influence
pre-university education well into the early modern period. This is
particularly evident in the statutes of the Regensburg city school from
the second quarter of the sixteenth century. These statutes describe an
organization and curriculum that was, especially at the lowest levels,
decidedly medieval. The two lowest grade levels were still tabulistae and
Donatists. At the higher levels, the fables of Aesop, the Distichs of the
pseudo-Cato, the comedies of Terrence, and Eclogues of Vergil, all
remained ensconced in the curriculum. Although they likely employed
humanists editions, and at the higher level, newer grammars, there was
little (short of printed texts) that the fourteenth-century student would
have found entirely foreign. The medieval legacy lived on, even in the
schools whose founders railed against that barbarous age.
4
Gemeiner vol. 4, 98. Alois Schmid, “Das Gymnasium Poeticum zum Regensburg
im Zeitalter des Humanismus,” in Albertus Magnus Gymnasium (Regensburg: 1988),
27–28; and Walter Fürnrohr, “Das Regensburg Gymnasium Poeticum,” in Geschichte
des Bayerischen Bildungswesen 456.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX I
STUDENTS AND SCHOOL PERSONNEL1
Alte kapelle2
Scolastici:
Liuthardus: (c. 1180) [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau
zur alten Kapelle, 103].
Eberhardus: (c. 1210–1237) In 1210 an “Eberhardus scolasticus” appears
along with members of the cathedral chapter as a witness to Bishop
Conrad’s claim to rights over the church of Neuhausen [Ried I, 301
#329, ca. 1210]. Although the document itself does not specify where
Eberhardus was scolasticus, and Eberhardus was an extremely com-
mon German name, the evidence points to the Alte Kapelle rather
than the cathedral. First, an Eberhard was active as scolasticus in the
Alte Kapelle around this time (1225 is the earliest I have been able
to find him otherwise) [ H. Meier, “Das Ehemalige Schottenkloster,”
87 #9]. Second, in 1213 an Eberhard served as the bishop’s notary
[ Ried I, 306 #323: 19 April 1213], and again in 1228 a “magister
Eberhard scolasticus veteris capelle,” also served as notary for the
bishop of Regensburg [MB 53, 54: 14 December 1228]. Finally, a
certain Rupprecht appears as the cathedral scolasticus in 1207 and
again in 1213, making it unlikely that Eberhardus could have held this
position ca. 1210. Still scolasticus in 1237 [ MB 53, 30 #62: 25 May
1237]. By 1238 Eberhardus was rector of St. Cassian in Regensburg,
a church controlled by the Alte Kapelle [ Ried I, 383].
Hildebrandus: (–1235–) [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau
zur alten Kapelle, 105; MB vol. 13, 21, 27, 54].
1
I have left the names as the appear in the cited sources, unless they are well known
under a variant spelling as appear in multiple sources.
2
J. Schmid identifies most of the scolastici and rectores scolarum. However, I have
included additional information not in Schmid, especially in relation to university
study. See J. Schmid, Die Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur Alten, (Regensburg:
G. J. Manz, 1922), 103–130.

220 appendix i
Henricus de Judenprukhe: (–1238–) [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes

U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 106].
Riboto: (1238) doctor puerorum [MB vol. 27, 53: 13 August 1238] 1253–
1264 scolasticus [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur
alten Kapelle, 106; Urk. AK., vol. 1, 10 #33: 6 June 1253; W. Schratz,
Urkunden und Regesten zur Geschichte des Nonnenklosters zum hl. Kreuz in
Regensburg, 150] .
Berchtoldus: (1279) [ Ried III, #136].
Burchardus: (1285) [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur
alten Kapelle, 106].
Henricus: (1296–1300) [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau
zur alten Kapelle, 108]; In 1300 appears as scribe to the Archbishop of
Salzburg [Franz Martin, Regesten der Erzbischöfe, vol II, 59: 8 March
1300].
Leopoldus: (1320) [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur
alten Kapelle, 109].
Henricus von Rordorf: (1359) “Oberster schulmayster,” [ J. Schmid,
Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 110; Urk. AK.,
vol. 1, 47 #240: 23 April 1359]. Knightly family (miles).
Bertholdus de Askania: Resigned as scolasticus (1361) [StAR Sammlungen
des Historischen Vereins für Oberpfalz und Regensburg, (now held
in Regensburg Stadtarchiv), Urk. 56: 30 July 1361]. Also rector in
St. Cassian [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 56 #290: 9 April 1366]. Established
a missa matutinalis and a Jahrtag. From Anhalt [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 63
#331: 30 January 1370; J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L.
Frau zur alten Kapelle, 111].
Ulricus der Loebel: (1361) Appointed to the office of scolasticus which
was vacant “ex libera resignatione discreti Viri domini Bertholdi
de Askania . . .” [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur
alten Kapelle, 110; StAR Sammlungen des Historischen Vereins für
Oberpfalz und Regensburg, (now held in Regensburg Stadtarchiv),
Urk. 56: 30 July 1361]. Still scolasticus in 1363 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 51
#264: 14 July 1363]. By 1386 called “custos”. A Fridericus Löbel
also appears as a canon of the Alte Kapelle in this year [Urk. AK.,
vol. 1, 77 #410: 31 July 1386]. In 1387 magister Ulrich Löbel was
made honorary papal chaplain [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 1, 28]. Dead by
1391 [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 1, 540]. Member of a Regensburg patrician
family which rose to particular prominence after the fall of the Auer
[ F. Morré, “Ratsverfassung und Patriziat in Regensburg bis 1400.”
VHVOR 85 (1935), 78–79].

students and school personnel 221
Erhardus Sittauer: (–1363–1394), scolasticus, and dean of the Alte Kapelle

[Urk. AK., vol. 1, 77 #410: 31 July 1386], rector St. Cassian [Urk.
AK., vol. 1, 90 #420: 22 February 1394], also rector St. Emmeram
[ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 110].
Member of a Regensburg patrician family primarily engaged in the
Tyrol-Prague wine trade [F. Morré, “Ratsverfassung und Patriziat in
Regensburg,” 91]. Dead by 1394.
Fridericus Wirsing (Wirsink): (1386–1393) “scolasticus et oblagiarius” [Urk.
AK., vol. 1, 77 #410: 31 July 1386; 87 #460: 8 March 1393]. Studied
at Heidelberg held doctorate in law. For more see Appendix II.
Albertus Preiser: (1396?) 1401–1425 [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiat-
stiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 112]. M. Thiel argues that he was
scolasticus already in 1396, the evidence on this, however, is uncertain
[ M. Thiel, ed. Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg
bis zum Jahre 1400, 520]. Funded memorials in each of the three
mendicant houses in 1417 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 121, 122 #652–654: 15
August 1417; 20 August 1471; 24 August 1417]. Dead by 3 March
1425 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 482 f.].
Heinrich Hargenlör: (1425–1447) received a papal provision as scolasticus
of the Alte Kapelle which was vacant following the death of Albrecht
Preiser “non obstante can. et preb. eccl. S. Tuburtii Monasterii
clericorum Ratispon.” [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L.
Frau zur alten Kapelle, 114; Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1, 1138] Also held the
parish church in Memmingen dioc. Regensburg [Rep. Germ., vol. 4,
1, 435]. Before attaining a benefice in the Alte Kapelle in 1421 he
was rector of the parish church in the town of Rottendorf a position
he held until he became rector in Memmingen [Rep. Germ., vol. 4,
1, 435, 1138]. Custos in the Alte Kapelle by 1441 [Urk. AK., vol. 1,
154 #799: 6 December 1441]. Dean by 1446 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 159
#823: 15 March 1446]. Dead by 1447.
Conrad Plessing: (1447) After the death of Heinrich Hargenlör, Wernher
von Aufsess, canon in Bamberg and dean in the Alte Kapelle, trans-
ferred the scolasterie to Conrad Plessing [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des
Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 116].
Johannes Geginger: (1459) resigned as scolasticus. Originally from
Hainbach [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 121 #927: 20 February 1459]. Perhaps the
same as a Johann Geginger de Patavia who studied at Vienna in 1436.
Provided to a benefice in the cathedral in Regensburg, vacant through
the resignation of J. Marschalk “n[on] o[bstante] par. eccl. b. marie
Perchaim al. Talkirchen Ratisbpon.dioc.” with an income ten silver

222 appendix i
marks per year [Rep. Germ., vol. 8, 425 #2904]. Oversaw the cathedral
building fund (magister fabricate) in the 1480’s. Died in 1500 leaving
a collection of law texts to establish an anniversary at St. Mang
[ F. Fuchs, “Die Bibliothek des Augustiner-Chorherrenstifts St. Mang,”
75; A. Hilz, Die Minderbrüder von St. Salvator, 60].
Johannes Marschalk: (1459–1474) Studied at Leipzig and Erfurt.
Knightly family “ex utr. de mil. gen.,” [Rep. Germ., vol. 8, 470, #3228].
From the diocese of Bamberg. See also Appendix II.
Christian Heimlich: (1466) vice-scolasticus [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 195 #1006:
17 May 1466; see also Ried III, 713: 17 May 1466]. In 1469 appears
as proctor of Johannes Marschalk [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 203 #1042: 30
May 1469]. Dean in the Alte Kapelle by 1491 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 271
#1349: 2 September 1491].
Philip Leo: According to Schmid appears as praeceptor in the Alte
Kapelle “d. i. wohl scolastikus”. Born in Leutschau in Hungary. First
appears in connection with the Alte Kapelle in 1459 when he served
as chorvikar [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 403 #1925: 15 June 1459]. Chaplain in
the Alte Kapelle and the altar of S. Sigismund in Niedermünster.
Canon in the Alte Kapelle (1465–1492) [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des
Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 120]. Died 1492, buried in
the Alte Kapelle [ J. Hecht, “Die Grabdenkmäler der Stiftskirche
U. L. Frau zur Alten Kapelle,” 14].
Georg Schaffmansberger: (1505, resigned as scolasticus). Called magister
[ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 128;
Urk. AK., vol. 1, 322 #1572: 25 May 1506]. Dead by 1524.
Johannes Velber: (1506) became scolasticus at the resignation of Georg
Schafmansberger [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 322 #1572: 25 May 1506].
Originally from Dorfen in the diocese of Freising. Matriculated at
Ingolstadt 1486 [MLMU I, 162, 8]. Son of Erhart and Margaret
Velber [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 291 #1438: 27 December 1497]. 1485–1526
appears as scriba iuratus in the consistory. 1489 appears as notarius
vicariatus and Domvikar [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 265 #1324: 14 October
1489]. In 1488 the city paid Johannes Velber, episcopal notary,
four schillings for copying a letter to Rome regarding “der vassten
speys,” and one relating to the Nuremberg toll [StAR Cam 19 fol.
260r]. 1491 exchanged a benefice in the diocese of Eichstätt with
Adam Deyer for the altar of St. Wenceslaus in the Alte Kapelle [Urk.
AK., vol. 1, 269 #1343: 12 June 1491]. Canon in the Alte Kapelle
by 1499 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 294, 1453: 27 February 1499]. Same as
J. Belber, Notar [BayHStA, KU Minoriten Regensburg, 111: 1496

November 10]. 1519 provost of St. Johann, 1523 dean in the Alte
Kapelle [C. Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 416].
“Johannes Velber notarius vicariatus Ratisponensis.” [Schottenloher,
Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, 39: 22 December 1520]. Dean in the Alte
Kapelle, died 7 June 1529 epitaph in the Alte Kapelle [ J. Hecht, “Die
Grabdenkmäler der Stiftskirche U. L. Frau zur Alten Kapelle,” 18].
Sigismund Pender: (1517) Magister. Born in Venice of German parents.
Studied at Pavia. Served as notary at the Council of Pisa in 1513.
1517 elected canon of the Alte Kapelle and scolasticus. 1527 dean.
Journeyed to the papal curia in 1535. 1542 appears as rector of St.
Peter and Paul in Niedermünster. Sent by the bishop of Regensburg
to the Reichstag at Worms in 1545 regarding a complaint against
the city of Regensburg. Also dean of Pondorf and chaplain of St.
Simon and Juda in Niedermünster. Died 1560 [ J. Schmid, Geschichte
des Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 130]. Owned a copy of
Cicero’s Tusculun Disputations printed in Venice in 1480 [Marcus Tullius
Cicero, Tusculanae disputationes, (Venice: Nicolaus Giradengus, 1480, 2o,
C-404, BSB-Ink: Online-Version, 24 May 2007]. Died 6 January
1560. Buried in the Alte Kapelle [ J. Hecht, “Die Grabdenkmäler
der Stiftskirche U. L. Frau zur Alten Kapelle,” 16].
Rectores seu magistri scolarum:

Riboto: (1238) doctor puerorum also see under scolasticus.
Johannes (1287) rector puerorum [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U. L.
Frau zur alten Kapelle, 263].
Heinrich der Igeltaler: (1402) Schulmeister [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 383 #1840:
16 May 1402]. Also appears as notary 1401–1403 [Urk. AK., vol. 1,
104, 382, 383]. On 16 May 1402 he leased a house from the Alte
Kapelle for an annual payment of 10 schil. R. d. “gelegen nahet
pey detn(!) schwarzen purgtor bey sand Chlaren gegen Babenberger
hof . . .” [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 383 #1840: 16 May 1402]. Possibly the
same as Heinrich der Igeltaler who matriculated at Vienna in 1383
[MUW 1383 II 85]. See Appendix II.
Leonhard: (1424) rector scolarum [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 128 #688: 15 July 1424].
Hermann de Gotta: (1429) rector scolarum also magister. Appears as last
witness to a judgment regarding incomes claimed by the scolasticus
Heinrich Hargenlör [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 137 #719: 15 December 1429].
A Hermannus de Gotta, brother of “decani quondam in Northusin”
(Nordhausen, Saxony) studied at Erfurt 1402–8 [Akt. Erf. I, 66, 69,

224 appendix i
83] Bac. in arts 1406 [Bak. Reg.Erf., 12]. Gotta is in Saxon Koburg
near Bamberg, perhaps a reflection of the continued influence of the
bishop and chapter of Bamberg in the affairs of the Alte Kapelle.
See Appendix II.
Johannes Stoekchl: (1463) rector scolarum [ J. Schmid, Geschichte des
Kollegiatstiftes U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 263]. Likely the same as
Johannes Stöckl de Rat who matriculated in Vienna 1451 [MUW
1451 II R 128]. Paid burse of 4 gr. A Johannes Stöckel bachelor
in arts and cleric of the diocese of Regensburg witnessed Michael
Lengfelder’s resignation of a benefice in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK.,
vol. 1, 182 #930: 16 June 1459] Held the altar of St. Martha and St.
Dorothy in the Alte Kapelle until 1465 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 191 #982:
28 February 1465]. By this time he was also vicar of the altar of
St. Ursula and the eleven thousand virgins in the cathedral and was
ordered to resign his benefice in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1,
405–6 #1936: 28 February 1465]. See Appendix II.
Heinrich Holzman: (1467) rector scolarum [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 339 #1645:
24 March 1467].
Georg Schilher: (1487) rector scolarum Also made primissarius in the Alte
Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 421 #1999: 1 June 1487]. Vicar of St.
Ulrich’s in Regensburg 1504 resigned as primissarius [Urk. AK., vol. 1,
316 #1546: 1 July 1504].
Johann Gross: (1495) rector scolarum. Rector St. Cassian (1508–09).
Possibly the same as Johannes Gross de Ratispona who matriculated
at Ingolstadt in 1480 [MLMU I, 94]. Died 1519. See Appendix II.
Christoff Schels: (1498) rector scolarum [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 429 #2031: 19
February 1498].
Sebastian Gyrstner (1510) rector scolarum. Also summisarius of St. Johann
in Regensburg. From the diocese of Passau [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 344
#1670: 27 June 1510].
Scolaris
Heinricus Erlbach: Before 1486 “Henricus de Erlbach tunc temporis
scholaris veteris capellae” copied the Summulae logicales of Peter
Hispanus (BayStB clm 14518). Later studied at Ingolstadt. See
Appendix II.

Augustinian hermits
Johannes: (1322) Lector [StBR Signatur Rat.ep.409: Roman Zirngibl,

Epitaphien im Dom, in St. Emmeram, in Nieder-Ober-Münster, bei den
Minoriten und Augustinern (1785), 522 #94]. “Obiit Domina Petrisia
Soror Johannis lectoris.”
Härtwig: (1357) Lector [RegBoic. VIII, 364: 7 January 1357]. Listed
with Albrecht, Wirnher, Ott.
Wirnher: (1357) Lector [RegBoic. VIII, 364: 7 January 1357]. Listed with
Albrecht, Ott and Härtwig. Possibly the same as Wernher lesemei-
ster O.E.S.A. who received ½ pfd Ewiggeld [H. Meier, Das ehemalige
Schottenkloster St. Jakob, 72 #104: 1393 October 14].
Albertus: (1357–1389) Lector [RegBoic. VIII 364: 7 January 1357].
Listed with Wirnher, Ott and Härtwig. Possibly the same as Albrecht
Lesemaister, prior Unseres Herren Chappell Regensburg [BayHStA, KU
Augustiner Regensburg 50: 24 November 1375] and Albrecht
Lesemaister [F. Solleder, Urkundenbuch der Stadt Straubing, vol. I, 207–10
#220: 1382 April 22] and Albertus de Ratispone lector, prior, and
procurator of the province of Bavaria [BayStB clm. 8423, 286: 16
July 1389].
Otto: (1357–1375) Lector [MB 54, 325 #788: 21 June 1368; RegBoic.
VIII 364: 7 January 1357]. Ulrich Woller left “pruder Otten dem
lesmaister ze unsers herren chappel ½ lb . . . Ich han auch meinen
sun, pruder Ulreich ze den Augustinern enpolhen minim prider hern
Otten dem Woller und hern Dietreich dem Zollner.” [MB 54, 422
#1073: 16 February 1375].
Berthold Puchhauser von Regensburg: (1394) Lector. See Appendix
II.
Fridericus de Ratispona: (1403, 20?, 21?) Lector. “pruder Friedrich
lesemaister prior zu unsers Herrn Chappell zu Regensburg” makes
known the foundation of an anniversary mass [BayHstA, Reichsstadt
Regensburg Urk. 4406: 5 May 1403] For more see Appendix II. A
lector Fridericus appears as prior/lector again in 1407, 1418, 1420
and 1421 [BZAR BDK Urk. 1418 VII 28; BayHstA, KU Augustiner
Regensburg 61: 28 August 1420; BayHstA, KU Augustiner
Regensburg 62: 30 June 1421]. It is not entirely certain that these
are all the same Fridericus. In 1418 he is identified as F. Hofmaister
[ BZAR BDK Urk. 1418 VII 28]. According to Zirngibl this is the
same as Fridericus Dio who died in 1430 [StBR Signatur Rat. ep.

226 appendix i
409: Roman Zirngibl, Epitaphien im Dom, in St. Emmeram, in Nieder-

Ober-Münster, bei den Minoriten und Augustinern, 509 #38]. Kunzelmann
identifies the lector/prior in 1403, 1407 and 1420 as Fridericus
Weltner [A. Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten,
vol. 3, 291, 331–332].
Fridericus (Dio=Hofmaister)?: (1418) Lector. See Fridericus above.
Nicolaus de Ratispona: (1463) Lector [MUW 1463 I R1 78]. “Frater
Nicholaus de Ratisbona lector et professus ordinis Mendicantium
beati Augustini.” See Appendix II.
Leonhardus de Ratispona (Mühlhauser): (1466) Lector [BayStB clm
8423, 322: 23 November 1466]. Named visitor of Windesheim
[BayStB clm 8423, 323: 22 July 1471]. Wrote BayStB clm 26759
in 1457 [Adolar Zumkeller, Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des
Augustiner-Eremitenordens, 320–21]. At death in 1500 called Leonardus
Mülhauser Lector, doctor of theology [StBR Signatur Rat. ep. 409:
Roman Zirngibl, Epitaphien im Dom, in St. Emmeram, in Nieder-Ober-
Münster, bei den Minoriten und Augustinern, 509 #37].
Conrad de Ratispona: (1479) Lector [BayStB clm 8423, 383]. According
to Hemmerle he served from 1469–1481. Known for his love of
books [Hemmerle, “Das Regensburger Augustinerkloster St. Salvator:
1267–1810,” 21; A. Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-
Eremiten, vol. 3, 281]. In 1475 requested that Thomas de Lunnis
copy the codex now held as BayStB clm 26650 containing Alfonsus
Vargas, Super primum Sententiarum.
Casparus de Ratispona: (1479) Lector [ BayStB clm 8423, 333]. 1483
named vicar of the general chapter in Prague [ BayStB clm 8423,
334: 2 March 1483]. Confirmed as provincial 29 September 1484
[BayStB clm 8423, 334]. In 1486 a Gasparus de Rat. promoted to
baccalaureate in theology and incorporated into the university of
Ingolstadt or Vienna “Gasparus de Rat. fit Bacc. et incorporatur
univer. Ingolstadtiensis vel Viennensi.” [ BayStB clm 8423, 334: 20
June 1486]. Reelected as provincial in 1487 [ BayStB clm 8423,
334: 24 August 1487]. Perhaps the same as the Augustinian Hermit
Caspar Kürsner de Rat. who received money for his studies in Poland
(Krakow?) in 1477. StAR Cam17. fol. 207r “item wir gaben ainem
münch zu den Augustiner genant Caspar Kürsner auff die Studium
gen Poloni xi schil. vi den.”
Johannes Swartz: 1500 (Lector) [BZAR.StiA U 812: 3 July 1500].
Involved in a legal dispute along with the Dominicans, the Franciscans
and the Carmelites of Straubing against Johannes Elsendorffer

concerning a debt owed by the latter to the convents. (not to be

confused with the Dominican of the same name).
Johannes de Ratispona: Lector in 1504 [BayStB clm 8423, 339: 24
December 1504].
Stephanus de Ratispona: (1513) Lector [BayStB clm 8423, 341: 4
January 1513].
Cathedral
Geraldus: (ca. 1061). According to tradition he was Scolasticus in the
Regensburg cathedral in the Middle of the eleventh century. He
entered the monastery of Cluny following a pilgrimage to Rome in
1061 serving for a time as prior. In 1067 he was appointed as Cardinal
Bishop of Ostia as a supporter of the reforms of Gegory VII. He
was a friend of fellow Regensburger and Cluniac monk Ulrich Zell
[ F. Fuchs, “Ulrich von Zell,” in VL, vol. 11 and R. Hüls, Kardinäle, Klerus
und Kirchen Roms, 1049–1130, 1977), 132.]. Died in Rome in 1077.
Idung: (1133–42) magister scole (scolarum) [Ried I, 193, 196, 203]. Likely
the same as Idung of Prüfening who entered the Benedictine mona-
stery of Prüfening around 1144 while suffering a near-fatal illness.
During his stay at Prüfening he wrote the Argumentum in which he
discusses the merits of the monastic life. Shortly after the death of
Bernard of Clairvaux, Idung left the monastery of Prüfening to join
the Cistercians (the specific monastery remains unknown). Here he
wrote his Dialogue between two Monks, where he defended the Cistercians
reforms as superior to the traditions of Cluny [ Huygens, 6–10; VL. 4,
362–64]. For Idung see also J. Petersohn, “Zur Biographie Herbords
von Michelsberg,” 400–405.
Herbord von Michelsberg?: (after 1142–before 1146) Herbord was a
member of the cathedral chapter in the 1130’s and 1140’s. Although
he does not appear in any of the surviving sources as schoolmaster in
the cathedral, J. Petersohn infers from surviving charters and Idung of
Prüfening’s dedication of the Argumentum to a magister Herbord (a title
which at the time often signified a schoolmaster) that Herbord served
as Idung’s successor in the cathedral school. Around 1146 Herbord
entered the monastery of Michelsberg where he later took up the
position of schoolmaster and became well-known as a proponent of
monastic reform. In 1159 he composed his Vita of Bishop Otto I of
Bamberg. Died 1168 [ J. Petersohn, “Zur Biographie Herbords von
Michelsberg,” 413–416].

228 appendix i
Ulricus: (1155–1161) magister scole [ Ried I, 234, 236; Urk. AK., vol. 1,
1 #2: 1161].
Eberhardus: (1161 ca.) magister scole [ Ried I, 231; Ried dates this char-
ter to 1155 but see J. Petersohn, “Zur Biographie Herbords von
Michelsberg,” 408].
Pelletus also Belethus (1171–1193) magister scole, (1194) scolasticus [ Ried
I, 244, 273, 276, 278].
H(. . .): (12??) scolasticus [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 21 #78].
Rupprecht: (1205–16) scolasticus [ Ried I, 291, 294, 306, 308, 317, (dean,
345)]. Likely the same as “di pfaffen maister Rupprecht” who was
witness to the consecration of an altar in the Schottenkloster (St.
Jakob) established by Werner von Laber in 1225. The donation was
confirmed and translated into German, 5 January 1380 [H. Meier,
“Das Ehemalige Schottenkloster St. Jakob,” 87] see also [G. A. Renz
“Beiträge zur Geschichte der Schottenabtei,” 421, 38: 1225].
Hermann: (1224–1229) Scolasticus, oberister schulmaister [Ried I, 339, 347,
352, 357, 360]. Witness in 1225 to the consecration of an altar
in St. Jakob (Schottenkloster) established by Werner von Laber. A
register of the charter appears in [G. A. Renz 16(1895), 421, 38],
a German translation from 1380 is published in [ Hans Meier, 87].
See also above Rupprecht.
Siboto: (1229–1259) scolasticus [ Ried I, 363, 453]. Plebe in Niedermünster
1228 [ Ried I, 355], still 1240 [ BayHstA, KU Niedermünster
Regensburg 28]. Served as one of several arbitrators in the dispute
between the dean of the Alte Kapelle, Heinrich von Waldowe, and
the chapter of the Alte Kapelle regarding income from property in
the suburbs of Regensburg [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 8 #24: 9 December
1245]. Appears repeatedly as witness to business relating to both the
cathedral and the Alte Kapelle where he held canonries. Canon in
both the cathedral and the Alte Kapelle by 1253 [Urk. AK., vol. 1,
10 #34: 6 June 1253]. See also [ Ried I, 357, 378, 383, 392, 399,
405, 412, 453.] Leased property on the Steinernebrücke along with the
future bishop and native son of Regensburg, Leo Thundorfer [ Paul
Hardo-Mai, Die Traditionen, Die Urkunden und das älteste Urbarfragment
des Stiftes Rohr, 1133–1332. QuE, Neue Folge vol. 21(Munich: Beck,
1966), 193 #38: 24 July 1255]. Dead by 23 September 1259 [ Ried
I, 453], left 10 gold marks to the chapter. Also provided funds for
the celebration of the feast of St. Luke [Ried I, 601].
Eberhard: (1260) scolasticus [MB 53, 50 #98: 27 October 1260]. Witness
to an agreement between Hugo unter de Walchen and the cathedral
chapter over the payment of an annuity.

Otto: (1263) scolasticus [Ried I, 472]. Magister Otto, scolasticus witness

to litigation between the Bishop of Regensburg and the Count of
Moosburg.
Ulricus: (1271) scolasticus [Ried I, 521]. Magister Ulricus scolasticus wit-
nessed the settlement of a property dispute between the church of
Regensburg and Hermann de Manstorf. See also [Schratz, Urkunden
Dominikanerin, 1 March 1271]. Perhaps the same master Ulrich canon
of Regensburg who witnessed the confirmation of possessions held
from the church by the Landgraf of Nuremburg [Ried I, 566: 28
March 1280].
Gundakarus: (1276–1285) Scolasticus [Ried I, 537, 553, 538] Held a
number of benefices concurrently including a cathedral canonry and
rectorships in the churches of Frankenhausen and Niedermünster. In
1285 he was deprived of these benefices along with the position of
scolasticus and was denied a vote in the chapter for five years “propter
enormes excessus . . .” [RegBoic. IV 264: 10 January 1285]. Possibly
the same as Magister Gundakerus notary to the Duke of Bavaria
[MB, vol. 13, 239–40 #57, 1290].
Henricus Paganus: (before 1296) scolasticus [Ried I, 697: 17 May 1296].
1296 Henricus scolasticus dictus Paganus established an anniversary in
the cathedral. Cathedral canon by 1274 [Ried I, 530: 6 January 1274]
still canon 1284 [Ried I, 598: 5 March 1284]. 1287 (archidyaconus)
[G. A. Renz, 16 (1895), 578–579: 1287 Juni 19].
Philippus: (1294, 1302–1304) scolasticus [BayHStA, KU Niedermünster
Regensburg 105: 17 October 1294]. In 1295, two monks of Heilsbronn
who had once instructed the clerics and scholars of the cathedral in
Regensburg in chant, dedicated their musical treatise to “Phyl[ippo]
scolastico . . . omnibus clericis et scolaribus maioris ecclesie Rat
[Universitätsbibliothek Erlangen, MS 66, 102: Hans Fischer, Katalog
der Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek Erlangen, vol. 1, Die Lateinischen
Pergamenthandschriften, (Erlangen: Universitätbibliothek, 1928), 71].
In 1304 still scolasticus established an anniversary at the monastery
of Rohr for six lbs. Also purchased a perpetual annuity for fifteen
lbs [Hardo-Mai, 255–56]. See also [Ried I, 739 #760: 19 August
1303]. Anniversary in cathedral 14 December [MGH Antiquitates
Necrologia III, 246]. Endowed a window in the Regensburg cathedral
[Gabriela Fritzsche, Die Mittelalterliche Glasmalereien im Regensburger Dom,
in Corpus vitrearum medii aevi 13, 1, (Berlin: Deutscher Verlag fur
Kunstwissenschaft 1987), 88].
Albertus de Chunigswert: (1313–15) Schulmaister [Franz Martin, vol. II,
129 #115: 20 March 1313]. Noble from Frontenhausen. In 1314

230 appendix i
appears as one of three representatives of the bishop and chapter

of Regensburg in a dispute with the bishop and chapter of Eichstätt
over patronage rights in the church of Altenkirchen in the diocese
of Eichstätt, called here only canon [Ried II, 765: 3 June 1314]. In
1315 Albrecht von Chveniswart “schuelmaister uf dem chor ze dem
tum,” appears as the “pflegær” of Eberhart der Kapeller, also a canon
in the cathedral, in the sale of property by Eberhard to the Abbess
of St. Paul [ Johann Geier, ed., Die Traditionen, Urkunden und Urbare
des Klosters St. Paul in Regensburg. QuE, Neue Folge, vol. 34 (Munich:
C. H. Beck, 1986), 78 #27: 10 February 1315]. In 1292 magister
Albertus de Chunigswert mentioned in the will of Marquard canon
of St. Johann, as being in possession of a book of sermons called
“Balistarius”3 owned by Marquard. Called simply master here, no
mention of his possession of a canonry [ M. Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden
des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 113–14 #73:
4 March 1292]. 1306 Dr. in Decr. [Franz Martin, vol. II, 94].
Laeutwin Gamurati: (Gamried von Sarching) (1320–27) scolasticus
[RegBoic 6, 11: 8 June 1320]. Excommunicated 29 January 1327 by
Nicholas Bishop of Regensburg for presuming to arrest a cleric
under the protection of the bishop [Marianne Popp, Das Handbuch
der Kanzlei des Bischofs Nikolaus von Regensburg (1313–1340), (Munich,
1972), 78 #45: 29 January 1327]. See also Ried II, 805: 8 July 1325.
Appears as archdean in the cathedral in 1313 [ Franz Martin, vol. II,
129: 20 March 1313]. See also [G. A. Renz 17 (1896), 33: 12 August
1322]. In 1321 Franz Martin lists a “L(eo) Scholastikus” among the
Regensburg canons who make known “daß sie . . . 40 pfd. 66 pfg. dem
S(igfrid) . . . abgeliefert haben.” [ Franz Martin vol. II, 26: 4 March
1321]. This should surely read Laeutwin rather than Leo. Funded
the Aurelia Grabmals in St. Emmeram. In the sixteenth century the
famous humanist historian Aventinus mocked the inscription and its
sponsor, “Ein gueter läppischer ungelerter tumbherr hat ain andern stain oben auf
den alten lassen setzen, maint es ligt alda ain alte heilige junkfrau, sant Aurelia
g’nant.” [Susanne Wolf, Johannes Aventinus (1477–1534): Der Vater
3
Jéan Baletrier of Limogoes O.P. (d. 1260) Balistarius sermon collection. See Mat-
thias Thiel, Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, QuE
Neue Folge, vol. 28, part 1, (Munich: 1975), 113.

der bayerischen Geschichtsschreibung, http://www.uni-regensburg.

de/ Fakultaeten/ phil_Fak_III/Geschichte/Alte_G/roemer/texte/
auf_aven.htm: accessed 11 June 2007].
Hiltpold von Haimburg: (1345–46) scolasticus [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 36 #172:
29 March 1345]. In 1346 Hiltpold von Haimburg, “scolasticus et
canonicus eccclesie Ratisponensis ac prepositus sancti Iohannis,”
relinquished his claims to the proceeds from vacant benefices in
St. Johann [M. Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in
Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 290 #212: 9 March 1346]. Canon in
Regensburg since 1313 [Franz Martin, II, 129 #1115: 29 March
1313]. Elected bishop in 1340 by a minority of the canons. Resigned
almost immediately [ Janner vol. III, 209]. Cathedral dean 1347 [Urk.
AK., vol. 1, 37 #180–181: 5 December 1347]. See also [Oefele Tom
I, 212 (1347) dean; Mayer Thesaurus Novus, vol. 3, 84]. Kept a house
in Regensburg. “domus quedam sita inter domum domini Rugeri de
Rayn, et domum Hiltpoldi de Haimberch” [Ried III #526 1322].
Sold property in Burgweintling along with his sister “Ofmi gennant
die Weiglin Bürgerin in Nürnberch . . .” [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 37 #180–
181: 5 December 1347] Uncle of Conrad von Haimberg bishop
of Regensburg (1368–1381) and patron of Conrad of Megenberg
[cf. Janner vol. III, 257; and Weber, 230–232]. Died 18 October
1349 [MB 53, 682 #1267: 18 October 1349; MGH Antiquitates Necro.
III, 245].
Conrad of Megenberg (de Monte Puellarum): (1350) Scolasticus [Sabine
Krüger, “Krise der Zeit als Ursache der Pest?” in Festschrift für Hermann
Heimpel zum 70. Geburtstag. (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht
1972), 862–883]. Received his elementary education in Erfurt before
studying in Paris. Master in arts 1334. Reigned in arts at Paris for
the next eight years. He was a vocal opponent of Ockham and the
mendicants in general. In 1341, Conrad received an expectation in
the cathedral of Regensburg [Franz Martin, vol. III 123 #1244: 16
May 1341]. In 1342 he left Paris to serve as rector of the school
of St. Stephan in Vienna. Six years later he settled in Regensburg
having finally been able to turn his expectation into a benefice. In
his work on the plague written in 1350 he calls himself scolasticus
Ratisponensis although it was disputed at this time with Johannes
Rederer (Hans von Augsburg) who appears in the chapter records
as scolasticus 18 April 1350 [Ried II, 874 #921: 18 April 1350];
See also F. Fuchs, “Neue Quellen zur Biographie Konrads von

232 appendix i
Megenberg,” in Das Wissen der Zeit. Konrad von Megenberg und sein Werk
(1309 –1374). Zeitschrift für Bayerische Landesgeschichte, Beihefte
B, 27, (Munich: C. H. Beck, 2006), note 19; F. Fuchs argues con-
vincingly that Conrad of Megenberg (de Monte Puellarum) aban-
doned his claim to the position of scolasticus as part of a deal with
Johannes Rederer to secure a benefice for his brother Johannes de
Monte Puellarum in the Diaconate of Geisenfeld. By 1369 he was
also rector of the cathedral parish of St. Ulrich’s [Urk. UK., vol. 1,
#326: 2 July 1369]. During his lifetime he made several journeys
to Avignon on behalf of the university of Paris and the city of
Regensburg. He died in Regensburg 14 April 1374 and was buried
in Niedermünster. In addition to his work on the plague, in which
he rejects accusations that the Jews were responsible for the spread
of the disease, Conrad left behind large number of works including
a critique of Walter Burleigh “utrum forme contrarie sint eiusdem
speciei specialissime” [T. Kaeppeli, Revue d’Hist. Eccl. 45 (1950), S.
594 f.] the Yconomica [Konrad von Megenberg Werke: Ökonomik. ed. Sabine
Krüger] famous for its lengthy discussion of education, and two
works of natural philosophy written in German, Die Deutsche Sphaera,
[Die deutsche Sphaera / Konrad von Megenberg. ed. Francis B. Brévart; Das
Buch der Natur: die Erste Naturgeschichte in deutscher Sprache / Konrad von
Megenberg. ed. Franz Pfeiffer] He also helped rewrite the statutes of the
cathedral [Conrad de Megenberg, Statuta Capituli Ecclesie Ratiponensis,
ed. Andreas Mayer, Thesaurus novus juris ecclesiastici potissimum Germaniae,
sive, Codex statutorum ineditorum ecclesiarum cathedralium et collegiatarum
in Germania, vol. 2, 1–37]. He also wrote a treatise supporting the
claims of the rector of the cathedral parish of St. Ulrich’s to supre-
macy over the other parishes within the city [De limitibus parochiarum
civitatis Ratisbonenis, ed. Philipp Schneider]. For more biographical
information see Margit Weber, “Konrad von Megenberg Leben und
Werk,”; W. J. Courtenay, “Conrad of Megenberg. The Paris Years,”;
W. J. Courtenay, “Conard of Megenberg as Nuntius and his Quest
for Benefices.”
Johannes Rederer (Riederer / Hans von Augsburg): (1350) schulmaister
[Ried II, 874 #921: 18 April 1350]. Matriculated at Bologna in 1320
also a canon in Augsburg. Resigned as rector of Engelbrechtsmünster
in the deanery of Geisenfeld as part of a deal to settle his dispute
with Conrad of Megenburg over the cathedral school [F. Fuchs,
“Neue Quellen,” note 19; G. Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 43
#5292]. Associated with the cathedral since at least 1347 when a

“maister Hans von Auspurch” appears as a witness to a property

transaction by Hiltpolt of Haimburg [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 37 #180–181:
5 December 1347]. See Appendix II.
Conrad von Papenhaim: (1359) schulmeister vom tum [MB 54, 159 #337:
10 August 1359]. Purchased a Leipding 6 lbs from the city, “Darnach
hat man versigelt hern ch. dem schulmeister vom tum 6 lb leip[ting]
umb 42 lb.” See also MB 54, 475 Leibgedingsregister 1350–64
“Maister Chunr. von Pappenhaim schulmaister datz dem tum. 14
lb.” Appears 1350–53 in the charters of St. Johann as “Ch|nrat
der Anschreiber, chorherre ze sand Johanns ze Regenp|rch und
oblayer do selben ze den zeiten . . .” [ M. Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden des
Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 320 #230: 23
August 1350]. Public notary by 1362 [ M. Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden
des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 376 #293:
9 July 1362]. By 1364 called magister [ M. Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden des
Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 383–84 #301:
16 October 1364]. Died before 31 December 1371 [ M. Thiel, ed.,
Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400,
404: #329].
Uricus Strawbinger: (–1382–1385–) scolasticus [ M. Thiel, ed., Die
Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400,
469 #402: 23 September 1385]. See also Appendix II.
Arnolt Yban: (1386–88) schulmaister/rector scolarum “chirchherr zu
Westenchirchen Schulmaister am dom zu Regensburg . . .” Appears
at least three times between 1385 and 1388. The first time sim-
ply as “Magister Arnoldus Yban, rector parrochialis ecclesie in
Westenchirichen . . .” [ M. Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St.
Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 469 #402: 23 September 1385].
The second time he is called schulmaister and rector in Westenchirchen.
In both of these cases he served as a witness along with the public
notary Conradus Puenharter. Since he does not seem to have been
a canon it is likely that he was simply the rector scolarum [Urk. AK.,
vol. 1, 76 #406: February 6 1386]. In 1388 an Arnolt rector sco-
larum served as proctor for mag. Peter de Straubinga in the dispute
between the latter and Johannes Pachmair concerning the parish
church of Falkenberg dioc. Regensburg. “et sic ipse partes videlict
dominus Johnnes [ Pachmair] actor per se et magister Petrus per
magistrum Arnoldum rectorem scolarum in summo Ratisponensi
procuratorum suum . . .” [Cornelius Will “Nachlese zu Th. Ried’s

234 appendix i
Codex Chronologico-Diplomaticus Episcopatus Ratisbonensis,” 136

#21: 26 August 1388].
Erhart Pünchofer: (1395) schulmaister zum Tum [StAR.Cam4. fol. 1r]. For
more see Appendix II (Purchofer). Since he did not hold a canonry
in the cathedral church it is likely that he was the rector scolarum
rather than scolasticus.
Conradus Satelpoger: (–1398) scolasticus. Exchanged his position as
cathedral scolasticus with Albertus Stauffer for the deanery of St.
Johann in Regensburg [M. Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts
St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 567 #508: 14 May 1398].
See also Appendix II.
Albertus Stauffer: (1398–1414) scolasticus [M. Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden
14 May 1398]. See also Appendix II.
Fridericus Parsberger: (1414) scolasticus [RegBoic., XII 165]. See also
Appendix II.
Jacobus Klinkebeyl: (1428) scolasticus. Received papal provision as
scolasticus in Regensburg. However, it does not appear that he ever
secured the position [RegBoic. XIII, 119, 13 April 1428]. “Martinus
Papa Jacobo Klinkebeyl scholastico ecclesiae Ratisponensis schola-
striam predictae ecclesia confert. D. Rome apud sanctus apostolos
Id. Aprilis, pontificatus anno undecimo.” Still litigating the position
fifteen years after Albertus Stauffer became bishop in 1414.
Johannes Parsberger: (before 1440) scolasticus. He appears as cathe-
dral canon and scolasticus in Roman Zirngibl’s survey of memorial
inscriptions in the Regensburg cathedral church. Studied in Vienna
1420 [MUW 1420 I R 1]. Canon of Freising at time of matri-
culation paid burse of 1/2 lib. Received papal preferment to a
canonry in the Regensburg cathedral in 1418 “vac. p.o. Casparis de
Frawnberg . . .” [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 2, 2221]. Still in litigation in 1421
“contra Degehardum Stolchinger . . .” [ibid.]. Scolasticus in Freising
by 1427 [ibid.]. Died 1440 [Signatur Rat.ep.409: Roman Zirngibl,
Epitaphien im Dom, in St. Emmeram, in Nieder-Ober-Münster, bei den Minoriten
und Augustinern (1785), 35]. Served as legal surrogate for Fridericus
Parsberger on several occasions [Rep. Germ., 4, 2, 2221].
Henricus Parsberger: (1456–1499) scolasticus. For more see Appendix
II.
Ulricus Kaegerl: (1456) Rector scolarum Regensburg. Studied in Vienna
in 1452 [Nikolaus Henkel, Deutsche Übersetzungen lateinischer Schultexte,
41]. Left Vienna in 1452 as master in arts [N. Henkel, Deutsche

Übersetzungen lateinischer Schultexte, 41; Virgil Redlich, Tegernsee und die

deutsche Geistesgeschichte im 15. Jahrhundert, 45–55; MBK vol. 4, 2, 739];
Wrote BayStB clm 17522; 18856; 18861 (magister Vienna). BayStB
clm 18736 “enthält eine von Ulrich geschriebene Ansprache vor dem
Domkapitel, 1456 (Udalrico de Landau rectore scholarum a. 1456
habitus fol. 190–201). Rector scolarum in Landau 1452 [BayStB clm
19614]. Enters Tegernsee 1457. Prior of Tegernsee 1465. Brother
Stephanus (succentor in Landau who copied BaySt clm 19614, also
entered Tegernsee) [N. Henkel, 41].
Conrad Celtis (1492–93) praeceptor. Early German humanist, briefly
taught in the cathedral school [Rupprich, 96–97 #58: 7 February
1493]. Numerous biographies [L. W. Spitz, The German Arch-
Humanist; Laetitia Boehm, ed., Bio-Lex Ingol., 65–68.] Studied in
Cologne 1478 (in arts). Master in arts Heidelberg 1485. Taught in
Erfurt, Rostock and Leipzig. 1487 poet laureate.
Georgius Paulstorffer: (1500) scolasticus. See Appendix II.
Silvester Krafft: Studied in Ingolstadt in 1494 where he matriculated
with his brother Peter (both were minors at the time), the future
suffragen bishop of Regensburg [MLMU I, 237]. Son of Peter Craft
from Blaubeuren, doctor in laws and advisor to Duke Georg the
Rich of Bavaria-Landshut in 1490. (1506) rector scolaris and chaplain
of the altar of St. Stephen in St. Johann [BZAR StiA U 844: 26
August 1506]. Called scolasticus in 1508. Witness to his brother’s (Peter
Krafft) reception of a canonry in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1,
330 #1606: 24 April 1508]. Died 1519 “ad illam noctem magister
Silvester Craft mortuus est circa mediam noctem.” [Schottenloher,
Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, 35.
Georg Sinzenhofer: (1503–1517) scolasticus [BZAR Archiv St. Klara
Regensburg, Siegelurkunden 663: 1503 VIII 29] See also [Ried II,
1103 #1160: 12 May 1507]. “decretorum doctor, Canonicus, scolasti-
cus ac sede episcopali eccliae ratispon. vacante pe capitulum ejusdem
eccliae commissarius et officialis specialiter deputatus dilecto nobis
in Christo dno decano salutem in domino.” Dean 1513, [Mayer
1793: 99]. “Sintzenhofer plebanus suffectus est.” [Schottenloher,
Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, 27: 21 December 1514] “circiter horam
sextam in mane obiit venerabilis et egregius dominus doctor Georius
Sintznhofer decanus, scolasticus et iudex ordinarius Ratisponensis,
cuius anima deo vivat. Dominus doctor Ridler suffectus est in deca-
natu, dominus Melchior Sparnecker in scolastica, dominus Sixtus
de Preysing iudex ordinarius, Joh. Parsperger canonicus, Gerorgius

236 appendix i
Prenner doctor sacrista.” [Schottenloher, Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, 33: 10

October 1517] See also [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 343 #1688: 28 August 1511].
Melchior Sparnecker: Scolasticus 1517 [Schottenloher, Tagebuchaufzeichnungen,
33: 10 October 1517].
Dominicans
Albertus Magnus: Lector (ca. 1237) [Henricus de Hervordia, Liber de

rebus memorabilioribus sive Chronicon Henrici de Hervordia, August Potthast
ed., (Göttingen: Dieterich, 1859), 201]. Bishop of Regensburg
(1260–62). Studied first in Padua, then Cologne before studying in
Paris. For chronology of his life see Heribert Christian Scheeben,
Albert der Große: zur Chronologie seines Lebens, in QF, 27 (Vechta, 1931),
57. For a recent bibliography of the vast literature on the life and
influence of Albertus Magnus see Irven Michael Resnick, Albert the
Great: a selectively annotated bibliography (1900–2000), (Tempe Arizona:
Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2004).
Johannes: Lector (1260) [BayHstA, Heinz Lieberich, “Regensburg
Dominikaner, Predigerkloster Sankt Blasius: Regesten Nr. 1–280
(1226–1806)”, 1932–33, #81: 1260 March 21; G. A. Renz 16 (1895),
575: 21 March 1260].
Berthold: Lector (1263–1281) [BayHstA, H. Lieberich, “Regensburg
Dominikaner, Predigerkloster Sankt Blasius,” #85: 2 May 1263; #99:
21 November 1271; #110: 4 August 1279 called former lector; #112:
3 October 1279 (called Lector again)]. Received a commission with
reference to a mandate from Nicholas III [Bull of 31 July 1278] to
preach in the dioceses of Freising, Regensburg and Passau to the
Jews. He should not limit his preaching to the learned as some have
done. The Jews should not be gathered openly but in their Synagogue
and cemeteries or in the convent of the Dominicans or other secure
place [ Janner, Bischöfe Reg, III 12–16.]. Served as arbitrator in a
legal dispute along with Wernherus lector of the Franciscans in 1278
[RegBoic. IV, 83] Still lector in 1281[RegBoic. IV, 144].
Nycolaus: Lector (1279) [BayHstA, H. Lieberich, “Regensburg
Dominikaner, Predigerkloster Sankt Blasius,” #110: 4 August
1279].
Henricus de Groningen (de Frisia): Lector in arts (ca. 1284–88) [H.
Finke, “Zur Geschichte der Deutschen Dominikaner Im 13. und
14. Jahrhundert,” RQ VIII (1894), 376]. Studied in Bologna 1292

[ J. Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich: die deutschen Rechtsstudenten an der

Universität Bologna 1265–1425, 486 #1296].
Wernherus: Lector (1318) [RegBoica, vol. 5, 388: 29 July 1318].
Berthold von Mospurch: Lector (1327) [BayHstA, H. Lieberich,
“Regensburg Dominikaner, Predigerkloster Sankt Blasius,” #137 (Now
BayHStA, Reichsstadt Regensburg Urk. 349): 15 April 1327].
Hermannus Nordelingen: Sentenciarius (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitel-
sakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),” AFP 23 (1953),
332].
G. Calmicz: Lector “legat et disputet” (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten
der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),” AFP 23 (1953), 332].
Johannes Merlin: Lector “legat et disputet” (1365–71) [T. Kaeppeli,
“Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (c. 1365–71)”,
316].
Ulricus Ukufer: Sentenciarius (1365–71) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten
der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (c. 1365–71)”, 316].
Ulricus Wasserburger: lector “legat et disputet” (1396) [B. Altaner,
“Rotweiler Provinzialkapitels,” 13]. In 1400 served as visitor to the
Nation of Bavaria [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel
der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401,
1402,” 306].
Cunradus Meczinger: Sentenciarius (1396) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler
Provinzialkapitels,” 13]. Confessor to the sisters of Rothenburg
o.d.T [B. M. Reichert, Registrum litterarum Raymundi de Capua, (1386–
1399) [et] Leonardi di Mansuetis, (1474–1480), QF vol. VI, (Leipzig:
Harassowitz, 1911) [hereinafter, B. M. Reichert, Registrum litterarum,
QF vol. VI], 29: 4 July 1398]. 1400 Lector in Würzburg and 1401
Lector in Bamberg [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel
1402,” 309, 318].
Cunradus Hauweck: Master of Students (1396), Sentenciarius (1398),
Lector Bamberg (1400). Sent to study at Bologna 1400 recalled
1401 [B. Altaner, “Aus den Akten des Rottweiler Provinzialkapitels
der Dominikaner vom Jahre 1396,” 13; B. M. Reichert, “Akten der
provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren
1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 298, 309, 311, 329].
Cunradus Raider: Lector “legat et disputet” (1398, 1400) [B. M. Reichert,
“Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus
den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 298, 308].

238 appendix i
Petrus de Cliendorf: Master of students (1398) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten

der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den
Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 298].
Henricus Troglin: Prior in Regensburg (1400). Lector 1401–02 [B. M.
Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz
Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 310, 317, 327].
Michel Altheiden: Master of Students (1400) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten
Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 308].
Hertt: Master of Students (1401) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial
Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398,
1400, 1401, 1402,” 317].
Johannes Theobaldi: Master of Students (1402) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten
Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 327].
Conrad Prunsser: Lector Regensburg (1425) [Ineichen-Edar, MBK IV,
1, 449]
Petrus de Rosenheim: Student in Vienna (before 1434) [BayStB
clm 26848: “Iste liber est fratris Petri de Rosenhaim, conventus
Ratisponensis, emptus per ipsum in Wienna a fratre Alberto de
Elzlingen, magistro studencium illo tempore ibidem existens.]
Master of Students Regensburg (1434) [BayStB clm 26805, fol. 188].
Cologne (1437) [BayStB clm 26855, fol. 54] Cursor in Regensburg
1440 [BayStB clm 26833, fol. 13], Bologna (1441) [BayStB clm
26855, fol. 198]. BayStB clm 26848 contains the Fons Vitae, clm
26805 contains primarily sermons and penitential works, clm 26855
contains the sermons of the Dominican lector Conrad Pruennser,
and clm 26833 includes sermons and a German/Latin dictionary.
Carolus Halm, Handschriftenkatalog der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München,
(reprinted, Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 1968), vol. 4, 4, 221].
Georgius (Nigri): Lector in theology at the university of Ingolstadt 22
May 1478 [MLMU I, 84]. See Appendix II.
Johannes Streitperger: Lector (1480) [clm 26787, front cover: MBK
vol. 4, 1, 444].
Georgius Koler: Lector (1490). Lector Iglau (1490); [ Kraus, 166]. 23
May 1494 Georg Coler baccalaureus assigned to read the sentences
in Olmütz [B. M. Reichert, Registrum litterarum Joachimi Turriani
(1487–1500) [et] Vincentii Bandelli (1501–1506) [et] Thomae de Vio
Caieitani (1507–1513). QF vol. X. (Leipzig: Harrasowitz, 1914), 73;
Lector Freisach (1503) at which time licentiatus theologiae [G. Löhr,

“Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,”
in AFP 17 (1947), 261]. Reassigned to Regensburg in 1508. See
Appendix II.
Franciscus Schenck: Lector in theology and Prior in Regensburg
(1497–1500) [BayHstA, H. Lieberich, “Regensburg Dominikaner,
Predigerkloster Sankt Blasius,” #192a: 1498 September 13; BZAR
StiA U 812: 1500 July 3]. Preacher and prior in 1503 [G. Löhr, “Die
Akten der Provinzialkapitel der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,” in
AFP 17 (1947), 261].
Sigismundus: Lector (1503) Perhaps the same as Sigsmundus of
Landshut who was sent to study at Heidelberg in 1496 [G. Löhr,
“Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,”
AFP 17 (1947), 261].
Erhardus: Sentenciarius (1503) [G. Löhr, AFP 17 (1947), 261].
Johannes Henselman: Master of Students (1503). A Johannes Henselman
ex Lutterberg O.P. “de conv. Heidelbergensi,” matriculated in
Heidelberg in 1509 [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel der
Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,” AFP 17 (1947), 261].
Fridericus Zerner: Lector and Preacher (1520) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten
der Provinzialkapitel der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,”AFP 17
(1947), 278]. Student in Cologne (1507) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Pro-
vinzialkapitel der Teutonia von 1503 und 1920,” AFP 17 (1947), 278].
Henricus: Master of Students (1520) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Pro-
vinzialkapitel der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,” AFP 17 (1947), 278].
Dominicans: Students
Henricus de Gamun(dia)?: Arts student (ca. 1284–88) [H. Finke, “Zur

Geschichte der deutschen Dominikaner im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert,”
RQ VIII (1894), 376].
Albertus de Rotwil: Arts student (ca. 1284–88) [H. Finke, “Zur
RQ VIII (1894), 376].
Frederichus: Arts student (ca. 1284–88) [H. Finke, “Zur Geschichte
der deutschen Dominikaner im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert,” RQ VIII
(1894), 376].
Frederichus Rechilmanni: Arts student (ca. 1284–88) [H. Finke, “Zur
RQ VIII (1894), 376].

240 appendix i
Gerhardus de Augusta: Arts student (ca. 1284–88) [H. Finke, “Zur

RQ VIII (1894), 376].
Euerhardus de Augusta: Arts student (ca. 1284–88) [H. Finke, “Zur
RQ VIII (1894), 376].
. . . de Mildendorf: Student (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der
Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),” AFP 23 (1953), 332].
Conradus de Flegindorff: Student (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten
der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),” AFP 23 (1953), 332].
Conradus Hotpozer: Student (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der
Conradus Trone: Student (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der
Henricus Kutshem: Student (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der
Marquardus Luternus: Student (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der
Sifridus Officialis: Student (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der
Ulricus Honth . . .: Student (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der
Ulricus Ussinger: Student (1346) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der
Martinus Ysenkaster: Student (ca. 1365–71) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten
Albertus Leonach: Student (ca. 1365–71) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten
Chunradus de Wizzenburch: Student (ca. 1365–71) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapit-
elsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (c. 1365–71)”, 316].
Hermannus Ysenkaster: Student (ca. 1365–71) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitel-
sakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (c. 1365–71)”, 316].
Sigbertus de Bruma: Student (ca. 1365–71) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten
Wilhelmus de Busco: Student (ca. 1365–71) [T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten
Petrus Stayher: Student (1396) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Provinzialka-
pitels,” 13].
Andreas de Awrach: Student (1396) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Provin-
zialkapitels,” 13].

Petrus Langdorf: Student (1396) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Provinzialkapitels,”

13].
Fridericus Pheffenueser: Student in Regensburg (1396 and 1398)
master of students in Würzburg (1401) lector in the arts studium
Petau (1402) master of students in Augsburg [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler
Provinzialkapitels,” 13; B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel
1402,” 298, 319, 326].
Thomas de vico rosarum: Student (1396) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Pro-
vinzialkapitels,” 13].
Johannes Meyninger: Student (1396) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Pro-
vinzialkapitels,” 13].
Wolfhardus Stappelstein: Student (1396) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Provin-
Johannes Roetelse: Student (1396) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Provin-
Cunradus Schyter: Student (1396) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Provinzial-
kapitels,” 13].
Heinrich Gotzberger: Student (1396), master of students Landshut
(1400), theology student in Strasbourg (1401), master of students
Basel (1402), lector in the studium of natural philosophy in Wimpfen
(1429) [B. Altaner, “Rotweiler Provinzialkapitels,” 13; B. M. Reichert,
den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 298, 306, 316, 329]. 1429 in
Esslingen copied portions of BayStB clm 26885 containing material
related to the art of preaching. Earlier portions included excerpts from
John of Paris’ works on Aristotle and natural philosophy [Carolus
Halm, Handschriftenkatalog der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München, (re-
printed, Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 1968), vol. 4, 4, 225].
Henricus Brackenheim: Student (1398) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der
1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 298]. In January of 1399 placed in the
convent prison in Freising for two months “cum poena gravioris
culpae.” [B. M. Reichert, Registrum litterarum, QF vol. VI, 35].
Ioh. Böclin: Student (1398) [ B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial
1400, 1401, 1402,” 298].
Albertus Braxatoris: Student (1400) [ B. M. Reichert, “Akten der pro-
vinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren
1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 308].

242 appendix i
Heinricus Altheimer: Student (1400) [ B. M. Reichert, “Akten der pro-

1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 308].
Iohannes Celler: Student (1400) [ B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial
1400, 1401, 1402,” 308].
Marckwardus Semeler: Student in Regensburg (1400), student in
Strasbourg (1407) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel
1402,” 308; T. Kaeppeli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz
Teutonia (1349, 1407),” AFP 22 (1952), 195].
Ulricus de Novo Foro: Student in Regensburg (1400) [B. M. Reichert,
den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 308].
Johannes Samblin: Student in Regensburg (1401) [B. M. Reichert,
den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 317].
Bertholdus Knörr: Student (1402) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provin-
zial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398,
1400, 1401, 1402,” 327].
Conradus Molitor: Student (1402) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provin-
1400, 1401, 1402,” 327].
Iodocus Smalvelt: Student in Worms (1396), theology student in
Regensburg (1398), Student in Rotweil (1400), Student in Frankfurt
a. M. (1401), Student in Regensburg (1402) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten
Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 298, 309, 317, 327; B. Altaner,
Rottweiler Provinzialkapitels, 1396, 13].
Iohannes Berner: Student (1402) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial
1400, 1401, 1402,” 327].
Iohannes Wismann: Student (1402) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der pro-
1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 327].
Nycolaus Hyff: Student (1402) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial
1400, 1401, 1402,” 327].
Petrus Lauffenburg: Student (1402) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provin-
1400, 1401, 1402,” 327].

Johannes Doliatoris: Student (1503) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzi-
alkapitel, der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,” AFP 17 (1947), 261].
Augustinus: Student (1503) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel,
der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,” AFP 17 (1947), 261].
Ambrosius: Student (1503) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel,
der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520.” AFP 17 (1947), 261].
Gregorius: Student (1503) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel,
Augustinus: Student (1503) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel,
Marcialis: Student (1520) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel,
Ambrosius: Student (1520) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel,
Georius: Student (1520) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel,
Leo de Ratisponensis.: Student Strasbourg (1346) [T. Kaeppeli,
“Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346).” AFP 23
(1953), 330].
Dominicans: Students from Regensburg
Ulrich Umtuer: Lector in the arts studium in Bamberg 1346 [T. Kaep-
peli, “Kapitelsakten der Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia (1346),” AFP
23 (1953), 333]. served as prior on numerous occasions between
1357 and 1388. See BayHstA, Heinz Lieberich, Regesten des Dominika-
nerklosters St. Blasius in Regensburg (1226–1806), 33 #61, 71, 88; Compare
StAR Cam. 4 fol. 1v.: “Item Ulricis der Umbtuär zu den predigen
hat xxxii gulden leipting.”
Conradus de Ratispona: Assigned for two years to Verona [B. M.
Reichert, Registrum litterarum, QF vol. VI, 7: 20 April 1390].
Andreas de Ratispona: Student in Cologne 1398. Sententiarius Cologne
(1400–01). Sententiarius Constance (1402) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten
Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 296, 308, 317, 326].
Michael Eker: Master of Students Worms (1398), Student in Strasbourg,
(1399). Sententiarius Frankfurt (1402/03) [B. M. Reichert, “Akten
Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 327].

244 appendix i
Ebhardus de Ratispona: student in Landshut (1401), student in Betonia

(Petau) 1402, [B. M. Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der
Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401,
1402,” 328].
Henricus de Ratispona: Master of Students in Speyer (1402) [B. M.
Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der Dominikanerprovinz
Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 327].
Bartholomeus Prener (Brenner) de Ratispona: Lector in Strasbourg
(1475–76), Lector in Hagenau (1476) [B. M. Reichert, “Registrum
litterarum,” QF vol. IV, 66, 99].
Leonardus Medler (Modler) de Amberga: Lector Schlettstadt 1476
[B. M. Reichert, Registrum litterarum, QF vol. VI, 99]. See Appendix II.
Jacobus Siger: Theology student Bologna 1476 [B. M. Reichert,
Registrum litterarum, QF vol. VI, 95].
Blasius Cropolt: Student Bologna (1501) [ B. M. Reichart, Registrum
litterarum, QF vol. 10, 134]. Possibly the same as Blasius Rapold lec-
tor in Preßburg 1520 and Blasius Rappolt Heidelberg 1512 [ Löhr,
“Die Akten der Provinzialkapitel der Teutonia von 1503 un 1520,”
AFP 17 (1947), 280].
Fridericus Zerner: Student in Cologne (1507) [G. Löhr, “Die Akten
der Provinzialkapitel, der Teutonia von 1503 und 1520,” AFP 17
(1947), 278].
Franciscans4
Joannes Hetzel: Lector (1250–60), also guardian and custos [A. Hilz,
Minderbrüder, 294].
Wernherus: Lector (1278–1290) Author of the Liber Solioquorum. In 1278
the Franciscan lector Werner and the Dominican lector Berthold
served as mediators in a dispute between the bishop of Regensburg
and the monastery of St. Emmeram [RegBoic. IV, 82, 1278; see also
BayHstA, H. Lieberich, “Regensburg Dominikaner, Predigerkloster
Sankt Blasius,” #110: 1279 August 4; A. Hilz, Minderbrüder: 294].
4
For a list of the lectors who served in Regensburg see Anneliese Hilz, Die Mind-
erbrüder von St. Salvator in Regensburg 1226–1810, BzGBR, ed. Georg Schwaiger, vol. 25.
(Regensburg: 1991), 294–97. The only one not included in Hilz is Johannes Schimer
lector ca. 1300, which may be the same as Johannes Ferner. In some cases I have been
able to track down additional details especially related to university study.

Johannes Schimer: Lector (ca. 1300) [Reinhard Frauenfelder, “Eine

Tabula Electorum der Oberdeutschen Franziskanerprovinz von ca.
1300,” ZKG, 59 (1965), 332].
Johannes Femer: Lector (died 1303) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 294] same
as above?
Hildebrandus: Lector and doctor in theology (died 1316) [A. Hilz,
Sigismundus Behm: Lector (died 1318) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 294].
Bernardinus Lantzhudt: Lector (died 1331) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 294].
Henricus Luor: Lector (died 1357) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 294].
Wencelaus Meller: Lector (1358). From Regensburg patrician family.
Died 1371. Likely the same as the guardian Wencelaus in 1349
[BZAR, Archiv St. Klara Regensburg, Siegelurkunden 111 (1349 IV
30)]. MGH Antiquitates Necr. III, 251. Died 1371 [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder,
295].
Conrad (de Sulczbach): Lector (1379) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 295].
Seyfridus Eychstetter: Lector 1394 [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 295]. Came
to Regensburg from the convent in Ingolstadt.
Fridericus de Monachio: Lector (1404) Custodian in Bavaria (1396).
Compiled a collection of logic texts including a Flores logicae Alberti
[A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 295].
Johannes Sintram de Criblingen: Student in Regensburg 1404 [Ludger
Meier, “Aufzeichnungen aus vernichteten Handschriften des Würz-
burger Minoritenklosters,” AFH 44, (1951), 191–209]. Copied the
Flores logicae Alberti of Fridericus de Monachio in 1404. In 1408 also
copied WÜ FranziskanerB/HSA I 86, Würzburg, Bibliothek des
Franziskaner-Minoritenklosters [Manuscripta Mediaevalia].
Osvaldus de Patavia: Lector (died 1412). Also served as Guardian [A.
Hilz, Minderbrüder, 295].
Chunrad Adam: Lector (1415) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 295] also preacher
“Iter wir haben geben dem prediger von dem parfüssen dem Adam
ii lb am erichtag nach userem herrn leichnams tag.” [StAR Cam 8
block II, fol. 122v.]
Chonradus Prew: Lector (1419) [BZAR BDK Urkunden 1419 III
29]. Also served as guardian. Perhaps the son of Conrad Prew who
appears frequently as a richter in Stadtamhof. Died 1424 (A. Hilz only
identifies the date of his death.) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 295].
Cunradt Schreyber: Lector 1432 [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 295]. Guardian
in 1438 [BAyHstA B. M. Reichert, “Regensburg, Dominikaner,

246 appendix i
Predigerkloster Sankt Blasius: Regesten Nr. 1–280 (1226–1806)”,

1932–33 #168: 1438 June 5]. Appears as party to the dispute between
Franciscan convent and Thomas Maulhart von Platting. Judgment
rendered by Fridericus von Plankenfels doct. decr [StAR, Regensburg
Sammlungen des Historischen Vereins für Oberpfalz und Regensburg,
Urkunden, VH #224: 1438 July 11].
Johannes Sack: Lector (1433) entered the order in Munich as did his
older brother Hermann Sack. Studied in Erfurt in 1423 [Benedict
Kraft, “Der Bücherrücklass der Minderbrüder Hermann und Johann
Sack (1438–1440).” AFH 28 (1935), 43] and Vienna 1431 [Kraft,
“Der Bücherrücklass der Minderbrüder Hermann und Johann Sack,”
43]. 1428 Lector in Speyer. Died 1438 in Ulm as custodian of
Bavaria. Left behind a large collection of books. See Appendix II.
Conradus Strober: Lector (d. 1444) guardian in Regensburg and custo-
dian of Bavarian. Died as suffragan bishop of Jerapolitanus [A. Hilz,
Hieronymous Aurbeck: Lector (1446) had a copy of the Sentences made
for the convent [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 296].
Paulus Soldner (Goldner): Lector (died 1457 in Munich) “lector et predi-
cator et confessor ducis alberti et filiorum et uxoris eius, domine Anne
de Braunschweigk.” [MGH Antiquitates Necr. III, 252; Karl Primbs,
“Das Jahr- und Todtenbuch Des Minoritenklosters in Regensburg.”
VHVOR 25 (1868), 233; A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 214, 296].
Johannes Heczel: Lector (died 1458) also guardian and custodian [MGH
Antiquitates Necr. III 254, 1458; A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 296].
Uricus Teckendorfer: Lector (died 1458) also guardian and confessor
of duke Henry of Landshut and his son Ludwig “a quo conventus
et laici sui multa bona recepit.” [MGH Antiquitates Necr. III, 254; Karl
Primbs, “Jahr- und Todtenbuch,” 252; A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 296].
Marcus Schönprunner: Lector (died 1462) also custodian of Bavaria
and preacher [MGH Antiquitates Necrologia III, 253; Karl Primbs,
“Jahr- und Todtenbuch,” 274; A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 296]. Studied
in Vienna 1447–53. See Appendix II.
Chonradus de Kircham: Lector (died before 1462) [MGH Antiquitates
Necrologia III, 253; Karl Primbs, “Jahr- und Todtenbuch,” 241;
A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 296].
Stephanus Helmeyr: Lector (1464) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 297].
Ulricus Awmayer: Lector (died 1468) Suffragan bishop in Regensburg
( Jerapolitanus). Custodian in Bavaria, and preacher [Karl Primbs,
“Jahr- und Todtenbuch,” 260]. “Sacre theologie professor quondam
custos Bawarie et procurator ordinis in curia roman praedicator

egregius filius huius conventus Rat. qui dedit conventui ornatum

preciosum valoris ultro lx florenum et ultra xlv libros bonos sepultus
in ecclesia cathedrali [StBR Signatur Rat.ep.409: Roman Zirngibl,
Epitaphien im Dom, in St. Emmeram, in Nieder-Ober-Münster, bei den Minoriten
und Augustinern (1785), 12, #10, epitaph in cathedral].
Cristof Stöckhel: Lector (1471) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 297]. Perhaps
related to Johannes Stöckel who studied at Vienna in the 1450’s.
Joannes Vasser: Lector (died 1478) also preacher [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder,
297].
Johannes Mayrhofer: Lector (1483) Native of Regensburg. Sent to
Rome on behalf of the city in 1482–83 [StAR Cam. fol. 125r; Koller
and Heinig, Regesten Friedrichs III, Heft 15, 254 #379; see also C. T.
Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, 4 Vols., (Regensburg: Montag und
Weiss, 1800–1824; reprint, edited by Hans Angermeier Munich: C. H.
Beck, 1971) vol. III, 542f., 663]. Also preacher and Guardian. In
the city account records of his journey in 1483 he is called “Hanns
Mairhouer lesmaister zu den parfussen.” I suspect that he is the
same as the Johannes Marchover who died in 1520 especially given
similarities in name and time period and negligible distinction be-
tween “ir” and “rc”. Compare A. Hilz who lists them separately ˝
[A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 297].
Johannes Hichel: Lector (died 1480) preacher and guardian [A. Hilz,
Clemens Wisinger: Lector (died 1505) guardian [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 297].
Cunrath Herman: Lector (1507 and 1518) and preacher [A. Hilz,
Minderbrüder, 297]. In 1507 wrote to the emperor complaining about
the usuriousness of the Jews, at which time he describes himself as
“bruder Conrad Hermann der heyligen gschrift lesmaister parfu-
ßerordens, prediger zu Regensburg.” [Raphael Straus, Urkunden und
Aktenstücke zur Geschichte der Juden in Regensburg, 266].
Johannes Wachler: Lector (died 1520) and guardian [A. Hilz, Minder-
brüder, 297].
Johannes Erber: Lector (1515) studied in Erfurt in 1513/14 and was
sent back to his native convent [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 297].
Franciscan Secular Schoolmasters
Leonard Panholz (Bannholz) de Opeckofen (Opperkofen LK Straubing-

Bogen). Taught at the Franciscan school in the Sinzenhof in 1459. 29
August 1453 matriculated at Heidleberg (Bonholz). Studied in Vienna

248 appendix i
1454 [MUW 1454 II1 R 25]. Paid burse of 4 gr. Although he was
not from Regensburg he held at least two teaching positions in and
near Regensburg during his career. He taught first in Prüll (1456)
just outside Regensburg until it was reformed by the Carthusians. He
then moved to the recently built Franciscan school in the Sinzenhof
(1457) [A. Hilz, Minderbrüder, 152; see also MBK vol. 4, 1, 397; He
copied portions of BayStB clm 26111 while at Prüll where he was
“rector iuvenum” fol. 68r; Later portions of BayStB clm 26111
he copied at the Franciscan monastery in Regensburg “Scriptus
Ratispone in conventu fratrum minorum per me leonhard panholcz
scolasticum ibid anno Mo CCCC quinquagesimo nono . . .” 140v].
He appears as a witness to the promotion of Michael Ellenbach as
canon in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 225 #1146: 24 October
1477]. That same year a Lorenntz Panholcz, most likely a relative
of Leonardus, was accepted as a citizen of Regensburg [Kropac,
“Stadtarchiv Regensburg—Bestand Politica / Einwohnerwesen.”
1996–2004.07/26/2004 http://bhgw20.kfunigraz.ac.at/virtual/
index.htm StAR Politica I, 101v] In 1494 a Lorrentz Pannholz de
Opperkofen received 8 gulden from the city “aus lewtt leibgeding”
[StAR Cam. 21 block 1 18v] (perhaps a nephew?). A Johannes
Panholz also appears in 1494 as the recipient of an annuity payment
from the city again under the rubric “aus lewtt leibgeding” [StAR
Cam. 21 block 1 15v]. The city accounts record the payment of a
tax-free annuity in 1495 “item her Linhart Panholz priester hie hatt
an unser frawen liechmess (February 2) tag xxv gulden.” [StAR Cam
21 block 1 29v]. Died 20 June 1494. The Franciscan necrology descri-
bed Panholz as “informator iuvenis fidelis,” and noted that he left
“plura bona volumina pro libraria con<ventus>.” [MGH Antiquitates
Necrologia III, 253]. Of the works given to the library BayStB clm
26611 is still identifiable [MBK, vol. 4, 442]. This work includes
Hugh of St. Victor, de vitae et morum honestate and a German / Latin
vocabulary ‘Esse essentia wesn’ See also F. Fuchs, “Panholz, Leonard,”
in VL, vol. 11, 1158–1161.
Klingenpergius: Ludimagister (died 1526) “Klingenpergius Cenobii
huius iamdiu Ludimagister ac Prebendarius . . . .” Ried, Epitaphia,
159 (1526).

Prüfening
Albertus Elsendorfär: Scholaster (1384). Notes the date of his entry into
the convent in Greek capitals in two manuscripts [BayStB clm 13021
fol. 110r, 13102 fol. 229v; MBK vol. 4, 1, 409; Bernard Bischoff, “Das
Griechische Element.” In Mittelalterliche Studien: Ausgewählte Aufsätze
zur Schriftkunde und Literaturgeschichte. vol. II, (Stuttgart: Hiersemann,
1967), 256.] BayStB clm 13021 contains many of the standard texts
of the quadrivium including Boethius on Arithmetic, Geometry,
and music, Gerbert of Aurillac on astronomical instruments, and
geometry, Euclid on Geometry (book 15), Guido of Arezzo (d. mid
11th century) on music and antiphony, and commentary on the
Timaeus by Chalcidius [Catalogus Codicum Latinorum Bibliothecae Regiae
Monacensis, II, II, 94].
Prüll
Leonard Panholz: (ca. 1456) See above Franciscan secular schoolmasters.
St. Emmeram
Johannes: Rector puerorum (1325) [BayHStA, KU St. Emmeram

Regensburg 325: 27 March 1325].
Hermann Pötzlinger: Rector scolarum ad St. Emmeram, chorrherr zu
Essing and Pfarrer zu Newnhausen [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 164 #846: 15
November 1450]. See also Ferdinand Janner, Geschichte der Bischöfe von
Regensburg, (Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet, 1886) vol. III, 602]. Studied
at Vienna (1439) and Leipzig (1456). For more see Appendix II.
Mauritius Pferffelder: scolaris. Died 6 May 1456 buried in St. Emmeram
[R. Freytag, “Ein Grabmälerverzeichnis von St Emmeram in Regens-
burg aus dem Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts.” Blätter des Bayerischen Landes-
vereins für Familienkunde, 2 (1924), 32].
Conradus Mecher: Rector scolarum in St. Emmeram by February 1459
[F. Fuchs, “Erkenntnisfortschritte durch Handschriftenkatalogisie-
rung,” 12].
Fabianus Wachter de Kulsen: Rector scolarum (1498) Bernhard Bischoff,
“St. Emmeram im Spätmittelalter,” 125.

250 appendix i
St. Mang
Heinricus: Doctor Puerorum (1241) [BaystB, Regensburg, Sammlungen

des Historischen Vereins für Oberpfalz und Regensburg. Urkunden
VH #3: 3 November 1241]. Witness to an exchange of incomes
with the Katarinenspital.
Hainricus: Scolasticus (1303) [Ried II, 739: 19 August 1303].
Johannes Gebhart: Schulmeister zu St. Mang [BZAR StiA U 845: 30
October 1506].
Berthold: Scolaris (1262) [BayHStA, KU St.Mang Stadtamhof 12:
1262 July 5].
Schottenkloster
Georgius: Rector Scolarium apud S. Jacobum (1360) called magister

[G. A. Renz, 16 (1896), 231: 21 January 1360]. Abbot Eugen protests
the ruling of the Regensburg cathedral dean in a case between the
abbess and the convent of Obermünster Witnessed by among others
“Johannes Scotus Baccalaureus in iure canonico . . . mag. Georgius
rector scolarium apud st. Jacobum . . .”
Nicolaus Gerber: Schulrector bei St. Jacob (1446) [G. A. Renz, 17(1897),
637: March 1446]. Witness to the election of the Abbot Mauritius
of Würzburg as abbot of Regensburg after the dismissal of the
previous abbot.
Stuhlschreiber and other Schoolmasters5
Agnes die Schulmeisterin: (d. 1318) [MGH Antiquitates Necrologia III,

249].
Marquardus dictus Treberger: (1360–1363) Cathedral rector scolarum?
Sought papal assistance in securing a benefice in 1363 saying that
he had not yet obtained one and that he had “plures annos studuit
litteras necnon tres annos scolas in solemni civitate Ratisponensis
rexit.” Also requested a position as a papal notary [ J. Lenzenweger,
5
It is not entirely certain that all so-called Stuhlschreiber also ran schools. Some of
the literature seems to assume so, however, the evidence connected with them is often
too thin to speak with certainty.

ed., Acta Pataviensia Austriaca, vol. 3, 195–196; and Urban V, Lettres

Communes, vol. 1, 378 #3401: 2 July 1363].
Ulrich Grünsleder: Pedagogus, later chaplain in the Ahakirche. Executed
31 March 1421 as a Hussite heretic. After his trial he was turned over
to the secular authorities and burned at the stake. According to Andreas
von Regensburg the secular judge who condemned him (Erhardus
auf Donau) had once been his student. At the time of his execu-
tion, Berthold Puchhauser delivered a sermon condemning Hussite
teaching [Andreas von Regensburg, Chronica pontificum imperatorum
Romanorum, in Sämtliche Werke, 133]. R. E. Lerner assumes that
Grünsleder had been rector of the cathedral school, although this
seems to be based solely on the fact that he had taught somewhere in
Regensburg [R. E. Lerner, “Gruensleder.” In R. Aubert. Dictionnaire
d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques (Paris: Letouzey et Ané, 1988),
430–432].
Leonardus Heff von Eichstätt: Stuehlschreiber (1466). Studied arts in
Vienna 1459 [MUW I R 90]. Bachelor in arts 1461. “Stuelschreiber”
and citizen of Regensburg 9 December 1466 [StAR Politica IIII,
1, fol 71r.] Describes himself as “armer und williger Diener” of
the Regensburg city council. Translated Andreas von Regensburg’s
Chronica Pontificum et imperatorum into German at the behest of
Erasmus Trainer [VL, vol. 3, 570–71]. In 1476 Copied BayStB clm
14004 for the Regensburg Dominicans [Elisabeth Wunderle, Katalog
der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: Die
Handschriften aus St. Emmeram in Regensburg, vol. 1. BayStB clm 14000 –
14130, (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1995), 13]. See also [Urk. AK., vol. 1,
198 #1016: 27 February 1467]. For other works copied by Heff
and his career see Joachim Schneider, “Vermittlungsprobleme einer
deutschen Weltchronik Übersetzung: Leonard Heffs Übersetzung der
‘Chronica pontificum et imperatorum Romanorum’ des Andreas von
Regensburg,” in Zweisprachige Geschichtsschreibung im spätmittelalterlichen
Deutschland, edited by Rolf Sprandel, (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert
Verlag, 1993), 172–177.
Michael Schinbeis de Hirschau: (1454–1467) In 1467 describes
himself as “Michel de Schinbeis die zeit Bürger und diener der
stat Regens<purg>.” Possibly bachelor in arts. Commissioned
by Sigis mund Graner to copy the life of St. Gall [München,
Universitätsbibliothek, 2 o MS 314 fol. 1 ra. See also fol. 315 rb,
“M. Arc. Bacc.” which Gisela Kornrumpf and Paul-Gerhard
Völker suggest may mean Michaeal Arcium Baccalaureus]. Had a
hand in copying all or parts of BayStB clm 12236, 14123, 18408,

252 appendix i
21075, 26633 [Gisela Kornrumpf and Paul-Gerhard Völker, Die

deutschen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München,
(Wiesbaden: 1968), 22–23. In 1457 also copied portions of Würzburg,
Universitätsbibliothek M. ch. q. 43 [Hans Thurn, Handschriften aus
benediktinischen Provenienzen: Hälfte 2. Die Handschriften aus St. Stephan
zu Würzburg, (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1986), 105].
Steffan: Stuehlschreyber maister and citizen of Regensburg appears as a
witness in a charter of the Alte Kapelle in 1494 [Urk. AK., vol. 1,
282 #1398: 25 August 1494].
Yeshiva
A list of Rabbis/schoolmasters in Regensburg’s Jewish school can be

found in [Angerstorffer, 1995, 52–54]. For a discussion of the problem
of terminology see Chapter Two.

APPENDIX II
BIOGRAPHICAL REGISTER “REGENSBURG”

UNIVERSITY STUDENTS1
Gerung. Montepellier, before 1176 [Ried I, 246: ca. 1176]. Gerung

appears as plebe of the cathedral church in 1176. In his testimony
regarding a property dispute, he refers to the time “cum in montem
Pesulanum ad scolas ivi.”
Kilianus. Heidelberg, 1391 [MUH I, 49]. Dominus Kilianus was rector
in Niedermünster when he matriculated at Heidelberg.
Mauricius. Erfurt, 1453 [Act. Erf. I, 235]. Abbot St. Jakob (Schottenkloster)
in Regensburg at time of matriculation at Erfurt. He is called
“Subconservator privilegiorum membrorum univ. etc. gratis.”
Robertus Count Palatinate of the Rhine and Duke of Bavaria (comes
Palatinus Reni et dux Bavarie). Heidelberg 1454 [MUH I, 277]
Cologne 1454 [MUK I, 263]. Pavia 1459 [A. Sottili, Lauree Pavesi
nella seconda metà del ’400 I (1450 –1475), 42, 46]. Robertus was the
son of Duke Otto von Pflaz-Mosbach-Neumarkt. At the time of
his matriculation in Heidelberg he held the position of Regensburg
cathedral provost. He entered Heidelberg along with his brothers
Albertus and Johannes. When he matriculated at Cologne in 1454,
he held canonries in both Regensburg and Bamberg. In 1454, he
again appears with his brothers. At Pavia in August 1459, Robertus
witnessed the promotion of Ulrich Ellenbogen as doctor in medicine.
Two months later, in October of 1459, Robertus and his brother
Albertus witnessed the promotion of Sigfried Ziegler of Erfurt to
doctorate in canon law. Robertus ended his study in Pavia in 1461.
1
These include all those who were identified in the matriculation records as being
from Regensburg, or holding a benefice in the city at the time of their matriculation.
Thus, the list includes many individuals who were not from the city itself, and some
with only very minimal ties to the city. I have attempted to distinguish these to the best
of my ability; however, in some cases, I was unable to do so. Finally, in most cases I
have used the spellings as they appeared in the source; however, when multiple spellings
of the same family name appear, I have attempted to regularize these. In addition,
those who appear only as de Ratispona with no second name I have alphabetized under
R for Ratispona.

254 appendix ii
He held a position as administrator of the diocese of Regensburg

from 1457 to 1464. He was Bishop-elect in 1465 and died the same
year [Kist, Die Matrikel der Geistlichkeit des Bistums Bamberg 1400–1556,
14]. See also, Fuchs, “Das ‘Haus Bayern’ im 15. Jahrhundert,”
312.
Robertus dux Bavariae. Cologne 1477 [MUK II 357, 11, 33]. Robertus
matriculated in canon law at Cologne in 1477. He served as
administrator of the diocese of Regensburg from 1487–1492. Bishop
of Regensburg 1492–1507 [Gatz and Brodkorb, eds., Die Bischöfe
des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, 1448 bis 1648 and Fuchs “Das ‘Haus
Bayern’ im 15. Jahrhundert,” 312]. Noble.
Ulricus comes de Artemberg. Vienna 1418 [MUW 1418 II R 14].
Ulricus was a canon in Passau and Regensburg and rector in Linz
at time of matriculation and paid fees of 2 flor.
Johannes de Absperg. Vienna 1476 [MUW 1476 I R 90]. Johannes was
a cathedral canon in Regensburg at the time of matriculation and a
member of a noble family with origins in Franken.
Carolus de Absperg. Erfurt 1469 [BZAR BDK 30 fol. 64v, 57A]; Leipzig
1469 [BZAR BDK 30 fol. 64v, 58A]; Dôle [BZAR BDK 30 fol.
64v, 59A] (I am grateful to Fuchs for these references); Heidelberg
1472 [MUH I, 336]; Freiburg 1480 [BZAR BDK 30 fol. 64v, 690]
Ingolstadt 1482 [MLMU I, 115, 32]. Carolus was a cathedral canon
in Regensburg and paid paid fees of 1 fl. when he matriculated at
Ingolstadt at which time he also held a canonry in Eichstätt. Carolus
was a member of a noble family with origins in Franken and close
ties to the Parsbergers.
Henricus Absperger. Vienna 1436 [MUW 1436 II R I]; Padua 1440–42
[Acta. Grad. Pat. I, 2: 1485, 1496, 1651]. Henricus paid fees of 4 solidi
when he matriculated at Vienna in 1436, at which time he was also
a cathedral canon in Regensburg. He earned his bachelor in arts
by 1440. That same year, his uncle Fridericus Parsperger (see later)
appointed Henricus as episcopal chaplain [BayHStA, Regensburg
Hochstift Urk. 922]. In 1440 Henricus began his canon law studies
in Padua, by which time he was also a canon in Passau. During his
two years of study at Padua he appears as witness to the promotion
of Georgius Hohenloch as licentiate in canon law along with two
others with ties to Regensburg—his cousin, Henricus Parsberger
(see later), and Baltasare Fürstenecker (see later). From 1465–93
Henricus held the bishopric of Regensburg. [Gatz and Brodkorb,
eds., Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, 1448 bis 1648, 1–2;

biographical register “regensburg” university students 255
H. Lieberich, “Die Gelehrten Räte: Staat und Juristen in Baiern in

der Frühzeit der Rezeption,” in ZBLG 27 (1964), 153]. Epitaph in
Regensburg cathedral, died 26 July 1492 [Freytag and Hecht, eds.,
“Die Grabdenkmäler des Regensburg Domes,” 12–13].
Leonardus Aichenfelser de Rat. Ingolstadt 1496 [MLMU I, 249, 26].
He paid fees of 1 gr. at the time of his matriculation.
Johannes Alberger. Ingolstadt 1478–1487 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 228 #1161:
10 June 1478; #1235: 27 June 1483; #1272: 1 June 1485; #1298: 18
July 1487]. Johannes Alberger appears for the first time as magister in
1483 and held a canonry in Alte Kapelle from at least 1478–1500.
[ J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 121–22]. He
died 30 July 1500 [H. Hilg, Die mittelalterlichen Handschriften der
Universitätsbibliothek Eichstätt, vol. 1, 16, Cod. St 73 (Wiesbaden:
Harrosowitz, 1994): Manuscripta Mediaevalia, http://www.manu-
scripta-mediaevalia.de].
Johannes Alchofer de Rat. Vienna 1499 [MUW 1499 I R 100]. Family
appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. A Georg
Alkofer made a number of journeys on behalf of the city, including
one in 1484 to the imperial court at Linz [StAR Cam. 19 fol 174r].
In 1475 Georg Alkofer “Bürger zu Regensburg” was involved in a
dispute with the Alte Kapelle over rents owed the chapter [Urk. AK.,
vol. 1, 219 #1116: 6 March 1475].
Andreas Allexandri de Ratispana. Cologne 1485 [MUK II, 387, 7]
Leipzig 1493 [MUL I, 397, B 33]. Andreas appears as a pauper
at the time of his matriculation at Cologne. Andreas matriculated
at Leipzig in 1493, at which time he paid fees of 6 gr. In 1493 he
appears as bachelor in arts.
Nicolaus Altenburger de Rat. Vienna 1390 [MUW 1390 II R 18].
Paid fees of 2 gr.
Albertus Altheimer de Rat. Vienna 1446 [MUW 1446 I R 18]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Sebastianus Altkofer de Rat. (same as Alchofer?) Ingolstadt 1510
[MLMU I, 337, 39]. Family appears frequently among the citizenry
of Regensburg.
Johannes Altman de Rat. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 41, 14]. Johannes
Altman was a member of a prominent Regensburg family—one
of the wealthiest in Regensburg at end of the fourteenth century
[Bastian, Das Runtingerbuch, vol. 3, 309]. The family was represented
within the inner council from the late fourteenth century forward
[Morré, “Ratsverfassung und Patriziat in Regensburg,” 105; I. H.

256 appendix ii
Kropac, “Die Ämterlisten der Reichsstadt Regensburg,” 1996–2002.

22/9/2003 <http:bhgw20.kfunigraz.ac.at/public/amtlist/zugriff.
htm>]. A Hainrich Altman served as Regensburg Hansgraf in 1400
and his son Martein Altman served as Hansgraf (1432) and trea-
surer (1451/52) [P. Urbanek, Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und
Bürgerinnen im Mittelalter (bis 1486), 57].
Sebastianus Altman de Rat. Ingolstadt 1488 [MLMU I, 184, 10]. Paid
fees of 6 gr. Sebastianus Altman was a member of the prominent
Altman family (see Johannes Altman).
Henricus de Amberga de Bavaria. Bologna 1359 [Knod, Deutsche
Studenten in Bologna, 13 #78]. The noble born Henricus held a can-
onry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated in Bologna
and paid fees of 30 solildi.
Johannes Amberger de Geisenfeld. Ingolstadt 1517 [MLMU I, 405, 34].
Johannes Amberger appears as clericus in Regensburg at the time of
his matriculation and paid fees of 48 den.
Amman (Aman, Ammanus). The Ammans were a Regensburg patri-
cian family that served in the city council throughout the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries, holding many of the most prestigious offices
[Morré, “Ratsverfassung und Patriziat in Regensburg,” 53, 83,
105; Rosa Kohlheim, Regensburger beinamen des 12. bis 14 Jahrhunderts,
Beinamen aus Berufs-, Amts-, und Standes bezeichnungen, Bayreuther
Beiträge zur Dialektologie Hamburg, vol. 6 (Hamburg: Buske Helmut
Verlag, 1990), 35; I. H. Kropac, “Die Ämterlisten der Reichsstadt
Regensburg.” 1996–2002. 22/9/2003 <http:bhgw20.kfunigraz.ac.at/
public/amtlist/zugriff.htm>; Gemeiner, Regensburger Chronik, vol. 2,
349; vol. 3, 694.] As with many of the most important Regensburg
families the source of their wealth was long-distnce trade. The
Ammans were especially prominent in the wine trade with southern
Tirol [F. Bastian, Das Runtingerbuch, vol. 3, 309–310].
Bartholomeus Amman de Rat. Vienna 1493 [MUW 1493 I R 95].
Paid fees of 29 den.
Casparus Amman de Rat. Ingolstadt 1481 [MLMU I, 1002, 31].
Perhaps the same as the Regensburg citizen and council member
Casparus Amman who served as city Treasurer in 1518 [Urk. AK.,
vol. 1, 372 #1802: 29 September 1518]. Died 152?. Buried in St.
Emmeram [Freytag, “Ein Grabmälerverzeichnis von St Emmeram
in Regensburg,” 26].
Emeramus Amman de Rat. Ingolstadt 1481 [MLMU I, 102, 32].

Erasmus Amman (Ammanus) de Rat. Vienna 1454–57; 1467 [Schrauf,

Acta facultatis medicae Universitatis Vindobonensis. 3 vols. (Wien: Verlag des
Medicinischen Doctoren Collegiums, 1894–1904)—(hereinafter K.
Schrauf, K. Schrauf, AFM, vol. 2, 88, 132]. Padua 1464 [Acta Grad.
Pat. vol. 2, 2: 342–344]. Erasmus Amman reigned in arts at Vienna
in 1454 [Aschbach, Geschichte der Wiener Universität, vol. 1, 601]. In
1454 he matriculated in medicine at Vienna earning his bachelor in
medicine in 1457. In 1464 Erasmus Amman was promoted to doc-
tor in medicine at Padua. He returned to Vienna in 1467 and was
received into the faculty of medicine. That same year he received
a benefice in the diocese of Passau “Erasmus Amman de Rat. cler.
Rat. dioc. in art. et med. mag.: de par. eccl in Ravelspach patav.
Dioc. (10 m. arg.)” [Rep. Germ., vol. 9, 1157].
Erhardus Amman de Rat. Vienna 1516 [MUW 1516 II R 112]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Georgius Amman de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 II R 12]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Amman de Rat. Vienna 1470 [MUW 1470 II R 42]. Paid
fees of 4 gr. In 1466, a Johannes Amman vicar in Abbach commis-
sioned Freidrich Reisecker (Reisacher) to copy the Summa Rudium of
Bartholomeus de Santo Concordio (an instructional manual for the
parish clergy) and a collection of sermons by Thomas Ebendorfer.
Given the large number of Regensburg names associated with the
manuscript (the front endsheet is made from a Regensburg charter
dated to 1464, and the scribe is likely also from Regensburg) it seems
probable that this Johannes Amman stems from the Regensburg
Ammans [H. Hilg, vol. 1, 166, 238: Cod. St 228, 269: Manuscripta
Mediaevalia, http://www.manuscripta-mediaevalia.de]. In 1483, a
Hans Amman traveled to Rome on behalf of the city [Gemeiner,
Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 664].
Johannes Amman de Rat. Vienna 1491 [MUW 1491 I R 24]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Leonardus Amman (Aman) de Rat. Vienna 1479 [MUW 1479 II R 7].
Paid fees of 4 gr.
Leonardus Amman de Rat. Vienna 1511 [MUW 1511 II R 73]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Petrus Amman de Rat. Vienna 1486 [MUW 1486 II2 R 6]. Paid fees of 4 gr.
Wolfgangus Amman de Rat. Vienna 1495 [MUW 1495 II R 24]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.

258 appendix ii
Johannes Ammon de Rat. Vienna 1498 [MUW 1498 II R 83]. Appears

as pauper at time of matriculation.
Johannes Angermair ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1486 [MLMU I, 157, 13]. Paid
fees of 6 gr. Johannes Angermair was a member of a Regensburg
family. [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 382 (1463)].
A Conrad Angermair (am Fischmarkt) received as a citizen of was
Regensburg in 1438 [P. Urbanek, Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger
und Bürgerinnen, 60]. In 1449, a Conrad Angermeier “Bürger zu
Regensburg” sold Conrad Plessing, canon in the Alte Kapelle, his
property in Czedeloren [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 163 #838: 21 March 1449].
This Conrad died in 1454. Buried in the cathedral church [Freytag
and Hecht, eds. “Die Grabdenkmäler des Regensburg Domes,” Blätter
des Bayerischen Landesvereins für Familienkunde, 11 (1933), 13; P. Urbanek,
Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und Bürgerinnen, 60].
Michael Apfelbeck (Öpfelbeck) de Pfaedling. Ingolstadt 1494 [MLMU I,
231, 13]; Heidelberg 1495 [MUH I, 416]; Vienna 1503, 1510–1511
[MUW II 1503, 315; Urk. AK., vol. 1, 340 #1648: 16 August 1510;
# 1664: 24 May 1511]. At the time of his matriculation in Ingolstadt,
Michael Apfelbeck held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedal church
and paid fees of 6 gr. He was also canon in the Alte Kapelle by
1507. In 1510 and 1511, the University of Vienna provided the
Alte Kapelle with a Zeugnis for Michael Apfelbeck canon in the Alte
Kapelle and “artium magister, iuris utriusque licentiatus.” [Urk. AK.,
vol. 1, 306, 1505: 13 May 1503]. Michael Apfelbeck served as
Regensburg syndic in 1515 [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 4,
271]. By 1516 he obtained a canonry in the cathedral. In 1522 he
succeeded Georg Kolb as judge ordinary in the Regensburg consis-
tory, a position he resigned in 1526. He died the same year. Epitaph
in cathedral “Anno domini 1526 die 18. Augusti obit venerabilis
et egregius vir dominus Michael Apfelpeckh, utriusque iuris doc-
tor, Ratisponensis ecclesie canonicus, cuius anima [in] deo vivat.”
[K. Schottenloher, Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, 46; Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit
im Bistum Regensburg, 393]. Michael Apfelbeck was the brother of
Sigismundus Apfelbeck (see later) [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 306, 1505: 13
May 1503].
Sigismundus Apfelbeck. Ferrara 1503 [Tit.Dot.Ferrara. 110]. Sigismundus
Apfelbeck appears as notary in the Regensburg consistory as early as
1482 and again in 1500 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 299 #1473: 22 April 1500].
In 1491 he was chaplain in St. Oswald in Regensburg. In 1497 he
acquired two plots from the fraternity of St. Wolfgang in Regensburg.

In 1501 he appears as rector of St. Martin in Menning [Deutsch,

Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 408]. In 1502 he obtained a
canonry in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 304 #1507: 14 April
1502]. He appears as licenciate in law in 1503 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 313
#1534: 27 July 1503]. He was the brother of Michael Apfelbeck
(see earlier) [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 306, 1505: 13 May 1503]. By 1507
he was a licenciate in both canon and civil law 1507 (in utriusque
iuris) [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 328 #1597: 3 December 1507]. He died in
1511 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 344, 1669: 28 August 1511] and was buried
in the Alte Kapelle, 27 August 1511 [Hecht, “Die Grabdenkmäler
der Stiftskirche U. L. Frau zur Alten Kapelle,” Blätter des Bayerischen
Landesvereins für Familienkunde 3 (1925), 11].
Ulricus Armacher de Rat. Vienna 1440 [MUW 1440 I R 35]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Aschlatzhawser de Rat. Vienna 1510 [MUW 1510 I R
81]. Paid fees of 5 gr. Johannes Aschltzhawser was a citizen of
Regensburg.
Sebastianus Aufhawser de Rat. Vienna 1518 [MUW 1518 I R 47].
Johannes Awer. Vienna 1416 [MUW 1416 I R 34]. Johannes Awer
held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated
at Vienna and paid fees of 1/2 libr. He died by 14 January 1427
[Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 318]. Held the rectorship of the parish church
of Trawbling until his death [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 354–55].
Ulricus Aychennagel de Rat. Vienna 1435 [MUW 1435 II R 24]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Aygelkoffer ex Rat. Vienna 1507 [MUW 1507 I R 146]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Wilhelmus Aygner de Ratispona. Vienna 1432 [MUW 1432 II R 21].
Paid fees of 4 gr.
Cristofferus Backsteyger (Bouchstiger) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1485 [MUL
I, 347, B 87].
Erasmus Backsteyger (Pocksteyger) de Ratispana. Leipzig 1492 [MUL
I, 389, B 63]. Paid fees of 6 gr.
Augustinus Baldlosz O.P. Heidelberg 1513 [MUH I, 489]. Frater con-
ventus Ratisponensis.
Johannes Balistarii de Rat. Erfurt 1476 [Act. Erf. I, 363, 13].
Paulus Bauman (Pawman) de Ratisbona. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I,
32, 38]. Vienna 1475 [MUW 1475 II R 7]. At time of matriculation
at Vienna Paulus Bauman paid fees of 4 gr.

260 appendix ii
Balthasar Bauman de Ratispana. Leipzig 1504 [MUL I, 459, B43].

Paid fees of 6 gr.
Cunradus Baumgartner (Pawmgartner) ex Rat. Vienna 1516 [MUW
1516 II R 27; K. Schrauf, AFM, vol. 3, 118]. Cunradus Baumgartner
matriculated in medicine at Vienna, 4 November 1516, paid 36 den.
He was a member of a prominent Regensburg faimly that appears
frequently in civic offices from the mid-fourteenth century to the
late fifteenth century. In 1414, an Ulrich Baumgartner “Bürger
zu Regensburg” was engaged in a dispute over the income from
a butcher shop “Fleischbank” [Urk AK I, 119 #636: 24 November
1414]. In 1485, another Ulrich Baumgartner appears as a member
of the inner council. However, the appearance of a noble Georgius
Baumgartner in 1503 is reason to be cautious. See Georgius Baum-
gartner (later).
Georgius Baumgartner ex Ratisbona. Ingolstadt 1503 [MLMU I,
300,26]. Designated as a nobleman at his matriculation and paid
fees of 1 fl.
Nicolaus Baumgartner (Pawmgartner) de Rat. Vienna 1470 [MUW
1470 II R 23]. Pauper. He was likely a member of the Regensburg
family of the same name. See Cunradus Baumgartner (earlier).
Ulricus Baumgartner. Padua 1468–1470 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 2: 793,
808, 887, 905, 926, 944, 984]. Ulricus Baumgartner, Regensburg
cathedral canon, appears in Padua as early as 1468 when he wit-
nessed the promotion of Johannes Trabolt as doctor in canon law.
Other witnesses with connections to Regensburg included Johannes
Tröster (see later) and Erhardus Czenger (from the diocese of
Regensburg). In 1469 Ulricus Baumgartner served as rector of the
law faculty, approved the promotion of Balthasar Hundertpfund
as doctor in canon law. [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 2: 887]. In 1470
Ulricus Baumgartner decretum doctor and Regensburg cathedral canon
witnessed the promotion of Georgius Pfintzing as doctor in canon
law. The witnesses also included Johannes (Stephanus?) Schrotel
Provost of St. Johann in Regensburg (this is likely in error see
Stephanus Schrotel) and Georgius Kynsberger (see later), canon in
the Regensburg cathedral.
Dionysius Bayr de Ratispana. Leipzig 1490 [MUL I, 375, B19]. Paid
fees of 6 gr.
Procopius Be(a)m de Rat. Vienna 1434 [MUW 1434 I R 31]. Pauper.
Martin Bebenhauser (Pewenhauser) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1465 [MUL I,
251, B 34]; Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 33, 33]. Martin Bebenhauser

is listed together with Warmund Bebenhauser (Pevenhauss, see later)

in Leipzig matriculation (his brother?). He paid fees of 6 gr.
Warmund Bebenhauser (Pevenhauss) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1465 [MUL
I, 251, B 34]. Warmund Bebenhauser paid fees of 6 gr. (brother of
Martin Bebenhauser? see earlier)
Gregorius Bechler ex Rat. Vienna 1500 [MUW 1500 II R 89]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Albertus Bedeke. Vienna 1426 [MUW 1426 I S 9]. Albertus Bedeke
hed a canonry in the cathedral at the time of his matriculation and
paid fees of 9 gr.
Johannes Behaim ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1491 [MLMU I, 212, 25]. He
paid fees of 6 gr when he matriculated at Ingolstadt. Family found
frequently among the Regensburg citizenry.
Paulus Beheim Ratispanensis. Leipzig 1513 [MUL I, 526, B52]. He
paid fees of 6 gr. when he matriculated at Leipzig. Family found
Cristofferus Beringer de Rat. Vienna 1459 [MUW 1459 I R 91]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Bernawer de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 II 5]; Ingolstadt
1485 [MLMU I, 147, 6]. Paid fees of 8 gr. A Johannes Bernawer
first appears as notarius in 1474 in a document related to Erhard
Pissel’s reception of the altar of St. Katherine in the Alte Kapelle
[Urk. AK., vol. 1, 218 # 1111 4 December 1474]. Johannes Bernawer
appears as master and “procurator des Chorgerichts” [Urk. AK., vol. 1,
228 #1165: 4 November 1478]. Notarius and Master of the liberal
arts [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 324 #1577: 26 September 1506]. From 1466
to 1507 active as proctor in the Regensburg consistory “Gemeiner
procurator geistlicher Gericht” [Urk. AK., vol. 1 324 #1581: October 26
1506; Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 407]. A Johannes
Bernauer de Ratispona also glossed Leonardo Bruni’s (Aretino) com-
mentary on the Nichmachean Ethics [BayStB clm 14993: “Aristotelis
ethicorum ad Nicomachum libri VI interprete Leonardo Aretino, cum
glossis Joh. Bernauer Ratisbonensis.” This manuscript also contains
a speech given by Johannes Bernauer at Ingolstadt in 1485].
Nicholas Bernawer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1479 [MLMU I, 88, 32]. In
1480 he was promoted to bachelor in arts. Three years later, in
1483, he was awarded a master’s in arts. He may have studied law.
Some time before 1489 he entered St. Emmeram, where he died in
1531. He also copied commentaries on the works of Dionysius the
Areopagite whose relics St. Emmeram claimed to hold, and his hand

262 appendix ii
appears in numerous other documents as well [Bernhard Bischoff,

“St. Emmeram im Spätmittelalter,” 134–37, 261; Wunderle, Katalog
der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München, vol. 1,
Clm 14000 –14130, 14, 186, 203, 209, 261]. Sold a copy of a canon
law text of Boniface VIII glossed by by Johannes Andreae to Johannes
Tegernpeck in 1480 [Bonifatius VIII, Liber Sextus (Venice: Andreas
de Bonetis, 1486.05.22, 2o, B-722 BSB-Ink: Online Version, 24 May
2007].
Johannes Bernhardini de Ratispona. Krakow 1513 [Crac. Album Stud.
2,1, 144].
Johannes Boblinger de Rat. Heidelberg 1498 [MUH I, 431].
Georgius Bones de Rat. Erfurt 1470 [Act. Erf. I, 340, 12]. Paid full
fees.
Dominicus Bramer de Rat. Erfurt 1475 [Act. Erf. I, 362, 22]. Paid full
fees.
Casparus Brandstetter O.P. de Rat. Cologne 1461 [MUK III, 1461/2
Ntr. 720]. He copied parts of BayStB clm 26878, which includes a
number treatises by Peter Hispanus (de Suppositionibus, de Relativis, de
Appellationibus).
Ulricus Brandstetter (Branstetter). Basel 1475 [MUB I, 138, 36]. Paid
fees of 6 schil.
Ulricus Brannburger O.F.M. Ingolstadt 1482 [MLMU I, 133, 4]. Served
as guardian of the Regensburg Franciscan convent in 1482. After
1484 held office of suffragan bishop of Freising. Hed died in 1497
[MGH Antiquitates Necrologia III, 260: 22 July 1497; see also Hilz,
Minderbrüder, 184]. According to Hilz, Ulricus Brannburger held a
doctorate in theology.
Johannes Braun de Rat. Heidelberg 1519 [MUH I, 518].
Johannes de Brawneysen. Leipzig 1478 [MUL I, 313, B37]. Paid fees
of 10 gr. Member of a Regensburg family.
Fridericus Braxatoris de Rat. Vienna 1455 [MUW 1455 II R 101].
Paid fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Brepach de Ratispona. Leipzig 1466 [MUL I, 257, B96]. Paid
fees of 6 gr. This Johannes Brepach is possibly the same as Hanns
Prepeckh, who served as the permanent vicar of St. Cassian and
held a canonry in the Alte Kapelle by 1490 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 266
#1331: 10 September 1490].
Wilhelmus Bredler de Ratispana. Leipzig 1511 [MUL I, 510, B48].
Paid fees of 6 gr.

Dominicus Bromberg ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1487 [MLMU I, 177, 33].

Georgius Bromberger de Ratispona. Padua 1471–72 [Acta Grad. Pat.
vol. 2, 4: 61, 139]. Georgius Bromberger matriculated in both the
arts and medicine and witnessed promotions in both faculties between
1471 and 1472. He was likely related to the Regensburg city physician
Conrad Pramberger whom the city employed in 1459 [Gemeiner,
Dominicus Brunbeger de Rat. Erfurt 1479 [R. C. Schwinges, Bak. Reg.
Erf., 191, #29]. Bachelor in arts Spring 1479. Same as Dominicus
Bromberg?
Andreas Buchener de Rat. Erfurt 1485 [Act. Erf. I, 410, 31]. Fees waived.
Georgius Burckhardt de Wolnzach. Ingolstadt 1517 [MLMU I, 415,
37]. Listed in the matriculation records as a priest in Regensburg
and paid fees of 8 den. at the time of his matriculation.
Bertholdus de Burghausen. Bologna 1338–43 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten
in Bologna, 80 #538]. The noble-born Berthold de Burghausen held
a canonry in the Alte Kapelle at time of his matriculation and paid
fees of 27 sol. He appears frequently between 1338 and 1343 in
the records of the German nation in Bologna. In 1340 he paid fees
of 6 solidi. In 1343 he served as proctor for the German nation at
Bologna.
Sebastianus Burnickel Rat. Ingolstadt 1517 [MLMU I, 410, 8]. Paid
fees of 48 d.
Ludovicus Bursatoris de Ratispona. Leipzig 1485 [MUL I, 347, B 88].
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Adam Calciatoris de Rat. Ingolstadt 1479 [MLMU I, 12 March
1479].
Paulus Caspender de Ratispona. Leipzig 1456 [MUL I, 200, B 81].
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Johannes Cassis. ex Rat. Vienna 1490 [MUW 1490 II R 16]. Paid fees
of 60 den.
Georgius Castenmair de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 I R 124].
Paid fees of 4 gr. By 8 November 1456 he appears as artium libe-
ralium baccalareus. Georgius Castenmair was the illegitimate son of
Hans Kastenmair, a member of the Regensburg inner council with
strong ties to Straubing (at his death Hans Kastenmair had been a
citizen of Regensburg for only six years having spent much of his
career as a scribe in the service of the Duchy Straubing-Holland.)

264 appendix ii
Hans Kastenmair established several anniversaries in Regensburg

and left his son Görglein “den Awhof hie zu Regensburg mit aller
seiner zugehorung und dy new padstuben die ich von dem Lechen
kaufft hab . . .” Georgius Castenmair died, 21 April 1457. [Fuchs,
“Ulrich und Hans Kastenmayr Straubinger Bürger im Dienst des
Herzogtums Straubing-Holland,” 130, 153].
Liephardus Chomlinger (Gemlinger) de Rat. Vienna 1384 [MUW 1384
II 163]. Liephardus Chomlinger is listed as a pauper at the time of
his matriculation. He also appears with two others from Regensburg,
Erhardus Purchofer de Rat. and Seger de Rat. Liephardus Chom-
linger was likely a member of the Gemlinger family that had been
prominent in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries but dis-
appears from the list of office holders after 1315.
Henricus Chronberger. Vienna 1403 [MUW 1403 I R 1]. Henricus
Chronberger miles held a cathedral canonry at the time of his
matriculation and paid fees of 4 gr. He was involved in a dispute
over the chapel of St. Margaret’s in Passau and a prebend in the
Regensburg cathedral. 23 January 1401 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 667–68].
He was still a canon in the Regensburg cathedral in 1417 [Urk. AK,
vol. 1, 121, #649: 17 March 1417]; He died by 6 January 1420 [Rep.
Germ., vol. 4, 2, 3501].
Johannes Chumer de Rat. Vienna 1496 [MUW 1496 I R 27].
Johannes Cluegspeckh de Rat. Vienna 1505 [MUW 1505 II R 28].
Conradus Comperti Bologna 1325 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna,
254 #1819]. Conradus Comperti held a canonry in the Regensburg
cathedral at the time of his matriculation “cum magistro suo” paid
36 sol. Bonon.
Conradus Cöppl de Rat. Vienna 1466 [MUW 1466 II R 24].
Pauper.
Petrus Conradi de Rat. Vienna 1411 [MUW 1411 I R 72]. Pauper.
Erasmus Cremitzer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 43, 4].
Wolfhardus Cuncz. Vienna 1402 [MUW 1402 II R 33]. Regensburg
cathedral canon at time of matriculation, paid fees of 6 gr.
Rudolfus Dachauer ex Rat. Vienna 1517 [MUW 1517 II R 87]. Paid
fees of 29 den.
Michael Dale de Rat. Erfurt 1493 [Acta.Erf. II, 180,32]. Assessed at
half rate.
Ulricus Dappfelberg de Ratispona. Leipzig 1441[MUL I, 135, B82].
Paid fees of 10 gr.

Ulricus Deckenpek de Rat. Vienna 1409 [MUW 1409 I R 72]. Paid

fees of 2 gr.
Cristofferus de Degenburg. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 I R 156]. Cris-
tofferus de Degenburg held a canonry in the cathedral at the time
of his matriculation and paid a fees of 1 flor. Ren.
Ulricus Deichsler. Heidelberg 1409 [MUH I, 112] Bologna 1426
[Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 89 #612] Paris (before 1426)
[Herre, Concilium Basiliense: Studien und Quellen zur Geschichte des Concils
von Basel (hereinafter H. Herre, Conc. Basil.) vol. 7, 490]. Originally
from Nuremberg, Ulrich Deichsler was promoted to master in arts
at Paris between 1409 and 1426. He paid fees of 22 bol. at time of
matriculation at Bologna. In 1426, he held a canonry in the Alte
Kapelle. In 1442, he became provost of the Alte Kapelle [Paricius,
Allerneueste und bewärhte historische Nachricht, 356]. Deichsler attended
the Council of Basel in 1443, called “dominus Ulricus Deysler in
artibus magister Parisiensis et licenciatus in decretis prepositus eccle-
sie beate Marie veteris capelle Ratisponensis.” [Herre, Conc. Basil,
vol. 7, 490]. See also [Kist, Die Matrikel der Geistlichkeit des Bistums
Bamberg, 67].
Michael Delckhofer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1484 [MLMU I, 135, 27]. Paid
fees of 6 gr.
Wolfgangus Deler. Ingolstadt 1489 [MLMU I, 192, 38]. Paid fees of
6 gr.
Michael Doleatoris de Ratispona. Leipzig 1485 [MUL I, 351, B 57].
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Johannes Doleatoris de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 219]. Paid
fees of 1 gr.
Georgius Dorner de Rat. Vienna 1492 [MUW 1492 I R 37]. Paid fees
of 28 den.
Johannes Dur de Rat. Heidelberg 1507 [MUH I, 465].
Martinus Dyrlin de Rat. Erfurt 1492 [Act. Erf. II, 171, 10]. At the time
of his matriculation, Martin Dyrlin is listed as a familiar of the uni-
versity provost, Johannes Kyll de Hersfeldia, for which the university
waived the usual fees.
Erhardus Ebendorffer de Rat. Vienna 1449 [MUW 1449 I R 179].
Listed as pauper at time of matriculation.
Conradus Echter de Ratispona. Leipzig 1512 [MUL I, 518, B 134].
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Sebastianus Eckell de Ratispona. Leipzig 1503 [MUL I, 453, B105].
Paid fees of 6 gr.

266 appendix ii
Wolfgangus Egker. Basel 1461 [MUB I, 19]. Cathedral Canon

Regensburg at time of matriculation and paid fees of 12 schil.
Johannes Eglof de Rat O.P. Vienna 1423 [MUW 1423 I R 76]. Family
appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. He was des-
ignated as a pauper when he matriculated, but there is no mention
of affiliation with the Dominicans. By 1439, he appears as Prior O.P.
Vienna, at which time he was accused of “incauta predicatione.”
[Uiblein, ed. Die Akten der Theologischen Fakultät der Universität Wien, vol. 2,
81]. “Item frater Iohannes prior Predicatorum Wyennensium fuit pro
tunc delatus super incauta predicatione quorundam articulorum, de
quibus posterius videndum erit propter instantem ipsorum dedicatio-
nem.” See also Isnard Frank, O.P., Hausstudium und Unversitätsstudium
der Wiener Dominikaner bis 1500, 205.
Georgius Egrer de Rat. Vienna 1457 [MUW 1457 I R 64]. Paid fees
of 2 gr.
Georgius Ellenbach (Elnpach) de Rat. Vienna 1421 [MUW 1421 II R
41]. Paid fees of 4 gr. He obtained the altar of St. Vitus. 2 August
1419 after the promotion of Johannes Elnpach to a canonry and
prebend in the Alte Kapelle. He also received an expectation for
a canonry in Regensburg, Passau or Brixen not withstanding the
fact that he held St. Vitus, 5 September 1421 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1,
779]. He died on 8 September 1435 (on the Vigils of the nativity
of Mary) as dean and rector in Niedermünster and was buried in
the Alte Kapelle [Hecht, “Grabendenkmäler der Stiftskirche U. L.
Frau zur Alten Kapelle,” 12].
Henricus Ellenbach de Rat. Vienna 1412 [MUW 1412 II R 47].
Matriculated with Georgius Straubing of Regensburg. Paid fees of
2 gr.
Michael Elmpach de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 II R 13]. Paid
fees of 4 gr. He is likely the same as Michael Ellenbach, rector in
Posching, diocese of Regensburg who received a canonry in the
Alte Kapelle in 1477 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 225 #1146: 24 October
1477]. His reception as a canon was witnessed by Leonard Panholz
(see later) with whom he matriculated at Vienna twenty-three years
earlier. He died 24 August 1495 and was buried in the Alte Kapelle
[Hecht, “Grabendenkmäler der Stiftskirche U. L. Frau zur Alten
Kapelle,” 12].
Andreas Elmpeck (Almbeck) de Rat. Vienna 1461 [MUW 1461 II R 9].
Paid fees of 3 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg
citizenry. The furrier Hans Almbeck from Passua was received as a

citizen of Regensburg in 1457 and died in 1495 [P. Urbanek, Wappen

und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und Bürgerinnen, 57].
Georgius Engelperger de Rat. Vienna 1453 [MUW 1453 II R 34].
Paid fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Engilhart de Ratispona. Leipzig 1467 [MUL I, 268, B78].
Paid fees of 6 gr. at time of matriculation.
Johannes Engleprecht de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 I R 160].
Paid fees of 4 gr. Johannes Engelprecht was a citizen of Regensburg.
In 1438, a Stephan Englprecht served as city treasurer [Gemeiner,
Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 84]. During the Reichstag held in
Regensburg in 1471, a Hanns Engelprecht housed eight horses and
eight men associated with Duke Louis the Rich of Bavaria-Landshut
[Wolff, ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Friedrich III, 559].
Laurencius Erhardi de Eschenbach. O.F.M. Erfurt 1479–1481 [Act.
Erf. I, 377, 41; 384, 14; R. C. Schwinges, Bak. Reg. Erf., 199, 55].
Assessed at half rate. In a Regensburg Franciscan charter from
1497, Laurencius de Eschenbach appears as a professor in theology
“Laurencius Eschenbegk de Rat. prof. of theology,” [BayHStA, KU
Minoriten Regensburg 112: 16 September 1497]. He was promoted
as bachelor in theology at Erfurt in spring of 1481. Likely related to
Henricus Essenpeck de Rat. Guardian in Regensburg in 1492 and
1498 [Hilz, Minderbrüder, 185].
Henricus Erlbach de Rat. Ingolstadt 1486 [MLMU I, 162, 23]. Henricus
Erlbach paid fees of 6 gr. when he matriculated at Ingolstadt. He
is almost certainly the same as “Henricus de Erlbach tunc tempo-
ris scholaris veteris capellae” who copied the Summulae logicales of
Peter Hispanus (BayStB clm 14518) later held in the library of St.
Emmeram, where Henricus entered as a monk. He was the son
of Henricus Erlbach, a former city scribe in Augsburg who was
embroiled in a protracted legal dispute with his former employer
[Fuchs, “Ehemalige Amtsträger als Feinde ihrer Heimatstadt,” 337;
Cgm 2517, 158r–171r, K. Schneider, Die deutschen Handschriften der
Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: Die mittelalterlichen Handschriften aus
Cgm 888–4000, 350, 351]. The elder Henricus served the city of
Regensburg as a city scribe in 1450 [P. Urbanek, Wappen und Siegel
Regensburg Bürger und Bürgerinnen, 133]. The younger Henricus’ sister, was
Margaret Limpeck, wife of the Regensburg citizen Erhard Limpeck,
epitaph in St. Emmeram [Freytag, “Ein Grabmälerverzeichnis von St
Emmeram in Regensburg,” 31; Fuchs, Ehemalige Amtsträger, 337].
The younger Henricus’ brother Georgius Erlbach from Augsburg

268 appendix ii
matriculated at Ingolstadt in 1472 [MLMU I, 28, 23]. At his death

in 1520 Georgius Erlbach left his brother Henricus a large collec-
tion of books (primarily works of canon law) [MBK vol. 4, 1, 386],
many of these are still extant and were donated after the death of
Henricus (d. 1535) to St. Emmeram [A-304, A-794, B-884, F-215,
I-216, M-528, M-535, S-603, T-116, BSB-Ink Online-Version: 24
May 2007].
Johannes Ernst de Rat. Vienna 1440 [MUW 1440 I R 45]. Paid fees
of 2 gr.
Thomas Ernst de Ratispana. Tübingen 1477 [MUT 5]. He appears as
magister in artibus in 1477.
Henricus Essenpeck de Rat. Vienna 1499 [MUW 1499 I R 117].
Johannes Eyber de Ratispona. Leipzig 1462 [MUL I, 235, B4]. Paid
fees of 6 gr. at time of matriculation.
Leonardus Eysenbringer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1466 [MUL I, 256,
B73]. Paid fees of 6 gr.
Leonardus Eytinger de Ratisbona. Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 13, 32].
Served as Kooperator in Regensburg 1489. He also appears as the owner
of a work of Lenten penitential sermons [Robertus Caracciolus,
Sermones quadragesimales de poenitentia (Strasbourg: Martin Schott,
1485.09.03, 2o: C-141, BSB-Ink: Online-Version, 24 May 2007].
Erhardus Eyttenbeck (Aydempek) de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454
II R 71].
Georgius Eyttenbeck de Ratispona. Freiburg i. Br. 1461 [MUF 15 #22].
Paid fees of 4 gr.
Ulricus Faber ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1482 [MLMU I, 111,7]. Pauper.
Andreas Fabri de Rat. Heidelberg 1466 [MUH I 320]. In 1469 he was
awarded a bachelor in arts, via moderna, (13 January 1469).
Cristofferus Fabri de Rat. Vienna 1459 [MUW 1459 I R 57]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Georgius Fabri de Rat. Vienna 1457 [MUW 1457 I R 63]. Paid fees
of 2 gr.
Johannes Fabri de Rat. Erfurt 1435 [Act. Erf. I 163, 45]. Pauper.
Stephanus Fabri de Ratispona. Cologne 1504 [MUK II 462, 58 559].
Matriculated in arts.
Ulricus Falkener de Ratispona. Leipzig 1476 [MUL I,302, B 18]. Paid
fees of 6 gr.
Johannes Farster de Rat. Vienna 1470 [MUW 1470 I R 82]. Paid fees
of 4 gr.

Johannes Feltzer Rat. Ingolstadt 1498 [MLMU I, 268, 16]. Paid fees
of 6 gr. at time of matriculaton.
Johannes Feurer de Rat. Vienna 1446 [MUW 1446 I R 127]. Paid
fees of 2 gr.
Thomas Feyerabend (Feyerobend) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1461 [MUL
I, 228, B49]. Pauper at time of matriculation.
Paulus Flenderlein de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1452 II2 R 42]. Paid
fees of 4 gr. Paulus Flenderlein was a member of a Regensburg family.
He is likely the same as Paulus Flenderl, chaplain in Gelnhausen who
established an anniversary in the Franciscan church of St. Salvator for
which he “dedit calicem valoris 24 florenorum et texta volumina ad
librariam.” He died 19 March (shortly after 1478) [MGH Antiquitates
Necrologia, vol. 3, 250].
Mathaeus Flubeck Leipzig 1442–45 [MUL I, 138, B33; II, 135]. He
paid fees of 6 gr in 1442 and earned his bachelor in arts 1445.
Ulricus Foerhel de Rat. Ingolstadt 1486 [MLMU I, 163, 33]. Paid fees
of 22 (den.?).
Sigismundus Foertsch. Ingolstadt 1517 [MLMU I, 410, 14]. He held a
canonry in the Regensburg cathedral at the time of his matriculation
and paid fees of 1 fl.
Georgius Forster de Ratispona. Leipzig 1507 [MUL I, 479, B100]. Paid
fees of 6 gr. at time of matriculation. He was likely a member of
the Regensburg family of the same name. A Mathaeus Vorster was
received as a citizen of Regensburg in 1477 [P. Urbanek, Wappen und
Siegel Regensburg Bürger und Bürgerinnen, 140].
Erhardus Franck ex Rat. Vienna 1499 [MUW 1499 I A 63]. Erhardus
Franck paid fees of 4 gr. He was a member of a Regensburg patrician
family. A Wilhelm Franck was received as a citizen in Regensburg in
1461 [P. Urbanek, Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und Bürgerinnen,
140], and served as a member of the council in 1485 [Gemeiner,
Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 694, 716].
Johannes Franckengruener. Heidelberg 1418 [MUH I, 140]. Johannes
Franckengruener held a Regensburg cathedral canonry in 1417
[Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 2, 1904]. He was expected to resign position
as rector of Ergoltsbach because of non-promotion (i.e. had not
entered higher orders) 1424 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1, 98, 99]. However,
appears to have still held it at his death in 1429 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4,
2, 2885]. He also held a canonry in Eichstätt before 1429 [Rep.
Germ., vol. 4, 2, 3740].

270 appendix ii
Andreas Freudemberger de Rat. Vienna 1448 [MUW 1448 II R 7].

Paid fees of 4 gr. An Andreas Freudenberger appears as a citizen of
Regensburg in 1450 [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 190].
A Heinrich Freudenberger appears in 1455 as a member of the
ropemakers’ confraternity attached to the Franciscan church of St.
Salvatore [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 237]. The confra-
ternity members were drawn from a number of related professions
including fisherman, ropemaker, and boatman. For his role in the
murder of Paul Haider, see Henricus Parsberger.
Cristiannus de Freyberg. Vienna 1440 [MUW 1440 II R 75]. At the time
of matriculation at Vienna Cristiannus de Freyberg held canonries in
Regensburg and Brixen. He paid matriculation fees of 1 Ung. flor.
He is likely the same as the Kristianus de Freyberg who owned the
fourteenth-century canon law collection BayStB clm 3872, which
included Johannes Andrea’s commentary on the canon law collec-
tion, Constitutiones of Clement V [B. Hernad, Die gotischen Handschriften
deutscher Herkunft in der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, 160].
Johannes Freydenstich de Rat. Vienna 1489 [MUW 1489 I R 12].
Paid fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Fridman de Rat. Vienna 1465 [MUW 1465 I R 40]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Martinus Fridman de Rat. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 42, 27]. Possibly
the same as Martinus Fridman chorvikar in the Alte Kapelle who
appears as witness to the promotion of Johann Sigart as canon in
the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 259 #1303: 16 October 1487].
Martinus Fridman served as chaplain of the altar of St. Erasmus
[Urk. AK., vol. 1, 422 #2001: 3 August 1487] a position he resigned
after 1494 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 279 #1386: 12 February 1494].
Frieshaimer. A number of Frieshaimers were active in the mid-fifteenth
century in Regensburg, and at least two represented the city on official
business. Fridericus Frieshamer was sent to Vienna (1454) “zu kunig
Lassla Stathalter von der rechten wegen die mawer an treffent.”
[StAR Cam.14.7r] A Frieshamer (possibly the same Fridericus) was
sent by the council to Passau in 1454. StAR Cam.14. 6v. A Fridericus
Friesheimer was a member of the city council in Regensburg and head
of the ropemakers’ confraternity in 1478 [Gemeiner, Regensburgische
Chronik, vol. 3, 235 ff., 285, 598, 607, 609]. A Hans Frieshammer was
sent in 1477–78 to Vienna with Maister Hans Drabolt ( Johannes
Trabolt) “von der judischait wegen . . .” [StAR Cam.17.194r.]

Georgius Frieshaimer. A Jörg Frieshaimer nephew of Conrad Trunkel

(Bürger des Rattes zu Regensburg), and brother of Fridericus
Frieshaimer appears as the perpetual vicar of Rotting in 1482 [Urk.
AK., vol. 1, 240 #1214: 12 April 1482]. He appears as magister on
April 20 1482, when he exchanged his benefice in Rotting for the
canonry in the Alte Kapelle previously held by Johannes Wisent [Urk.
AK., vol. 1, 240 #1215: 20 April 1482]. He was party to a complaint
to the papal curia against the dean of the Alte Kapelle—Georg
Gneucker—in 1495 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 283 #1404: 31 January 1495].
I have not been able to identify his university. He was still canon
in 1499 when he witnessed the acceptance of Johannes Velber as a
canon in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 294 #1453: 27 February
1499]. In 1496, he is listed as a recipient of “auslewten leibgedin”
“Item mayster Georg Frieshaimer chorher zu alten Kapelle hatt . . . X
guld.” [StAR Cam. 22. 57v].
Jacobus Frieshaimer de Rat. Vienna 1414 [MUW 1414 II R 50].
Jacobus Frieshaimer appears as pauper at time of matriculation.
He appears as licenciate in arts in 1422 and magister for the first
time 1423. He was involved in litigation over the parish church in
Talkarchum al. Perkhaim 21 February 1429 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 2,
1977] and received a canonry and prebend in Regensburg vacant
through the death of Wernher Aufleger 19 September 1430 [Rep.
Germ., vol. 4, 2, 1513]. By 1439 he appears as licenciate in law. He
also appears numerous times at the Council of Basel as a canon in
Regensburg. The Council selected him to serve on a diplomatic mis-
sion to the pope in November 1439 [Haller, Beckmann, Herre, and
Dannenbauer, eds., Conc. Basil., vol. 6, 729]. He purchased a legal
miscellany in Basel in 1441 which had been copied in Rome in 1431
[Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen Mc 16]: “Ego Jacobus Frieshaimer emi
hunc librum pro florenis vi anno m0 cccc0 xli in civitate Basiliensi
durante Sacre generali consilio ibidem et die xiii mentis Aprilis
ubi pecunaim seu florenos predictos.” [H. Röcklein, Die lateinischen
Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen: Teil 1: Signaturen Mc 1 bis
Mc 150 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1991), 96].
Johannes Frieshaimer ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 [MLMU I, 99, 18]. He
was a minor at the time of his matriculation.
Casparus Froschauer de Rat. Heidelberg 1506 [MUH I, 461]. He was
a member of a Regensburg family. In 1503, a Conrad Froschauer
“Bürger zu Regensburg” witnessed the sale of property to the Alte

272 appendix ii
Kapelle, which included the donation of funds to benefit the poor

[Urk. AK., vol. 1, 313: 19 August 1503].
Conradus Frueauf de Rat. Vienna 1460 [MUW 1460 I R 11]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Jacobus Frunt de Ratispona. Leipzig 1479 [MUL I, 316, B9]. Paid fees
of 6 gr.
Balthasar Fürstenecker de Rat. Vienna 1420 [MUW 1420 I R 2] Padua
1440–44 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 2: 1485, 1496, 1751, 1778]. Paid fees
of 4 gr. at time of matriculation at Vienna. Bathasar Fürstenecker
appears among the familia of the bishop of Padua along with
Henricus Parsberger (see later). He appears as rector in Pilzing by
1440 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 2: 1496]. His promotion as doctor in
canon law in 1444 was witnessed by Casparus Schenck (see later) and
Ulricus Part (see later), both Regensburg cathedral canons [Acta Grad.
Pat. vol. 1, 2: 1778]. He engaged in litigation against Georg Mansser
over the parish church of Soleen in the diocese of Regensburg, 25
April 1429 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1, 351].
Johannes Fuchstainer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1488 [MLMU I, 184, 8]. Paid
fees of 1 fl. His father Hans Fuchstainer was sent on a number of dip-
lomatic missions for the city, including one in 1478 to Wien “antref-
fend die judischait und das mandat von der Juden.” [StAR Cam.17
166 v and 194v.] His father was an influential member of ducal party
in the late 1470s and 1480s [A. Schmid, “Vom Höhepunkt zur Krise
die politische Entwicklung 1245–1500,” 205–206.] Their influence
declines after Regensburg returned to imperial control.
Paulus Fünsinger de Rat. Vienna 1469 [MUW 1469 II R 69]; Ingolstadt
1472 [MLMU I, 20, 22]. Paid fees of 4 gr.
Balthasar (Walthazar) Fuerer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1484 [MLMU I, 135,
26]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Fuerer was a member of a Regensburg fam-
ily. In 1483, a Conz Fuerer made payments to the royal notary
and others during Regensburg’s negotiations with Frederick III
regarding the city’s debts [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3,
663]
Ulricus Funificis de Rat. Vienna 1412 [MUW 1412 II R 51]. Paid
fees of 2 gr.
Stephanus Furtter de Rat. Ingolstadt 1506 [MLMU I, 310, 40]. Paid
fees of 6 gr. Stephanus Furtter was a citizen of Regensburg.
Georgius Furtter ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1493 [MLMU I, 227, 31]. Paid fees
of 6 gr. Georgius Furtter was a citizen of Regensburg and possibly
the same as Jörg Furtter whose wife Agnes and son Johannes leased

property “auf dem Genßperg in purckfrid Regensburg.” [Urk. AK.,

vol. 1, 330 #1608: 8 June 1508].
Johannes Gartner de Rat. Vienna 1516 [MUW 1516 II R 55]. Paid
fees of 4 gr. Johannes Gartner was a citizen of Regensburg.
Johannes Gassner de Ratispona. Leipzig 1513 [MUL I, 526, B 53].
Johannes Gassner was listed as a pauper at the time of his matricula-
tion and is listed right after Paulus Beheim also of Regensburg.
Georgius Gegninger de Rat. Vienna 1470 [MUW 1470 II R 38]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Genendorffer. Vienna 1422 [MUW 1422 I R 47]. Johannes
Genendorffer paid fees of 4 solidi. He held a canonry in the
Regensburg cathedral at the time of his matriculation.
Sigismundus Gensperger de Eckenfelden. Ingolstadt 1516 [MLMU I,
395, 7].
Leonardus Gerhart de Rat. Vienna 1436 [MUW 1436 II R 51].
Leonardus Gerhart matriculated with Johannes Hofner (see later)
of Regensburg and paid fees of 4 gr.
Bartholomeus Gerlfinger de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 II R 125].
Paid fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Gerssdorffer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1509 [MUL I, 501, B63].
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Hertwicus Gewolf de Degemberg. Vienna 1445 [MUW 1445 I R 3].
Hertwicus Gewolf held a Regensburg cathedral canonry and paid
fees of 4 solidi at the time of his matriculation.
Oswaldus (Osvaldus) Geylprecht de Rat. Vienna 1469 [MUW 1469 I
R 139]. Paid fees of 4 gr.
Wolfgangus (Volffgangus) Giessinger de Rat. Vienna 1508 [MUW 1508
I R 101]. Paid fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Gluckh ex Rat. Vienna 1514 [MUW 1514 I R 6]. Paid fees
of 4 gr.
Georgius Gneugker. Bologna 1486 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna,
161 #1156; Urk. AK., vol. 1 #1278: 14 April 1486]. Georgius
Gneugker is designated as noble in Knod. He appears in Bologna
on two separate occasions, first in 1474 and later in 1486 when he
received his licenciate in law. In 1486, he was canon in the Alte
Kapelle and his progress was reported back to the college [Urk. AK.,
vol. 1, 224 #1140: 9 September 1477]. He was dean in the Alte
Kapelle by 1495 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 283 #1404: 31 January 1495]
and held a canonry in Brixen and a prebend in Würzburg. In 1503,
Gneugker donated a manuscript to the cathedral library in Würzburg

274 appendix ii
containing works on canon law by Peter de Quesvel and Lanfrancus

de Oriano [M. ch. fol. 12: Hans Thurn, Die Papierhandschriften der
ehemaligen Dombibliothek, in Die Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek
Würzburg, vol. 3, pt. 2 (Wiesdbaden: 1981), 10–11].
Stephanus Gölls de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 121]. Paid
fees of 3 gr.
Johannes Golss de Rat. Vienna 1430 [MUW 1430 I R 99]. Paid fees
of 4 gr.
Wolfgangus (Bolfgangus) Goltzstain de Rat. Vienna 1495 [MUW 1495
I R 32]. Paid fees of 4 gr.
Georgius Gossinger Ratisponensis. Vienna 1509 [MUW 1509 I R 79].
Paid fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Grad (Gkrad, Grad). Siena 1486 [G. Minnucci, ed., Le lauree
dello Studio Senese alla fine del secolo XV, 28]. Johannes Grad was born
in Hungary (cleric in diocese of Gran). In 1465, Grad appears as a
notary in Regensburg. In 1471, he served as proctor general in the
cathedral court. In 1486, he received a canonry in the Regensburg
cathedral as advisor to Duke Albert IV of Bavaria. The same year
he appeared in Siena where “fuit presentatus coram—d. Ieronimo
Picholomineo—d. cardinalis et archiepiscopi Senensis vic. in tem-
poralibus et spiritualibus generali, per famossissimos doctores d.
Burgensium de Burgensibus, d. Antonium abbatem Rosanum et d.
Franciscum de Vergellis promotores suos in i. can.” Grad represented
Duke Albert IV (the Wise) of Bavaria in Rome who was seeking
papal approval for the establishment of a university in Regensburg
(1487). He appears as Licentiatus in decretis by 1488. From 1488 to
his death in 1506, he compiled the Kalendarium Ratisponense covering
important events related to the cathedral chapter and the city. He
also held a benefice in St. Johann and in 1500 served as judex sur-
rogatus in the Regensburg consistory. He died 28 July 1506. Epitaph
in the Regensburg cathedral: “Anno domini MoCCCCCoVI die
XXVIII Iulii obiit egregius licentiatus dominus Iohannes Gkrad,
canonicus Ratisponensis, cuius anima in pace requiescat.” [Deutsch,
Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 395–96]. He was a familiar of
the Piccolomini family and spent much time in Rome [Fuchs and
Märtl, “Literarisches und Geistiges Leben im 15. Jahrhundert,” in
P. Schmid, ed., Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 2, 911].
Leonardus Gramayr de Rat. Vienna 1455 [MUW 1455 II R 16]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.

Georgius Gran de Rat. Vienna 1518 [MUW 1518 I R 86]. Georgius

Gran was orignally listed as a pauper, later paid fees of 4 gr. Perhaps
related to the prominent Regensburg Graner family.
Michael Grassel (Grasel) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1455 [MUL I, 198,
Michael Grasser de Ratis. Erfurt 1458 [Bak.Reg.Erf. 110, 15; Act. Erf.
I 267, 11]. At the time of his matriculation Michael Grasser was
assessed at full rate. Bachelor in arts by Fall 1458. He was likely a
member of the Regensburg family of the same name. See Johannes
Grasser.
Johannes Grasser. Ingolstadt 1474 [MLMU I, 53, 37]. He was a member
of the Regensburg Grasser family. He became a monk in Prüfening
and served as abbot from 1483–1490. As abbot, Grasser was respon-
sible for the purchase of a significant number of books for the library
including: graduals, missals, an illuminated bible, the Quadragesimal of
Leonardus de Utino, a casuistic manual (Bartholomew of Pisa, Summa
Pisanella), Jordanus de Quedlinburg, Sermones de sanctis, William
Durandus, Rationale divinorum, “und ander vil shoner puecher . . .”
[MBK Vol. 4, 1, 440]. In 1474, a Leonardus Grasser, Leonardus
Heff, and Nicolaus Koln, all citizens of Regensburg witnessed the
confirmation of the privileges of the Regensburg Franciscans. Erhard
Hirsch prior O.E.S.A. in Regensburg and Johannes Bernauer (notary)
also appear in the document [I. Neske, Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen
Handschriften: Juristische Handschriften in Die Handschriften der Stadtbibliothek
Nürnberg, vol. 3 (Wiesbaden: 1991), 118].
Stephanus Gratel de Ratispona. Leipzig 1467 [MUL I, 264 B44]. Paid
fees of 6 gr.
Anthanasius Gravenreutter (Grefenreutter) Rat. Ingolstadt 1493 [MLMU
I, 226, 4]. He was a minor at the time of his matriculation and paid
fees of 6 gr. He was a member of a Regensburg patrician family
with close ties to St. Emmeram. Between 1333 and 1520, sixteen
members of the Gravenreutter family had epitaphs erected in St.
Emmeram [“Freytag, Ein Grabmälerverzeichnis von St Emmeram
in Regensburg,” 28, 29.]
Michael Gravenwalter de Ratispona. Leipzig 1518 [MUL I, 561, B
71]. Paid fees of 6 gr.
Martinus Greff de Ratispana. Leipzig 1488 [MUL I, 361, B 56]. Paid
fees of 6 gr.
Leonardus Grellenperger de Rat. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 37, 3].

276 appendix ii
Jacobus Grepner (Chrepnär/Gropner) de Rat. Vienna 1436 [MUW

1436 I R 32]; Leipzig 1452 [MUL I,172, B 13]. Jacobus Grepner
matriculated at Vienna as a pauper in 1436, at Leipzig he paid fees
of 6 gr. Likely a member of the Regensburg family of the same
name.
Johannes Grepner de Rat. Vienna 1414 [MUW 1414 II R 10]. Paid
fees of 4 gr. In 1429 Johannes Grepner was provided to the parish
church of Ottring in 1429 with an income of 24 florins per year on
10 March 1429 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 2, 1945]. Likely a member of the
Regensburg family of the same name.
Johannes Gressel de Ratispona. Freiburg i. Br. 1461 [MUF 15, 21].
Paulus Greyninger de Ratispona. Leipzig 1464 [MUL I, 247, B 26].
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Johannes Griendorffir. Heidelberg 1408 [MUH I, 109]. Held a canonry
in the Regensburg cathedral at the time of his matriculation.
Laurencius Grienigel. Ingolstadt 1516 [MLMU I, 395, 20]. Paid fees of
48 den. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg.
In 1499, a Jacob Grünygel “Bürger zu Regensburg” and his wife
Ursula sold property to a certain Thomas Ritzler [Urk. AK., vol. 1,
296 #1460: 22 November 1499].
Johannes Gross de Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 [MLMU I, 94, 30]. He is
possibly the same as Johannes Gross who appears as rector scholarum
in the Alte Kapelle in 1495 [ J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. F. zur alten
Kapelle, 125; Urk. AK., vol. 1, 286 #1413: 27 August 1495]. Rector
of St. Cassian [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 331 #1613: 5 August 1508]. Died
1519 [K. Schottenloher, Tagebuch-aufzeichnungnen, 36].
Nicolaus Gross de Ratispona. Leipzig 1484 [MUL I, 341, B 44]. Paid
fees of 6 gr.
Jacobus Grossner de Ratispona. Leipzig 1452 [MUL I, 177, B 13].
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Conradus Grüniger de Rat. Vienna 1412 [MUW 1412 II R 44 ]. Paid
fees of 2 gr.
Laurencius Gruber de Rat. Vienna 1417 [MUW 1417 II R 20].
Pauper.
Johannes Gruber (Grueber) de Rat. Vienna 1476 [MUW 1476 I R
Johannes Grun de Rat. Erfurt 1512 [Act. Erf. vol. 2, 278, 7]. Frater.
Assesssed at half rate (4 schenb.)
Ulricus Gschray de Rat. Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 22, 38].
Johannes Gswind de Rat. Vienna 1471 [MUW 1471 II R 91]. Paid fees
of 4 gr. In 1468, Hans Gswchind aus Markgrafnpadn became a citizen

of Regensburg. In 1469, a Hans Gswind “Bürger zu Regensburg”

witnessed a property transaction [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 202–203 #1040:
11 April 1469]. During the Reichstag held in Regensburg in 1471,
a Hanns Geschwind housed 46 men and horses associated with
the entourage of Sigmund, Duke of Austria [Wolff, ed., Deutsche
Reichstagsakten unter Friedrich III, 562].
Paulus Guenther de Rat. Vienna 1469 [MUW 1469 II R 107]. Paid
fees of 4 gr. In 1492, a Paulus Günther served as “unterrichter” in
Regensburg [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 273 #1359: 28 April 1492].
Erhardus Gumpenberg. Ingolstadt 1516 [MLMU I, 401, 40]. The noble-
born Erhardus Gumpenberg paid 1 florin when he matriculated at
Ingolstadt in 1516 at which time he held canonries in the cathedrals
of Regensburg and Freising.
Wolfgangus Güntzeller ex Rat. Vienna 1515 [MUW 1515 II R 67].
Johannes Gussubell de Ratis. Rostock 1514 [A. Hofmeister, ed., Matrikel
der Universität Rostock, vol. 2, 59b.] Johannes Gussubell was the first
recorded matriculant at Rostock from Regensburg.
Johannes Habaus de Rat. Vienna 1456 [MUW 1456 I R 187]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Andreas Habeger de Ratispona. Leipzig 1461 [MUL I, 228, B74]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Vitus Häbicher. Ingolstadt 1518 [Urk. AK., vol. 1 #1794: 23 March
1518]. Vitus Häbicher was a canon in the Alte Kapelle at the time
of his matriculation at Ingolstadt.
Ludovicus Hagen ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1482 [MLMU I, 117,4]. Paid fees
of 6 gr.
Henricus Haibeck de Rat. Vienna 1446 [MUW 1446 I R 8]. Paid fees
of 4 gr. He matriculated right after L. Hawg de Rat.
Johannes Haider de Rat. Vienna 1457 [MUW 1457 I R 19]. Paid fees
of 2 gr.
Johannes Haider de Rat. Vienna 1491 [MUW 1491 II R 28]. Paid
fees of 40 den.
Paulus Hainler. Leipzig 1499 [MUL I, 430, B40]. Paid fees of 2 gr.
Georgius Haller de Rat. Vienna 1462 [MUW 1462 II R 12]. Paid fees
of 4 gr. Georgius Haller was a member of the Regensburg patrician
family of the same name.
Johannes Hanner de Rat. Ingolstadt 1508 [MLMU I, 327, 30]. Paid
fees of 8 den.
Wilhelmus Hanthaimer de Rat. Vienna 1447 [MUW 1447 I R 115].
Paid fees of 4 gr.

278 appendix ii
Johannes Hartmann de Ratispona. Leipzig 1503 [MUL I, 452, B 71].

Paid fees of 3 gr.
Georgius Hartner ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1492 [MLMU I, 220, 38]. Paid
fees of 6 gr.
Erhardus Hauber de Rat. Vienna 1476 [MUW 1476 I R 5]. Paid fees
of 4 gr.
Petrus Haum de Rat. Vienna 1430 [MUW 1430 I R 16]. Pauper at
time of matriculation.
Petrus Hausman de Rat. Vienna 1409 [MUW 1409 I R 90]. Paid fees
of 2 gr.
Johannes Hausner ex Rat. Vienna 1488 [MUW 1488 I R 94]. Paid fees
of 40 den. He was elected rector of the University of Vienna on 14
April 1491. His name is later crossed out with the following note:
“Sua sponte abrenunciavit privilegiis ne ob malam vitam puniretur
rectoratu Mag. Georgii Päterstarffer.”
Conradus Hauweck O.P. Bologna 1400 [Reichert, “Dominikaner-
Provinzkapitel,” 310]. Conradus Hauweck served as master of students
in the Regensburg Dominican convent in 1396 [Altaner, “Rotweiler
Provinzialkapitels,” 13] as Regensburg sentenciarius in 1398 [Reichert,
den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 298]; In 1400 he was lector in
Bamberg [Reichert, “Dominikaner-Provinzkapitel,” 309]. Assigned as
a student in Bologna in 1400 [Reichert, “Dominikaner-Provinzkapitel,”
311], before being recalled from Bologna in 1401[Reichert, “Akten
Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 320].
Laurencius Hawg de Rat. Vienna 1446 [MUW 1446 I R 14]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Georgius Hechtl de Rat. Vienna 1471 [MUW 1471 I R 5]. Paid fees
of 4 gr.
Georgius Heczner de Ratispona. Leipzig 1492 [MUL I, 389, B 76].
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Cassianus Heiden (appears as Heden in Ingolstadt) de Rat. Freiburg in
Br. 1470 [MUF 47, 27]. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 39, 30].
Vincentius Heiden (Heyden) O.P. Heidelberg 1510 [MUH I 1510, 477].
“Frat. professus conventus Rat. O.P. gratis.”
Johannes Heisinger de Rat. Vienna 1500 [MUW 1500 I R 146]. Paid
fees of 29 den.
Ulricus Heisinger de Rat. Vienna 1500 [MUW 1500 I R 145]. Paid
fees of 29 den.

Johannes Heldorffer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1513 [MUL I, 526, B40].

Identified as a pauper at the time of his matriculation.
Casparus Henrici. Krakow 1476 [Crac. Album Stud., 228]. Paid full
fees.
Martinus Herberger. Leipzig 1482 [MUL I 330, B124]. Paid fees of 6
gr. Magister Martin Herberger prokurator appears as a witness to a
decision in the Regensburg consistory [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 302 #1487:
24 May 1501].
Sigismundus Heringer de Rat. Erfurt 1512 [Act. Erf. vol. II, 278, 15].
Paid full fees (8 novos.).
Sebaldus Hertegen Ratisponensis. Vienna 1504 [MUW 1504 I R 97].
Paid fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Hewzz de Rat. Vienna 1439 [MUW 1439 II R 41].
Pauper.
Conradus Heydersperg de Rat. Erfurt 1482 [Act. Erf. I 396, 34].
Conradus Heydersperg appears in the matriculation records as frater,
assessed at half the full amount.
Georgius Heylingsteter de Rat. Erfurt 1481 [Act. Erf. I 388, 43]. Assessed
at full rate.
Leonardus Heylingsteter de Hohenfels. Vienna 1411 [MUW 1411 II
R 53]. Leonardus Heylingsteter held a canonry in the Alte Kapelle
at time of matriculation and paid fees of 2 gr.
Lucas Heytaler de Rat. Vienna 1515 [MUW 1515 I R 74]. Paid fees
of 29 den.
Paulus Hildebrandi de Rat. Erfurt 1456 [Act Erf. I 257, 12]. Paid fees
of 9 gr.
Conrad Duvel von Hildesheim. Prague 1401 [MUP I, 1, 361, 364];
Heidelberg 1405 [MUH I, 97], Vienna 1407 [MUW 1407 II S 2];
Leipzig? 1409 [MUL II, 89; There is no mention of Leipzig in
Heimpel, “Regensburger Berichte vom Konstanzer Konzil: der reich-
städtische Jurist Konrad Duvel von Hildesheim, † 1430,” 213–216];
Vienna 1424 [Uiblein, ed. Die Akten der Theologischen Fakultät der
Universität Wien (1396–1508), vol. 1, 56 (hereinafter Uiblein, AFT );
Heimpel, “Regensburger Berichte vom Konstanzer Konzil,” 215].
Conrad studied first at Prague beginning in 1401 where he earned
a bachelor in arts. He determined under magister Henning de
Hildesheim in May of the same year. He was admitted to the arts
faculty in Heidelberg in 1405, along with the Regensburg cathedral
canon Leonardus super Danubio (auf Tunaw) dictus propst, a mem-
ber of a prominent Regensburg family [MUH I, 97]. This fact may

280 appendix ii
help to explain his eventual migration to Regensburg. In 1406–07,

Conrad Duvel earned his master in arts degree at Heidelberg [MUH
II, 368]. He studied law at Vienna with funding from the city of
Regensburg in 1407 [BayHStA, Reichsstadt Regensburg Urk. 3196;
Heimpel, “Regensburger Berichte vom Konstanzer Konzil,” 214].
In 1407, Chunradus Henrici de Heidelshein was assessed fees of 4
gr. double the full rate at Vienna [MUW 1407 II S 2]. A magister
Conrad de Hildensheim also appears in the arts faculty at Leipzig in
1409, although it is unlikely that this is the same Conrad. In 1410,
he was in Vienna where he testified at the heresy trial of Jerome of
Prague [Klicman, Processus, 10, 14, 31]. By 1414, he was installed
as chaplain and priest of St. Georg in Regensburg and served as a
legal advisor to the Regensburg city council [Gemeiner, Regensburgische
Chronik, vol. 2, 409]. Andreas von Regensburg described him as “iurista
civium.” [Andreas von Regensburg, Sämtliche Werke, 133]. From 1415
to 1418, he served the city council of Regensburg at the council
of Constance [Heimpel, “Regensburger Berichte vom Konstanzer
Konzil,” 213–73]. In 1420, he was instructed by Bishop Albertus of
Regensburg to lecture in canon law in the Bischofshof [Andreas von
Regensburg, Sämtliche Werke, 133; Kleinstäuber, Ausführliche Geschichte
der Studien-Anstalten in Regensburg: 1538–1880. Vol. 1, Geschichte des
evangelischen reichstädtischen Gymnasii Poetici (von 1538–1811), 4; Heimpel,
“Regensburger Berichte vom Konstanzer Konzil,” 214]. In 1422, he
also became a canon of St. Johann [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1, 442]. During
this time, he acquired a number of law texts that were deposited in
the city library. These included a glossed Codex Justiniani [BayStB clm
13013], a volume of the canon law text the Authenticae [BayStB clm
13018], the Speculum of William Durandus [BayStB clm 3087] and
others [MBK, vol. 2, 97; H. Heimpel, “Regensburger Berichte vom
Konstanzer Konzil,” 216]. In 1424, he returned to Vienna to study
theology [Uiblein, AFT, vol. 1, 56; Heimpel, “Regensburger Berichte
vom Konstanzer Konzil,” 215]. He died in 1430 [Signatur Rat.
ep.409: Roman Zirngibl, Epitaphien im Dom, in St. Emmeram, in Nieder-
Ober-Münster, bei den Minoriten und Augustinern (1785), 56: “lic. decr. Bacc.
theol. canon. St. Johann” epitaph in cathedral]. At death in 1430,
left a copy of Thomas Aquinas, Summa Contra Gentiles to Heidelberg
and Distinctiones Mauritii (O.F.M.) [MUH I, 695] and Omelias Crisostomi
super Matheum to Vienna “studentium.” [Uiblein, Ein Kopialbuch der Wiener
Universität, 149–50]. He also left eight books of canon law to the city

library in Regensburg [MBK vol. 4, 1, 476–77; BayStB clm 26663

“Librum cum septem aliis Conradus preb. de Hildesheim canonicus
S. Johannis Rat. a. 1430 ciuibus Ratisbonensis donauit”]. In addition
to these he also established a memorial in his name at St. Johann,
where he is described as “licentiatus decretorum et baccalarius in theolo-
gia.” [BZAR StiA U 435a: 1431 June 24]. Claudia Märtl dicusses
his personal relationship with the reknowned Regensburg historian
Andreas von Regensburg [Märtl, “Zur Biographie des Bayerischen
Geschichtsschreibers Andreas von Regensburg,” Studien und Quellen
zur Geschichte Regensburgs, 4 (Regensburg: 1987), 42].
Cristiannus Hinderschirchen de Rat. Vienna 1424 [MUW 1424 II
R 31]. Paid fees of 2 gr. From 1427–28 he engaged in litigation
concerning a canonry and benefice in St. Johann. He was forced to
withdraw his claim by 1428 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 2, 2164; Rep. Germ.,
vol. 4, 2, 2165].
Georgius Hirschfurter de Rat. Vienna 1411 [MUW 1411 I R 58]. Paid
fees of 2 gr.
Cristofferus Hirssberg de Rat. Erfurt 1503 [Acta Erf. II, 234, 6]. Assessed
at half rate.
Otto Hoege. Ingolstadt 1478 [MLMU I, 85, 27]. Monk of St. Jackob
(Schottenkloster).
Johannes Hofdorffer. Ingolstadt 1484 [MLMU I, 130, 9]. Paid fees of
6 gr.
Johannes Hofer (Hoser). Ingolstadt 1493–96 [MLMU I, 223, 18; Urk.
AK., vol. 1, 288 #1426: 10 June1496]. Johannes Hofer held a can-
onry in the Alte Kapelle at the time of his matriculation and paid
fees of 1 fl. In 1496 the Alte Kapelle received a “Zeugnis” from
Ingolstadt confirming his continued good progress. Johannes Hofer
appears frequently in the records of the Alte Kapelle until his death
in 1516, at which time he was canon and dean (senior). In 1516, his
father Hanns Hofer der Maut zur Regensburg gegenschreyber,” gave
50 R. d. to the Alte Kapelle to establish a memorial for his son. He
died 21 June 1516 where his is called magister in artibus, he is buried
in the Alte Kapelle. [Hecht, “Grabendenkmäler der Stiftskirche U. L.
Frau zur Alten Kapelle,” 13].
Conrad Hofmeister (Hoffmeyster) de Rat. Cologne 1487 [MUK II 395,
44 219]. He matriculated in arts and was likely a member of the
Hoffmeister lineage of Regensburg, which was frequently represented
in the city council during the late fourteenth and early fifteenth

282 appendix ii
centuries, but seems to disappear thereafter [Gemeiner, Regensburgische

Chronik, vol. 2, 65; I. H. Kropac, “Die Ämterlisten der Reichsstadt
Regensburg,” 1996–2002. 22/9/2003]
Leonardus Hofmeister (Hofmaister) de Rat. Vienna 1468 [MUW 1468
II R 46]; Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 31, 6]. Paid fees of 4 gr.
Petrus Hofmeister de Ratispona. Leipzig 1493 [MUL I 402, B 31]. Paid
fees of 6 gr. He is possibly the same as Peter Hofmaister licenciate
in laws and provost in Vorcheim [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 323 #1573: 6 July
1506]. In 1511 he resigned his canonry in the Alte Kapelle [Urk.
AK., vol. 1 345 #1675: 5 December 1511].
Johannes Hofner de Rat. Vienna 1436 [MUW 1436 II R 50].
Pauper.
Johannes Hohenfelser. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 16 March 1473].
Johannes Holtzlyn de Ratispona. Leipzig 1513 [MUL I, 526, B 23].
Paid fees of 3 gr.
Casparus Honhaimer Ratisponensis. Heidelberg, 1503 [MUH I, 450].
Johannes Honhaimer ex Ratis. Erfurt 1495 [Act. Erf., II, 190,1]. Assessed
at full rate. See also [Bak.Reg.Erf. 255, 9]. A Hanns Honhaimer
appears as “fronambter des Thumstiffts,” in 1495 [Urk. AK., vol. 1,
286 #1416: 14 September 1495]. He may be the same as the
Johannes Honhaimer “domkaplan” in Regensburg who served along
with Erasmus Strutter and Martin Kärl as proctors of Pernhard
Kölner when the latter resigned his benefice in the Alte Kapelle
[Urk. AK., vol. 1, 330 #1610: 10 June 1508]. In 1511, Johannes
Honhaimer resigned his benefice in the Alte Kapelle, which he had
received through Ludwig Count Palatine of the Rhine and Duke of
Bavaria [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 345 #1677: 5 December 1511].
Andreas Hott de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 II R 10]. Paid fees of 4 gr.
Eberhardus Houar (Hofer?). Prague 1373 [MUP II, 1, 59]. The noble-
born Regensburg cathedral canon matriculated in law and paid fees
of 7 gr.
Conradus Hüber de Rat. Vienna 1395 [MUW 1395 I R 18]. Paid fees
of 2 gr. He was a member of the Regensburg office-holding family of
the same name. In 1447 a Hanns Hueber appears as a member
of the Regensburg city council [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik,
vol. 3, 81, 123, 170].
Leonardus Hüber (Hueber) Ratisbonensis. Ingolstadt 1519 [MLMU I,
435, 12]. Paid fees of 48 den. Member of Regensburg office-holding
family. See Conrad Hüber.
Mathaeus Hüber de Rat. Vienna 1426 [MUW 1426 II R 29]. Pauper.

Member of Regensburg office-holding family. See Conradus Hüber.

Stephanus Hüber ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1508 [MLMU I, 328, 23]. Paid
fees of 48 den. Member of Regensburg office-holding family. See
Conradus Hüber.
Wolfgangus Hüber (Hueber) ex Rat. Vienna 1478 [MUW 1478 I R
3]. Paid fees of 4 gr. Member of a Regensburg office-holding family.
See Conradus Hüber.
Wolfgangus Hüber de Rat. Erfurt 1507 [Act. Erf. II, 250, 28]. Assessed at
full rate. Member of Regensburg office-holding family. See Conradus
Hüber.
Wolfgangus Hubner (Hubiner) de Rat. Erfurt 1478 [Act. Erf. I 373, 6].
Paid fees of 4 nov. (1/2 full). He was perhaps related to Peter Hubner
who received 24 gulden for his service to the city of Regensburg in
1468–69 [StAR Cam.16 210r].
Nicolaus Hudalrici de Ratispona. Krakow 1494 [Crac. Album Stud., 2,
1, 29].
Henricus Hurelbeck Ratisponensis. Bologna 1336 [Knod, Deutsche
Studenten in Bologna, 224 #1574]. In 1335 he appears in Bologna as
dominus where he paid fees of 12 sol. In 1336, he was elected proctor
of the German nation in Bologna. He died in 1339.
Erhardus Hymelman de Rat. Vienna 1447 [MUW 1447 I R 161]. Paid
fees of 3 gr. He is listed in the matriculation records right after Dominus
Johannes Planckenfels (see later) Regensburg cathedral canon.
Michael Hymmelstös de Ratispona. Leipzig 1466 [MUL I, 200, B9].
He is described as pauper at the time of his matriculation.
Casparus Hyrssinger Ratisponensis. Ingolstadt, 1481 [MLMU I, 1041,
12]. He was a member of a Regensburg family. A Christoff Hirssinger
(layman) witnessed the resignation of Martinus Fridman (see earlier)
vicar of the altar of St. Erasmus [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 279 #1386: 12
February 1494].
Ulricus Indermayr de Rat. Vienna 1457 [MUW 1457 I R 62]. Paid
fees of 2 gr.
Urbanus Inginger de Rat. Vienna 1429 [MUW 1429 II R 50]. He is
described as a pauper at the time of his matriculation.
Sebastianus Irer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1500 [MUL I, 434, B20]. Paid
fees of 6 gr. In 1504 he received the altar of St. Barbara in the Alte
Kapelle. He was called at that time “scholar.” Reception of the posi-
tion witnessed by Erhard Schambeck, and Conrad Hanawer Chorvikare
in the Alte Kapelle and Friedrich Pfister, citizen of Regensburg [Urk.
AK., vol. 1, 317 #1551: 10 October 1504].

284 appendix ii
Ludovicus Iungprecht ex Rat. Vienna 1514 [MUW 1514 II R 80].

Johannes Jager Ratisbonensis. Vienna 1511 [MUW 1511 II R 101].
Paid fees of 4 gr.
Michael Jann ex Rat. Vienna 1511 [MUW 1511 I R 61]. Paid fees
of 4 gr.
Stephanus Johannis de Ratispona. Krakow 1491 [Crac. Album Stud. vol.
2, 1, 13].
Bartholomeus Kalmunczer (Chalmunczer) de Rat. Vienna 1430 [MUW
1430 I R 61]. Paid fees of 1 gr.
Emeramus Kalmunczer ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1499 [MLMU I, 274, 37].
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Antonius Kamerawer. Vienna 1416 [MUW 1416 I R 40]. He is
described as Miles (knightly family). He held canonries in Regensburg
and Bamberg at the time of his matriculation and paid fees of 4
solidi. He received a dispensation for defect of birth on 13 July 1413
at which time he was already a canon in Regensburg. Engaged in
lengthy litigation with Nicolaus de Redewitz, over control of the par-
ish church of St. Maurice in Mundraching diocese of Regensburg.
[Rep. Germ., vol. 3, 53; Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1933; Rep. Germ., vol. 4,
2902]. He died before 30 October 1426 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 680].
Georgius Kammerer de Ratispana. Leipzig 1491 [MUL I, 387, B25].
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Petrus Kann Ratisponensis. Ingolstadt 1493 [MLMU I, 226, 32]. Paid
fees of 6 gr.
Casparus Kantner (Kanthner) de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 I R
237]; Padua 1467 [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 2: 635, 661, 687, 688]. He
is described as a pauper at the time of his matriculation at Vienna
in 1451. In 1467, he appears as a student of canon law in Padua. In
1467 at Padua he witnessed the promotion of Jacobus Kongelman
from Augsburg as doctor in canon law. Balthasar Hundertpfund who
later served as advisor the duke Albert during the period of Bavarian
hegemony in Regensburg was also among the witnesses [Acta Grad.
Pat., vol. 2, 2: 635]. He was promoted to doctor in canon law in 1467.
Witnesses to his promotion included Balthasar Hundertpfund and
Johannes Trabolt (see later) both of whom later appear in Regensburg
in various functions [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 2: 687; Boehm, Biog.
Lex. L.-M.-U. München, 440–441; StAR Cam. 19 fol. 223v (1486,
Hundertpfund traveled to the emperor’s court on behalf of the city)

and StAR Cam. 17 fol. 194r. (1477 Trabolt traveled to Vienna on

behalf of the city). In a charter from 1463, he appears as a public
notary “oeffentlicher Notar.” [ J. Hemmerle, Archiv des ehemaligen
Augustinerklosters München, 31: 1463 Dez 20 Reg U59]. Between 1465
and 1467, the city of Regensburg gave Kantner a total of 180 guld.
to help pay for law his study in Padua [StAR, Cam. 16. 25v, 76v,
122v, 128v]. His Padua lecture notes from the 1466 academic year
(later owned by Johannes Velber, canon in the Alte Kapelle) survive
in Klagenfurt [Klagenfurt, Bischöfliche Bibliothek, Cod. XXX e 11;
Hermann Menhart, Handschriften-verzeichnisse österreichischer Bibliotheken:
Kaernten, vol. 1 (Klagenfurt, Maria Saal, Friesach, Wien: 1927). I am
grateful to Prof. Fuchs for this reference]. In 1470, he represented the
city at the Nuremberg Reichstag [H. Koller and P.-J. Heinig, Regesten
Kaiser Friedrich III., Heft 15, 182 # 249: 4 July 1470. Kantner obtained
a canonry in the Alte Kapelle by 1475 and was rector in Donaustauf
[Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 561]. In 1487, received a
papal provision for a canonry in the cathedral church “admssis est
ad canonicatum et prebendam Rat. ex dimissione dni Johannis Mayr
per dm Summum pontificem provisionem . . .” [ J. Schuegraf, “Drei
Rechnungen über den Regensburger Dombau aus den Jahren 1487,
1488 und 1489,” in VHVOR 10 (1858), 168]. 1500–01 Casparus
Kantner served as vicar general in Regensburg [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 299
#1476: 28 August 1500; 301 #1485: 19 April 1501]. Died 1505,
epitaph in Regensburg cathedral [Freytag and Hecht, eds., “Die
Grabdenkmäler des Regensburg Domes,” 51].
Leonardus Kantzler (Cantzler). Ingolstadt 1494 [MLMU I, 231, 5].
citizenry. A Peter Kanntzler “bürger zu Regensburg” served as
“geschäfftherr” to Steffan Widenman [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 298 #1472:
6 April 1500].
Johannes Karoli de Rat. Vienna 1479 [MUW 1479 I R 35]. Paid fees
of 4 gr.
Johannes Kastenbauer (Kastenpawr). Ingolstadt 1497 [MLMU I, 257,
Stephanus Kastenbauer de Ratisbona O.E.S.A. Vienna 1513 [MUW
1513 II R 45] Italy ? Born in Abensberg and entered the Augustinian
convent in Regensburg before 1513. He paid fees of 53 den. at the
time of his matriculation in Vienna nearly double the usual 29 den.
He also published a work on Simon von Cassia, he was arrested

286 appendix ii
for heresy in 1522 [ J. Hemmerle, Die Klöster der Augustiner-Eremiten

in Bayern, 159].
Jacobus Keck de Rat. Ingolstadt 1508 [MLMU I, 328, 18]. Paid fees
of 8 den.
Petrus Keck de Rat. Ingolstadt 1482 [MLMU I, 116, 34]. Fees
waived.
Michael Kellerman de Rat. Erfurt 1456 [Act. Erf. I 257, 22]; Basel 1461
[MUB I, 19]. Paid fees of 4 nov. at Erfurt and 6 schil. at Basel.
Thomas Kellerman. de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 I R 159]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Kerbler de Rat. Vienna 1505 [MUW 1505 I R 27]. He was
identified as a pauper at the time of his matriculation.
Casparus Kerner de Rat. Vienna 1511 [MUW 1511 I R 109].
Wilhelmus Khell. Ingolstadt 1516 [MLMU I, 395, 26]. Clericus
Ratisponensis paid fees of 64 den.
Jacobus Kirchberger (Kirchbarger) de Rat. Leipzig 1463 [MUL I, 242,
B 60] Vienna 1470 [MUW 1470 II R 93]. Paid fees of 10 gr. when
he matriculated at Vienna.
Georgius Kirichmair Rat. Vienna 1511 [MUW 1511 II R 9]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Stephanus Kirichoffer de Rat. Vienna 1497 [MUW 1497 I R 79]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Klospeck Ratisponensis. Ingolstadt 1500 [MLMU I, 282, 38].
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Johannes Köferl de Rat. Vienna 1455 [MUW 1455 I R 151]. Identified
as a pauper at the time of his matriculation.
Georgius Kolb de Rat. Ingolstadt 1509 [MLMU I, 328, 41]; Bologna
1515 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 261 #1797]. He was
originally from Hailsberg. He paid fees of 64 den. when he matricu-
lated in Ingolstadt. In 1500, a Kolb, son of the bishop’s chancellor
served as city scribe [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 4, 40,
89, 111]. In 1512, Georg Kolb was installed as perpetual vicar of
Honheim. His installation was witnessed by Hans Kolb, chancellor
to the Bishop (his brother? father?) [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 348 #1689,
6 September 1512] Deutsch suggests that Hans Kolb was the brother
of Georgius, although if Gemeiner is correct it is possible that he
was his father [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 388].
1518 cathedral canon. By 1538, Georgius held a dignity in the
cathedral (curator). From 1522 to 1524, he also served as judge
ordinary in the Regensburg consistory. When he died in 1545

he was dean in Pondorf [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regens-

burg, 388].
Georgius Koler O.P. In 1490 Georgius Licentiatus Theologiae Lector in
the Regensburg Dominican convent was assigned to the convent in
Iglau [Reichert, RQ 10, 35; Kraus, 166]. In 1491, Georgius Koler
was allowed to remain in perpetuity in the convent of Bettendorf
[Reichert, RQ 10, 43]. 23 May 1494 Georg Koler baccalaureus was
assigned to read the sentences in Olmütz [Reichert, RQ 10, 73].
In 1503, he was assigned to the Dominican convent in Friesach
[Löhr, AFP 17 (1947), 261]. He was reassigned to the Regensburg
convent in 1508 [Reichert, RQ 10, 154]. Koler donated a copy of
Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae acquired in Bohemia in 1492, to
the Regensburg convent [Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae. P. 2, 1
(Venice: Andreas Torresanus, Batholomaeus de Blavis and Maphaeus
de Paterbonis, 1483) T-283: BSB-Ink, Online-Version: 24 May 2007].
Sigismundus Krell de Rat. Ingolstadt 1518 [MLMU I, 421, 12]. Paid
fees of 6 gr. In 1518, a Krell served on the city council [Gemeiner,
Wilhelmus Krieger (Kryger). Leipzig 1467 [MUL I, 264, B43]. Paid
fees of 6 gr.
Wolfgangus (Bolfgangus) Krieger ex Ratisbona. Vienna 1512 [MUW
1512 II R 44]. Paid fees of 4 gr.
Casparus Kursner O.E.S.A. Krakow? 1477 [StAR Cam. 17 fol. 207r:
“Item wir gaben einen muench zu den Augustiner genant Casparus
Kuersner auff die Studium gen Poloni xi schil. vi den. Egidii.”].
Assigned to either Vienna or Ingolstadt in 1486. He was a citizen
of Regensburg. He is possibly the same as Casparus von Regensburg
who served as provincial of Bavaria and was promoted as bachelor
in theology in 1486 at the general council of the order in Siena
[Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 290].
Georgius Kugler de Rat. Vienna 1475 [MUW 1475 I R 72]. Paid fees
of 4 gr.
Henricus Kunig de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 I R 264]. Paid
fees of 3 gr.
Henricus Kurtz (Chuercz) de Rat. Ingolstadt 1501 [MLMU I, 290,
19]. Vienna 1505 [MUW 1505 II R 18]. Paid fees of 56 den.
Henricus Kurtz was a citizen of Regensburg. In 1497, a Thomas
Kurtz served as city treasurer [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik,
vol. 3, 796, 821, et passim]. He is probably the same as Heinrich
Kurtz “der geistlichen rechten licentiat” installed as a canon of the

288 appendix ii
Alte Kapelle after the death of Wolfgang Menndl and the resignation
of Casparus Kaltentaler [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 357 # 1733 and #1734:
17 August 1517]. Resigned his benefice in the Alte Kapelle, which
was subsequently bestowed on a doctor Sigismund Pender, cleric
of Venice, 22 August 1517 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 367 #1780 see also
#1773]. In 1526 Henricus Kurtz served as Episcopus Crisopolitanus et
suffraganeus Pataviensis. Urbanek, Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und
Bürgerinnen, 108–109].
Wolfgangus Kurtz ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1507 [MLMU I, 321, 1]. Paid
fees of 6 gr. Minor in 1507. He was a member of a prominent
Regensburg office holding family of the late fifteenth century. See
Henricus Kurtz.
Georgius Kutenauwer (Kuttenauer): Heidelberg 1434 [BZAR BDK
30 fol. 64v, 51A (I am grateful to Fuchs for this reference)]. The
noble-born Georgius Kutenauwer held a canonry in the Regensburg
cathedral.
Martinus Kutenauwer de Rat. Heidelberg 1467 [MUH I 321]. Noble.
Casparus Kutzer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1488 [MUL I, 363, B 25]. Paid
fees of 6 gr. He appears as a witness to an exchange of benefices
between Johann Sighart canon in the Alte Kapelle and Georg Volz
canon St. Gangolf in Bamberg [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 297 #1468: 13
February 1500]. In 1500, Casparus Kutzer appears as one of sev-
eral proctors “causarum in Romana curia” of Johannes Mayr (the
others were Andreas Zirenberger, Rupert Spiegel, Johannes Fabri,
Johann de Capell, and Casparus Wirt) [Urk. AK., vol. 1 299 #1473:
22 April 1500].
Georgius Kynsberger. Padua 1470 [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 2, 984].
He held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral. He witnessed the
promotion of Georg Pfintzing as doctor in canon law along with
Johannes Schrotel (see later) prepositus St. Johann in Regensburg and
the Regensburg cathedral canon, Ulricus Baumgartner (see ear-
lier). He held a house in Regensburg “in acie sita platee vulgariter
Schefftenstrass (sic),” for which he paid the chapter an annual rent
of two pounds. Mayer dates this reference incorrectly to before 1431
(the year of the death of a Johannes Marschalk, but this is clearly
not the same Johannes Marschalk referenced in the document), given
the inclusion of Georgius Kynsberger, Georgius Trächsel, Ulricus
Payerstorffer, Ulricus Part and Johannes Marschalk, it is most likely
from the 1470s [Mayer, Thesaurus Novus, vol. 3, 30].

Wolfgangus Laberer Ratisbonensis. Vienna 1516 [MUW 1516 II R

Paulus Lacher ex Rat. Vienna 1488 [MUW 1488 I R 21]. Paid fees of
4 gr. In 1489, a Paul Lacher witnessed a summons issued to Georg
Talhofer in the name of the papal legate to Germany, Bartholomew
de Maraschis [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 423 #2007: 24 April 1489].
Stephanus Landolf de Rat. Vienna 1449 [MUW 1449 II R 117]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Henricus de Lapide (Stein). Bologna 1317 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in
Bologna, 549 #2646; E. Friedlander and C. Malagola, eds., Acta Nat.
Germ, 72, 43]. Paid fees of 4 lib. The noble-born Henricus de Lapide
held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated
at Bologna in 1317. In 1340, he was elected Bishop of Regensburg
by the minority and confirmed by Ludwig von Bayern. In 1345,
Henricus de Lapide seems to have withdrawn from the diocese and
died in 1346 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 549 #2646; Janner,
Geschichte der Bischöfe von Regensburg, vol. 3, 209–21].
Paulus Lawbinger de Rat. Vienna 1443 [MUW 1443 II R 57]. He was
designated a pauper at the time of his matriculation.
Henricus Lebner (Lechner) de Rat. Vienna 1418 [MUW 1418 II R 4].
Erfurt 1424 [R. C. Schwinges, Bak. Reg. Erf., 32, #12; Act. Erf. I, 127,
33]. Henricus Lebner was a citizen of Regensburg and designated
as a pauper. He earned his bachelor in arts degree at Vienna before
1424 [Act. Erf. I 127, 33].
Ulricus Lechner Ratisponensis. Vienna 1517 [MUW 1517 I R 15].
Paid fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of
Regensburg.
Johannes Leittenpekh de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 203].
Paid fees of 4 gr.
Paulus Lengfelder. Heidelberg 1493 [MUH I, 497]. Cleric of
Regensburg.
Casparus Leonardi de Ratispona. Krakow 1515 [Crac. Album Stud., vol.
2, 2, 164].
Carolus Leonrod. Bologna 1369 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 299,
#2070]. He was a from a Franconian noble family and Regensburg
cathedral canon when he matriculated at Bologna. He paid fees of
20 sol.
Balthasar (Walthasar) Lerch de Regenspurg. Ingolstadt 1519 [MLMU
I, 437, 6]. Paid fees of 64 den.

290 appendix ii
Jeronimus Leskircher (Liskirchir, Lyskyrchner) de Ratispona. Leipzig

1456 [MUL I, 203]. Paid fees of 10 gr. He was a member of
a Regensburg partrician family. A Hanns Liskircher (father of
Jeronimus?) donated an annuity of ½ a pound to the parish church
of St. Cassian to establish an annual mass for himself, his wife
and child in the chapel of St. Mark’s in the Alte Kapelle in 1472
[Urk. AK., vol. 1, 411 #1956–57: 4 May 1472 and 6 May 1472].
Several Leskirchers were buried in the Alte Kapelle [Hecht,
“Grabendenkmäler der Stiftskirche U. L. Frau zur Alten Kapelle,”
14]. He was one of several sons of Regensburg who accompanied
Hermann Pötzlinger to Leipzig. See Fuchs, “Erkenntnisfortschritte
durch Handschriften-katalogisierung,” 11–12.
Wolfgangus Leskircher ex Rat. Vienna 1492 [MUW 1492 I R 29];
Leipzig 1492 [MUL I, 393]. Paid fees of 28 den at Vienna and 6
gr. at Leipzig. He was a member of Regensburg patrician family.
A Wolfgang Liskircher served in Regensburg as city treasurer, as a
judge and member of the inner council and died in 1513 (perhaps
this Wolfgangus’ father?) [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3,
694, 819, 846; vol. 4, 4, 9, 44, 62 et passim]. In 1505, a Wolfgang
Leßkircher became a canon in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1,
318 #1557: 34 August 1505]. May be the same as the Wolfgang
Leskircher who held a benefice at St. Alban’s in Regensburg until
his death in 1536 [Theobald, Reformationsgeschichte der Reichsstadt
Regensburg, 221].
Petrus Leuetel de Rat. Ingolstadt 1484 [MLMU I, 133, 15]. Paid fees
of 30 den.
Conradus Leutenpeck de Rat. Vienna 1466 [MUW 1466 I R 11].
Regensburg. During the Reichstag held in Regensburg in 1471, an
Erhard Leutenpeck housed eight men and horses belonging to the
entourage of the Duke of Saxony [Wolff, ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten
unter Friedrich III, 558]. In 1475, a Dominus Conradus Lewtternpeck
donated a collection of cathecistic texts to St. Emmeram. BayStB
clm 14104 [Elisabeth Wunderele, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften
der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: Die Handschriften aus St. Emmeran
in Regensburg, vol. 1. BayStB clm 14000–14130, 250–56].
Henricus Lichtinger de Rat. Vienna 1455 [MUW 1455 I R 35]. Paid
fees of 2 gr.
Eugenius Liechteysen de Rat. Vienna 1470 [MUW 1470 I R 65].
Pauper.

Marcus Liechteysen de Rat. Vienna 1470 [MUW 1470 I R 89].

Pauper.
Loebel: Regensburg patrician family active in the city council until
the last quarter of the fourteenth century. Variations of the name
include Leb, Lebel, Loeb. An Ulrich Loebel also served as cathedral
scolasticus in the mid-fourteenth century.
Leonardus Loebel (Lebel) de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 106].
Paid fees of 4 gr. See Loebel (earlier).
Leonardus Loebel (Lebel) Ratibonensis. Ingolstadt 1518 [MLMU I,
425, 26]. Paid fees of 48 den. See Loebel (earlier).
Ulricus Loebel (Leb) de Rat. Vienna 1448 [MUW 1448 II R 46]. Paid
fees of 4 gr. See Loebel (earlier).
Wolfgangus Loebel (Leb) de Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 O.P. [MLMU I, 95,
31]. See Loebel (earlier).
Sigismundus Lohener de Ratispona. Leipzig 1456 [MUL I, 200, B 45].
Pauper.
Ulricus Lohmär de Rat. Vienna 1425 [MUW 1425 II R 36]. Paid fees
of 4 gr.
Nicolaus Loy ex Rat. Erfurt 1478 [Act. Erf. I 373, 7]; Vienna 1478
[MUW 1478 I R 4]. He was assessed at half the full rate at Erfurt
and paid fees of 4 gr. at Vienna.
Johannes Ludovici O.E.S.A. Florence 1452 [A. Kunzelmann, Geschichte
der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 237]; Vienna 1461 [Lieberich,
“Gelehrten Räte,” 175; Boehm, ed., Bio-Lex Ingol, 255]; Florence
or Bologna 1465 [A. Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-
Eremiten, vol. 3, 238]; Ingolstadt 1472 [H. Lieberich, “Gelehrten
Räte,” 175]. Johannes Ludovici was originally from Würzburg
where he served as lector and prior from 1454–56. In 1465, the
Regensburg city council gave Johannes Ludovici 4 gulden “zu stewr
in seiner Doctorei” [StAR Cam. 16 fol. 81v]. In the 1460s, he served
as provincial of Bavaria and reformed the Regensburg Augustinians.
In 1468, he became suffragen bishop of Regensburg. In 1472, he
appears as professor of theology in Ingolstadt. On 8 August 1473,
appears as advisor to Duke Louis the Rich. Died after 10 November
1480 [Lieberich, “Gelehrten Räte,” 175; Boehm, ed., Bio-Lex Ingol,
255].
Ulricus Magenst de Rat. Leipzig 1456 [MUL I 203, B 11] Vienna 1459
[MUW 1459 I R 132]. He was assessed as Pauper at both Leipzig
and Vienna.
Henricus Mager. Leipzig 1466 [MUL I, 256, B 37]. Paid fees of 6 gr.

292 appendix ii
Johannes Mainberger de Ratispona. Vienna 1454–58 [MUW 1454 I R

35; Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 326 #2238]; Bologna 1470–72
[Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 326 #2238]; Ingolstadt 1473–74
[MLMU I, 40, 14]. Johannes Mainberger was born in Regensburg.
He matriculated in arts at Vienna in 1454 and paid fees of 4 gr. In
1458, he matriculated in law at Vienna “mag. Joh. Maynperger de
Rat,” and in 1470 he appears in Bologna: “Magister J. Maynbeger de
Rat pleb. in Kirchdorff.” Paid fees of 24 sol. at that time. He served
as proctor of the German nation in Bologna in 1471. In 1472 he
appears for the first time as a doctor in law [Knod, Deutsche Studenten
in Bologna, 326 #2238]. In 1473, Ingolstadt “Joh. Mainberger Juris
can. Doctor et Professor.” 24 April 1474 Joh. M. art. et iur. pontif.
Doctor et in novis iuribus pontificiis ordinarius: Rector univ. studii
Ingolstadi [MLMU I, 40, 14; Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 324
#2238]. He died in 1475.
Johannes Mair. Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 7, 14]. He held a canonry
in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Ingolstadt,
but also designated as pauper. He was the son Martin Mair, advisor
and servant of Duke Louis the Rich (1459–1479). He later served
Albert IV [Lieberich, “Gelehrten Räte,” 176].
Georgius Mair de Rat. Vienna 1453 [MUW 1452 II2 R 43].
Pauper.
Georgius Mandel de Rat. Heidelberg 1466 [MUH I, 320]. Bachelor in
arts via moderna 13 January 1469.
Petrus Margsteller. (oppidi) Ratispanensis. Erfurt 1499 [Act. Erf. vol. 1,
209, 30]. Assessed at full rate.
Houpto Marschalck de Bappenhaim. Basel 1463 and 1469 [MUB I,
40, 1; BZAR BDK 30 64v. 56A (I am grateful to Fuchs for this ref-
erence)]. He held canonries in Regensburg and Eichstätt when he
matriculated at Basel in 1463. Paid fees of 1 fl. (12 schil).
Johannes Marschalk. Leipzig 1459–62, 1468 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 182
#932: 8 July 1459; #954 20 July 1461; #957: 15 May 1462; #1029:
1 January 1468]; Erfurt 1462, 1464–65 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 188 #966:
(no date) 1462; Akt. Erf. I, 291, 24; Urk. AK., vol. 1, 189 #975: 15
March 1464; #988, 27 August 1465]. Johannes Marschalk was des-
ignated as noble, Scolasticus and canon in the Alte Kapelle when he
first appears at Leipzig in 1459: 20 February 1459 [Urk. AK., vol. 1,
181 #927: February 20 1459]. In 1463, at the age of nineteen, he
received a dispensation for incompatible benefices and the license to
hold one benefice while studying at a studium generale [Rep. Germ., vol. 8,

470, #3328]. He reappears in Regensburg in 1492 as a Regensburg

cathedral canon [Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 120;
Urk. AK., vol. 1, 273 #360: 28 April 1494].
Johannes Martl Ratisponensis. Vienna 1509 [MUW 1509 I R 85]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Casparus Meller de Rat. Vienna 1421 [MUW 1421 II R 31]. Paid fees
of 4 gr. Casparus Meller was a member of prominent Regensburg
wine-trading family. The Meller family held positions in the city coun-
cil from the middle of the fourteenth until the early fifteenth century
[Morré, “Ratsverfassung und Patriziat in Regensburg,” 89].
Georgius Meller de Rat. Prague 1400–1408 [MUP, I/1, 350, 353, 388,
401; MUP II, 1 83]. Georgius Meller earned a bachelor in arts at
Prague in 1400 and was received into the law faculty there in 1408.
Member of a prominent Regensburg family (see Casparus Meller
earlier). During the trial of Jerome of Prague, Nicholaus Czungl
refers to him as his master at Prague. He reports “quod audiverit a
magistro suo Georgio Meller, quod veniente magistro Jeronimo de
studio Parisiensi ad Pragense, nolebatur admitti, nisi prius faceret
iuramentum solitum, in quo cavetur, quod non debet quis facere et
seminare discordiam inter naciones.” [Klicman, “Processus Iudicarius
contra Jeronimum de Praga Habitus Viennae A. 1410–1412,” in
Historický Archiv vol. 12(1898), 23].
Ulricus Mersinger de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 I R 66]. Paid
fees of 2 gr.
Leonardus Mertel de Rat. Vienna 1510 [MUW 1510 I R 83]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Messer de Rat. Vienna 1492 [MUW 1492 II R 5]. He was
designated as a pauper when he matriculated at Vienna. Family
appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry.
Johannes Metempoli de Ratispona O.E.S.A. Prague 1389 [BayStB clm
8423, 285].
Hermannus Meyer de Rat. O.E.S.A. Rome 1473 [BayStB clm 8423,
332: 18 July 1473; Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-
Eremiten, vol. 3, 289]. “Fecimus cursorem fratrem Hermandum Mayar
de Ratispona cum gratiis consuetis, dantes ei locum in conventu studio
nostro Romano post alios cursores ibidem existentes.”
Petrus Mild de Rat. Vienna 1449 [MUW 1449 II R 51]. Pauper.
Eberhardus Mistelbeck. Heidelberg 1434 [MUH I 199] Vienna 1443
[MUW 1443 R 97; BZAR BDK 30 fol. 64v, 52A (I am grateful to
Franz Fuchs for this reference)]. Held a canonry in the Regensburg

294 appendix ii
cathedral at the time of his matriculation at Heidelberg. Family

appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. A Mistelbeck
appears as a citizen of Regensburg in 1460 [Gemeiner, Regensburgische
Chronik, vol. 3, 333–34].
Leonardus Model de Rat. Erfurt 1503 [Act. Erf. II 233, 42]. Assessed
at half the full rate.
Stephanus Model de Ratispona. Leipzig 1483 [MUL I 336, 12]. Paid
fees of 6 gr. He is possibly the same as Stephan Mödel, chorvikar in
the Alte Kapelle, who witnessed the promotion of Johannes Gross
rector scolarum (see earlier) in the alte Kapelle to a canonry in the same
[Urk. AK., vol. 1, 286 #1414: 27 August 1495].
Leonardus Modler de Rat. O.P Toulouse 1478 [Reichert, Registrum
litterarum, QF vol. VI, 132]. In 1476, he was assigned as lector in
Dominican convent of Schlettstadt [Reichert, Registrum litterarum, QF
vol. 6, 99]. In 1478 he was assigned to the University of Toulouse,
“Fr Leonardus Modler conv. Ratisponensis fuit assign. in senten-
ciarum ordinarium schole s. Stephani universitatis Tholosane.” In
1480, he attained the licenciate in theology “Fr. Leonardus Modler
conv. Ratisponensis qui fecti cursum suum et legit sentencias Tholose,
habuit licenciam sumendi insignia magistralia in dicta universitate
Tholosana.” [Reichert, Registrum litterarum, QF vol. VI, 150]. 17
June 1481 he was assigned as confessor to the sisters of Nuremberg
[Reichert, Registrum litterarum, QF vol. 7, 6]. 28 December 1481 he
was assigned as vicar to reform the convent of Bozanensis (Posen?)
“propter ruinam conventus.” [Reichert, Registrum litterarum, QF vol. 7, 13].
12 March 1482 Modler “qui ex falsis informacionibus fuit factus vicarius
Bozanensis . . . revocatus et absolutus ab officio vicariatus . . . .” He was ordered
to leave within two days, “sub pena carceris.” [Reichert, QF vol. 7, 17].
On 14 December 1483, he was granted permission to make a pil-
grimage to Jerusalem. By 1490 Modler had returned to Regensburg
[BayHstA, H. Lieberich, “Regensburg Dominikaner, Predigerkloster
Sankt Blasius,” #189 10 May 1490].
Augustinus Molitoris O.E.S.A. England, Paris, Vienna. Augustinus
Molitoris was born in Ingolstadt 1462/63 and entered the Augustinian
Order in his home city. He first appears in Vienna in 1500 as a doc-
tor of theology. Paid fees of ½ fl [MUW 1500 II R 1]. In 1501, he
was received into the faculty of theology in Vienna, “afferet litteras
testimoniales ex studio Parisiensi, ubi se adeptum fuisse magisterium asseruit.”
[Uiblein, AFT, 376–77]. According to Hemmerle he aslo served as
a confessor in the Imperial court and died in 1517 [ J. Hemmerle,

Die Klöster der Augustinereremiten, 159]. He may be the same Augustinus

de Rat. who served as cursor and lector in Regensburg 1486 and
1487 [Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3,
290]. He served as Provinzial of Bavaria 1501– 04, 1505– 09, and
Prior in Vienna, 1505–14(?) [Uiblein, AFT, 676; Rennhofer, Die
Augustiner-Eremiten in Wien: ein Beitrag zur Kulturgeschichte Wiens, 110 f.;
Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 6, 9–14, 16,
100, 366]. Compare also [AA. vol. VII (1917–18), 363]. For the year
1487 “Acceptavimus pro lectore fratrem Augustinum de Ratispona,
et locavimus ipsum in studio Viennensi concendentes eiquod posset
stare Florente pro ista heyme pro cursore et per montem ante quam
recederet posset sub regente recipere gradum lectoratus.”
Johannes Molitoris de Rat. Vienna 1401 [MUW 1401 I R 65]. Paid
fees of 2 gr.
Nicolaus Molitoris de Rat. Vienna 1443 [MUW 1443 I R 19]. Paid fees
of 4 gr. at time of matriculation at Vienna. He is possibly same as
Nicolaus de Ratispona and Nicolaus Molitoris (see later).
Nicolaus Molitoris de Ratispona. Vienna 1451–52? [MUW 1443 I R
19] Vienna 1454–72 [K. Schrauf, AFM, vol. 2, 119, 212; MUW II,1,
94, 119] Ingolstadt 1473–78 [MLMU I, 44, 17]. Possibly the same
as Nicolaus Molitoris (earlier) who received his B.A. in 1451 and
M.A. in 1452. He studied medicine at Vienna from 1454 to 1463
[K. Schrauf, AFM, vol. 2, 119, 212]. In 1464, he lectured in the
medical faculty in Vienna; served as dean in 1466, 1468, and 1472,
and as rector in 1466, and 1470 [MUW II, 1, 94, 119]. In 1470, he
was installed as rector of the parish church of Ybbs [Uiblein, AFT,
vol. 2, 687]. Three years later Duke Louis the Rich brought him to
Ingolstadt. In 1475, he served as rector in Ingolstadt, and in 1478,
he appears as dean of the medical faculty there [Boehm, ed., Bio-
Lex Ingol., 329–330; Uiblein, AFT, 687]. Also served as proctor for
the nation of the Rhein at Vienna in 1460 and 1464 [ J. Aschbach,
Geschichte der Wiener Universität, 594, 95].
Nicolaus Molitoris von Weissenbirg dioc. Speyer. Heidelberg 1504
[Urk. AK., vol. 1, 318 #1554: 28 December 1504; MUH I 448. 9
June 1503]. Nicolaus Molitoris Diocese of Speyer. Canon in the
Alte Kapelle. Provided a letter to the chapter testifying to his good
progress at Heidelberg.
Nicolaus Molitoris de Sultzbach. Ingolstadt 1517 [MLMU I, 410, 20].
Clericus Ratisponensis.

296 appendix ii
Wolfgangus Molitoris. Ingolstadt 1474 [MLMU I, 53, 38]. Monk from

the Benedictine monastery of Prüfening.
Conradus Moser de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 II R 36]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Sebastianus Moshaimer ex Rat. Vienna 1515 [MUW 1515 II R 61].
Nicolaus Mosser (Moeser) de Ratispana. Leipzig 1492 [MUL I, 388,
Johannes Mostel de Rat. Vienna 1505 [MUW 1505 I R 48]. Paid fees
of 29 den.
Stephanus Möstel de Rat. Vienna 1488 [MUW 1488 II R 58]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Casparus Muldorffer de Ratispana. Basel 1492 [MUB I, 223]. Regens-
burg patrician family. Paid fees of 6 schillings. He was perhaps related
to Georg Muhldorffer Regensburg Rattsherr, 1492 [P. Urbanek,
Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und Bürgerinnen, 225; Gemeiner,
Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 694, 802; StAR Cam.19a fol. 182r].
Gregorius Muldorffer. Leipzig 1457 [MUL I,209, B 17]. Regensburg
patrician family. Paid fees of 10 gr. See Casparus Muldorffer.
Johannes Muldorffer (Muelldorffer). Ingolstadt 1492 [MLMU I, 218,
12]. Regensburg patrician family. Paid fees of 6 gr. See Casparus
Muldorffer.
Michael Muldorffer de Rat. Vienna 1443 [MUW 1443 II R 34]. Regens-
burg patrician family. Paid fees of 4 gr. See Casparus Muldorffer.
Ulricus Muldorffer de Rat. Vienna 1413 [MUW 1413 II R 43]. Regens-
burg patrician family. Paid fees of 4 gr. Canon in the Alte Kapelle
by 18 December 1417. Dean of the Alte Kapelle by 1421 [Urk. AK.,
vol. 1, 124 #671: 7 May 1421]. Died before 10 December 1422 at
which time he still held a prebend in the Alte Kapelle [Rep. Germ.
vol. 4, 2, 1976]. See Casparus Muldorffer.
Johannes Mulhofer Ratisponensis. Vienna 1504 [MUW 1504 I R 57].
Paid fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Multaler de Ratispona. Leipzig 1440 [MUL I 129, B 27].
Paid fees of 10 gr.
Leonardus Munchmeyer. Leipzig 1510 [MUL I 503, B 108]. Paid fees
of 6 gr.
Johannes de Munnerstat O.P. Cologne 1425 [MUK III, 6, ntr.264]. In
1425 Johannes de Munnerstat appears in Cologne as a bachelor in
theology. From 1426 to 1427, he served as Sententias in Köln. From
1427 to 1430 he is called prof. theologiae and cathedral preacher in

Würzburg. In 1438, served as prior of the Regensburg Dominicans.

In 1440, transferred to Nuremberg. Wrote a Latin/German refer-
ence work [BayStB clm 13571 fol. 65–75 inc. “Abstractam gefronet”;
VL, 6: 779–80]. In 1440, a Hanns de Mynnerstadt delivered two
sermons in Nuremberg [K. Schneider, Die deutschen mittelalterlichen
Handschriften, 165.
Johannes Murman (Morman) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1483 [MUL II, 71].
Doctor Johannes Morman admitted into the faculty of medicine.
Johannes Murman de Ratipona. Leipzig 1425–1474 [Urk. AK., vol. 1,
186 #950, 9 April 1461]. He was not from Regensburg only becom-
ing associated with the Alte Kapelle late in his career. Perhaps he
is the same as the Johannes Murman active in Leipzig from 1425
to 1474 [MUL I, 87, B 33; MUL II, 10]. Matriculated 1425. Paid
fees of 6 gr. Bacc. S 1427 [MUL II, 106] Magister 1440 [MUL II,
135] cursor 1443 [MUL II, 5] dean in the arts faculty 1444 [MUL I,
134]. Read sentences 1445 [MUL II, 6], rector 1450 [MUL I, 169].
Licentiate in theology 1450 [MUL II, 6. See also MUL II, 7–10,
133–34, 136, 138–39, 141, 141–45, 147–52]. Before 1443, known
only as J. Murman de Bayreute; by 1443, he was called Johannes
Murman de Berreut alias de Ratispona, and by the end of career
he was known only as Ratispona. Perhaps it was during this time
(between 1440 and 1443) that he became associated with the Alte
Kapelle in Regensburg. In 1460, the canons of the Alte Kapelle
received a “zeugnis’ from Leipzig regarding a magister Johannes
Murman. Johannes Murman also authored a reply to a sermon by
Johannes Preen O.E.S.A., which found its way into the library of
St. Emmeram [BayStB clm 14127, fol. 105–114].
Emmeramus Mynxmair de Rat. Ingolstadt 1506 [MLMU I, 310, 41].
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Johannes Nesseltal de Ratispona. Leipzig 1512 [MUL I 517]. Pauper.
Leonardus Neysinger de Rat. Vienna 1518 [MUW 1518 I R 61]. Paid
fees of 43 den.
Johannes Niderwirt de Eckenfelden. Ingolstadt 1518 [MLMU I, 420,13].
Clericus Ratisponensis. Paid fees of 6 gr.
Georgius Nigri O.P. Ingolstadt 1478 [MLMU I, 84, 23]. He was lec-
tor in the Regensburg Franciscan convent when he matriculated at
Ingolstadt. He was the Brother of Johannes and Petrus Nigri.
Johannes Nigri (Schwarz) O.P. Ingolstadt 1475 [Kraus, Dominikanerklosters
St. Blasius, 1966: 165]. He was prior of Regensburg and sacre pagine
humilis professor, by 1476. That same year the Regensburg Dominicans

298 appendix ii
received forty-three Hebrew manuscripts [MBK, IV, 1 459–60]. He

was the Brother of Petrus and Georgius Nigri [For Petrus Nigri; see
VL 6, 1008–1013]. He wrote both sermons and theolgoical treatises
[BayStB clm 26801; BayStB clm 26834; BayStB clm 26835]. Johannes
Nigri enjoyed particularly close ties to the city of Regensburg and
was instrumental in reforming the convent with the city’s support.
When he journeyed to Rome in 1483, he relayed a request from the
city “das man milch und smalz in der vasten ausser halb des einlegen
essen mo(e)cht” [StAR Cam19 150r].
Georgius Nothafft. Padua 1466–67 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 2: 530, 555,
688]. Geogiius Nothafft was a member of a noble family with long-
standing ties to Regensburg. Witness to the promotion of Achacius
Mornawer de Landshut 3 July 1466 along with Ulricus de Alben
can. Passau, Andreas Liechtemberger, and Leonardus Rantsorffer
[Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 2: 530]. Georgius Nothafft “can. in Pfaffum
minister, i can. schol.” was witness to the promotion of Benedictus
Fueger as doctor in canon Law [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 2: 688]. He
is possibly the same as Georg Nothafft active in Regensburg during
the 1480s [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 641]. He is also
likely the same as the Regensburg cathedral canon Georg Nothafft,
who was party, along with the rest of the chapter, to a complaint to
the papal curia against the abbot of St. Emmeram and the dean of
the Alte Kapelle “wegen verletzung der Geistlichen Gerichtbarkeit.”
[Urk. AK., vol. 1, 273 #1360: 28 April 1492].
Georgius Nothafft. Ingolstadt 1480 [R. C. Schwinges, Universitätsbesucher,
358]. Bachelor in arts Winter semester 1480. Possibly same as
Georgius Nothaft (earlier).
Wolfgangus Nothafft (Noithafft) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1485 [MUL I,350,
30]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Noble.
Achatius Notscherff Ratisbonensis. Ingolstadt 1487 [MLMU I, 174,
33]. Paid fees of 1 fl. Achatius Notscherff 197r. was a member of a
Regensburg patrician family that held a number of offices in the
fifteenth century. A Hanns Notscherf served as city treasurer in 1478
[StAR.Cam.17 197r ].
Augustinus Notscherff de Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 [MLMU I, 94, 41].
Leonardus Nyderhöfer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1482 [MUL I 329, 29].
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Johannes Nydermayer de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 I R 142].
Family appears frequently amoung the citizenry of Regensburg.

He was designated as a pauper when he matriculated at Vienna in

1451.
Johannes Nydermayer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1514 [MUL I 531, B15].
Regensburg.
Thomas Nydermayer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1465 [MUL I 251, B88].
Regensburg.
Gregorius Obermair Ratisponensis. Ingolstadt 1512 [MLMU I, 349,
30]. Paid fees of 64 den.
Johannes Oberndorffer de Ratisbona. O.E.S.A. Vienna 1494. Johannes
Oberndorffer served as prior of Regensburg and provincial of Bavaria
(1498–1501) [Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten,
vol. 3, 239]. He is often credited with writing a Breviloquium de vir-
tutibus principum et philosophorum antiquorum as well as Loci communes de
virtutibus et vitiis. The latter according to Zumkeller is spurious and
the former dubious [Zumkeller, Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des
Augustiner-Eremitenordens, 254–255].
Andreas Öchsl de Rat. Vienna 1486 [MUW 1486 II1 R 3]. Paid fees
of 4 gr.
Johannes Öchsl (Ächsl). Vienna 1486 [MUW 1486 II2 R 3]. Paid fees
of 4 gr.
Otto Offensteten. Bologna 1353 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 385
#2627]. Held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral. In 1353 he
served as proctor of the German nation. He matriculated at Bologna
with his brother Ortolfus, canon and dean in the cathedral church
of Salzburg. By 1363 he was also rector of Iring.
Petrus Olm de Rat. Heidelberg 1515 [MUH I 498; Urk. AK., I, #1765:
3 September 1516]. Bachelor in arts via antiqua 20 May 1516.
Michael Oresl de Rat. Vienna 1465 [MUW 1465 I R 39]. Paid fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Österreicher de Rat. Vienna 1445 [MUW 1445 I R 21].
Paid fees of 4 gr.
Thomas Österreicher de Ratispana. Vienna 1502 [MUW 1502 II R
Johannes Pachmair de Rat. Vienna 1515 [MUW 1515 II R 62];
Ingolstadt 1516 [MLMU I, 398, 27]. Paid fees of 29 den. at Vienna
and 48 den. at Ingolstadt. Family appears frequently among the
citizenry of Regensburg.
Johannes Pair ex Ratispana. Vienna 1515 [MUW 1515 II R 31]. Paid
fees of 29 den. A Hans Pair “Doctor in Ertzney,” aus Eger was

300 appendix ii
received as a citizen of Regensburg in 1477 [P. Urbanek, Wappen

und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und Bürgerinnen, 73].
Conradus Pairreuter ex Ratisbona. Vienna 1478 [MUW 1478 I R 50].
Paid fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the citizenry
of Regensburg [P. Urbanek, Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und
Bürgerinnen, 73]. Possibly the same as the priest Conradus Parreweter
who witnessed Ulrich Flennderl’s reception of a benefice resigned by
Casparus Tucher [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 266 #1328: 25 February 1490].
Stephanus Palgler de Rat. Vienna 1493 [MUW 1493 I R 92]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Pamer de Hembaw. Ingolstadt 1517 [MLMU I, 409, 11]. At
the time of his matriculation he is called clericus in Regensburg. Paid
fees of 48 den.
Georgius Panas de Rat. Vienna 1469 [MUW 1469 I R 132]. Paid fees
of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry.
In 1428, a vineyard once owned by Ulrich der Panas citizen of
Regensburg became the object of a dispute [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 133
#707: 10 August 1428].
Michael Pancz de Rat. Vienna 1453 [MUW 1453 I R 83]. Paid fees
of 2 gr.
Ulricus Pancz (Pantz) de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 II R 13].
Paid fees of 3 gr.
Johannes Pansewol de Ratispona. Leipzig 1466 [MUL I 260, B25].
Paid fees of 6 gr. at time of matriculation. Family appears frequently
among the citizenry of Regensburg. During the Reichstag held in
Regensburg in 1471, a Hanns Pauswol housed sixteen horses and
sixteen men associated with the entourage of Duke Louis the Rich
of Bavaria-Landshut [Wolff, ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Friedrich
III, 558, 81].
Wolfgangus Papst (Bapst) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1511 [MUL I 510, B
Fridericus Parsberger. Vienna 1400 [MUW 1400 II R 29]; Heidelberg
1405 [MUH I, 98]; Bologna 1411 [Acta Nat. Germ. Bon., 163;
Knod 397, #2716]. He may also have studied at Padua. Fridericus
Parsberger was a member of a Upper Palatinate noble family with
close ties to the city of Regensburg. Paid Fees of 12 gr. at Vienna.
Fridericus Parsberger held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral
when he matriculated at Vienna with his brother Georgius Parsberger
canon of Freising. He was again accompanied by Georgius at
Heidelberg and Bologna. At Bologna in 1411, he paid fees of 20

sol. the highest paid that year. By 1414, he was scolasticus and held
numerous other benefices including a prebend in Freising, expecta-
tions in the dioceses of Bamberg and Augsburg, and the parish
church of Ornastorff in the diocese of Passau [RegBoic XII, 165].
Engaged in lengthy litigation over the office of scolasticus. By 1420,
he held a canonry in Eichstätt, and by 1423, he was dean of the
cathedral in Regensburg. In that same year, he became rector of
Pilzing in the diocese of Regensburg, for which he later received a
dispensation to retain for life [Rep. Germ., vol. 3, 121; RegBoic XII,
350]. In 1429, he was instrumental in writing new regulations gov-
erning the election of the bishop. In 1429 and 1431, he served as
papal collector. [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 397]. By 1434,
he was cathedral povost and served as bishop of Regensburg from
1437 until his death in 1449. Fridericus also participated in the
councils of Constance and Basel. According to the historian and
canon of St. Mang, Andreas von Regensburg, Fridericus presented
a treatise to the Council of Constance arguing that the power of the
Council was superior to that of the Pope [Andreas von Regensburg,
Sämtliche Werke, 278–83]. In this treatise Fridericus Parsberger men-
tions the opinion of Francesco Zabarella professor of canon law at
Padua (later Cardinal Florentinus). This reference has been taken
by some to suggest that he also attended that university (both Georg
Leidinger and more recently Karl Hausberger have made that asser-
tion) [Gatz and Brodkorb, Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, 517 f.]
Fridericus, however, does not appear in the published records of the
university. According to Andreas von Regensburg he had attained the
academic rank of licenciate in canon law by this time. He appears
at Basel on several occasions [Haller et al., eds., Conc. Basil. vol. 2,
47.] See also [Gatz and Brodkorb, Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen
Reiches, 517–518].
Henricus Parsberger. Vienna 1436 [MUW 1436 II R 2]; Leipzig 1442
[Deutsch, 390]; Padua 1441, 45 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 1, 2: 1496, 1924].
Henricus was the nephew of Fridericus Parsberger (earlier) Bishop of
Regensburg (1437–1449) and cousin of Henricus Absperger, bishop
of Regensburg 1465–92. Henricus Parsberger studied with his cousin
at Padua in 1441. He paid fees of 4 sol. at Vienna. He was already a
cathedral canon in Regensburg before 1436 and Scolasticus by 1441.
He witnessed the promotion of Georgius Hohenloch to the licenti-
ate in canon law along with Baltasar Fürstenecker, and Henricus
Absperger [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 1, 2: 1496]. In 1451, he was involved,

302 appendix ii
along with the cathdral canon Ulricus Part, Andreas Freudemberger,

and Leonardus Platner, in the killing of Paul Haider, a servant of
Paulstorffer family. All four of the accused had studied in Vienna.
Platner and Freudemberger matriculated there together in 1448
(see Platner, Freudemberger), and Part and Parsberger matriculated
at Vienna in 1436 and 1439 respectively. Although it is not clear
that Part and Parsberger overlapped at Vienna, they certainly did
at Padua where they both appear in the 1445–46 school year. The
case was taken to the papal legate, Nicholas of Cusa, who ordered
the four banned for life from the city of Regensburg. Ulricus Part,
who seems to have been the one who actually killed Haider, was
required to undertake a pilgimage to Rome, donate 30 rhein. guld.
in the name of the victim, and live out his exile in the monastery
of Tegernsee. In the end, the sentence was softened to five years
banishment for Platner, Freudemberger, and Parsberger, and Part
also eventually returned to the city [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik,
vol. 3, 190–95]. As part of his penance, Henricus Parsberger estab-
lished a benefice in the altar of the Mother of God in Ganacker.
By 1456, he returned to the city, and three years later, he appears
for the first time as judge ordinary in the cathedral court [Deutsch,
Ehegerichtsbarkeit in Bistum Regensburg, 390–91]. Henricus Parsberger
remained active in the cathedral chapter and died 12 May 1499
as canon, scolasticus, and dean [StBR Signatur Rat.ep.409: Roman
Zirngibl, Epitaphien im Dom, in St. Emmeram, in Nieder-Ober-Münster, bei
den Minoriten und Augustinern (1785), 46].
Leonardus Part (Barth) de Rat. Vienna 1518 [MUW 1518 I R 79].
Ulricus Part (Barth, Baerd) de Monaco. Vienna 1439 [MUW 1439 I R
8] Padua 1444–47 [Acta Grad.Pat. I, 2: 1778, 1816, 2086, 2093, 2133].
Held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at
Vienna and paid fees of 4 sol. He was a member of a Munich patri-
cian family. At Padua in 1446 he was promoted to licenciate in canon
law [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 1, 2: 2133]. In addition to his canonry in
Regensburg he was also provost in Spalt [Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen
Mc 63, fol. 238r: Hedwig Röckelein, Die lateinischen Handschriften der
Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen, pt. 1, 175]. In 1451 he was banished
for his part in the murder of a certain Paul Haider. For details of
banishment, see Henricus Parsberger (earlier). The banishment was
ultimately reduced, and he returned to Regensburg. He was the
author of several works including a humanist influenced speech

praising the Piccolomini family [C. Märtl, Fuchs, “Literarisches und

geistiges Leben im 15. Jahrhundert,” in Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg,
914. The speech is edited in Wolff, ed., Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter
Kaiser Fridericus III., 692–700. See also V. Redlich, Tegernsee in der
deutsche Geistesgeschichte des 15. Jahrhunderts, 43]. A version of the
speech survives in the Staatsbibliothek in Munich [BayStB clm
14125 fol. 216; Wunderle, 329]. He held a house in Regensburg on
Scheftnerstrasse for which he paid an annual rent of four pounds
to the chapter. The house was located “in acie ubi de dicta platea
Schefftnerstrass est transitus ad prostibulum . . .” (Mayer adds the
follwoing note “ad montem nimirum puellarum” as an explanation
for ad prostibulum). For the dating of this reference see Georgius
Kynsberger (earlier) [Mayer, Thesaurus Novus, vol. 3, 30]. Died 9 July
1487, epitaph in the Regensburg cathedral [Freytag and Hecht, eds.,
“Die Grabdenkmäler des Regensburg Domes,” 83].
Johannes Pauli de Adorff Ratisponensis. Krakow 1499 [Crac. Album
Stud. 2, 1, 136].
Georgius Paulstorffer. Ingolstadt 1474 [MLMU I, 1474, 46, 11]. Held
a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at
Ingolstadt. He was a member of knightly family (miles) with close ties
to Regensburg. At his death in 1500, he is called scolasticus of the
cathedral and plebanus of Obermünster. He was also a great friend and
patron of the Regensburg Franciscans [MGH Anitquitates Necr. vol. 3,
251–52: April 19]. He left a bequest to fund a monument in the
cathedral in remembrance of the abandonment of Christ [Freytag
and Hecht, eds., “Die Grabdenkmäler des Regensburg Domes,” 83].
For the relationship between the Paulstorffers and the Franciscans, see
A. Hilz, Minderbrüder von S. Salvator in Regensburg, 216–221. In 1502, the
Franciscans remembered another Paulstorffer “Anno domini milesimo
quingentesimo et secundo dominica post Egidi obiit nobilis et genero-
sus dominus Erasmus [Paulstorf ] de castro Kürn magnus et singularis
amicus fratrum quia cum illis educatus . . .” [Primbs, 283].
Lupoldus Paulstorffer. Heidelberg 1407 [MUH I, 105]. Lupoldus
Paulstorffer held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he
matriculated at Heidelberg. He was a member of a knightly family
(miles) with close ties to Regensburg. He exchanged the church of
Ötzingen for Taufkirchen in 1422 also held the rectorship of St.
Rupert in Regensburg at his death in 1427 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 3655].
Michael Paur de Rat. Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 11, 43]. A Michael
Paur appears as chaplain to the altar of St. Luke in the Alte Kapelle

304 appendix ii
in 1468 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 201 #1034: 28 May 1468] and again in
1471 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 207 #1062: 27 April 1471]. Family appears
frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg.
Andreas Pawe de Rat. Vienna 1488 [MUW 1488 I R 77]. Pauper.
Johannes Pawndler ex Rat. Vienna 1478 [MUW 1478 I R 101].
Pauper.
Ulricus Payrstorffer. Vienna 1436 [MUW 1436 I R 92]. He held a can-
onry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Vienna
and paid fees of 1/2 tal. den. He held a house on Scheftnerstrass
for which he paid an annual rent of six pounds. Mayer suggests
that Payrstorffer should be Paulstorffer, this seems doubtful. [Mayer,
Thesaurus Novus, vol. 3, 30]. For the dating of this reference see
Georgius Kynsberger (earlier).
Johannes Peckel ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1509 [MLMU I, 329, 12]. Paid fees
of 48 den.
Johannes Pendelmair Rat. Ingolstadt 1494 [MLMU I, 221, 15]. Paid
fees of 1 gr.
Johannes Perchielschmidt de Rat. Vienna 1511 [MUW 1511 I R 54].
Pauper.
Michael Perger de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 I R 113]. Pauper.
Johannes Pergkhofer ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1484 [MLMU I, 124, 34]. De-
scribed as Dominus and paid fees of 1 gr. at time of matriculation.
Achatius Pernel de Ratispona. Leipzig 1467 [MUL I, 267, B 56]. Paid
fees of 6 gr.
Michael Pernel (Bernel) ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1513 [MLMU I, 359, 34].
Johannes Pertel de Rat. Vienna 1508 [MUW 1508 I R 62]. Paid fees
of 4 gr.
Georgius Perthold ex Ratispana. Vienna 1502 [MUW 1502 II R 38].
Johannes Pesrer de Rat. Vienna 1436 [MUW 1436 I R 20].
Sebastianus Petsoldt ex Rat. Vienna 1513 [MUW 1513 II R 44]. Paid
fees of 29 den.
Johannes Pettendorf de Rat. Cologne 1489 [MUK II, 402, 212]; Ingol-
stadt 1490 –1509 [MLMU I, 203, 27, Boehm, ed., Bio-Lex. Ingol., 307];
Ferrara 1509/10 [MLMU I, 329]; Heidelberg 1510 [MUH I 474].
Johannes was the son of Michael Pettendorf citizen of Regensburg.
He was listed as a pauper when he matriculated in arts at Cologne
in 1489. In 1490, he first appeared in Ingolstadt where he paid fees
of 1 gr. He earned his bachelor in arts in 1491, and master in arts

in 1494. He seems to have reigned in arts at Ingolstadt for some

years thereafter, however, the record is not entirely clear. 1506 he
matriculated in theology at Ingolstadt. In 1508, he began his lectures
on the Sentences and served as rector. The following year, 1509–10,
he traveled to Ferrara to complete his doctortate in theology. 1 April
1510 he appears in Heidelberg “Johannes Bettendorffer ex Ratispona,
sacre pagine doctor Ingolstat.” In 1511, he was back in Ingolstadt
as rector and was elected suffragan bishop of Würzburg a year later.
During this period, he continued to be associated with Ingolstadt
receiving an annual pension of 70 fl. In 1525, he embraced the
teachings of Luther (a marginal comment next to his name in the
Ingolstadt matriculation record notes “hereticus factus.”) In 1533,
after eight years in Nuremberg, he disappeared from the record
[Boehm, ed., Bio-Lex Ingol., 307; Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik,
vol. 4, 472].
Johannes Peyne. Prague 1375 [MUP II, 1 61]. Held a canonry in the
Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Prague in the law
faculty. Paid fees of 7 gr.
Ulricus Peytel de Rat. Vienna 1515 [MUW 1515 I R 73]. Paid fees
of 29 den.
Stephanus Pfensel de Ratispona. Leipzig 1442 [MUL I, 138, B 34].
Paid fees of 10 g.
Georgius Pflänzl de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 107]. Paid
fees of 4 gr. A Michael Pflänzl, citizen of Regensburg witnessed the
sale of a third part of a tenth to Hans Weingarttner, chaplain in
Regensburg [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 252 #1269: 28 March 1485].
Jacobus Pheffinger. Freiburg i. Br. 1512 [MUF I 202, 15]. Described
as brother of the Order of St. Benedict in Regensburg (St.
Emmeram?).
Wolfgangus Phister de Rat. Vienna 1497 [MUW 1497 I R 63]. Paid fees
of 4 gr. In 1480, a Lukas Pfister served as city treasurer [Gemeiner,
Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 274, passim]. In 1485, a Linhart Phister,
citizen of Regensburg was a member of the Regensburg inner
council [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 694]. In 1508, a
Hans Pfister worked as a printer in the city [Gemeiner, Regensburgische
Chronik, vol. 4, 135].
Georgius Piburger. Ingolstadt 1490 [MLMU I, 208, 35]. Paid fees of 6
gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Family
fortunes appear to have peaked in the mid-fourteenth century, after
which the Piburgers begin to disappear from the records. Between

306 appendix ii
1330 and 1369, seals of five different Piburgers appear in the records,
none after 1369 [P. Urbanek, Wappen und Siegel Regensburg Bürger und
Bürgerinnen, 80].
Petrus Piburger (Pyberger) de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 II R 44].
citizenry.
Martinus Pirker. Bologna 1419–24 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna,
408 #2791]. He held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral and
paid fees of 1 fl. In 1424 he appears as doctor in canon law [Knod,
Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 408].
Georgius Pistoris de Ratispona. Leipzig 1442 [MUL I, 138, B 35]. Paid
fees of 10 gr.
Johannes Pistoris Ratisbonensis. Ingolstadt 1519 [MLMU I, 433, 43].
Johannes de Plankenfels. Vienna 1447 [MUW 1447 I R 160]; Leipzig
1451 [MUL I, 173, B 26]. The noble-born Johannes de Plankenfels
held a canonry in the Regensburg Cathedral when he matriculated
at Vienna. He paid fees of 10 gr. at Leipzig and 1 fl. at Vienna.
Georgius Platernberger de Rat. Vienna 1479 [MUW 1479 I R 10]. Paid
fees of 4 gr. By the 1470’s the Planternbergs were well-established in
Regensburg. In 1472, a Conrad Platerberger appears as Stadtschreiber
in Regensburg [Engelke, Eyn Grosz alts Statpuech, 384–85 #691]
and a Johannes Platernberger was a member of the Regensburg
Dominicans in 1490 [BayHstA KU Dominikaner Regensburg, 189:
10 May 1490]. The family was orginally from Nuremberg, where
two Johannes Platterbergers served as city scribes in the mid-fifteenth
century. The younger Johannes compiled a two volume Deutsche
Weltchronik [VL 7, 725–728].
Leonardus Platner de Rat. Vienna 1448 [MUW 1448 II R 8]. Paid fees
For his part in the murder of Paul Haider, see Henricus Parsberger.
Wolfgangus Pleben de Ratispona. Leipzig 1510 [MUL I, 503, B 107].
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Erasmus Plechsmid Ratisponensis. Ingolstadt 1501 [MLMU I, 290, 13].
Paid fees of 64 den. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg
citizenry. A magister Gregor Plechsmid served as proctor in the
Regensburg consistory in 1487 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 259 #1303: 16 October
1487] still 1491 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 425 # 2013: 10 January 1491].
Johannes Pöllinger de Sultzpach. Ingolstadt 1517 [MLMU I, 404, 28].
Regensburg cleric paid fees of 48 den.

Henricus Pogner de Rat. Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 24, 15].

Johannes Pogner de Rat. Vienna 1458 [MUW 1458 I R 33]. Paid fees
of 2 gr. In 1469, a Hanns Pogner citizen of Regensburg witnessed a
property transaction [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 203 #1040: 11 April 1469].
Portner. The Portners, who built their fortune as wine and cloth
merchants, were extremely active in the governing of Regensburg
throughout the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. They included
members of the inner council, ambassadors, and, by the end of the
fifteenth century, a mayor. One of the few patrician families to sur-
vive the political turmoil of the late fifteenth century, they remained
prominent well into the early modern period [A. Schmid, “Vom
Höhepunkt zur Krise die politische Entwicklung 1245–1500,” in
Peter Schmid ed., Geschichte der Stadt Regensburg, vol. 1, 209].
Henricus Portner Ratisponensis. Ingolstadt 1488 [MLMU I, 182, 34].
Minor. Paid fees of 12 gr.
Georgius ( Jeorius) Portnerr ex Rat. Heidelberg 1495 [MUH I, 416].
He is possibly the same as Georg Portner, canon of the Alte Kapelle,
who was admitted to the chapter on 26 September 1506 [Urk. AK.,
I #1577]. In 1512 he took possession of a house formerly held by
Paul Menndl [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 347 #1684: 2 June 1512]. He was
still alive in 1517 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 366 #1776].
Georgius Portner (Partner) ex Rat. Vienna 1501 [MUW 1501 II R 48].
Paid fees of 29 den. Same as Georgius (earlier)?
Johannes Portner Ratisbonensis. Ingolstadt 1488 [MLMU I, 182,
23]. Paid fees of 12 gr. He is possibly the same as Hans Portner
Regensburg Ratsherr who represented the city at the Reichstag in
Worms following the destruction of the Jewish community in 1519
[L. Theobald, Reformationsgeschichte der Reichsstadt Regensburg, 48]. A
Hans Portner was buried in St. Emmeram, died 153? [Freytag, “Ein
Grabmälerverzeichnis von St Emmeram in Regensburg,” 33].
Leonardus Portner de Rat. Ingolstadt 1476 [MLMU I, 64, 31]. He was
the son of the Leonardus Portner who served as mayor in 1478 and
city treasurer in 1489. He had four brothers Wolfgangus (later), Petrus,
Johannes and Henricus [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit des Bistum Regensburg,
413; Ried II, 1056, #1079 and #1129; Gemeiner, Regensburgische
Chronik, vol. 3, 566 f., 692, passim]. The elder Leonardus Portner
traveled frequently on behalf of the city of Regensburg [Koller and
Heinig, Regesten Kaiser Friedrichs III., Heft. 15: 282, 397, 459].
Wolfgangus Portner de Rat. Ingolstadt 1476 [MLMU I, 64, 30] Padua
1484–1488 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 4: 894; 5, 1256, 1303]. He was

308 appendix ii
the brother of Leonardus, Henricus, Petrus and Johannes Portner

and the son of Leonardus Portner. (see earlier). He matriculated
in 1476 at Ingolstadt along with his brother Leonardus Portner.
Wolfgangus first appears as a student of civil law in Padua in 1484,
when he witnessed the promotion of fellow Regensburger Johannes
Schmidner as licenciate in civil law. In 1488, Wolfgangus Portner was
awarded the licentiate in both canon and civil law. In 1496, he served
as proctor for Johannes Menndl von Stainfels along with Heinrich
Schönsleben and Johannes Velber. By this time he was also a canon
in the Regensburg cathedral [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 289 #1428: 16 August
1496]. From 1496 to 1517, he served as Tabellio and Scriba Iuratus in
the Regensburg consistory [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 303 #1492, 18 October
1501; Deutsch, 413] a position he still held in 1517 [Urk. AK. #I, 366
#1776: 24 June 1517]. Wolfgangus died 15 August 1518. He was
buried in the family crypt in the Regensburg cathedral and placed
in same tomb as Leonardus Portner and his wife Anna [Freytag and
Hecht, eds., “Die Grabdenkmäler des Regensburg Domes.” Blätter
des Bayerischen Landesvereins für Familienkunde, 11 (1933), 37; Deutsch,
Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg (1480 –1538), (Köln/Weimar/
Wien: Böhlau, 2005), 412–413].
Johannes Potensteter de Rat. Vienna 1493 [MUW 1493 I R 75]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Ulricus Pott de Ratispona. Vienna, 1478 [MUW 1478 II R 33].
Pauper.
Hermann Pötzlinger (Poczlinger) de Bereud. Vienna 1436, 1439
[MUW 1436 I R 73] Leipzig 1456 [MUL I, 203, B 4]. Probably the
same as Hermannus de Päczinlinger de Perewtt who matriculated in
the arts at Vienna in 1436. He held a bachelor in arts by 1439 [I. F.
Rumbold, “The library of Hermann Pötzlinger,” 331. See also I. F.
Rumbold, “The Compilation and Ownership of the ‘St. Emmeram’
Codexes,” 207–208]. He paid fees of 10 gr. when he matriculated
in 1436. His connection with the monastery of St. Emmeram is
evident as early as 1448 when he copied a matyrology for the mon-
astery [MBK vol., 4, 1, 119; BayStB clm 14810, fol. 106v]. In 1450,
he witnessed the will of Ulricus Werder canon of the Alte Kapelle
as rector scolarum [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 164 #846: 15 November 1450].
In 1455, called “chorherr zu Essing und Pfarrer zu Newnhausen.”
[Urk. AK. I, 173 #886: 10 November 1455]. According to the nine-
teenth-century historian Dominicus Mettenleiter, Hermann Pötzlinger
signed a contract for a loan (as rector scolarum) in 1453; unfortu-

nately, he provides no reference [Mettenleiter, Aus der Musikalischen

Vergangenheit bayerischer Städte Musikgeschichte der Stadt Regensburg, 137].
In 1456, Hermann Pötzlinger resigned his position as schoolmas-
ter and accompanied several sons of the Regensburg patriciate to
Leipzig (Paul Caspender, Jeronimus Leskircher, Sigismundus Lohener,
and Ulricus Magenst all matriculated at Leipzig in 1456) [Fuchs,
“Erkenntnisfortschritte durch Handschriftenkatalogisierung,” 12]; He
returned to Regensburg, and in 1460, he entered the confraternity
of St. Wolfgang [Rumbold, Library of Hermann Pötzlinger, 331]. He
does not appear to have returned to his position as schoolmaster
[Fuchs, “Erkenntnisfortschritte durch Handschriftenkatalogisierung,”
12]. Pötzlinger copied or glossed a number of works for the library
including the Ethics of Artistotle, the Sentences of Peter Lombard,
and portions of Juvenal. At the time of his death in 1469, he was
rector of Gebenbach and owned a house next to the school of St.
Emmeram. In 1459, he made a sizable bequest of books and cash to
the monastery “pro quibus et aliis bonis nobis ascriptis sibi dedimus
precaria” [BayHstA, KU St. Emmeram Regensburg: 23 February
1459. Quoted in Fuchs, “Erkenntnisfortschritte durch Handschriften-
katalogisierung,” 11. See also MBK vol. 4, 1, 119].
Simpertus Prawn. Ingolstadt 1493 [MLMU I, 221, 13]. Canon in the
Alte Kapelle paid fees of 1 fl. From Augsburg [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 272
#1353: 18 December 1491].
Sixtus de Preising. Ingolstadt 1497 [MLMU I, 263, 24]. The noble-born
Sixtus Presing held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral from at
least 1490. When he matriculated at Ingolstadt he paid fees of 1 fl.
In 1517, he paid 12 fl. to the chapter for his house [Mayer, Thesaurus
Novus, vol. 3, 26]. Served as Iudex Ordinarius in 1517 [Schottenloher,
Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, 33]. In 1517, he was also rector of the church
of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Sall. From 1515 to 1528, he appears as
iudex surrogatus. In 1520 to 1523, he was vicar general of the Bishop
of Regensburg, at which time he received a benefice in the diocese
of Fresing. He was also plebanus in Oberndietfurt by 1523. He died
in 1533 as imperial chaplain and dean in the Regensburg Cathedral.
Epitaph in cathedral “Anno domini 1533 die 21 mensis Novembris
obiit venerabilis et nobilis dominus Sixtus de Preysing, senior et impe-
rialis cappellanus in ecclsia Ratisponensis, cuius anima requiescat in
pace [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 397–98].
Gangolfus Prennberger Rat. Ingolstadt 1496 [MLMU I, 54, 10]. Paid
fees of 48 den.

310 appendix ii
Anselmus Prenner Ratisbonensis. Vienna 1517 [MUW 1517 II R 66].

Fridericus Prenner de Rat. Vienna 1391–93 [MUW 1391 I R 12];
Prague 1405 [MUP II 82]. When he matriculated at Vienna he paid
fees of 2 gr. He was awarded a bachelor in arts degree at Vienna on
12 January 1393 [Uiblein, AFA, 83]. In 1405 he began his law studies
at Prague [MUP II 82]. He returned to Vienna in the faculty of law
in 1414 [Uiblein, AFA, 435]. In 1405, he was plebe in Niederhausen,
and later rector of St. Paul in Passau. He was possibly a member
of the Regensburg patrician family of the same name. In 1381, a
Siegfried Prenner served on the inner council [Kohlheim, Regensburger
beinamen des 12. bis 14 Jahrhunderts, 217; Morré, “Ratsverfassung und
Patriziat in Regensburg,” 95, 105; Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik,
vol. 2, 164].
Georgius Prew ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1482 [MLMU I, 118, 42]; Vienna
1491 [MUW 1491 I R 8]. He paid fees of 6 gr. when he matriculated
at Ingolstadt and 60 den. at Vienna. He was already called magister
when he entered Vienna.
Erasmus Primbs de Rat. Ingolstadt 1507 [MLMU I, 314, 22]. He paid
fees of 6 gr. when he matriculated at Ingolstadt. In 1522 he appears
as chaplain in Niedermünster [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik,
vol. 4, 472]. He is described by Gemeiner as a friend of the humanist
Aventinus and “crypto-Lutheran”.
Hartwicus Propst de Rat. Vienna 1395 [MUW 1395 II R 5]. He suc-
cessfully petitioned to delay the payment of his fees when he entered
Vienna. He was possibly a member of the Regensburg patrician family
Super Danubio (auf Tunaw) who held the office of Regensburg city
provost for much of the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
Johannes Propst de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 204]. Paid fees
of 4 gr. He was possibly member of the Regensburg patrician family
Super Danubio (see Hartwicus Probst).
Leonardus Propst Heidelberg 1405 [MUH I 97] Vienna 1407 [MUW
1407 II R 19]. Leonardus super Danubio dictus Probst Heidelberg
1405 paid fees of 4 gr.at Vienna. He held a canonry in the Regensburg
cathedral at the time of his matriculation. [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 815].
He was deprived of a benefice in Spalt before, 27 August 1448 [Rep.
Germ., vol. 6, 216]. For his relationship with Conradus Duvel von
Hildesheim see Hildesheim, Conrad Duvel von.
Ulricus Prossinger Rat. Ingolstadt 1496 [MLMU I, 252, 11]; Ulricus
Brossinger ex Ratispona. Freiburg i. Br. 1516 [MUF, 230,25]. Ulricus

Prossinger appears as a minor in Ingolstadt where he paid fees of

84 den. He was the nephew of Ulrich Prossinger licenicate in canon
law and cathedral notary [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 417 #1984: 25 February
1482]. The elder Ulrich studied at Padua with Johannes Parsberg
and Johannes Pruckenham [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 4: 41, 82, 88, 92,
97], and was promoted as licenciate in canon law in 1472, at which
time he was associated with the diocese of Salzburg. The elder
Ulrich frequently served the city [see, for example, StAR Cam. 19.
252r.] and appears as a notary in a fragmentary charter of Pope
Pius II dated 25 September 1460 [fol. Cod. Ms. 255, München,
Universitätsbibliothek: Natalia Daniel, Gerhard Schott, Peter Zahn,
Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek
München: Die Handschriften aus der Folioreihe, pt. 2 (Wiesbaden: 1979),
10]. In 1482, the elder Ulrich Prossinger served as legal advisor to
the cathedral chapter in Regensburg appearing as “des korgerichts
gesworem tabellio” [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 417 #1984: 25 February 1482].
See also [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg 412].
Johannes Pruckenham (Prugkhay, Pernickhein, Pruckhan, Pruckhein,
Prudehay, Prughey). Vienna 1470? [MUW 1470 I A63], Padua
1472–73 [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 4: 87, 181; Urk. AK., vol. 1, 209
#1070: 1 May 1472]. Canon in the Alte Kapelle by 1463 [Urk. AK.,
vol. 1, 188 #969: 9 March 1463]. In 1466, rector of Arrach [Urk.
AK., vol. 1, 195 #1006: 17 May 1466]. The University of Padua
provided a ‘Zeugnis’ in 1472 attesting to his progress. He appears
repeatedly in the records of Padua from 1472 until 1473, when he
was promoted as a doctor of canon law [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 4: 351,
181]. His name appears frequently along with others from southern
Germany including Johannes Parsberger, rector of the law school in
Padua in 1474 to 1475, whose family had a long tradition of study
in Italy (see Parsberger earlier). In 1486, he appears as canon in
the Alte Kapelle and plebe in Arrach [Mayer, Thesaurus Novus, vol.
4, 77]. Perhaps the same as Johannes Prugker de Klaubenfurt who
matriculated at Vienna in 1470 [MUW 1470 I A63]. The notes of
a Io. Prugker who studied law in Padua in 1471 survive in München,
Universitätsbibliothek fol. Cod. Ms. 255 [Natalia Daniel, Gerhard
Schott, Peter Zahn, Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der
Universitätsbibliothek München: Die Handschriften aus der Folioreihe, pt. 2
(Wiesbaden: 1979), 4].
Erhardus Prueler de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 I R 166]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.

312 appendix ii
Sebastianus Prueler de Rat. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 37, 20].

Conradus Prui de Rat. Vienna 1411 [MUW 1411 II R 60]. Pauper.
Jeronimus Prundel de Rat. Vienna 1496 [MUW 1496 I R 118].
Conradus Pucher de Rat. Vienna 1440 [MUW 1440 I R 57]. Paid
fees of 3 gr.
Berthold Puchhauser de Rat. O.E.S.A. Vienna 1385(?), 1389(?), 91(?)
[Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 123],
Oxford 1388–1395 [BayStB clm 8423, 143, 281–82, 289; Emden, A
Biographical Register of the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500, vol. 3, 1563]
Bologna 1398–1403 [Ehrle, I più antichi statuti della Facoltà teologica
dell’università di Bologna, vol. 1, 108, 128] Vienna 1404–1415 [MUW
II 1404 R 1; Uiblein, AFT, vol. 1, 10–17, 22, 24, 29–34, 93–4, 96,
98]. Rennhofer, Kunzelmann, and Zumkeller all give slightly differ-
ent accounts of his university career. He appears to have been born
in Regensburg in 1365 and entered the Augustinian order in 1388.
According to Kunzelmann he was already a bachelor in arts at this
time, having received the degree in Vienna in 1385 [Kunzelmann,
Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 123, Kunzelmann
cites J. Aschbach, Geschichte der Wiener Universität, vol. 1, 114; see
also Uiblein, ed., AFA, 7, 8]. In May 1388, he was sent to Oxford
[BayStB clm 8423, 281–2; Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen
Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 123]. According to Kunzelmann, Berthold
returned to Vienna the next year. He points to the matriculation in
1389 of a certain Berthold of Regensburg, as well as the arguments
of Damasus Trapp that Berthold Puchhauser completed work on
BayStB clm 27034 in Vienna in 1391 [A. Kunzelmann, Geschichte
der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 123; Compare Zumkeller,
Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenordens, 92 and
Damasus Trapp, “BayStB clm 27034, Unchristened Nominalism and
Wycliffite Realism at Prague in 1381,” 324, 327; MUW 1389 I R22].
However, it is not entirely clear that the Berthold, who received his
bachelor in arts in 1385, or the one who matriculated at Vienna in
the spring of 1389 is the same as Berthold Puchhauser. The latter
seems especially unlikely given that he was still at Oxford in 1389
[BayStB clm 8423, 198; Klicman, Processus iudiciarius contra Jeronimum
de Praga habitus Viennae a. 1410–1412, in Historicky Archiv, vol. 12
(Prague, 1898); Uiblein, AFA, 501]. That the Berthold who received
his bacherlor in arts in 1385 is Berthold Puchhauser is also ques-
tionable. In February 1390, a Berthold of Regensburg “baccalarius
artium universitatis Viennensis” was received into the faculty of arts

at Prague and may in fact be the Berthold of Regensburg found in

Vienna in 1385 and/or 1389 [MUP I, 267]. Further complicating
matters is that Berthold Puchhauser was assigned to Oxford again
in 1392 and appears to have remained there for an additional three
years. Did he leave Oxford in 1389 only to return three years later?
Although it is possible that Berthold was in Vienna at some point
between 1389 and 1392—Damasus Trapp’s argument for his presence
in 1391 is clearly plausible—the appearance of a second Berthold
of Regensburg at Prague in 1390 is reason enough to be cautious
[compare Uiblein, AFA, 501]. Rennhofer has Berthold attending
Vienna in 1389, Oxford for the first time in 1392, becoming a
master shortly before 1404 “vermutlich wieder in Oxford,” with no
mention of Bologna or Berthold’s first Oxford assignment [Friedrich
Rennhofer, Die Augustiner-Eremiten in Wien, 105].
Berthold Puchhauser’s later studies at Bologna, as well as his teach-
ing career at Vienna are more clearly documented. He began his
reading of the Sentences at Bologna in 1398 and was promoted as a
master of theology in 1403 [Ehrle, I più antichi statuti della Facoltà teo-
logica dell’università di Bologna, vol. 1, 108, 128]. According to Zumkeller,
Puchhaauser’s Sentences commentary was little more than a reca-
pitulation of fellow Augustinian John of Hiltalingen’s earlier work
[Zumkeller, “Die Augustinerschule des Mittelalters,” AA 27 (1964),
241]. It is nearly certain that the Berthold Puchhauser is the same
as “lesmaister perchtolt in der chappel” who received twelve hungar-
ian gulden “daz er maister solt werden” in 1401 and an additional
1 lb in 1403–04 “damit man in geert hat da er von Rom cham und
da er maister ward” [StAR Cam. 6 fol. 20r, 85v]; A lesemaister von der
Chapel also received ½ from the city in 1394 [StAR Cam. 03. fol.
72r]. The term chappel was frequently employed as shorthand for the
Augustinian convent that was located in “unseres herrn chappell.” See,
for example, [MB 53, 394 #703, 13 July 1333 and 394 #804, 10
May 1338, passim]. He was active in the theology faculty at Vienna
from 1404 to 1415 and served as dean on several occasions during
those years [Uiblein, AFT, vol. 1, 11, 94]. In addition to his teaching
career, he was also active as a theologian, preacher, and administrator
of his order. In 1418, Berthold was elected as provincial of Bavaria
and served in that capacity several times thereafter [Kunzelmann,
Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 124–25; BayStB clm
8423, 290, 149, 163]. His surviving works include autograph copies
of his lectures on the book of Revelation [Zumkeller, Manuskripte

314 appendix ii
von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenordens, 93–94; BayStB clm

26676, 26910, 1404–11], two Quaestiones “Utrum efficacia sacramenti
baptismi noxam deleat cuiuslibet peccati?” [Zumkeller, Manuskripte von
Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenorden, 66, 94; BayStB clm 26910
fol. 220ra–223vb, 1409–11]; “Quaestio de Christi sanguine.” [Zumkeller,
Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenorden, 94; BayStB
clm 26676 fol. 2ra–b, 1404–09] and a treatise he copied but may
not have authored “De tribus feminis Mariae nomine in novo testamento
appellatis,” [Zumkeller, Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-
Eremitenorden, 94; BayStB clm 26676 fol. 2va-b]. Several sermons also
survive, one delivered before the Council of Constance [Zumkeller,
Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenorden, 95, BayStB
clm 13421 fol. 198 sqq.] one on the assumption of Mary [Zumkeller,
Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenorden, 95]
and two relating to the condemnation of the Hussites [Zumkeller,
Manuskripte von Werken der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenorden, 95; BayStB
clm. 14175 fol. 254va–258rb; 258rb–261rb]. Andreas from Regensburg
reports that Berthold delivered the first of these in Regensburg at the
time of the burning of the Hussite heretic Ulrich Grünsleder (see
Appendix I) in 1421, an event he personally witnessed [Andreas von
Regensburg, Sämtliche Werke, 351]. Finally, he compiled material on
Wycliff, and the Wycliffite heresy [Zumkeller, Manuskripte von Werken
der Autoren des Augustiner-Eremitenorden, 95–6; BayStB clm 26676 fol.
3r–4rb ]. The exact date of his death is uncertain. The last reference
to him appears in 1437 [Kunzelmann, Geschichte der deutschen Augustiner-
Eremiten, vol. 3, 123–33; Friedrich Rennhofer, Die Augustiner-Eremiten
in Wien, 105–108].
Andreas Pudenstorffer de Rat. Vienna 1457 [MUW 1457 I R 187].
Paid fees of 3 gr.
Leonardus Puecher de Pledling. Ingolstadt 1517 [MLMU I, 412, 22].
Cleric of Regensburg paid fees of 48 den.
Simon Puehel ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1481 [MLMU I, 105, 10].
Georgius Puenhier de Ratisbona. Vienna 1456 [MUW 1456 I R 133].
Georgius Puhler de Rat. Vienna 1423 [MUW 1423 I R 42]. Pauper.
Fridericus Pullecz de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 II R 119]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Erhardus Purchofer de Rat. Vienna 1384 [MUW 1384 II R 162].
Pauper. He is possibly the same as Erhardus Pruckhove who resigned
a claim to the church of Rorbach 1403 [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 68] and

also held the altar of St. Katherine in the cathedral church. He died
before 4 July 1424 [Rep. Germ. vol. 4, 804]. Likely the same as “Erhart
Puerchofer Schulmaister zum tum hat ii lb leipt(ing).” [StAR Cam.
4 1395 fol. 1r]. The fact that he did not seem to hold a canonry in
the cathedral would suggest that he was not the scolasticus but rather
the rector scolarum (see Appendix I).
Petrus Pynter de Ratispona. Leipzig 1477 [MUL I, 307, B2]. Paid
fees of 6 gr. He was perhaps related to a certain Johann Pynter
permanent vicar of the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 226 #1149:
11 December 1477].
Johannes Racz de Rat. Vienna 1443 [MUW 1443 I R 50].
Johannes Radauer de Rat. Vienna 1488 [MUW 1488 I R 61]; Ingolstadt
1513 [MLMU I, 363, 38]. A Hanns Radawer appears as Summisarius
in the Alte Kapelle in 1501 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 338 #1641: 24 May
1501] and canon in the Alte Kapelle in 1511 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 343
#1667: 28 August 1511]. His family was originally from Augsburg
[Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 419].
Sebastianus Raid de Ratispona. Basel 1487 [MUB I, 201, 36]. Paid
fees of 6 schil.
Theodoricus Ramsperger. Vienna 1436 [MUW 1436 I R 56]. Held a
canonry in the Regensburg cathedral and paid fees of ½ tal when
he matriculated at Vienna.
Cristoferus Rasner de Rat. Vienna 1457 [MUW 1457 I R 172]. Pauper.
Andreas de Ratispona. Bologna 1337 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna,
435 #2954]. He is called treasurer in the Regensburg cathedral and
paid fees of three lbs. when he matriculated at Bologna.
Andreas de Ratispona. Prague 1379 [MUP I, 187]. Bachelor in arts
at Prague 1379.
Andreas de Ratispona O.P. Cologne 1398 [Reichert, “Akten der
1398, 1400, 1401, 1402,” 296; MUK III, Nachträge #52]. In 1398,
Andreas was assigned to the Dominican studium generale in Cologne.
He lectured on the Sentences in 1400 and 1401 in Regensburg and
in 1402 in Constance [Reichert, “Akten der provinzial Kapitel der
Dominikanerprovinz Teutonia aus den Jahren 1398, 1400, 1401,
1402,” 308, 317, 326].
Andreas de Ratispona. Vienna 1424 [MUW 1424 R 68]. Pauper.
Andreas de Ratispona. Heidelberg 1428 [MUH II, 378]. Pauper. licenti-
ate in arts 1428. He is possibly the same as Andreas de Rat. (earlier)
who matriculated at Vienna in 1424.

316 appendix ii
Andreas de Ratispona. Vienna 1453 [MUW 1453 I R 30]. Pauper.

Bartholomeus de Ratispona. Erfurt 1474 [Bak. Reg. Erf., 177 #28; Act.
Erf. I 357, 32. Paid fees of 6 nov.
Bertholdus de Ratispona. Vienna 1385 [AFA 6, 6; 7, 8]. Bachelor in
arts 1385. Perhaps same as Berthold Puchhauser from Regensburg.
He may also be the same as the Berthold from Regensburg who
matriculated at Prague in 1389 with a bachelor in arts from Vienna
[MUP I, 1, 267]. See Berthold Puchhauser (earlier) and Berthold de
Ratispona (later).
Bertholdus de Ratispona. Vienna 1389 [MUW 1389 I R 22]. Pauper.
Perhaps the same as Berthold Puchhauser de Ratispona (see Berthold
Puchhauser earlier). Uiblein argues that it unlikely and Emden places
Berthold Puchhauser in Oxford at this time [Uiblein, AFA, 501;
Emden, A biographical register of the University of Oxford, vol. 3, 1563],
as does BayStB clm 8423 (see Berthold Puchhauser earlier).
Bertholdus de Ratispona. Prague 1390 [MUP I, 1, 267]. Admitted to
the arts faculty at Prague in February 1390 with a bachelor in arts
from Vienna. He may be the same Berthold who received his bach-
elor in arts at Vienna in 1385 or the Berthold who matriculated at
Vienna in 1389 or both (see Berthold de Ratispona earlier): “item
receptus fuit ad facultatem artibus Berholdus de Ratispona bacca-
larius artium Universitatis Viennensis . . . et dimissa fuit sibi bursa ad
fortuna pinguiorum.”
Bertholdus de Ratispona. Erfurt 1402 [Schwinges, Bak. Reg. Erf., 357, 32].
Casparus de Ratispona O.P. Padua 1468 [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 3: 768].
Dominus Gaspar de Ratispona ord. pred. theologie professor was witness to
the promotion of mag. Mainardus de Teutonicus in the faculty of
medicine and Aptus de Liniaco in arts.
Casparus de Ratispona O.E.S.A. Vienna vel Ingolstadt 1486 [BayStB
clm 8423, 334: 24 August 1487]. De Capitulo Generali O.E.S.A. April
1486 Senis. 20 June 1486: “Fecimus Bachalarium fratrem Gasparem
de Ratispona, dummodo assit ascensus patrum provincie sue et eo
casu veniente dedicimus licentiam eidem incorporandi in universi-
tate Ingolstaviensi vel Viennensi cum gratiis consuetis.” [BayStB clm
8423, 334: 24 August 1487]. Perhaps the same as Gaspar Kursner
who received money to study in “Poloni” in 1477 [StBR Cam. 17
207r]. By 1487, provincial of Bavaria [A. Kunzelmann, Geschichte der
deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 253n. 963].
Christianus de Ratispona. Bologna 1337 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in
Bologna, 435 #2693]. He was plebe of St. Emmeram and paid fees
of 38 sol. when he matriculated at Bologna.

Conradus de Ratispona. Prague 1375 [MUP I, 1, 166, 167, 180, 181].

He was admitted into the arts faculty on 13 June 1375; He was
promoted to licenciate in arts on 24 January 1377. He incepted in
arts on 21 April 1377.
Conradus de Ratispona O.P. Verona 1389 [Reichert, Registrum lit-
terarum,” QF vol. 6, 7 He was sent to Verona to study for 2 years on
20 April 1389].
Conradus de Ratispona. Prague 1401 [MUP I, 1, 361–2]. Bachelor in
arts 19 February 1401. He incepted in arts on 9 March 1401.
Conradus ex Ratispona O.E.S.A. Vienna 1476 [MUW 1476 II R 27].
He is called frater and pauper when he matriculated at Vienna.
Engelmarus de Ratispona. Vienna 1412–1415 [Uiblein, AFA, 382, 459].
He received his bachelor in arts in 1413. He was a member of the
Cistercian Order.
Erasmus de Ratispona. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 36, 21]. Frater.
Erhardus de Ratispona. Vienna 1443 [MUW 1443 I R 94]. Paid fees
of 3 gr.
Fridericus de Ratispona. Vienna before 1377 [MUW before 1377, 3,
206]. Pauper.
Fridericus de Ratispona O.E.S.A. Siena before 22 May 1389 [BayStB
clm 8423, 282]; Rome 1389 [BayStB clm 8423, 282]; Magdeburg
or Erfurt 16 July 1389 [BayStB clm 8423, 285]; Bologna 1392
[BayStB clm 8423, 144, 289]. In 1389, he received permission to go
to “Romam facultatem et post mensem reeundi in provinciam,” He
also provided evidence that “eum laudabiliter vixisse in studio Senis.”
In July 1389, he was assigned to “Erfurt vel Magdeburg” along with
Henricus de Traunstar de Monaco. On 8 December 1392 he was
promoted to the academic rank of lector [BayStB clm 8423, 144,
289]. In 1403, Fredrick, lector and prior of the Regensburg convent,
confirmed a donation to the convent by Conrad Enikl (Conrad served
on the city council from 1377 to 1400 and served as treasurer in 1390,
1395–97) [RegBoic XI, 301; BayHstA, Reichsstadt Regensburg Urk.
4406: 5 May 1403; for Conrad Enikl, see Gemeiner, Regensburgische
Chronik, vol. 2, 249, 255, 270, 320, 352]. Fridericus de Ratispona
served again as prior and lector in 1407 [Kunzelmann, Geschichte der
deutschen Augustiner-Eremiten, vol. 3, 291]; In 1420, Fridericus confirmed
a donation of 150 fl. to the convent by Michael Suchenschatz pro-
fessor of arts and theology at Vienna and canon of St. Stephan
[BayHStA, KU Augustiner Regensburg 61: 28 August 1420]. In
1425, Fridericus served as the Prior General’s vicar to the Bavarian
provincial chapter [BayStB clm 8423, 298, 303]. Perhaps the same as

318 appendix ii
Fridericus Hoffmaister who died in 1430 and served as lector in the

Regensburg Augustinian convent in 1418. [StBR Rat.ep.409: Roman
Zirngibl, Epitaphien im Dom, in St. Emmeram, in Nieder-Ober-Münster, bei
den Minoriten und Augustinern (1785). Epitaphien im Dom, 509, #38: 30
October 1430, Fridericus Dio=Hoffmaister].
Georgius de Ratispona. Cologne 1486–87 [MUK I, 385, 33]. Pauper,
matriculated in arts. Bachelor in arts 2 November 1487.
Gewolfus Ratisponensis. Vienna 1383 [MUW 1383 II 79]. Fees
deferred.
Heino de Ratispona. Bologna 1328–29 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in
Bologna, 435 #2956]. Canon in the cathedral and “verus pastor in
Haymburga,” Paid VIII libros Bononienses for himself and his master
Henricus de Ratispona. Likely same as Henricus (later).
Henricus de Ratispona. Bologna 1322 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in
Bologna, 435 #2957]. Paid fees of 6 sol.
Henricus de Ratispona. Bologna 1328 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in
Bologna, 435 #2958]. Master of Heino (earlier). Same as first
Henricus?
Hermannus de Ratispona. Bologna 1268 [Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich,
529 #1655]. As “canonicus natisponensis” purchased a codex with
a gloss of accursius (a thirteenth-century gloss on the corpus iuris
civilis) for 70 lb. bon. 14 September 1268.
Hugo de Ratispona. Bologna 1337–39 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in
Bologna, 435 #2959]. Monk of St. Emmeram. Paid fees of 14 sol.
in 1337.
Johannes de Ratispona. Bologna 1277 [Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich,
591 #2162].
Johannes de Ratispona. Bologna 1317 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in
Bologna, 435 #2690]. Paid fees of 16 sol.
Johannes de Ratispona. Bologna 1337 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in
Bologna, 435 #2691]. Canon St. Johann. See also [Schmutz, Juristen
für das Reich, 591 #2164].
Johannes de Ratispona. Vienna 1395 [MUW 1395 I R 6]. Paid fees
of 6 gr.
Johannes de Ratispona. Erfurt 1401 [Act. Erf. I 62, 19]. Pauper.
Johannes de Ratispona. Vienna 1469 [MUW 1469 I R 114].
Johannes de Ratispona. Bologna 1471 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna,
435 #2962]. He is called Familiaris of the Bishop of Großwardein
(Bihar) in Hungary.

Liephardus de Ratispona. Vienna 1394 [MUW 1394 II R 4]. Paid

fees of 2 gr.
Leonardus de Ratispona. Vienna 1443 [MUW 1443 I R 86]. Paid fees
of 2 gr.
Leonardus de Ratispona. Ingolstadt 1512 [Kausch, Geschichte der Theolo-
gischen Fakultät Ingolstadt, 228]. Doctor in theology.
Lubertus de Ratispona. Bologna 1444 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in
Bologna, 435 #2964]. Canon of St. Johann and magister.
Ludovicus de Ratispona. Bologna 1320 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in
Bologna, 435 #2965]. He is called dominus and paid fees of 20 sol.
Ludovicus (Ludwicus) de Ratispona. Vienna before 1377 [MUW before
1377, 158].
Marcus de Ratispona (Ratenspane). Cologne 1503 [MUK II 1503a 458,
104]. He matriculated in arts and his fees were waived.
Martinus de Ratispona. Vienna 1416 [MUW 1416 II R 33]. Paid fees
of 8 gr.
Mathaeus de Ratispona. Cologne 1486 [MUK II 1486a 390, 117].
Matriculated in arts along with Sebastianus de Ratispona (later).
Mathaeus de Ratispona. Vienna 1423 [MUW 1423 I R 10]. Paid fees
of 8 gr.
Michael de Ratispona. Cologne 1484 [MUK II 1484. Ntr. 960. (b.art.,dis;
III 188a.)]. Bachelor in arts 1486. Fees waived.
Nicolaus de Ratispona O.E.S.A. Vienna 1463 [MUW 1463 I R 1]. He
appears as Pauper, frater, and lector.
Oswaldus de Ratispona. Vienna 1465 [MUW 1465 I R 14]. Paid fees
of 3 gr.
Otto de Ratispona. Bologna 1322 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna,
435 #2966]. Paid fees of 6 sol.
Otto de Ratispona Prague 1406 [MUP I 1, 390]. He was awarded a bach-
elor in arts in 1406 (8 of 20). He sought extension for payment of fees.
Petrus de Ratispona. Bologna 1321 [Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich, 667
#2785]. Petrus de Bavaria de civitate Ratisponensis was accused along
with Albertus Toringus de Hefordia of attacking Henricus Anglicus
with rocks and sticks.
Petrus de Ratispona O.E.S.A. Oxford 1434 [BayStB clm 8423, 180]. 10
September 1434 assigned to Oxford [Emden, A Biographical Register of
the University of Oxford to A.D. 1500. vol. 3, 1564]. He donated BayStB
clm 26653 and 26690 to the Regensburg convent. The former con-
tains sermons of the Dominican Jordan of Saxony, the latter a wide

320 appendix ii
range of texts including David of Augsburg’s Formula de exteriore et

interiore homine, Heinrich Totting von Oyta’s de Contractibus, and de
Simonia, as well as sermons from Matthew of Krakow among others
[MBK vol. 4, 1, 464].
Rudgerus de Ratispona. Bologna 1322 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in
Bologna, 435 #2967]. He is called dominus and paid fees of 3 sol.
Sebastianus de Ratispona. Cologne 1486 [MUK II, 1486a, 390].
Matriculated in arts along with Mathaeus de Ratispona (earlier).
Sifridus de Ratispona. Bologna 1304 [Schmutz, Juristen für das Reich,
697 #3014].
Simon de Ratispona. Leipzig 1478 [MUL I, 314, B20]. Paid fees of 6 gr.
Stephanus de Ratispona. Bologna 1333 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in
Bologna, 436 #2968]. Paid fees of 24 sol. Dominus Stephanus de
Ratispona was rector of Lenoltingen when he matriculated at
Bologna.
Ulricus de Ratispona. Vienna 1401 [MUW 1401 I R 46]. Paid fees
of 2 gr.
Ulricus de Ratispona. Leipzig 1436 [MUL I, 119, B 34]. Pauper.
Wernherus de Ratispona. Bologna 1329 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in
Bologna, 149 #1081]. He was plebe in Gebenbach and paid fees of
7 sol.
Wernherus de Ratispona. Prague 1377 [MUP I, 1, 175]. Determined
in arts 17 April 1377.
Cristofferus Ravenreuter de Ratispona. Leipzig 1457 [MUL I, 206,
Johannes Raweter. Vienna 1387 [MUW 1387 II R 12]. Regensburg
cathedral canon. Licenciate in law. Paid fees of 4 gr. He is possibly
the same as Johannes Rawter canon in Passau who died before 21
November 1404 [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 1311].
Fridericus Rechel de Rat. Vienna 1436 [MUW 1436 I R 72]. Pauper. A
Fridericus Rewchel was chorvikar in the Alte Kapelle and witnessed
the promotion of Sebastian Roßtaler as a canon in the Alte Kapelle
[Urk. AK., vol. 1, 209 #1073: 13 June 1472].
Johannes Rederer ( Johannes Riederer/ Hans von Augburg). Bologna
1320 [Fuchs, Neue Quellen, note 19; Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna,
43 #5292]. Scolasticus (1350) [Ried II, 874, #921: 18 April 1350].
He resigned his rectorship of the church of Engelbrechtsmünster in
the diaconate of Geisenfeld. He also held a canonry in Augsburg
[Fuchs, “Neue Quellen,” note 19; Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna,
43 #5292]. He was associated with the Regensburg cathedral since

at least 1347 when a “maister Hans von Auspurch” appears as a

witness to a property transaction by Hiltpolt of Haimburg [Urk. AK.,
vol. 1, 37 #180–181: 5 December 1347]. See also [Urban V. Lettres
Communes, vol. 2, 43 #5292: 2 March 1363]: “Johanni Rederer, can.
et scholastico eccl. Ratisponen. collatio scolastrie eccl. Ratisponen.
vac. per obitum ext. Roman. cur. Hilpoldi de Haimberg, a frederico,
episc. Ratisponen. ei facta, confirmatur. 2 March 1363.”
Nicolaus Redewicz. Vienna 1432 [MUW 1432 I R 81]. Regensburg
cathedral canon paid fees of 1 fl. when he matriculated at Vienna.
He died 9 October 1463 [Kist, Matrikel der Geistlichkeit des Bistums
Bamberg, 320].
Erhardus Regeldorffer de Ratispona. Vienna 1426 [MUW 1426 II R
23]. Pauper. He may have been related to Hainrich der Schreiber
“genannt der Regeldorffär” citizen of Regensburg who owned a
corner house adjacent to Conrad Gravenreuter [Urk. AK., Vol. 1, 92
#493: 9 October 1395]. Likely also related to Erasmus Regeldorffer
who was buried in the Franciscan church of St. Salvator in 1446
[MGH Antiquitates Necrologia, vol. 3, 248: 13 January 1446].
Johannes Rehaver de Ratisbona. Vienna 1461 [MUW 1461 II R 20].
Paid fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the citizenry
of Regensburg. In 1471, he was taken into the service of Emperor
Frederick III [ Koller and Heinig, Regesten Friedrichs III, 187 #259:
5 January 1471]. In 1480, a Hanns Rehaver served on a diplomatic
mission to the Emperor on behalf of the city [StAR Cam. 19, 10v].
He served as Stadtschreiber, in 1477 and 1490 [StAR Cam19a 34;
Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 455].
Sebaldus Rehaver (Rechauer) de Ratispona. Vienna 1462 [MUW 1462
I R 2]. Pauper. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg
citizenry. Perhaps the brother of Johannes Rehaver (earlier).
Wolfgangus Reichel de Rat. Erfurt 1506 [Act. Erf. II, 246, 1]. Paid 4
schneb. (reduced fees).
Georgius Reisacher (Reysaher) de Ratispona. Vienna 1470 [MUW 1470
II R 92]. Paid fees of 4 gr.
Paulus Reisacher de Rat. Vienna 1440 [MUW 1440 II R 36]. Paid
fees of 2 gr.
Johannes Rekingstroczel de Ratispona. Vienna 1423 [MUW 1423 I R
34]. Pauper.
Johannes Rem de Ratispona. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 223]. Paid
fees of 4 gr. In 1453, a Nicolaus Rem was employed as the city phar-
macist in Regensburg [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 217].

322 appendix ii
Petrus de Remago. Vienna 1394 [MUW 1394 I R 3]. He held canon-

ries in both the Regensburg cathedral and St. Johann [Rep. Germ.,
vol. 2, 589]. Regensburg Generalvikar [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 81 #430:
12 January 1391].
Conradus Rendler de Ratispona. Leipzig 1452 [MUL I, 177 B 53]. Pauper.
Martinus Reychker de Rat. Vienna 1423 [MUW 1423 I R 70]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Conradus Reykershouer. (Beykershofer) Vienna 1431 [MUW 1431 I
R 51]. He held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he
matriculated at Vienna and paid fees of ½ tal. He became provost
of the Alte Kapelle in 1438 at the resignation of Conrad Chonhofer
doctor in canon and civil law and “palatiique apostolici causarum
auditor.” By 1438, he held an additional canonry in Passau, and was
rector of the church of “Olswiff ” (Olstorff?) in the diocese of Passau.
He was allowed to keep the canonries but required to surrender
“Olswiff,” [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 148 #772: 25 September 1438]. In 1439
he exchanged the rectory in Gmünd with Conrad Chonhover for the
position of provost of the Alte Kapelle. Here Reykeshouver is called
doctor of laws [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 149 #776: 6 April 1439].
Johannes de Reynbach. Prague 1378 [MUP II, 1, 65]. Matriculated in
law and paid fees of 14 gr. He was canon in the Alte Kapelle by
1363 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 51 #264: 14 July 1363], and dean from 1380.
He authored a poem on the Alte Kapelle [Fuchs, “Zur Geschichte
der Alten Kapelle in Regensburg im hohen und späten Mittelalter,”
80; the poem is edited in Fuchs, Neue Forschungen und Texte aus St.
Mang in Stadtamhof, Beiträge zur Geschichte und Quellenkunde des
Mittelalters, 128]. He was dead by 28 March 1401 [Urk. AK., vol.
1, 99 #521: 28 March 1401].
Wolfgangus Reytter ex Rat. Vienna 1486 [MUW 1486 I R 4]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Rudpertus Rigler ex Rat. Vienna 1512 [MUW 1512 II R 51]. Paid fees
of 4 gr. “renunciavit anno 14.”
Sigismundus Rischeimer (Rießhamer de Monaco). Ingolstadt 1473
[MLMU I, 36, 10]; Ferrara 1490 [Tit. Dot. Ferrara, 86]. He was origi-
nally from Munich. By 1490 was canon in the Regensburg cathedral.
At Ferrara he earned the title doctor in canon law, 4 January 1490.
He was awarded the degree along with Pangratius Halsperger canon
of St. Viti in Freising and Johannes Engollender who also studied
at Ingolstadt. As a sidenote, Johannes Engollender was in the law
faculty in Ingolstadt after 1500 when he was sued by Barabara (the

widow of the former propstrichter in Regensburg, Jacob Schmidner)

for breaking their engagement to be married. [Natalia Daniel,
Gerhard Schott, and Peter Zahn, eds., Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen
Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München: Die Handschriften aus der
Folioreihe, Hälfte 2. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1979), 17, retrieved
20 December 2007 from http://www.manuscripta-mediaevalia.de.
Her former husband, Jacob Schmidner, was still alive in 1500 [Urk.
Ak., vol. 1, 298, 1472: 6 April 1500].
Stephanus Ritheymer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1510 [MUL I, 503, B109].
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Erhardus Robl de Rat. Vienna 1468 [MUW 1468 II R 35]. Paid fees
of 4 gr.
Petrus de Rosenheim O.P. Vienna (before 1434) [BayStB clm 26848];
Cologne 1437 [BayStB clm 26855 fol. 54r] Bologna 1441 [BayStB clm
26833, 26855, fol. 198r]. He served as master of students and cursor
in Regensburg Dominican convent in 1434 and 1440, respectively
[BayStB clm 26805 fol. 188]; He created a basic Latin/German
dictionary and was a prolific scribe [BayStB clm 26805 fol. 188,
BayStB clm 26833]. See Appendix I.
Christopherus Rosnawer Ratisponensis. Ingolstadt 1511 [MLMU I, 347,
Sebastianus Rosstaler. Ingolstadt 1486 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 253 # 1279:
7 June 1486]. He held a canonry in the Alte Kapelle by 1472 [Urk.
AK., vol. 1, 209 #1073: 13 June 1472]. In 1487 he also held a can-
onry in Illmünster, in the diocese of Freising [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 259
#1302: 8 October 1487].
Bertholdus Rottaler de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 II R 32]. Paid
fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citi-
zenry.
Georgius Rottaler Ratisbonensis. Vienna 1509 [MUW 1509 I R 66].
Paid fees of 4 gr.
Paulus Rüdiger de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 II1 R 55].
Henricus Ruestarffer de Ratispona. Ingolstadt 1491 [MLMU I, 212, 27].
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Georgius de Rufenbach (Georrius Rusenbach/Rufenbacher). Erfurt
1456 [Acta. Erf. I, 255, 20]. Basel 1463 [MUB I, 40]. He held a
canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Erfurt.
He was still canon in 1463. He paid fees of 30 gros. at Erfurt and
1 fl. (12 schil) at Basel. See also [BZAR BDK 30 fol. 64v, 53A, 55A
(I am grateful to Fuchs for this reference)].

324 appendix ii
Erasmus Ruland de Rat. Erfurt 1520 [Act. Erf. II 319. 36]. Paid fees at
full rate 8 nov. Brother of Oswald Ruland (later).
Oswaldus Ruland de Rat. Erfurt 1520 [Act. Erf., II 319, 35]. Paid fees
at full rate 8 nov. Brother of Erasmus Ruland (earlier).
Henricus Salchinger (Zalchinger) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1452 [MUL I,
177, B59]. Paid fees of 6 gr.
Johannes Salczburger de Ratispona. Leipzig 1442 [MUL I, 138, B 74].
Paid fees of 5 gr.
Erhardus Saller Rat. Ingolstadt 1514 [MLMU I, 367, 10]. Paid fees
of 48 den. In 1517, he appears as a witness to the establishment
of new statutes for the cathedral chapter [Mayer, Thesaurus Novus,
vol. 3, 27].
Michael Saller ex Ratispona. Ingolstadt 1481 [MLMU I, 107, 31]. In
1501, a Michael Saller appears as “domvikar zu Regensburg” [Urk.
AK., vol. 1, 302 #1488: 27 May 1501].
Georgius Saller de Rat. Vienna 1420 [MUW 1420 I R 12]. Paid fees
of 4 gr. Perhaps the same as Georgius Saller “laicus Rat. de soluto et
soluta genitus: de conf. legitimationis fact auct. imperiali,” 14 march
1426 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 801].
Henricus Saller de Rat. Vienna 1392 [MUW 1392 I R 15]. Dominus
Henricus Saller paid fees of 2 gr.
Ulricus Saller de Rat. Vienna 1401 [MUW 1401 I R 16]. When he
matriculated at Vienna he paid fees of 2 gr. On 19 May 1460 he
received a canonry and prebend in the Alte Kapelle which was
vacant after the death of Wernher Moshaimer [Rep. Germ., vol. 2,
1320–21]. Litigated over the parish church of Pffafenhofen diocese
of Regensburg. He died before 9 July 1419 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 341,
2490].
Dyonisius Sartoris de Rat. Vienna 1469 [MUW 1469 I R 112]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Conradus de Satelpogen (Satelpoger) Prague 1381 [MUP II, 1, 67–68].
Member of an Upper Palatinate knightly family. He matriculated in
law at Prague in 1381 where he paid fees of 14 gr. He was canon
and scolasticus in the Regensburg cathedral by 1398 [Thiel, ed., Die
Urkunden des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 537,
#508]. Disputed with Albertus Stauffer over the position of scolasticus
in 1398 [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 61]. He held a prebend in the church of
St. Peter’s in Spalt, 1397 [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 199]; He died in 1400
[StBR Signatur Rat.ep.409: Roman Zirngibl, Epitaphien im Dom, in St.
Emmeram, in Nieder-Ober-Münster, bei den Minoriten und Augustinern, 46].

Erhardus Satelpogen (Satelpoger) Vienna 1412 [MUW 1412 I R 37].

Member of an Upper Palatinate knightly family. He held a canonry
in the Regensburg cathedral and paid fees of 10 gr. when he matricu-
lated at Vienna. He was granted an expectation in the parish church
of Aufhausen diocese of Passau, not withstanding the parish church
of Niederfurt, which he also held, 19 January 1418 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4,
660]. Pursued claims to prebend in Bamberg [Rep. Germ., vol. 4,
1840] and prebend in Augsburg [Rep. Germ. vol. 4, 660] resigned
claim 13 July 1430 [Rep Germ., vol. 4, 1963].
Stephanus de Satelpogen (Satelpoger) Prague 1382 [MUP II, 1 70]. He
was a member of an Upper Palatinate Knightly family. He held a
canonry in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Prague
in the law faculty. Paid fees of 14 gr.
Petrus Sattler ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1504 [MLMU I, 301, 35]. Paid fees
of 6 gr.
Georgius Schacz de Ratispana. Leipzig 1479 [MUL I, 319, B29]. Paid
fees of 5 gr.
Adam Schacz de Rat. Vienna 1496 [MUW 1496 I R 120].
Andreas Schambeck de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 I R 45].
Paid fees of 4 gr. Later “confrater et prebendarius” in Prüfening
[BayStB clm 12004: “Iste liber pertinet ad monasterium S. Georgii
in Prüfening quem pro studio fratrum honorabilis sacerdos dominus
Andreas Schambeck felicis memoriae confrater quondam ac prae-
bendarius ibidem defunctus legavit eidem monsterio etc. libros quoque
proxime sequentes idem Schambeckin donavit.”] cf. [MBK vol. 4, 1,
412]. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry.
Fridericus Schambeck (Schambekch) de Rat. Vienna 1408 [MUW 1408
I R 14]. Pauper. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg
citizenry.
Andreas Schaub de Rat. Vienna 1449 [MUW 1449 II R 102]. He
matriculated in the theology faculty as a pauper.
Gotfridus Scheffel de Ratispona. Bologna 1349–51 [Knod, Deutsche
Studenten in Bologna, 435 #2955]. Dominus Gotfridus O.S.B. de
Ratispona paid fees of 12 sol. in 1349 and 6 sol. in 1351. Briefly
abbot St. Emmeram. Played a central role in the expansion of the
convent library in the fourteenth century [Bischoff, “St. Emmeram
im Spatmittelalter,” 581]. He brought a large number of legal texts
to Regensburg from Italy where several monks from the convent were
studying. [Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen
Staatsbibliothek München, XI–XII].

326 appendix ii
Leonardus Schefman de Rat. Vienna 1469 [MUW 1469 I R 159].

Pauper.
Petrus Schenck de Rat. Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 25, 14].
Casparus Schenck de Schenkenstein. Padua 1441 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol.
1, 2: 1557, 1572, 1778, 1816. Lic. can. law. 2034]. The noble-born
Casparus Schenck held canonries in both Eichstätt and Regensburg
and served as vicar general in the Regensburg cathedral [Urk. AK.,
vol. 1, 178 #913: 16 November 1467] and provost [Urk. AK., vol. 1,
199 #1022: 17 May 1467].
Georgius Scheyrer ex Rat. Vienna 1506 [MUW 1506 I R 42]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Rudpertus Schickch de Rat. Vienna 1473 [MUW 1473 I R 32]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Cristofferus Schierlinger de Rat. Vienna 1479 [MUW 1479 I R 32].
citizenry. In 1474, a Hans Schierlinger presented a complaint
against Christoph Grafenreuter in the imperial court [Koller and
Heinig, Regesten Kaiser Friedrichs III., Heft 15, 205 #290: Before 30
June 1474].
Michael Schieser de Rat O.F.M. Freiburg i. Br. 1486 [MUF I 84 #15].
Promoted as formed bachelor in 1486.
Johannes Schilher de Rat. Vienna 1448 [MUW 1448 II R 95].
Pauper.
Johannes Schillinger de Ratispona. Vienna 1426 [MUW 1426 II R 57].
Pauper.
Vitus Schiltel de Ratispona. Leipzig 1492 [MUL I, 393 B21]. Paid fees
A Sebastain Schiltel was sent to Venice to represent the interests of
the city “im Tewtschen haws” [StAR Cam. 19a, 197] and appears
as a member of the inner council in 1495 [Gemeiner, Regensburgische
Chronik, vol. 3, 846]. Another Schiltel appears as a legal advisor to
the city in 1505 [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 4, 94].
Johannes Schiltknecht de Ratispona. Leipzig 1469 [MUL I, 275, B9].
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Andreas Schinberger ex Rat. Vienna 1486 [MUW 1486 II2 R 4]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Schinnagel (Schynnagel) de Rat. Vienna 1460 [MUW 1460 II
R 7]; Vienna 1470 [Schrauf, AFM, vol. 2, 154, 214]. Family appears
frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. Paid fees of 4 gr. in 1460.
In 1470, promoted to master in arts. He matriculated in faculty of
medicine in 1470 where he paid fees of 3 gr.

Georgius Schirmpeck Ratisponensis. Ingolstadt 1516 [MLMU I, 389,

5]. When he matriculated at Ingolstadt he paid fees of 48 den.:
27 May 1516. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg
citizenry. A Jörg Schirmpeck zehntner in the Alte Kapelle witnessed
the renewal of a lease of a hof zu Weynting for nine years to Hans
Turmayer [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 130 #472, 130]. A Frater Leonardus
Schirmpeck of the Regensburg Augustinian Hermits once owned an
incunabulum of Giles of Rome, which eventually found its way in
the library of Prüfening [Aegidius of Rome, Tres tractatus. De partibus
philosophiae essentialibus; De differentia rhetoricae, ethicae et politicae; De gradibus
formarum accidentalium (Leipzig: Konrad Kachelofen, c. 1493–95) 4o
A-61, BSB-Ink Online-Version: 24 May 2007].
Franciscus Schlick. Vienna 1443 [MUW 1443 I R 46] Bologna 1447
[Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 496 #3324]. The noble-born
Franciscus Schlick paid fees of 6 sol. at Vienna and 1 fl. at Bologna.
He held canonries in the cathedrals of both Regensburg and Passau.
He was also plebe in Brück an der Mur (Steiermark). By 1440 he
was also a canon in Olomuc . . . (Olmütz?). He was the provost in
the Regensburg Cathedral by 1478 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 228 #1160:
25 May 1478]. He died in 1498, He was the brother of the early
German humanist and corespondent of Piccolomini, Caspar Schlick.
Franciscus Schlick died 1498.
Stephanus Schlick (Slick) Baro in Weyssenkirichen. Ingolstadt 1484
[MLMU I, 128, 31]. Noble-born Stephanus Schlick held a canonry
in the Alte Kapelle and paid fees of 2 fl. when he matriculated at
Ingolstadt in 1484. He still held a canonry in the cathedral in 1503.
[Urk. AK., vol. 1, 321, 1567: 23 April 1506].
Johannes Schmidner (Smidner) de Rat. Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I,
24, 38] Padua 1484–88 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 4: 894, 947; vol. 2, 5:
1303]. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. In
1470, a Hanns Smidner was witness to a decision by the Regensburg
judge and city council member Erhard Sneck [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 204
#1048: 11 April 1470]. During the 1471 Reichstag in Regensburg
a Hanns Schmidner housed twelve horses and sixteen men associ-
ated with the entourage of the Duke of Saxony [Wolff, ed., Deutsche
Reichstagsakten unter Friedrich III, 557, 57]. He may be the same as a
certain Hanns Schmidner who was sent along with Fuchstainer and
Jeronimus Reich to Kelheim on behalf of the city of Regensburg in
1479 [StAR Cam. 19 fol. 7r] also in 1481 [StAR Cam. 19 fol. 49r].
In 1484, Johannes Schmidner was promoted to licenciate in civil
law at Padua. Among the witnesses was Wolfgangus Portner de Rat.

328 appendix ii
(see earlier). Johannes Schmidner held a canonry in the Regensburg

cathedral by 1486 and was promoted to doctor in canon law by 1488.
In 1490, he appears as judex surrogatus. From 9 January to 20 March
1514, he served as judge ordinary in the consistory of Regensburg
[Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 391]. 1517 he was dean
of the cathedral chapter. He paid an annual rent of 2 pounds for the
house he held from the chapter. [Mayer, Thesaurus Novus, vol. 3, 25,
26]. Died 15 May 1521 [K. Schottenloher, Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, 33].
His epitaph appears in the cathedral “Anno domini MCCCCCXXI
die XV mensis May obiit venerabilis ac egregius vir dominus Johannes
Schmidner, legum doctor, ecclesie Ratisponensis canonicus, cuius
anima in pace requiescat.” [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum
Regensburg, 391].
Johannes Schnegk de Rat. Vienna 1455 [MUW 1455 I R 97]. Paid
fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citi-
zenry.
Georgius Schockhel de Rat. Vienna 1515 [MUW 1515 I R 134]. Paid
fees of 29 den.
Ortolfus Schogkler (Scheckler) ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1494 [MLMU I, 234,
28]; Heidelberg 1495 [MUH I, 416]. He paid fees of 6 gr. when
he matriculated at Ingolstadt. In 1507 he is identifed as a public
notary and learned layman [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 325–26 #1586: 16
April 1507].
Johannes Schonaicher de Rat. Vienna 1487 [MUW 1487 II R 6]. Paid
fees of 1 gr.
Johannes Schönhofer de Rat. Vienna 1449 [MUW 1449 II R 68]. Paid
fees of 4 gr. In 1430, a Schönhofer appears as a citizen of Stadtamhof
singled out for his involvement in riots against the interests of the
city of Regensburg (in particular attacks on St. Katherinenspital and
St. Mang) [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 33]. An Erhard
Schönhofer citizen of Regensburg witnessed a property transaction
[Urk. AK., vol. 1, 176 #900: 23 August 1456]. Some members of the
family appear to have settled in Venice. A Hanns Schönhofer from
Venice was accepted as a citizen of Regensburg 28 September 1477
[StAR Politca III, 1, 102v].
Stephanus Schönhofer. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 I R 140]. Paid fees of
4 gr. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg.
Marcus Schönprunner (Schöngruber) de Rat O.F.M. Vienna 1447–53
[MUW 1447 I R 125]. Paid fees of 8 gr. In 1449 he was assigned
ad legendum cursus byblie in Vienna [Uiblein, AFT, 128]. The next
year he lectured on the book of Revelation [Uiblein, AFT, 129]. In

1451, he began to lecture on the Sentences [Uiblein, AFT, 131]. By

1453, Marcus Schönprunner achieved the academic rank of formed
bachelor of theology. In 1453, he delivered the Christmas sermon at
the Church of St. Stephan in Vienna [Uiblein, AFT, 245]. He died
1462, at which time he is called doctor, lector, and preacher of the
convent [MGH Antiquitates Necrologia, vol. 3, 254: 21 August 1462; See
also Hilz, Minderbrüder von St. Salvator in Regensburg, 183]. Likely the
author of a book of Lenten sermons now in the Staatsbibliothek in
Munich [BayStB clm 26718].
Johannes Schönstainer. Ingolstadt 1506 [MLMU I, 313, 3]. Held can-
onries in Passau and Regensburg at time of matriculation, paid fees
of 1 fl. Still alive in 1516 [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 4,
302].
Jacobus Schöpfperger de Rat. Vienna 1473 [MUW 1473 I R 37]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Stephanus Schrotel de Alemanea. Padua 1469–1471 [Acta Grad. Pat.,
vol. 2, 2: 887, 905, 926, 955, 957, 984? and II, 4: 6, 37, 41] Ferrara
1471 [A. Sottili, Tit. dot. Ferrara, 56: 31 July 1471]. He was provost
in Padua by 1469. On 29 August 1470 a Johannes Schrotel Provost
of St. Johann appears in the published records of Padua [Acta Grad.
Pat, vol. 2, 2: 984. See also Georgius Kynsberger (earlier) and Ulricus
Baumgartner (earlier)]. This is in error, since Stephanus Schrotel was
still provost of St. Johann in 1471. He appears as doctor in canon law
by 1471. Stephanus appears in Padua in 1469 along with Johannes
Tröster the later Regensburg cathedral canon, preacher, early human-
ist, and tutor to the nephew of Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini [Fuchs
and Märtl, “Literarisches and geistiges leben im 15. Jahrhundert,”
910]. In 1475, he appears as both cathedral canon and canon of
the Alte Kapelle a position that he resigned in February of that year
[Urk. AK., vol. 1, 219 #1115: 13 February 1474].
Simon Schuebel ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1482 [MLMU I, 112, 14]. Minor.
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Jacobus Schulteti de Ratispona. Leipzig 1426 [UrkAk, #1877 c. 21
May 1426], Leipzig 1429 [MUL I, 99, B 11]. He held a canonry
in the Alte Kapelle in 1426. Although he does not appear in the
matriculation records of Leipzig until 1429, in 1426, the university
sent the vicedean and the canons of the Alte Kapelle a report on
the progress of his studies.
Cristofferus Schwäbel Ratisbonensis. Ingolstadt 1519 [MLMU I, 436,
10]. He paid fees of 48 schil. when he matriculated at Ingolstadt.
Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. He died

330 appendix ii
9 February 1530, and was buried in St. Emmeram [Freytag, “Ein

Grabmälerverzeichnis von St Emmeram in Regensburg,” 34].
Johannes Schwäbel (Swäbel) de Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 [MLMU I, 94,
40]. A Hanns Schwäbel served as city treasurer in 1516 [Gemeiner,
Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 4, 116]. Family appears frequently among
the Regensburg citizenry.
Lucas Schwäbel (Swebel) ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1491 [MLMU I, 210, 16].
citizenry.
Sebastianus Schwäbel (Swäbel) de Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 [MLMU I, 94,
Thomas Schwäbel (Swebel) de Rat. Erfurt 1467 [Act. Erf., I 325, 31]
Vienna 1470 [MUW II R 83]. Paid fees of 9 gr. Family appears
Petrus Schweikker de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 39]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Schweytzer ex Rat. Vienna 1502 [MUW 1502 I R 49]. Paid
fees of 29 den.
Johannes Schwindubel de Rat. Vienna 1418 [MUW 1418 I R 36].
Pauper.
Georg Sebart de Ratispona. Ingolstadt 1520 [MLMU I, 444, 22]. Paid
fees of 6 gr.
Ulricus Seger de Rat. Vienna 1384 [MUW 1384 II 161]. Paid fees of
2 gr. He matriculated with Erhardus Purchofer and Lio Chemlinger
de Rat.
Conradus Seld de Rat. Vienna 1423 [MUW 1423 II R 37]. Pauper.
Georgius Seldner de Rat. Vienna 1512 [MUW 1512 II R 95]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Gregorius Sennfft de Rat. Vienna 1515 [MUW 1515 I R 84]. Paid
fees of 29 den.
Johannes Sentinger de Rat. Vienna 1412 [MUW 1412 I R 48]. Paid
fees of 2 gr. In 1434, a Hans Säntinger, along with three others,
issued a spruchbrief in a dispute between Rudolf Volkard von Heringen
and Hans Kamerawer zu Viehawsen [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 395 #1889:
2 December 1434].
Albertus Seratoris de Rat. Vienna 1496 [MUW 1496 I R 122].
Erhardus Serherl de Rat. Vienna 1424 [MUW 1424 I R 50]. Pauper.
Wolfgangus Sewbrer de Ratispona. Vienna 1475 [MUW 1475 II R 8].
Bernhardus Seybelstarffer de Seyboltstarff. Ingolstadt 1507 [MLMU I,
322, 13]. He held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral and paid
fees of 1 fl. at time of matriculation at Ingolstadt.

Wolfgangus Seybelstarffer. Ingolstadt 1515 [MLMU I, 386, 5]. Paid

fees of 1 fl.
Johannes Seydel (Zeydel) de Ratispana. Leipzig 1492 [MUL I, 394 B
Johannes Shetel de Rat. Vienna 1500 [MUW 1500 II R 77]. Paid fees
of 4 gr.
Johannes Sibenburger (Sibnburger) ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1509 [MLMU
I, 331] Vienna 1510 [MUW 1510 I R 120]. He matriculated as a
pauper at Vienna and paid fees of 8 den at Ingolstadt.
Andreas Sibenhar de Rat. Vienna 1475 [MUW 1475 I R 27]. Paid
fees of 4 gr. Likely related to the Conrad Sibenhar, scribe of St.
Emmeram, who was received as a citizen of Regensburg on 15 May
1442 [StAR Politica III, I, 13 June 1468; “Stadtarchiv Regensburg—
Bestand Politica/Einwohnerwesen.” 1996–2004.07/26/2004 http://
bhgw20.kfunigraz.ac.at/virtual/index.htm]. A Conradus Sibenhar
dr. decretorum received in an expectation for a benefice in Freising
in 1434 [Herrad Spilling, Die Handschriften der Staats-und Stadtbibliothek
Augsburg fol. Cod. 1–100 in Handscrhiftenkataloge der Staats- und
Stadtbibliothek Augsburg, vol. 2 (Wiesbaden: 1978), 111].
Jacobus Siger de Ratispona O.P. Bologna 1476 [Reichert, Registrum lit-
terarum, QF vol. 6, 95]. Fr. Jacobus Siger was assigned as a student of
theology at Bologna pro rata provincie sue. He is possibly the same as
Jacobus Sigel prior of the Regensburg convent in 1490 [BayHstA KU
Dominikaner Regensburg, #189: 10 May 1490]. Jacobus Sigel, Prior
O.P. in Regensburg glossed a copy of Aristotles’ Physics [Aristotoles,
Physica, trans. William of Moerbeck, A–304, BSB-Ink Online-Version:
24 May 2007].
Georgius de Sinzenhofer (Sintzenhover; Satzenhofer): Ingolstadt
1488–1491 [MLMU I, 182, 38; BZAR BDK 30 fol. 64v, 61A, 62A
(I am grateful to Fuchs for this reference)]. He paid fees of 1 fl.
when he matriculated at Ingolstadt in 1488. He was a member of
an Upper Palatinate noble family with close ties to Regensburg. In
1488 he held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral. He received
the canonry resigned by Balthasar Hundertpfund the spiritual advisor
to Duke Albrecht IV of Bayern-München [Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit
im Bistum Regensburg, 389]. He appears as Scolasticus in 1502, and
was elected dean in 1513. By 1510, he also held a canonry in
Passau. Doctor in canon law by 1514. Donated several texts to St.
Mang [Bartolus de Saxoferrato, Lectura super prima et secunda parte
Codicis (Venice: Wendelin von Speyer, P. 2 1471 2o), B-129, BSB-
Ink: 24 May 2007 and Bartolus de Saxoferrato, Lectura super prima

332 appendix ii
parte infortiati (Venice: Wendelin von Speyer, 1471.02.09, 2o), B-183,

BSB-Ink: 24 May 2007]. From 1502 to 1509, he served as vicarius in
spirtualibus generalis to Bishop Rupert II of Regensburg. From 1510 to
1517, served as judge ordinary in the Regensburg consistory. In 1517
paid an annual rent of 2 pounds 3 sch. to the chapter. [Mayer,
Thesaurus Novus, vol. 3, 25]. Georgius Sinzenhofer died in 1517.
Henricus de Sinzenhofer (Sintzenhofer). Bologna 1316 [Knod, Deutsche
Studenten in Bologna, 533 #3537]. Henricus Sinzenhofer was a member
of an Upper Palatinate noble family. He paid fees of 14 solidi when
he entered Bologna in 1316. Held a canonry in the Regensburg
cathedral by 21 September 1342 [Reid, II, 886].
Wolfgangus Sittauer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 42, 26]. He
was a member of a Regensburg Patrician family particularly promi-
nent in the fourteenth century. Wolfgangus Sittauer was the son of
a Ratsmember, “Wolfgang Sitauer, Meister der 7 freien Künste,
Sohn des verst. Sitauer, Christoph, Bürger des Rats zu Regensburg,
erteilt seine Zustimmung zu dem Verkauf eines Ewiggeldes von
4 lb Regensburger dn aus dem Weingarten Kruckenberg an das
Regensburger Predigerkloster durch seine Mutter Sitauer, Barbara für
80 lb Regensburger dn.” [BayHStA KU Regensburg Dominikaner,
186: 26 December 1485 (I am grateful to Olivier Richard for this
reference)]. Sittauers sat on the council beginning in 1348. Konrad
Sittauer imported wares from Venice in the mid-fourteenth century,
but the main focus of the family business was the Tyrol-Prague wine
trade [Morré, “Ratsverfassung und Patriziat in Regensburg,” 91].
Mathaeus Smidlein Ratisponensis. Vienna 1516 [MUW 1516 II R
Leonardus Smoll. Freiburg i. Br. 1479 [MUF 68, 9]. Clericus.
Georgius Snoeder (Schnöder). Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 29, 44] Padua
1475–76, 1488 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 220, 222 #1120, 1132; Acta Grad.
Pat., vol. 2, 4: 401, 415, 417; vol 2, 5: 1303]. He was canon in the
Alte Kapelle in Regensburg by 1488. He served in the chancery
of the Duke of Bavaria and received several benefices through his
patronage [Rep. Germ., vol. 9, 234–35]. He is described in 1486 as
licenciate in canon law [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 254 #1281: 14 July 1486].
Johannes Schmidner and Wolfgangus Portner (see earlier), both of
Regensburg, appear as witnesses to his promotion as doctor in canon
law in 1488 [Acta Grad. Pat. vol. 2, 5: 1303]. By February 1495,
Snoeder was dean of the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 283 #1404:

31 January 1495], and in 1499, he is described as debilitated by ill-

ness [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 294 #1453: 27 February 1499]. He died by
May 1502 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 305 #1503: 10 May 1502].
Wilhelmus Sontheym. Heidelberg 1416 [MUH I, 132] Bologna 1425–26
[Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 536 #3559]. The noble-born
Wilhelmus Sontheym, held a canonry in Eichstätt in 1416 and in
the Regensburg cathedral by 1425. He paid fees of 1 fl. when he
matriculated at Heidelberg. He also served as syndic for the university
in 1426. By 1441 he also held a canonry in the Augsburg cathedral.
He died in 1448 and left 52 ½ lib. to the cathedral chapter in Eichstätt
[Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 536].
Johannes Sorgenfrey de Ratispana. Leipzig 1503 [MUL I, 457, B40].
citizenry. An earlier Hanns Sorgenfrey attached his seal as a witness
to the establishment of a perpetual mass in the Alte Kapelle by
fellow citizens of Regensburg Hans Sturm and his wife Margaret.
[Schmid, Urk. AK., vol. 1, 420: 24 June 1486].
Conradus Spindler de Rat. Vienna 1457 [MUW 1457 II R 38].
Pauper.
Balthasar Stadl de Rat. Vienna 1455 [MUW 1455 I R 59]. Paid fees
of 4 gr.
Johannes Stadler de Bruck Ingolstadt. 1517 [MLMU I, 410, 10].
Appears as a cleric in Regensburg and paid fees of 8 den. when he
matriculated at Ingolstadt.
Erasmus Stadler de Rat. Vienna 1489 [MUW 1489 I R 29]. Paid fees of
4 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry.
Ulricus Staedler de Rat. Ingolstadt 1484 [MLMU I, 130, 8]. Paid fees of
6 gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry.
Johannes Stain de Rat. Vienna 1512 [MUW 1512 I R 159]. Paid fees
of 4 gr.
Georgius Staindl de Rat. Vienna 1468 [MUW 1468 I R 12]. Pauper.
Petrus Starch de Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 [MLMU I, 97, 9].
Albertus Stauffer de Rat. Prague 1374 [MUP II, 1, 60] Vienna 1377
[MUW I, 5, 36]. The noble-born Albertus Stauffer matriculated in
the law faculty at Prague in 1374. He paid fees of 4 gr. He matricu-
lated with the Regensburg cathedral canon Johannes Zenger (later).
Matriculated in law at Vienna in 1377 where he paid fees of 4 gr.
Held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral by at least 1380. In
1388 was also provost of St. Johann 1388 [Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden

334 appendix ii
26 August 1388]. He apears as Scolasticus in 1398. He was allowed
to retain the income from the school for five years after his eleva-
tion as bishop of Regensburg in 1409. He died in 1421 [Gatz and
Brodkorb, Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches, 1198–1448].
Stephanus Stauffer de Rat. Vienna 1400 [MUW 1400 II R 31]. Noble.
Paid fees of 12 gr.
Andreas Steigerwald de Rat. Vienna 1438 [1438 II R 115]. Pauper.
Sixtus Steinhuser de Ulma. Pavia 1461 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, #952: 13
June 1461] Basel 1463 [MUB I, 39, 80; Urk. AK., vol. 1, #970: 3
June 1463] Heidelberg 1464–65 [MUH I 309, 22 January 1464;
Urk. AK., vol. 1, 185 #974: 22 January 1464 and 192 #987: 25 July
1465]. Held a canonry in the Alte Kapelle. He paid fees of 6 schil.
at Basel. In 1465, he was promoted to bachelor in arts via moderna
at Heidelberg.
Johannes Steltzer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1473 [MLMU I, 44, 16].
Paulus Sterner de Rat. Vienna 1470 [MUW 1470 I R 146]. Pauper.
Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry.
Fridericus Steynbeck (Staynbeck) Ratisponensis. Heidelberg 1413 [MUH
I, 233]. Pauper. In 1448, Fridericus Steinbeck de Ratispona appears
as Baccalaureus as well as dean and “iudex conservator iurium
et privilegiorum,” of the Marienkirche in Neustadt. He informs
members of the University of Heidelberg that the Bull of Boniface
IX is to be observed and condemns Brandus Knobelauch and
“suos adherentes . . . et alios quoscumque rebelles cuiscumque status.”
[G. Brink-haus and A. Mentzel-Reuters, Die lateinischen Handschriften der
Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen: Teil 2, Signaturen Mc 151 bis Mc 379 sowie
die lateinischen Handschriften bis 1600 aus den Signaturengruppen Mh, Mk und
aus dem Druckschriftenbestand (Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 2001), 236].
Johannes Steyner de Ratispona. Leipzig 1422 [MUL I, 72, B 19].
Pauper.
Georgius Steyrer de Rat. Vienna 1469 [MUW 1469 I R 4]. Paid fees
of 4 gr.
Wernherus Stirsdorffer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 [MLMU I, 100,6]. He
was possibly the son of Wernher Styerstorffer layman and citizen
of Regensburg who vouched for the agreement between Andreas
Baldner (Waldner) and the chapter of the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol.
1, 231 #1136: 13 July 1479]. The same Wernher Stierstorfer, citizen
of Regensburg was named as one of two executors in the will of

Anna Stirsdorfferin. The other was Hanns Furenschildt (Schiltl) [Urk.

AK., vol. 1, 359 #1742: 27 March 1515]. Anna donated 7 schillings
Regensburg. denarii to provide a meal “dazw gueter pairisch wein
und weyß prot” and 2 R. d. for twelve poor scholars from the Alte
Kapelle each year on Maundy Thursday (Anntlastag).
Marquardus Sto(a)r de Ratispona. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 77].
Paid fees of 4 gr.
Erhardus Stoeckel de Rat. Vienna 1427 [MUW 1427 I R 33]. Pauper.
Johannes Stöckel (Stoekchl) de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 II R
128]. Paid fees of 4 gr. He is possibly the same as Johannes Stöckel
bachelor in arts and cleric in the diocese of Regensburg, who first
appears as a witness to Michael Lengfelder’s resignation of a ben-
efice in the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 182 #390:16 June 1459]
According to Schmid, he was also rector scolarum in the Alte Kapelle
16 May 1463 [Schmid, Geschichte, 263]. He held the altar of Sts.
Martha and Dorothy in the Alte Kapelle until 1465 [Urk. AK., vol. 1,
191 #982: 28 February 1465]. By this time he was also vicar of of
the altar of St. Ursula and the eleven thousand virgins in the cathe-
dral and was ordered to resign his benefice in the Alte Kapelle [Urk.
AK., vol. 1, 405–406, #1936: 28 February 1465]. In 1453, an Ulrich
Stogkel “der Varber, bürger zu Regensburg” witnessed the sale of
a house in Regensburg by Albertus Puechel de Sultzbach [Urk. AK.,
vol. 1, 169 #867: 28 May 1453].
Leonardus Storck de Ratispona. Leipzig 1466 [MUL I, 256, B61]. Paid
fees of 10 gr. at time of matriculation.
Johannes Storichel (Stirchel) de Rat. Ingolstadt 1484 [MLMU I, 128, 34]
Vienna 1486 [MUW 1486 I R 14]. He paid fees of 6 gr. at Ingolstadt.
Earned his bachelor in arts before 1486. When he matriculated at
Vienna in 1486, he appears as baccalarius Ingolstatensis and paid fees
of 4 gr.
Paulus Strasser (Strosser) de Ratißpona. Leipzig 1512 [MUL I, 518, B
135]. Paid fees of 6 gr. at time of matriculation.
Henricus Strasser de Rat. Heidelberg 1441–1444 [MUH I, 233, 513].
Straubinger: The Straubingers were a Regensburg patrician family
prominent in late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. The were
engaged in Flemish cloth trade. The family declined significantly
in the 1320s and 1330s especially after the expulsion of Ludwig
Straubinger from the city [Morré, “Ratsverfassung und Patriziat in
Regensburg,” 80; Bastian, Das Runtingerbuch, vol. 2, 434].

336 appendix ii
Emeramus Straubinger (Strubinger). Ingolstadt 1478 [MLMU I, 84, 25].

Georgius Straubinger (Strawbinger) de Rat. Vienna 1412 [MUW 1412
II R 46]. Paid fees of 2 gr. He held a benefice in the church of
Obermünster (Superiorimon.), 14 February 1424 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4,
804]. He was also granted the altar of St. Katherine in Regensburg
not withstanding the prebend he held in Obermünster “de conf. vicar
ad alt. s. Katherine in eccl. Ratispon. vac p.o. Erhardi Punchaver,
n.o. can. et preb. in Superiorimon. Ratispon., lite sup par. eccl. in
Ergoltspach Ratispon. dioc.” 5 July 1424 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 804].
Ulricus Straubinger (Struburga) de Rat. Paris 1313 [CUP II, 165 #701;
Courtenay, “Foreign Scholars at Paris,” 63].
Ulricus Straubinger. Bologna 1353 [Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna,
562 #3742]. He served as proctor of the German nation at the
University of Bologna in 1353. He was a member of a Regensburg
patrician family (see Straubinger earlier). He held a canonry in the
Regensburg cathedral. In 1357, he was implicated in the murder of
Conrad of Braunau, a fellow canon [RegBoic IX, 1360, June 30].
Nevertheless, he continued to hold positions in the cathedral. In 1385
he was Scolasticus and senior in Regensburg [Thiel, ed., Die Urkunden
des Kollegiatstifts St. Johann in Regensburg bis zum Jahre 1400, 469]. He
was dead by 1391.
Petrus Straus de Ratißbona. Leipzig 1512 [MUL I, 517, B 73]. Paid
fees of 6 gr.
Oswaldus Straus (Strawss) de Rat. Vienna 1418 [MUW 1418 II1 R 8].
Paid fees of 4gr. He is called priest in Regensburg. Oswaldus Straus
sought to exchange the parish church of Pfarrkirchen with Ruldolf
Volkard von Heringen for the deanery in St. Johann, 14 April 1427
[Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 3055–56]. The chapter of St. Johann contested
the exchange resulting in a lengthy legal battle. Oswald Strauss served
as secretary to Johannes Schallerman in the Roman Rota (appellate
tribunal in the Roman Curia) and as rector of St. Cassian [Fuchs,
“Ein Westfale in Kärnten. Eine unbekannte Vita des Bischofs Johann
Schallermann von Gurk (gest. 1465),” in Carinthia I, 191 (2002),
143–163]. He was dead by 23 August 1436 and was buried in St.
Emmeram [Günther, “Die Dekane und Kanoniker des Kollegiatstiftes
St. Johann in Regensburg,” 80; Freytag, “Ein Grabmälerverzeichnis
von St Emmeram in Regensburg,” 34. Freytag was unable to make
out the year. He has 1423 (1420?); ]. An Andreas (Andre/Endres)
Strauss was Stadtschreiber in Regensburg [München HStA, RR Urk.
1428 IV 9 (I am grateful to Fuchs for this reference).]

Albertus Streitberger. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 I R 157]. The noble-

born Albertus Streitberger held a canonry in the Regensburg cathe-
dral when he matriculated at Vienna. He paid fees of 1 fl.
Henricus Streitberger. Leipzig 1417 [MUL I, 55, B4]. The noble-born
Henricus Streitberger held a canonry in the Regensburg cathedral. He
paid fees of 6 gr. He was nephew of Johannes Streitberger (later) who
served as bishop of Regensburg from 1421–28. In 1418, Henricus
Streitberger was made rector of Haldenstat in the diocese of Bamberg
despite the fact that he was not of canonical age and already held a
prebend in Bamberg. In 1420, he was made rector of Otring in the
diocese of Regensburg, again he was not of canonical age. In 1428,
he was made rector in Sinzing in the diocese of Regensburg. In the
same year, he also received a dispensation to remain in lower orders
(subdeacon) for five years [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1303–04].
Johannes Streitberger (Streyperger) Vienna 1403 [MUW 1403 I R
37]. The noble-born Johannes Streitberger held a canonry in the
diocese of Regensburg from at least 1392. He became custos in
Regensburg on 8 September 1392 [Rep. Germ., vol. 2, 766]. He paid
fees of 8 gr. when he matriculated at Vienna in 1403. He received
the parish church of Niedermünster on 22 March 1406 [Rep. Germ.,
vol. 2, 1276]; He resigned the parish church n Tegernheim before
15 September 1414 [Rep. Germ., vol. 3, 323]; He held a canonries in
Bamberg and Regensburg by 4 December 1420 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4,
2410]; In 1421 he was promoted as bishop of Regensburg a position
he held until his death in 1428. He resigned his prebend in Bamberg
shortly after his promotion as bishop [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 397]. When
he died in 1428 he still held the parish church of Niedermünster in
Regensburg [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1845].
Johannes Streycher ex Rat. Vienna 1507 [MUW 1507 I R 144]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Emmeramus Stuchs de Rat. Vienna 1465 [MUW 1465 I R 55]. Pauper.
Entered later in another hand “Decanus S[ancti] Joh[annis] ibidem.”
Cristofferus Suchainagel ex Regensburg. Vienna 1516 [MUW 1516 II
A 104]. Paid fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Sumpekch de Rat. Vienna 1418 [MUW 1418 I R 40]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Erhardus Surstermayr de Rat. Vienna 1450 [MUW 1450 I R 105].
Paid fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Swab de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 II R 3]. He Paid
fees of 4 gr. when he matriculated at Vienna in 1451. Family appears

338 appendix ii
frequently among the citizenry of Regensburg. Perhaps the same

as the Johannes Swab who appears as witness to several property
disputes in Regensburg between 1456 and 1459. In 1459, he was
included among three “gesworen frawnpotten” [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 176
#901, and 182 #931]. A Friedrich Swab citizen of Regensburg and
“richter in der vorstadt” was sent to the imperial chancellor in 1458
to plead the city’s case in a dispute against Erasmus Lerchenfelder
[Koller and Heinig, Regesten Kaiser Friedrichs III., Heft 15, 120 #130:
ca. 19 March 1458].
Erasmus Swaiger O.F.M. de Ratispona. Ingolstadt 1501 [MLMU I,
291, 18]. Paid fees of 1 gr.
Simon Swartzenhover. Ingolstadt 1516 [MLMU I, 402,17]. Paid fees
of 48 den. Clericus Ratisponensis.
Johannes Swartzenhover (Swartzhouer) de Rat. Vienna 1481 [MUW
1481 I R 77].
Albertus Swenter (Swentter) ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1479 [MLMU I, 92,
20].
Stephanus Swenter de Rat. Ingolstadt 1485 [MLMU I, 152, 1]. Paid
fees of 28 den.
Wolfgangus Swenter (Swentter) de Rat. Ingolstadt 1474 [MLMU I,
49, 14].
Fridericus Syn de Rat. Vienna 1465 [MUW 1465 I R 66]. Pauper.
Henricus Tanhein de Friburgo. Padua 1436 [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 1, 2:
1316, 1352, 1452, rect., 1456, Dr. in both canon and civil law, 1524].
Regensburg cathedral canon.
Wolfhardus Tegerndorfer de Rat. Vienna 1401 [MUW 1401 I R 6].
Assessed fess of 2 gr.
Johannes Tegernpeck de Ratispana. Leipzig 1464 [MUL I, 248, B83].
Johannes Tegernpeck was a monk of St. Emmeram when he matricu-
latied at Leipzig in 1464. He paid fees of 10 gr. He copied at least a
portion of a collection of humanist influenced texts, which include
Petrarch’s epistola ad Thomam Messanensem, a number of works of
Cicero, as well as Virgil, Sallust and Pindar. The codex includes
a version of Ulricus Part’s (for Ulricus Part, see earlier) humanist
influenced speech extolling the virtues of Piccolomino family on the
occassion of the Cardinal’s visit [BayStB clm 14125 fol. 216]. He also
copied a work of the emminent Italian humanist, Leonardo Bruni
(Aretini) Comedia Poliscenae [BayStB clm 14529 fol. 402]. Interestingly,
he also copied works of a traditional scholastic style a well. These
included the following: Quaestiones of Johannes Versoris on the Prior

Analytics, Posterior Analytics, and Topics of Aristotle and the Elenchos

in 1467 [BayStB clm 14133 fol. 244]. His recall from Leipzig is
recorded in BayStB clm 14111 which includes a large number of
mathematical and astronomical texts perhaps reflecting some of
Johannes Tegernpeck’s own studies. Johannes Tegernpeck also owned
BayStB clm 14041.This codex contained Peter Comestor, Historia
Scholastica, copied by a Friedrich von Lichtenfels who was active as a
student and teacher in Leipzig from 1458 to 1474 [Wunderle, Katalog
der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: Die
Handschriften aus St. Emmeram in Regensburg, vol. 1. Clm 14000–14130,
93], Other texts associated with Tegernpeck include clm 14112
which contained the Moralia on Job of Gregory the Great, a text
copied in 1466 for Johannes Spieß, one of Tegernpeck’s masters at
Leipzig [Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen
Staatsbibliothek München: Die Handschriften aus St. Emmeram in Regensburg,
vol. 1. Clm 14000–14130 273, 295]. In 1480, purchased [Bonifatius
VIII, Liber Sextus (Venice: Andreas de Bonetis, 1486.05.22), 2o:
B-722 BSB-Ink: Online Version, 24 May 2007]. Tegernpeck died 1
October 1493 [Freytag, “Ein Grabmälerverzeichnis von St Emmeram
in Regensburg,” 34].
Georgius Teschel de Rat. Vienna 1471 [MUW 1471 I R 90]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Henricus Tettinger de Rat. Vienna 1457 [MUW 1457 I R 98]. Paid
fees of 2 gr.
Sixtus Teyspeck de Ratispona. Leipzig 1490 [MUL I, 380, B57]. Paid
fees of 6 gr. at time of matriculation. Family appears frequently
among the Regensburg citizenry.
Bernhardus Tinzinger de Rat. Vienna 1474 [MUW 1474 II R 17].
Paid fees of 1 gr.
Michael Tolman de Rat. Vienna 1508 [MUW 1508 II R 29]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Georgius Tonhawser ex Rat. Vienna 1501 [MUW 1501 I R 167]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Tornsteyner. Vienna 1423 [MUW I 423 I R 4]. Regensburg
cathedral canon paid fees of 4 sol.
Johannes Trabolt (Trawolt) Heidelberg 1455 [Boehm, Biog. Lex. Ingol.,
440]; Padua 1467 [Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 2: 687]; Ingolstadt 1482
[MLMU I, 113, 42]; Ingolstadt 1502 [MLMU I, 293, 5]. He was
rector of Platting when he matriculated at Padua. He left Padua as
licentiate in canon law. During his studies at Padua he was associated

340 appendix ii
with several important early humanists including Johannes Mendel

and Johannes Tröster from Amberg. He was also associated with
Casparus Kantner, through whom he came into the service of the
city of Regensburg. He served as notary in Regensburg in 1474
[Koller, Heinig, eds., Regesten Kaiser Friedrichs III., Heft, 15, 149 #182].
Taught law in Ingolstadt from 1502. Died in Ingolstadt at the age of
80 on 28 October 1505. He was Buried in St. Emmeram [Deutsch,
Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 411].
Johannes Trainer (Trayner) de Rat. Ingolstadt 1491 [MLMU I, 218,
18]; Vienna 1495 [MUW 1495 II R 70]. He paid fees of 6 gr. at
Ingolstadt and 4 gr. at Vienna. Johannes Trainer was a member
of a Regensburg patriciate family. He is possibly the same as the
Johannes Trayner cleric of Regensburg who received a benefice
in the Alte Kapelle in 1512 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 347 #1685: 4 June
1512]. His promotion was witnessed by Wolfgangus Trayner citizen
of Regensburg. See also [Schottenloher, Tagebuchaufzeichnungen, 23].
An Ulrich Trainer appears as a citizen of Regensburg in 1398 [Urk.
AK., vol. 1, 95 #495: 19 May 1398]. An Erasmus Trayner served as
city treasurer in 1469 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 409 #1950: 13 December
1469]. A Veit Trainer (uncle?) served as probstrichter zu Regensburg in
1483 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 240 #1218: 19 June 1483].
Vitus Trainer ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1492 [MLMU I, 218, 43]. Paid fees of
6 gr. See Johannes Trainer (earlier) for more on the Trainer family.
Conradus Trebser de Rat. Vienna 1475 [MUW 1475 I R 51]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Tröster. Vienna 1442 [MUW II 1442] Padua 1468–1471
[Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 3: 793, and Acta Grad. Pat., vol. 2, 4: 6, 14].
Orginally from Amberg. Johannes Tröster, Regensburg cathedral
canon and provost of Mattic (Maticensis) was promoted as doctor
of canon law on 2 September 1468. Among the witnesses to his
promotion were the humanist Johannes Mendel canon of Eichstätt
as well as three with ties to Regensburg. These were: Johannes
Trabolt (earlier), Ulricus Baumgartner (earlier), and Erhardus
Zenger from the dioc. of Regensburg. Tröster also appears in
the records of Padua frequently with Stephanus Schrotel (ear-
lier). Johannes Tröster began his career in the service of emperor
Frederick III. Tröster was also a noted Humanist and was placed
in charge of the education of the nephew of pope Pius II, Enea
Silvio Piccolomini [Fuchs and Märtl, “Literarisches und geistiges
Leben im 15. Jahrhundert,” 910.] At his death he left behind a large

number of manuscripts reflecting humanist influence including:

the comedies of Plutarch [München Universitätsbibliothek, fol. Cod.
Ms 545: N. Daniel, G. Kornrumpf, G. Schott, eds., Die lateinischen
mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München: Die Hand-
schriften aus der Folioreihe, part 1, 64] the Histories of Quintus
Curtius Rufus [München Universitätsbibliothek fol. Cod. Ms 547:
N. Daniel, G. Korn-rumpf, G. Schott, eds., Die lateinischen mittelalterli-
chen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München, 547], Plutarch’s Vitae
Parallelae [München Universitätsbibliothek fol. Cod. Ms 549 549:
N. Daniel, G. Kornrumpf, G. Schott, eds., Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen
Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München, 69] Diodorus Siculus (Greek
historian fl. ca. 49 B.C.) [München Universitätsbibliothek fol. Cod.
Ms 553: N. Daniel, G. Kornrumpf, G. Schott, eds., Die lateinischen mit-
telalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München, 76], a work by
the Italian Humanist Flavius Bondus [München Universitätsbibliothek
fol. Cod. Ms 681: N. Daniel, G. Kornrumpf, G. Schott, eds., Die
lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München,
177], Boccaccio, De Monitbus et Sylvis [München Universitätsbibliothek
fol. Cod. Ms 336: N. Daniel, G. Kornrumpf, G. Schott, eds., Die
lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München,
157], Solinus Pomponiius Melus (perhaps copied by Tröster himself )
[München Universitätsbibliothek quart. Cod. Ms 533a: M. Reuter, Die
lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München:
Die Handschriften aus der Quartreihe (Wiesbaden: 2000), 162], Cicero,
De finibus bonorum et malorum [München Universitätsbibliothek quart.
Ms. 535: M. Reuter, Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der
Universitätsbibliothek München, 162] and two collections of humanist
texts including Tröster’s own Dialogus de Remedio Amoris [Stuttgart,
Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Cod. Poet. et phil. fol. 25 and
quart. 37: W. Irtenkauf and I. Krekler, Codices poetici et philologici.
Mit vorabrbeit von Isold Dumke (Wiesbaden: 1981), 26, 105]. Tröster
purchased many of these texts in Italy during his studies in the late
1460s later donating them to the University of Ingolstadt at his death
in 1481 [VL 9, 1078–1083].
Sigismundus Tröster Basel 1462 [BZAR BDK 30 fol. 64v, 54A (I am
grateful to Fuchs for this reference)]. Cathedral canon.
Ambrosius Truenkel de Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 [MLMU I, 94, 25]. He
was a member of a Regensburg patriciate family. A Trunkel appears
as a member of the city council in 1475 [Gemeiner, Regensburgische
Chronik, vol. 3, 433, 449, 498, 531, 562].

342 appendix ii
Conradus Tulkhofer de Rat. Vienna 1412 [MUW 1412 II R 20]. Paid

fees of 1 gr.
Johannes Tummer (Dumer) de Rat. Vienna 1414 [MUW 1414 I R
Pauper.
Johannes Turnberger de Rat. Vienna 1481 [MUW 1481 I R 86]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Stephanus Turnmayr de Rat. Vienna 1440 [MUW 1440 I R 66]. Paid
fees of 1 gr.
Georgius Urfarer ex Rat. Vienna 1488 [MUW 1488 I R 134]. Paid
fees of 4 gr. Family appears frequently among the citizenry of
Regensburg. During the 1471 Reichstag held in Regensburg, a Hanns
Urfarer housed four horses and four men associated with the entou-
rage of Duke Louis Rich of Bavaria-Landshut. [Wolff, ed., Deutsche
Reichstagsakten unter Friedrich III].
Johannes Urfarer. Ingolstadt 1494 [MLMU I, 230, 19]. Paid fees of 6 gr.
Conradus Vellslos de Ratispona. Bologna 1316 [Schmutz, Juristen für
das Reich, 405 #595; Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna, 593 #3966].
Paid fees of 12 sol.
Johannes Velspurger de Rat. Vienna 1426 [MUW 1426 II R 14].
Pauper.
Michael Vetter de Rat. Ingolstadt 1484 [MLMU I, 130, 7]. Paid fees
of 6 gr.
Leonardus Vilser de Rat. Vienna 1469 [MUW 1469 II R 110]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Johannes Viltzhofer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1480 [MLMU I, 94, 31].
Anselmus Virawer de Ratispona. Leipzig 1506 [MUL I, 476, B46].
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Andreas Vogel de Ratispona. Leipzig 1515 [MUL I, 541, B53] Ingolstadt
1516 [MLMU I, 402, 29]. Paid fees of 6 gr. whe he matriculated at
Leipzig. He is designated as cleric in Regensburg.
Georgius Vogler de Rat. Vienna 1431 [MUW 1431 I R 41]. Pauper.
Gebhardus Vogler ex Rat. Vienna 1497 [MUW 1497 II R 81]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.
Nicolaus Vohenstainer de Rat. Vienna 1453 [MUW 1453 I R 50].
Paid fees pf 4 gr.
Rudolfus Volkard de Herringen. Erfurt 1411–19 [Act. Erf., I, 93, 36]
Bologna before 1423 [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 3303 dr. in med. Bonon.]
Vienna 1433–38 [MUW 1433 S 1; Uiblein, AFT, vol. 1, 74, 76, 79
111, 115, 117]. He was awarded a master in arts degree at Erfurt

in 1419 [Kleineidam, Universitas Studii Erffordensis, vol. 1, 362]. He

was awarded a doctorate in medicine at Bologna before 1423. He
was a cursor in theology at Vienna in 1433 [Uiblein, AFT vol. 1,
110]. During his medical career he served as a city physician in
Regensburg from 1423–25. In 1423 “am mitwochen in der quatem-
per vor Emerami,” he received his quarterly payment of thirteen
Gulden [StAR Cam.09. 156v]. J. Schmid gives his annual salary as
200 Gulden, but this seems too high. Those who held the position
in 1422 and 1425 received only sixty and eighty gulden respectively.
Compare [R. Freytag, Verzeichnis der Regensburger Aerzte (bis 1850), 5].
Freytag reports his salary at 100 gulden. He was dean in St. Johann
in 1424 [ J. Schmid, Geschichte U. L. Frau zur alten Kapelle, 115] and
canon in the Alte Kapelle 1426 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 130 #696: 28
May 1426]. He served as vicar general in Regensburg (1429–1443)
[Lieberich, “Gelehrten Räte,” 168]. In 1430, he donated a Predigtbuch
to St. Cassian worth 20 hungarian gulden. At this time, he was “der
freyen kunst und erzney ein lerer” [BZAR StiAK U 721: 21 February
1430]. On 28 August 1430 a Henricus Susze cleric in Mainz received
a papal provision for a canonry in the Alte Kapelle vacant through the
death of Rudolph von Heringen [Rep. Germ., vol. 4, 1407]. However,
he did not die and continued to hold a canonry in the Alte Kapelle
until 1465. In 1433, he matriculated in theology at Vienna where
he remained until 1438. He was promoted as doctor in theology on
23 September 1436. He appears as advisor and servant of Duke
Ernst of Bayern-München [Lieberich, “Gelehrten Räte,” 168]. By
1440, he was dean of the Alte Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 151 #789:
25 February 1440]. In 1445 he became plebe of the church of St.
Peter in Munich. In 1451, he endowed a Feast of Our Lady of the
Snows, in which he provided Semmeln for the sixty scholars of the Alte
Kapelle [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 166 #851: 23 March 1451]. In 1452, he
witnessed the will of Ulrich Rot, dean of St. Johann in Regensburg.
At this time, he was described as “Maister Rudolph von Heringen
Lerer der heiligen geschrifft. Doctor in den Freyen Kunsten und der
Erznney Techant und korherr der Kaiserlichen stift Alten Capellen
zu Regensburg und pfarrer zu Sand Peter zu Munchen.” [StBR,
Regensburg, Sammlungen des Historischen Vereins für Oberpfalz
und Regensburg, Urkunden #265]. He died in Munich in 1465
[ J. Schmid, Geschichte des Kollegiatstiftes U.L.F. zur alten Kapelle, 116].
Georgius Vomhauss de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 I R 196].
Pauper.

344 appendix ii
Conradus Vorchsaymer de Rat. Vienna 1423 [MUW 1423 II R 29].

Paid fees of 1 gr.
Petrus Vörstl de Rat Vienna 1446 [MUW 1446 II R 17]. Pauper.
Conradus Vultur de Ratispona. Leipzig 1442 [MUL I, 141, B 27]. Paid
fees of 6. He is likely the same as the Conrad Vulture who resigned
his benefice in the altar of St. Wenceslaus, in 1451 [Urk. AK., vol.
1, 398 #1904: 7 August 1451].
Georgius Vultur de Ratispona. Leipzig 1458 [MUL I, 215, B70]. Paid
fees of 5 gr.
Arnoldus Wadel de Ratispana. Leipzig 1513 [MUL I, 530, B51].
Pauper.
Ulrich Wagener dioc. Rat. Paris 1475–76 [AUP VI 527]. Uldericus
Waghener, “dioc. Rat. Cujus bursa valet 4or sol. bac. in art. ii lib x sol.”
An Ulrich Wagner appears as summissarius at Niedermünster in 1508;
perhaps the same? [P. Mai and M. Popp, eds., Regensburger Visitations-
protokoll von 1508, 34].
Andreas Walcher. Ingolstadt 1506 [Urk. AK, I, 324 #1580: 8 October
1506]. Vicar in Hönhaim by 1484 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 250 #1257: 14
October 1484]. He was canon in the Alte Kapelle by 1506 [Urk.
AK., vol. 1, 324 #1580: 8 October 1506], a position he resigned in
1519 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 376 #1816: 17 September 1519].
Sebastianus Walcher (Welcher) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1491 [MUL I,
384, B59]. Paid fees of 6 gr.
Georgius Waldman Rat. Ingolstadt 1512 [MLMU I, 256, 9]. Paid fees
of 48 den.
Andreas Waldner de Rat. Heidelberg 1485 [MUH I, 379].
Georgius ( Jorius) Waldner ex Rat. Vienna 1515 [MUW 1515 II R 27].
Petrus Waltinger de Rat. Ingolstadt 1507 [MLMU I, 321, 13]. Paid
fees of 1 gr.
Henricus Wegner de Rat. Vienna 1442 [MUW 1442 R 74]. Paid fees
of 1 gr.
Johannes Weihkel de Rat. Vienna 1499 [MUW 1499 I R 118].
Laurentius Weinzuerl de Rat. Ingolstadt 1482 [MLMU I, 116, 32].
citizenry. A Laurencius and Conrad Weinzierl aus Mosham (ca. 1451)
were summoned to appear before the Abbot of the Schottenkloster
concerning a complaint against them by the Abbot of St. Emmeram
[BayStB clm 14037; Wunderle, Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der

Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: Die Handschriften aus St. Emmeram in

Regensburg, vol. 1, 87].
Conradus Weissbeck (Weispekh) de Rat. Vienna 1455 [MUW 1455 I
R 154]. Paid fees of 4 gr.
Jacobus Weissbeck (Weisspech) de Rat. Vienna 1400. Paid fees of 2
gr. Later canon in the Alte Kapelle. Dead by 10 January 1420 [Rep.
Germ., vol. 4, 3634].
Simon Weissbeck (Weyspech) de Rat. Vienna 1407 [MUW 1407 II R 7].
Paid fees of 2 gr.
Georgius Weittinger de Rat. Vienna 1512 [MUW 1512 I R 144].
Pauper.
Simon Weltinburger (Woltembrrger) de Rat. Vienna 1431 [MUW 1431 I
R 94]; Padua 1436 [Acta. Grad. Pat. vol. I, 2: 27, #1117]. Paid fees of
4 gr. At Padua he witnessed the examination of Johannes Rüderbom
de Ulma in canon law. A Simon Weltenburg was a member of the
city council and traveled frequently on behalf of the city. In 1459, for
example, “Es rait herrr Simon Weltenburger zu dem Frawnberger gen
Prunn als er von Frankreich kommen was und gen München reiten
und an pringen tun solt von des Zins und der Arbait der Weingarten
wegen.” [StAR Cam. 14. 217v; see also StaR Cam. 14 216r and
Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 288]. During the Reichstag
held in Regensburg in 1471, a Simon Weltenpergerin housed 6 men
and horses associated with the delegation from Kempton [Wolff, ed.,
Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Friedrich III, 565, 20].
Jacobus Weltzer de Rat. Ingolstadt 1481 [MLMU I, 100, 36].
Leonardus Wepeis de Rat. Ingolstadt 1474 [MLMU I, 47, 10]. In 1479,
a Wepeis appears as a member of the inner council [Gemeiner,
Ulricus Werder von Pappenheim. Leipzig 1441 [MUL I, 134, B3].
He was rector of St. Rupert’s, the parish church of St. Emmeram
when he matriculated at Leipzig. He paid fees of 10 gr. Ulricus
Werder set up a benefice attached to the altar of St. John the Baptist
and St. John the Evangelist in the Alte Kapelle. Stipulated that the
benefice was to go to Johannes Hayden a priest in the diocese of
Regensburg [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 168 #864: 7 February 1452]. He was
closely connected to Hermann Pötzlinger [see StAR, Historica I, 1,
fol. 140r (I am grateful to Fuchs for this reference].
Conradus Wermer (Wermar) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1465 [MUL I 254,
B10]. Paid fees of 6 gr. at time of matriculation.

346 appendix ii
Ulricus Wertha(?p)t de Rat. Vienna 1414 [MUW 1414 I R 95]. Paid

fees of 3 gr. 1 gr. deferred.
Nicolaus Weynander de Rat. Vienna 1431 [1431 I R 89]. Pauper.
Fridericus Weyss de Rat. Ingolstadt 1479 [MLMU I, 90, 22]. He was
award a bachelor in arts in December 1480. In 1491, he was the
first lector of mathematics in Ingolstadt. He was paid directly by
the university and therefore outside the arts faculty. He left behind
three manuscripts primarily concerned with such engineering feats
as clocks, gears, and astonomical instruments [see Boehm, ed., Bio-
Lex. Ingol., 471].
Sigismundus Weyss de Rat. Ingolstadt 1474 [MLMU I, 45, 10].
Martinus Weyss ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1488 [MLMU I, 186, 39]. Paid fees
of 6 gr.
Sebaldus Weyssenburger de Ratispona. Leipzig 1516 [MUL I, 551,
Johannes Weyssenfelder de Rat. Vienna 1468 [MUW 1468 I R 76].
Paid fees of 4gr. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg
citizenry.
Paulus Weytold de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 II2 R 45]. Paid fees
of 2 gr.
Conradus Widman de Rat. Vienna 1414 [MUW 1414 I R 13]. Pauper.
Family appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry.
Johannes Widman alias Hirskofer de Ratispona. Freiburg i. Br. 1461
[MUF I, 15, 17]. Paid fees of 48 den. Likely the same as Johannes
Widman chaplain of the altar of St. Jakob in the Alte Kapelle [Urk.
AK., vol. 1, 201 #1034: 28 May 1468].
Leonardus Widman de Hemmaw. Ingolstadt 1512 [MLMU I, 353, 36].
Cleric in Regensburg. He originated from Tegernheim. He paid fees
of 48 den. when he matriculated at Ingolstadt. He was likely the
same as Leonardus Widmanm, summisar und benefiziat of the altar
of St. Wenceslas in the Alte Kapelle who composed a chronicle of
Regensburg. He died 20 March 1557 and was buried in the Alte
Kapelle. [Hecht, “Grabendenkmäler der Stiftskirche U. L. Frau zur
Alten Kapelle,” 19].
Mathaeus Widman de Rat. Vienna 1477 [MUW 1477 II R 13].
Pauper.
Theodoricus Widman ex Rat. Vienna 1497 [MUW 1497 II R 82].
Paid fees of 2 gr.

Cristoferus Wielandt de Rat. Vienna 1451 [MUW 1451 II R 60].

citizenry.
Casparus Wild de Ratispona. Leipzig 1511 [MUL I, 516, B63] Vienna
1516 [MUW 1516 II R 6]. He paid fees of 6 gr. when he matricu-
lated at Leipzig and 4 gr. at Vienna. He belonged to a Regensburg
patrician family.
Georgius Wild de Rat. Vienna 1462 [MUW 1462 II R 4]. Paid fees of
4 gr. Regensburg patrician family.
Wolfgangus Wild de Ratispona. Leipzig 1490 [MUL I, 375, B75].
Paid fees of 6 gr. at time of matriculation. Regensburg patrician
family.
Johannes Winckler de Ratispona O.F.M. Ingolstadt 1479 [MLMU I,
91, 18]. Served as guardian of the Regensburg Franciscans in 1487
[A. Hilz, Minderbrüder St. Salvator, 184].
Leonardus Windenwerger ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1508 [MLMU I, 328, 36].
Wolfgangus (Bolfgangus) Windeschrawr ex Rat. Vienna 1516 [MUW
1516 I R 53]. Paid fees of 4 gr.
Fridericus Wiersperger. Leipzig 1462 [WS 1462] Vienna 1475 [MUW
1475 II R 1]. Noble. Paid fees of 1 fl. at Vienna. 1481 rector of
Ilckhoven and cathedral canon [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 238 #1205: 17 July
1481]. Rector of St. Georg in Amberg [Kist, Die Matrikel der Geistlichkeit
des Bistums Bamberg, 439]. Also chaplain of St. Otto in Regensburg.
Dead by 6 July 1506 [Urk. AK., 323 #1573: 6 July 1506].
Johannes Wiersperger (Wirsperger/Wursperg). Heidelberg 1507; Ingol-
stadt 1509 [MLMU I, 332, 26]. Regensburg cathedral canon paid
fees of 1 fl.
Leonardus Windisch de Rat. Freiburg i. Br. 1477–1490 [MUF 63, 12].
Bachelor in arts 1478. Master in arts 1480/81. Arts faculty 1486. In
1490 he was still teaching in the arts faculty, lecturing on the Topics
and Prior Analytics of Aristotle “Magistro Leonardo Windisch ex Ratis-
bona lectioniem librorum Priorum Atistotelis . . . Magistro Leonhardo
Windisch de Ratisbona exercititum librorum Thopicorum . . .”
[U. Bodemann, Cedulae actuum, 451 see also 447, 449.]
Fridericus Wirsing (Wirsink). Heidelberg 1390 [MUH I, 44; II, 500, 524].
Fridericus Wirsing matriculated at Heidelberg first in 1390. He was
promoted as a bachelor in law before 1392 at which time he paid 2

348 appendix ii
florins [MUH II, 500]. He first appears as licenciate in law (1390–92)

[MUH II, 524]. He was received into the law faculty at Heidelberg
between 1390 and 1392. Scolasticus and canon in the Alte Kapelle
by 1386 [Ried III, #628: 31 July 1386]. He was engaged in a dis-
pute over the parish church of Hartkirchen in the diocese of Passau
with magister in artibus Nicolaus de Wasserburg, 12 May 1393 [Rep.
Germ., vol. 2, 305]. See also [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 77, 83, 87, 88, 101].
He received the income form the parish of Moshaim as a supple-
ment to the insufficient income provided by the school endowment.
Confirmed again for Albertus Preiser in 1402 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 101
#534: 15 April 1402].
Georgius Wirtenberger de Ratispona. Ingolstadt 1484 [MLMU I, 132,
24]; Ingolstadt 1509 [MLMU I, 333, 28]; Leipzig 1510 [MUL II, 470].
Paid fees of 6 gr. First appears in Regensburg in 1489 dominus Georgius
Wirttenberger submissus superioris monasterii. Georgius Wirtenberger held
a benefice (St. Crucis) in the Alte Kapelle and was appointed by
Johan Schuz de Cubito priest in the dioc. of Prague as proctor to
secure a benefice in the Alte Kapelle. From 1523 to 1536, appears
regularly as proctor of the consistory and the office of the vicar
general. 1536–1540 appears as vicar general. Likely died in 1541
[Deutsch, Ehegerichtsbarkeit im Bistum Regensburg, 400; Urk. AK., vol. 1,
290 #1435: 17 August 1497].
Martinus Wirtenberger (Wirttenberger) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1476 [MUL
I, 302, B 46]. Paid fees of 6 gr. Martin Wirttenberger subcustos maioris
ecclesie Ratisbonensis donated a copy of Alexander of Hales, Summa univer-
sae theologiae to the library of St. Mang at his death in 1513 [Alexander
de Hales, Summa universae theologiae, pp. 1–4 (Nürnberg: Anton Koberger,
p. 1: 1482.01.24; p. 2: 1481.11.29; p. 3: 1482.05.06; P. 4: 1482.08.23),
A-240; BSB-Ink, Online-Version: 24 May 2007]. Also left a Bible
and Glossa ordinaria [Strasbourg, Adolf Rusch für Anton Koberger,
not after 1480, 2o : B-442, BSB-Ink, Online-Version, 24 May 2007].
Johannes Wisent de Novo Foro. Freiburg i. Br. 1470–72 [MUF, 47
#26; Urk. AK., vol. 1 #1063: 25 May 1471; #1071: 4 May 1472]
Ingolstadt 1473 [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 213 #1088: 11 June 1473]. Canon,
Alte Kapelle and plebe in Roting [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 240 #1220: 17
July 1472]. Provided several letters attesting to his progress at the
universities of Freiburg, and Ingolstadt.
Albertus Wishay de Rat. Vienna 1389 [MUW 1389 I R 15]. Paid fees
of 2 gr.

Henricus Wolf de Rat. Vienna 1448 [MUW 1448 II R 36]. Paid fees
of 4 gr.
Johannes Wolffel de Rat. Vienna 1497 [MUW 1497 I R 80]. Paid fees
cf [Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol. 3, 583].
Johannes Wolfgangi (Volfgangi) de Ratispona. Krakow 1512 [Crac. Album
Stud. 2, 1, 136]. Paid fees of 4 gr.
Sigismundus Wueest ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1492 [MLMU I, 216, 27]. Paid
fees of 6 gr.
Ulricus (Odalricus) Wurgenfuchs. Leipzig 1461[MUL I, 228, B94].
Paid fees of 6 gr.
Johannes de Wursperg de Lentendorf. Heidelberg 1507 [MUH I, 462].
Cathedral canon Regensburg at time of matriculation. Matriculated
with Johannes Zenger de Schnaeberg who also held a canonry in the
Regensburg cathedral. Same as Johannes Wiersperger?
Wilhelmus Wynberger de Ratispona. Leipzig 1459 [MUL I 218, B9].
Paid fees of 3 gr. at time of matriculation.
Wolfgangus Zandtner de Zandt. Ingolstadt 1511 [MLMU I, 245, 19].
Regensburg cathedral canon paid fees of 1 fl.
Leonardus Zeller (Czeller) de Rat. Vienna 1454 [MUW 1454 II R 70].
Paid fees of 4 gr. Regensburg office-holding family. A Herman Zeller
Schultheiss represented Regensburg at the 1460 Nuremberg Reichstag
[H. Koller and P.-J. Heinig, Regesten Kaiser Friedrichs III., Heft 15, 135
#151: 3 April 1460.
Leonardus Zeller de Ratispona. Ingolstadt 1476 [MLMU I, 64, 22]. “non
iurarunt quia minores annis.” Regensburg office holding family.
Wolfgangus Zeller de Ratispona. Ingolstadt 1476 [MLMU I, 64, 24]
“non iurarunt quia minores annis.” Regensburg office-holding family.
Johannes Zenger. Prague 1374 [MUP II, 1, 60]. Upper Palatine Noble
family. Cathedral canon at time of matriculation paid fees of 4 gr.
Matriculated in law along with Albertus Stauffer the future canon,
scolasticus and bishop in Regensburg.
Johannes Zenger. Heidelberg 1507 [MUH I, 462]; Ingolstadt 1509
[MLMU I, 331, 11]. Upper Palatinate noble and Cathedral canon
at the time of his matriculation at Heidelberg. He matriculated with
Johannes de Wursperg de Lantendorf (earlier) also canon in the
Regensburg cathedral [MUH I, 462]. He paid fees of 1 fl. when he
matriculated at Ingolstadt. In 1514, he was arrested in Regensburg for
his involvement in a disturbance in the city [Gemeiner, Regensburgische

350 appendix ii
Chronik, vol. 4, 257]. In 1517, paid annual rent of 12 schillings to

the chapter for a house, “in ambitu Ecclesie cathedralis,” [Mayer,
Thesaurus Novus, vol. 3, 26].
Sebastianus Zenger (Czenger) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1448 [MUL I, 165,
B 15]. Member of an Upper Palatinate noble family. Paid fees of 6
gr. at time of matriculation.
Tristramus Zenger (Zenger). Ingolstadt 1502 [MLMU I, 296, 19].
Member of an Upper Palatinate noble family. He held a canonry
in the Regensburg cathedral when he matriculated at Ingolstadt
and paid fees of 1 fl. See also Gemeiner, Regensburgische Chronik, vol.
4, 115.
Conradus Zinck (Czing) de Ratispona. Leipzig 1467 [MUL I, 268,
B77]. Ingolstadt 1472 [MLMU I, 28, 7]. Paid fees of 6 gr. at time
of matriculation at Leipzig.
Wolfgangus Zinsmaister ex Rat. Ingolstadt 1482 [MLMU I, 112, 23].
Pauper.
Fridericus Zirckendorfer (Circkendorfer). Leipzig 1461[MUL I,
227, B20]. Paid fees of 6 gr. He is likely the same as Fridericus
Zirckendorffer chorvikar in the Alte Kapelle who was involved in a
legal dispute with a certain widow Ärtkoferin in 1468 [Urk. AK., vol. 1,
201 #1033: 11 May 1468]. He was still chorvikar in 1491. At which
time he also chaplain of the altars of St. Barabara and St. Blasien
[Urk. AK., vol. 1, 230 #1172: 26 June 1479; 425 #2016: 4 July 1491].
A magister (in arts) Georgius Zirckendorfer (an uncle?) was canon
in the Alte Kapelle and endowed the altar in honor of Sts. Barbara
and Blasien in [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 178 #912: 7 November 1457].
Leonardus Zollner ex Rat. Vienna 1502 [MUW 1502 II R 17]. Paid
fees of 29 den. Family appears frequently among the Regensburg
citizenry.
Leonardus Zollner (Zolner) de Ratis. Bologna 1471–74 [Knod, Deutsche
Studenten in Bologna, 656 #4363; Piana, ed., Liber secretus iuris caesari,
vol. 3, 190, 91]. Canon of St. Johann. Proctor 1473. Doctor in
laws 1474. [Piana, ed., Il “Liber secretus iuris pontificii” dell’Università di
Bologna, 74]. In 1476 he was dean in Cham [Knod, Deutsche Studenten
in Bologna, 696].
Leonardus Zuelff de Rat. Ingolstadt 1476 [MLMU I, 66, 14]. Family
appears frequently among the Regensburg citizenry. He is possibly
the same as the Leonhart Zölff who, along with his father Simon,
purchased an annuity (Leibding) in the amount of 5 Regensburger

pounds [Urk. AK., vol. 1, 242 # 1224: 15 October 1482]. A Leonard

Zolf, citizen of Regensburg, Hansgraf, member of the city council and
money changer, was involved in a legal dispute with Bishop Fridericus
Parsberger [Koller and Heinig, Regesten Kaiser Friedrichs III., Heft 15,
91 #74, 75: 30 July 1446; See also Urk. AK., vol. 1, 2710 #1346:
14 August 1491]. In 1504, the widow of a Leonhart Zölff set up a
perpetual anniversary mass for herself and relations [Urk. AK., vol.
1, 314 #1540: 30 January 1504].
Johannes Zwinger ex Rat. Vienna 1516 [MUW 1516 II R 2]. Paid
fees of 4 gr.

APPENDIX III
CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF
“REGENSBURG” UNIVERSITY STUDENTS
Basel 1329, Wernherus de Ratispona

1461, Wolfgangus Egker 1333, Stephanus de Ratispona
1461, Michael Kellerman 1336, Henricus Hurelbeck
1462, Sigismundus Tröster 1337, Andreas de Ratispona
1463, Houpto Marschalk 1337, Christianus de Ratispona
1463, Georgius Russenback 1337, Hugo de Ratispona
(Rufenbach) 1337, Johannes de Ratispona
1463, Sixtus Steinhuser de Ulma 1338, Berthold de Burghausen
1475, Ulricus Brandstetter 1349, Gotfridus Scheffel
1487, Sebastianus Raid 1353, Otto Offensteten
1492, Casparus Muldorffer 1353, Ulricus Straubinger
1359, Henricus de Amberga de
Bologna Bavaria
1268, Hermannus de Ratispona 1369, Carolus Leonrod
1277, Johannes de Ratispona 1392, Fridericus de Ratispona,
1304, Sifridus de Ratispona O.E.S.A.
1316, Henricus de Sintzenhofer 1398, Berthold Puchhauser,
1316, Conradus Vellslos de O.E.S.A.
Ratispone 1400, Conradus Hauweck
1317, Henricus de Lapide (Stein) 1411, Fridericus Parsberger
1317, Johannes de Ratispona 1419, Martinus Pirker
1320, Ludovicus de Ratispona 1423 (before), Rudolf Volkard de
1320, Johannes Rederer (Hans Heringen
von Augsburg) 1425, Guilhelmus Sontheym
1321, Petrus de Ratispona 1426, Ulricus Deichsler
1322, Henricus de Ratispona 1441, Petrus de Rosenheim, O.P.
1322, Otto de Ratispona 1444, Lubertus de Ratispona
1322, Rudgerus de Ratispona 1447, Franciscus Schlick
1325, Conradus Comperti 1470, Johannes Mainberger
1328, Heino de Ratispona 1471, Johannes de Ratispona
1328, Henricus de Ratispona 1471, Leonhardus Zollner

354 appendix iii
1476, Jacobus Siger. O.P. 1456, Georgius Rufenback

1486, Georg Gneugker (Russenback)
1515, Georgius Kolb 1458, Michael Grasser
1462, Johannes Marschalk
Cologne 1467, Thomas Schwäbel
1398, Andreas de Ratispona, O.P. 1469, Carolus de Absperg
1425, Johannes de Munnerstadt, 1470, Georgius Bones
O.P. 1474, Bartholomeus de
1437, Petrus de Rosenheim, O.P. Ratispona
1454, Robertus, Count Palatinate 1475, Dominicus Bramer
of the Rhine and Duke of 1476, Johannes Balistarii
Bavaria 1478, Wolfgangus Huber
1461, Casparus Brandstetter, O.P. 1478, Nicholas Loy
1477, Robertus Dux Bavarie 1479, Dominicus Brunbeger
1484, Michael de Ratispona 1481, Laurencius Erhardi O.F.M.
1485, Andreas Allexandri 1481, Georgius Heylingsteter
1486, Georgius de Ratispona 1482, Conradus Heydersperg
1486, Mathaeus de Ratispona 1485, Andreas Buchener
1486, Sebastianus de Ratispona 1492, Martinus Dyrlin
1487, Conradus Hofmeister 1493, Michael Dale
1489, Johannes Pettendorf 1495, Johannes Honhamer
1503, Marcus de Ratispona 1499, Petrus Margstaller
1504, Stephanus Fabri 1503, Cristofferus Hirssberg
1503, Leonardus Model
Dôle 1506, Wolfgangus Reichel
After 1469 before 1480, Carolus 1507, Wolfgangus Hüber
de Absperg 1512, Johannes Grun
1512, Sigismundus Heringer
Erfurt 1520, Erasmus Ruland
1389, Fridericus de Ratispona 1520, Oswaldus Ruland
(or Magdeburg?), O.E.S.A.
1401, Johannes de Ratispona Ferrara
1402, Bertholdus de Ratispona 1471, Stephanus Schrotel
1411, Rudolf Volkard von 1490, Sigismundus Rischeimer
Heringen 1503, Sigfridus Apfelbeck
1424, Erhart Lebner (Lechner) 1509, Johannes Pettendorf
1435, Johannes Fabri
1453, Mauricius Florence
1456, Paulus Hildebrandi 1452, Johannes Ludovici,
1456, Michael Kellerman O.E.S.A.

chronological list of “regensburg” university students 355
1465, Johannes Ludovici, 1455, Johannes Trabolt

O.E.S.A. (or Bologna?) 1464, Sixtus Steinhuser de Ulma
1466, Andreas Fabri
Freiburg 1466, Georgius Mandel
1461, Georgius Eyttenbeck 1467, Martinus Kutenauwer
1461, Johannes Gressel 1472, Carolus de Absperg
1461, Johannes Widman 1485, Andreas Waldner
1470, Cassianus Heiden (same as 1493, Paulus Lengfelder
Heden?) 1495, Michael Apfelbeck
1470, Johannes Wisent de Novo 1495, Georgius ( Jeorius) Portner
Foro 1495, Ortolfus Schogkler
1477, Leonardus Windisch 1498, Johannes Boblinger
1479, Leonardus Smoll 1503, Casparus Honhaimer
1480, Carolus de Absperg (Honhamer)
1486, Michael Schieser, O.F.M. 1504, Nicolaus Molitoris
1512, Jacobus Pheffinger 1506, Casparus Froschauer
1516, Ulricus Prossinger 1507, Johannes Dur
(Brossinger) 1507, Johannes de Wursperg
1507, Johannes Zenger
Heidelberg 1510, Vincentius Heiden
1390, Fridericus Wirsick (Heyden)
1391, Kilianus 1510, Johannes Pettendorf
1405, Conradus Duvel de 1513, Augustinus Baldosz, O.P.
Hildesheim 1515, Petrus Olm
1405, Fridericus Parsberger 1519, Johannes Braun
1405, Leonardus Propst
1407, Lupoldus Paulstorffer Ingolstadt
1408, Johannes Griendorffir 1472, Leonardus Eytinger
1409, Ulricus Deichsler 1472, Paulus Fünsinger
1413, Fridericus Steynbeck 1472, Ulricus Gschray
1416, Guilhelmus Sontheym 1472, Leonard Hofmaister
1418, Johannes Franckengruener 1472, Johannes Ludovici
1428, Andreas de Ratispona 1472, Johannes Mair
1434, Georgius Kuttenauwer 1472, Michael Paur
(Kuttenauer) 1472, Henricus Pogner
1434, Eberhardus Mistelbeck 1472, Petrus Schenck
1441, Henricus Strasser 1472, Johannes Schmidner
1454, Robertus Count Palatinate 1472, Georgius Snoeder
of the Rhine and Duke of 1472, Conradus Zinck
Bavaria 1473, Johannes Altman

356 appendix iii
1473, Paulus Bauman 1480, Johannes Gross

1473, Martin Bebenhauser 1480, Wolfgangus Loebel, O.P.
1473, Erasmus Cremitzer 1480, Augustinus Notscherff
1473, Martinus Fridman 1480, Georgius Nothafft
1473, Leonhardus Grellenperger 1480, Johannes Schwäbel
1473, Cassianus Heden (same as 1480, Sebastianus Schwäbel
Cassianus Heiden) 1480, Petrus Starch
1473, Johannes Hohenfelser 1480, Wernherus Stirsdorffer
1473, Johannes Mainberger 1480, Ambrosius Truenkel
1473, Sebastianus Prueler 1480, Johannes Viltzhofer
1473, Erasmus de Ratispona 1481, Casparus Amman
1473, Nicolaus de Ratispona 1481, Emmeramus Amman
(Molitoris?) 1481, Casparus Hyrssinger
1473, Sigismundus Rischeimer 1481, Simon Puehel
1473, Wolfgangus Sittauer 1481, Michael Saller
1473, Johannes Steltzer 1481, Jacobus Weltzer
1474, Johannes Grasser 1482, Carolus de Absperg
1474, Wolfgangus Molitoris 1482, Ulricus Brannburger
1474, Georgius Paulstorffer 1482, Ulricus Faber
1474, Wolfganus Swentter 1482, Ludovicus Hagen
1474, Leonardus Wepeis 1482, Petrus Keck
1474, Sigismundus Weyss 1482, Georgius Prew
1474, Johannes Wisent 1482, Simon Schuebel
1475, Johannes Nigri, O.P. 1482, Laurentius Weinzurl
1476, Leonardus Portner 1482, Wolfgangus Zinsmaister
1476, Wofgangus Portner 1484, Michael Delckhofer
1476, Leonardus Zeller 1484, Balthasar Fuerer
1476, Wolfgangus Zeller 1484, Johannes Hofdorffer
1476, Leonardus Zuelff 1484, Petrus Leuetel
1478, Johannes Alberger 1484, Johannes Pergkhofer
1478, Otto Hoege 1484, Stephanus Schlick
1478, Georgius Nigri, O.P. 1484, Ulricus Staedler
1478, Emeramus Straubinger 1484, Johannes Storichel
1479, Nicolaus Bernawer 1484, Johannes Trabolt
1479, Adam Calciatoris 1484, Michael Vetter
1479, Albertus Swentter 1484, Georgius Wirtenberger
1479, Fridericus Weyss 1485, Johannes Bernawer
1479, Johannes Winckler, O.F.M. 1485, Stephanus Swentter
1480, Johannes Frieshaimer 1486, Johannes Angermair

1486, Henricus Erlbach 1497, Johannes Kastenbauer

1486, Ulricus Foerhel (Kastenpawr)
1486, Casparus Kursner (or 1497, Sixtus Preising (Preisinger)
Vienna) O.E.S.A. 1498, Johannes Feltzer
1486, Sebastianus Rosstaler 1499, Emeramus Kalmunczer
1487, Dominicus Bromberg 1500, Johannes Klospeck
1487, Achatius Notscherff 1501, Henricus Kurtz
1488, Sebastianus Altman 1501, Erasmus Plechsmid
1488, Johannes Fuchstainer 1501, Erasmus Swaiger, O.F.M.
1488, Henricus Portner 1502, Johannes Trabolt
1488, Johannes Portner 1502, Tristramus Zenger
1488, Georgius Sinzenhofer 1503, Georgius Baumgartner
(Satzenhofer) 1504, Petrus Sattler
1488, Martinus Weyss 1506, Stephanus Furtter
1489, Wofgangus Deler 1506, Emmeramus Mynxmair
1490, Johannes Pettendorf 1506, Johannes Schönstainer
1490, Georgius Piburger 1506, Andreas Walcher
1491, Johannes Behaim 1507, Wolfgangus Kurtz
1491, Henricus Ruestarffer 1507, Erasmus Primbs
1491, Lucas Schwäbel 1507, Bernhardus Seybelstarffer
1491, Johannes Trainer 1507, Petrus Waltinger
1492, Georgius Hartner 1508, Johannes Hanner
1492, Johannes Muldorffer 1508, Stephanus Huber
1492, Vitus Trainer 1508, Jacobus Keck
1492, Sigismundus Wueest 1508, Leonardus Windenwerger
1493, Georgius Furtter 1509, Georgius Kolb
1493, Anthanasius Gravenreutter 1509, Johannes Peckel
1493, Johannes Hofer (Hoser) 1509, Johannes Sibenburger
1493, Petrus Kann 1509, Johannes Wirsperger
1493, Simpertus Prawn 1509, Georgius Wirtemberger
1494, Michael Apfelbeck 1509, Johannes Zenger
(Öpfelbeck) 1510, Sebastainaus Altkofer
1494, Leonardus Kantzler 1511, Chrisopherus Rosnawer
1494, Johannes Pendelmair 1511, Wolfgangus Zandtner
1494, Ortolfus Schogkler 1512, Gregorius Obermair
1494, Johannes Urfarer 1512, Leonhard de Ratispona
1496, Leonardus Aichenfelser 1512, Georgius Waldman
1496, Gangolfus Prennberger 1512, Leonhardus Widman
1496, Ulricus Prossinger 1513, Michael Pernel

358 appendix iii
1513, Johannes Radauer 1512, Johannes Volfgangi

(Radawer) 1513, Johannes Bernhardini
1514, Erhardus Saller 1515, Casparus Leonardi
1515, Wofgangus Seybelstarffer
1516, Sigismundus Gensperger Leipzig
1516, Lorenz Grienigel 1409, Conradus de Hildensheim?
1516, Erhardus Gumpenberg 1417, Henricus Streitberger
1516, Wilhelmus Khell 1422, Johannes Steyner
1516, Johannes Pachmair 1425, Johannes Murman
1516, Georgius Schirmpeck 1426, Jacobus Schulteti
1516, Simon Swartzenhover 1436, Ulricus de Ratispona
1516, Andreas Vogl 1440, Johannes Multaler
1517, Johannes Amberger 1441, Ulricus Dappfelberg
1517, Georgius Burckhardt 1441, Henricus Parsberger
1517, Sebastianus Burnickel 1441, Ulricus Werder
1517, Sigismundus Foertsch 1442, Matheus Flubeck
1517, Nicolaus Molitoris 1442, Stephanus Pfensel
1517, Johanes Pamer 1442, Georgius Pistoris
1517, Johannes Pöllinger 1442, Johnnes Salczburger
1517, Leonardus Puecher 1442, Conradus Vultur
1517, Johannes Stadler 1448, Sebastianus Zenger
1518, Vitus Häbicher 1451, Johannes de Plankenfels
1518, Sigismundus Krell 1452, Jacobus Grepner
1518, Leonardus Loebel 1452, Jacobus Grossner
1518, Johannes Niderwirt 1452, Conradus Rendler
1519, Leonardus Hüber 1452, Henricus Salchinger
1519, Johannes Pistoris 1455, Michael Grassel
1519, Balthasar de Ratispona 1456, Paulus Caspender
1519, Cristofferus Schwäbel de 1456, Jeronimus Leskircher
Ratispona 1456, Sigismundus Lohener
1520, Georg Sebart 1456, Ulricus Magenst
1456, Hermann Pötzlinger
Krakow 1457, Gregorius Muldorffer
1476, Casparus Henrici 1457, Cristoferus Ravenreuter
1477, Casparus Kursner(?), 1458, Georgius Vultur
O.E.S.A. 1459, Johannes Marschalk
1491, Stephanus Johannis 1459, Wilhelmus Wynberger
1494, Nicolaus Hudalrici 1461, Thomas Feyerabend
1499, Johanne Pauli 1461, Andreas Habeger

1461, Ulricus Wurgenfuchs 1485, Wolfgangus Nothafft

1461, Fridericus Zirckendorfer 1488, Martinus Greff
1462, Johannes Eyber 1488, Casparus Kutzer
1462, Fridericus Wiersperger 1490, Dionysius Bayr
1463, Jacobus Kirchberger 1490, Sixtus Teyspeck
1464, Paulus Greyninger 1490, Wolfgangus Wild
1464, Johannes Tegernpeck 1491, Georgius Kammerer
1465, Martin Bebenhauser 1491, Sebastianus Walcher
1465, Warmund Bebenhauser 1492, Erasmus Backsteyger
1465, Thomas Nydermayer 1492, Georgius Heczner
1465, Conradus Wermer 1492, Wolfgangus Leskircher
1466, Johannes Brepach 1492, Nicolaus Mosser
1466, Leonardus Eysenbringer 1492, Vitus Schiltel
1466, Michael Hymmelstös 1492, Johannes Seydel
1466, Henricus Mager 1493, Andreas Alexandri
1466, Johannes Pansewol 1493, Petrus Hofmaister
1466, Leonardus Storck 1499, Paulus Hainler
1467, Johannes Engilhart 1500, Sebastianus Irer
1467, Stephanus Gratel 1503, Sebastianus Eckell
1467, Wilhelmus Krieger 1503, Johannes Hartmann
1467, Achatius Pernel 1503, Johannes Sorgenfrey
1467, Conradus Zinck 1504, Balthasar Bauman
1469, Carolus de Absperg 1506, Anselmus Virawer
1469, Johannes Schiltknecht 1507, Georgius Forster
1476, Ulricus Falkener 1509, Johannes Gersdorffer
1476, Martinus Wirttenberger 1510, Leonhard Munchmeyer
1477, Petrus Pyntner 1510, Wolfgangus Pleben
1478, Johannes de Brawneysen 1510, Stephanus Ritheymer
1478, Simon de Ratispona 1511, Wilhelmus Bredler
1479, Jacobus Frunt 1511, Wolffgangus Papst (Bapst)
1479, Georgius Schacz 1511, Casparus Wild
1482, Martinus Herberger 1512, Conradus Echter
1482, Leonardus Nyderhöfer 1512, Johannes Nesseltal
1483, Stephanus Model 1512, Paulus Strasser
1483, Johannes Murman 1512, Petrus Strauss
1484, Nicolaus Gross 1513, Paulus Beheim
1485, Cristof Backsteyger 1513, Johannes Gassner
1485, Ludovicus Bursatoris 1513, Johannes Heldorfer
1485, Michael Doleatoris 1513, Johannes Holtzlyn

360 appendix iii
1513, Arnoldus Wadel Paris

1514, Johannes Nydermayer 1313, Ulricus Straubinger
1515, Andreas Vogel 1426 (before), Ulricus Deichsler
1516, Sebaldus Weyssenburger 1475, Ulrich Wagener
1518, Michael Gravenwalter 1500 (before), Augustinus Molitoris,
O.E.S.A.
Montpellier
1176, Gerung Pavia
1459, Robertus, Count Palatinate
Oxford of the Rhine and Duke of
1388, Berthold Puchhauser, Bavaria
O.E.S.A. 1461, Sixtus Steinhuser de Ulma
1434, Petrus de Ratispona,
O.E.S.A. Prague
1373, Eberhardus Houar (Hofer?)
Padua 1374, Albertus Stauffer
1436, Henricus Tanhein 1374, Johannes Zenger
1436, Simon Weltemberger 1375, Johannes Peyne
(Woltemberger) 1375, Conradus de Ratispona
1441, Henricus Absperger 1377, Wernherus de Ratispona
1441, Balthasare Furstenecker 1378, Johannes de Reynbach
1441, Henricus Parsberger 1379, Andreas de Ratispona
1441, Casparus Schenck 1381, Conradus Satelpoger
1444, Ulricus Part 1382, Stephanus Satelpoger
1464, Erasmus Amman 1389, Johannes Metempoli,
1466, Georgius Nothafft O.E.S.A.
1467, Casparus Kantner 1390, Bertholdus de Ratispona
1467, Johannes Trabolt 1400, Georg Meller
1468, Casparus de Ratispona, 1401, Conradus de Ratispona
O.P. 1401, Conrad Duvel von
1468, Ulricus Baumgartner Hildesheim
1470, Georgius Kynsberger 1405, Fridericus Prenner
1471, Georgius Bromberger 1406, Otto de Ratispona
1471, Stephanus Schrotel
1471, Johannes Tröster Rome
1472, Johannes Pruckenham 1389, Fridericus de Ratispona,
1475, Georgius Snoeder O.E.S.A.
1484, Johannes Schmidner 1473, Hermannus Meyer,
1484, Wolfgangus Portner O.E.S.A.

Rostock 1395, Johannes de Ratispona

1514, Johannes Gussubell 1400, Fridericus Parsberger
1400, Stephanus Stauffer
Siena 1400, Jacobus Weissbeck
1389 (before), Fridericus de 1401, Johannes Molitoris
Ratispona, O.E.S.A. 1401, Ulricus de Ratispona
1486, Johannes Grad (Gkrad) 1401, Ulricus Saller
1401, Wolfhardus Tegerndorfer
Toulouse 1402, Wolfhardus Cuncz
1478, Leonardus Modler, O.P. 1403, Henricus Chronberger
1403, Johannes Streitberger
Tübingen 1404, Berthold Puchhauser,
1477, Thomas Ernst O.E.S.A.
1407, Conradus Duvel von
Verona Hildesheim
1389, Conradus de Ratispona 1407, Leonardus Propst
1407, Simon Weissbeck
Vienna 1408, Fridericus Schambeck
1377 (before), Fridericus de 1409, Ulricus Deckenpeck
Ratispona 1409, Petrus Hausman
1377 (before), Ludovicus de 1411, Petrus Conradi
Ratispona 1411, Leonhardus Heylingsteter
1377, Albertus Stauffer 1411, Georgius Hirschfurter
1383, Gewolfus de Ratispona 1411, Conradus Prui
1384, Liephardus Chomlinger 1412, Henricus Ellenbach
(Gemlinger) 1412, Ulricus Funificis
1384, Erhardus Purchofer 1412, Conradus Grüniger
1384, Ulricus Seger 1412, Engelmarus de Ratispona
1385, Bertholdus de Ratispona 1412, Erhardus de Satelpogen
1387, Johannes Raweter 1412, Johannes Sentinger
1389, Bertholdus de Ratispona 1412, Georgius Straubinger
1389, Albertus Wishay 1412, Conradus Tulkhofer
1390, Nicolaus Altenburger 1413, Ulricus Muldorffer
1391, Fridericus Prenner 1414, Jacobus Frieshaimer
1392, Henricus Saller 1414, Johannes Grepner
1394, Liephardus de Ratispona 1414, Fridericus Prenner
1394, Petrus de Remago 1414, Johannes Tummer
1395, Conradus Hüber 1414, Ulricus Werth(p?)t
1395, Hartwicus Probst 1414, Conradus Widman

362 appendix iii
1416, Johannes Awer 1431, Conradus Reykershouer

1416, Antonius Kamerawer 1431, Georgius Vogler
1416, Martinus de Ratispona 1431, Simon Weltinburger
1417, Laurencius Gruber 1431, Nicolaus Weynander
1418, Ulricus Comes de 1432, Wilhelmus Aygner
Artemberg 1432, Nicolaus Redewicz
1418, Henricus Lebner 1433, Rudolf Volkard von
1418, Johannes Schwindubel Heringen
1418, Oswaldus Strauss 1434, Procopius Be(a)m
1418, Johannes Sumpekch 1434 (before), Petrus de
1420, Balthasar Fürstenecker Rosenheim, O.P.
1420, Georgius Saller 1435, Ulricus Aychennagel
1421, Georgius Elenpach 1436, Henricus Absperger
1421, Casparus Meller 1436, Leonardus Gerhart
1422, Johannes Genendorffer 1436, Jacobus Grepner
1423, Johannes Eglof (Chrepnär)
1423, Georgius Puhler 1436, Johannes Hofner
1423, Mathaeus de Ratispona 1436, Henricus Parsberger
1423, Johannes Rekingstroczel 1436, Ulricus Payrstorffer
1423, Martinus Reychker 1436, Johannes Pesrer
1423, Conradus Seld 1436, Hermann Pötzlinger
1423, Johannes Tornsteyner 1436, Theodoricus Ramsperger
1423, Conradus Vorchsaymer 1436, Fridericus Rechel
1424, Conrad Duvel von 1438, Andreas Steigerwald
Hildesheim 1439, Johannes Hewzz
1424, Cristiannus 1439, Ulricus Part
Hinderschirchen 1440, Ulricus Armacher
1424, Andreas de Ratispona 1440, Johannes Ernst
1424, Erhardus Serherl 1440, Cristiannus de Freyberg
1425, Ulricus Lohmär 1440, Conradus Pucher
1426, Albertus Bedeke 1440, Paulus Reisacher
1426, Mathaeus Hüber 1440, Stephanus Turnmayr
1426, Erhardus Regeldorffer 1442, Johannes Tröster
1426, Johannes Schillinger 1442, Henricus Wegner
1426, Johannes Velspurger 1443, Paulus Lawbinger
1427, Erhardus Stoeckel 1443, Eberhardus Mistelbeck
1429, Urbanus Inginger 1443, Nicolaus Molitoris
1430, Johannes Golss 1443, Michael Muldorffer
1430, Petrus Haum 1443, Johannes Racz
1430, Bartholomeus Kalmunczer 1443, Erhardus de Ratispona

1443, Leonardus de Ratispona 1451, Bartholomeus Gerlfinger

1443, Franciscus Schlick 1451, Andreas Hott
1445, Hertwicus Gewolf 1451, Casparus Kantner
1445, Johannes Österreicher 1451, Henricus Kunig
1446, Albertus Altheimer 1451, Nicolaus de Ratispona
1446, Johannes Feurer (Molitoris?)
1446, Henricus Haibeck 1451, Conradus Moser
1446, Laurencius Hawg 1451, Johannes Nydermair
1446, Petrus Vörstl 1451, Michael Perger
1447, Wilhelmus Hanthaimer 1451, Fridericus Pullecz
1447, Erhardus Hymelman 1451, Johannes Stoeckel
1447, Johannes de Plankenfels 1451, Johannes Swab
1447, Marcus Schönprunner, 1451, Georgius Vomhauss
O.F.M. 1451, Cristoforus Wielandt
1448, Andreas Freudemberger 1453, Georgius Engelperger
1448, Ulricus Loebel 1453, Georgius Mair
1448, Leonardus Platner 1453, Michael Pancz
1448, Johannes Schilher 1453, Andreas de Ratispona
1448, Henricus Wolf 1453, Nicolaus Vohenstainer
1449, Erhardus Ebendorffer 1454, Erasmus Amman
1449, Stephanus Landolf 1454, Georgius Amman
1449, Petrus Mild 1454, Cristoferus de Degenberg
1449, Andreas Schaub 1454, Michael Elmpach
1449, Johannes Schönhofer 1454, Erhardus Eyttenbeck
1450, Johannes Doleatoris 1454, Paulus Flenderlein
1450, Stephanus Gölls 1454, Thomas Kellerman
1450, Johannes Leittenpekh 1454, Johannes Mainberger
1450, Leonardus Loebel 1454, Ulricus Mersinger
1450, Ulricus Pancz (Pantz) 1454, Erhardus Prueler
1450, Georgius Phlae(a)ntzl 1454, Paulus Rüdiger
1450, Petrus Piberger 1454, Andreas Schambeck
1450, Johannes Propst 1454, Stephanus Schönhofer
1450, Johannes Rem 1454, Albertus Streitberger
1450, Bertholdus Rottaler 1454, Paulus Weytold
1450, Petrus Schweikker 1454, Leonardus Zeller
1450, Marquardus Sto(a)r 1455, Fridericus Braxatoris
1450, Erhardus Surstermayr 1455, Leonardus Gramayr
1451, Johannes Bernawer 1455, Johannes Köferl
1451, Georgius Castenmair 1455, Henricus Lichtinger
1451, Johannes Engelprecht 1455, Johannes Schnegk

364 appendix iii
1455, Balthasar Stadl 1469, Paulus Fünsinger

1455, Conradus Weissbeck 1469, Oswaldus Geylprecht
1456, Johannes Habaus 1469, Paulus Guenther
1456, Georgius Puenhier 1469, Georgius Panas
1457, Georgius Egrer 1469, Johannes de Ratispona
1457, Georgius Fabri 1469, Dyonisius Sartoris
1457, Johannes Haider 1469, Leonardus Schefman
1457, Ulricus Indermayr 1469, Georgius Steyrer
1457, Andreas Pudenstorffer 1469, Leonardus Vilser
1457, Cristoferus Rasner 1470, Johannes Amman
1457, Conradus Spindler 1470, Nicolaus Baumgartner
1457, Henricus Tettinger 1470, Johannes Farster
1458, Johannes Pogner 1470, Georgius Gegninger
1459, Cristoferus Beringer (Geginger)
1459, Cristoferus Fabri 1470, Jacobus Kirchberger
1460, Conradus Frueauf 1470, Eugenius Liechteysen
1460, Johannes Schinnagel 1470, Marcus Liechteysen
1461, Andreas Elmpeck 1470, Johannes Pruckenham(?)
1461, Johannes Ludovici, 1470, Georgius Reisacher
O.E.S.A. 1470, Johannes Schinnagel
1461, Johannes Rehaver 1470, Thomas Schwäbel
(Rehafer) 1470, Paulus Sterner
1462, Georgius Haller 1471, Johannes Gswind
1462, Sebaldus Rehaver 1471, Georgius Hechtl
(Rechawer) 1471, Georgius Teschel
1462, Georgius Wild 1473, Rupertus Schickch
1463, Nicolaus de Ratispona, 1473, Jacobus Schöpfperger
O.E.S.A. 1474, Bernarus Tinzinger
1465, Johannes Fridman 1475, Paulus Bauman
1465, Michael Oresl 1475, Georgius Kugler
1465, Oswaldus de Ratispona 1475, Wofgangus Sewbrer
1465, Emmeramus Stuchs 1475, Andreas Sibenhar
1465, Fridericus Syn 1475, Conradus Trebser
1466, Conradus Cöppl 1475, Fridericus Wiersperger
1466, Conradus Leutenpeck 1476, Johannes de Absperg
1468, Leonardus Hofmaister 1476, Johannes Grueber
1468, Erhardus Robl 1476, Erhardus Hauber
1468, Georgius Staindl 1476, Conradus de Ratispona,
1468, Johannes Weyssenfelder O.E.S.A.

1477, Mathaeus Widman 1493, Johannes Potensteter

1478, Wolfgangus Hüber 1494, Johannes Oberndorffer,
(Hueber) O.E.S.A.
1478, Nicholas Loy 1495, Wolgangus Amman
1478, Conradus Pairreuter 1495, Wolfgangus Goltzstain
1478, Johannes Pawndler 1495, Johannes Trainer
1478, Ulricus Pott 1496, Johannes Chumer
1479, Leonardus Amman 1496, Jeronimus Prundel
1479, Johannes Karoli 1496, Adam Schacz
1479, Georgius Platernberger 1496, Albertus Seratoris
1479, Cristoferus Schierlinger 1497, Steffanus Kirichoffer
1481, Johannes Swartzenhover 1497, Wolfgangus Phister
1481, Johannes Turnberger 1497, Gebhardus Vogler
1486, Petrus Amman 1497, Theodoricus Widman
1486, Casparus Kursner(?), 1497, Johannes Wolffel
O.E.S.A. 1498, Johannes Ammon
1486, Andreas Öchsl 1499, Johannes Alchofer
1486, Johannes Öchsl 1499, Henricus Essenpeck
1486, Wolfgangus Reytter 1499, Erhardus Franck
1486, Andreas Schinberger 1499, Johannes Weihkel
1486, Johannes Storichel 1500, Georgius Bechler
1487, Johannes Schonaicher 1500, Johannes Heisinger
1488, Johannes Hausner 1500, Ulricus Heisinger
1488, Paulus Lacher 1500, Augustinus Molitoris,
1488, Stephanus Möstel O.E.S.A.
1488, Andreas Pawe 1500, Johannes Shetel
1488, Johannes Radauer 1501, Georgius Portner
1488, Georgius Urfarer 1501, Georgius Tonhawser
1489, Johannes Freydenstich 1502, Thomas Österreicher
1489, Erasmus Stadler 1502, Georgius Perthold
1490, Johannes Cassis 1502, Johannes Schweytzer
1491, Johannes Amman 1502, Leonhardus Zollner
1491, Johannes Haider 1503, Michael Apfelbeck
1491, Georgius Prew 1504, Sebaldus Hertegen
1492, Georgius Dorner 1504, Johannes Mulhofer
1492, Wolfgangus Leskircher 1505, Johanes Cluegspeckh
1492, Johannes Messer 1505, Johannes Kerbler
1493, Bartholomeus Amman 1505, Henricus Kurtz (Chuercz)
1493, Stephanus Palgler 1505, Johannes Mostel

366 appendix iii
1506, Georgius Scheyrer 1514, Johannes Gluckh

1507, Johannes Aygelkoffer 1514, Ludovicus Iungprecht
1507, Johannes Streycher 1515, Wolfgangus Güntzeller
1508, Wolfgangus Giessinger 1515, Lucas Heytaler
1508, Johannes Pertel 1515, Sebastianus Moshamer
1508, Micheal Tolman 1515, Johannes Pachmair
1509, Georgius Gossinger 1515, Johannes Pair
1509, Johannes Martl 1515, Ulricus Peytel
1509, Georgius Rottaler 1515, Georgius Schockhel
1510, Johannes Aschlatzhawser 1515, Gregorius Sennfft
1510, Leonardus Mertel 1515, Georgius Waldner
1510, Johannes Sibenburger ex 1516, Erhardus Amman
Ratispone 1516, Conradus Baumgartner
1511, Leonardus Amman 1516, Johannes Gartner
1511, Johannes Jager 1516, Wolfgangus Laberer
1511, Michael Jann 1516, Mathaeus Smidlein
1511, Casparus Kerner 1516, Cristoferus Suchainagel
1511, Georgius Kirichmair 1516, Casparus Wild
1511, Johannes Perchielschmidt 1516, Wolfgangus Windeschrawr
1512, Wolfgangnus Krieger 1516, Johannes Zwinger
1512, Rudpertus Rigler 1517, Rudolfus Dachauer
1512, Georgius Seldner 1517, Ulricus Lechner
1512, Johannes Stain 1517, Anshelmus Prenner
1512, Georgius Weittinger 1518, Sebastianus Aufhawser
1513, Stephanus Kastenbauer, 1518, Georgius Gran
O.E.S.A. 1518, Leonardus Neysinger
1513, Sebastianus Petsoldt 1518, Leonardus Part

1
University –1374 1375– 1400 – 1410 – 1420 – 1430 – 1440 – 1450 – 1460 – 1470 – 1480 – 1490 – 1500 – 1510 – Totals
99 09 19 29 39 49 59 69 79 89 99 09 19
Basel 6 1 1 1 1 1 1 9 3
Bologna 28 1 2 1 1 2 3 3 4 2 1 2 2 46 4
Cologne 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 7 7 2 15 10
Dôle 1 1
Erfurt 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 5 3 3 1 8 7 3 1 4 4 3 3 2 37 27
Ferrara 1 1 2 4 1
Florence 1 1 2
Freiburg 3 3 4 3 2 3 1 11 7
may not always have been possible.

Heidelberg 2 6 2 3 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 2 4 2 1 1 1 5 4 6 3 5 3 39 18
Ingolstadt 48 34 54 44 27 24 27 19 35 27 191 144
Krakow 2 2 3 2 3 3 8 7
Leipzig 1 1 2 1 1 1 10 8 16 13 27 22 6 6 11 9 14 15 8 8 20 16 118 101
Montpellier 1 1
Oxford 1 1 1 2 1
APPENDIX IV
Padua 2 1 5 1 6 2 5 1 2 2 20 7
Paris 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 2
Pavia 1 2
Prague 4 1 8 4 5 4 17 8
Rome 1 1 2
Rostock 1 1 1 1
Siena 1 1 2
Toulouse 1 1
Tübingen 1 1 1 1
Verona 1 1
Vienna 19 16 16 10 28 23 25 20 26 16 37 31 70 68 29 27 38 34 18 17 28 27 27 25 42 41 404 356
Totals 34 3 37 22 32 18 36 24 33 23 34 20 56 41 96 84 81 59 125 92 101 82 83 76 76 61 112 94 939 698
or immediate environs, the second set of numbers represents the total number of
“REGENSBURG” UNIVERSITY STUDENTS TABLES AND MAPS1
university matriculants identified as coming from Regensburg (many of the latter were
tried not to include those who were from the diocese of Regensburg, although this
nobles who held canonries in the cathedral, but came from outside the city). I have
The numbers in bold represent those who likely originated from within the city
4/11/2008 6:52:24 PM
Fifteenth-century University Matriculants: Augsburg, Regensburg, and Ulm
368
1400 –09 1410 –19 1420 –29 1430 –39 1440 –49 1450 –59 1460 –69 1470 –79 1480 –89 1490 –99 Totals
Augsburg2 29 35 50 53 67 86 116 124 128 193 911

Regensburg3 32 18 36 24 33 23 34 20 56 41 96 84 81 59 125 92 101 82 83 76 677 519
Ulm4 5 19 25 19 32 39 53 113 113 161 579
appendix iv
2
The numbers for Augsburg are based on Rolf Kießling, “Das gebildete Bürgertum und die Kulturelle Zentralität Augsburgs,” in Studien
zum Städtischen Bildungswesen, 585. Kießling uses numbers originally found in Ernst Gebele, “Augsburger auf hohen Schulen,” in Zeitschrift der
Historischen Vereins für Schwaben und Neuburg, 53 (1938), 41–121. Gebele’s numbers include a significant number of individuals whose origins are
clearly from outside Augsburg, especially noble cathedral canons and other ecclesiastical officials. His numbers are also one year off from those
of Regensburg and Ulm (i.e. 1401–1410 etc. rather than 1400–1409).
3
As with the chart Regensburg University Students to 1519, the first figure represents the total number of individuals either from Regens-
burg or those holding a benefice within the city at the time of their matriculation. The second figure excludes noble canons and others with
only nominal ties to the city.
4
Gottfried Geiger, Die Reichsstadt Ulm vor der Reformation, in Forschungen zur Geschichte der Stadt Ulm, vol. 11 (Ulm: 1971), 49.
4/11/2008 6:52:26 PM
Fifteenth-century matriculations by University: Augsburg, Regensburg, and Ulm
Augsburg Regensburg Ulm

University Total by Univ. % of total University Total by Univ. % of total University Total by Univ. % of total
Mat. Mat. Mat.
Vienna 270 30 Vienna 316/264 46/55 Vienna 131 23
Leipzig 138 15 Ingolstadt 129/91 19/18 Tübingen 110 19

“regensburg”
Ingolstadt 131 14 Leipzig 90/71 13/15 Erfurt 100 17
Heidelberg 105 12 Erfurt 28/19 4/4 Ingolstadt 58 10
Augsburg 1481–1500 Regensburg 1480–1499 Ulm 1480–1499
University Total by Univ. % of total University Total by Univ. % of total University Total by Univ. % of total
Mat. Mat. Mat.
Ingolstadt 80 25 Ingolstadt 81/64 44/44 Tübingen 74 27
Vienna 56 17 Vienna 46/40 25/27 Erfurt 60 22
Leipzig 44 14 Leipzig 25/21 14/14 Vienna 48 18
university students tables and maps
Freiburg 37 12 Erfurt 7/5 4/3 Ingolstadt 41 15

369
4/11/2008 6:52:27 PM
370 appendix iv
Regensburg Office-holding Families and University Study
Family Name Years Active Student University(ies) Years

in City Gov’t.
Altmann 1378–1485 Johann Ingolstadt 1473

Sebastian Ingolstadt 1488
Amman 1307–1485 Georg Vienna 1454
Erasmus Vienna; Padua 1457; 1464
Johann Vienna 1470
Caspar Ingolstadt 1481
Emmeram Ingolstadt 1481
Peter Vienna 1486
Johann Vienna 1491
Bartholomew Vienna 1493
Wolfgang Vienna 1495
Leonhard Vienna 1511
Erhard Vienna 1516
auf Donau (Propst) 1324–1429 Hartwic Vienna 1395
Leonard Heidelberg/Vienna 1405; 1407
Johann Vienna 1450
Baumgartner 1423–1485 Nicholas Vienna 1470
Conrad Vienna 1516
Frank 1485 Erhard Vienna 1499
Friesheimer 1478 Jacobus Vienna 1414
Johannes Ingolstadt 1480
Georg5 ??? ???
Grafenreuter 1315–1518 Athanasius Ingolstadt 1493
Graner 1354–1429 Georg Gran? Vienna 1518
Haller 1295–1429 Georg Vienna 1462
Hofmeister 1349–1417 Leonard Vienna; Ingolstadt 1468; 1472
Peter Leipzig 1493
Huber 1391–1427 Conrad Vienna 1395
Mathias Vienna 1426
Wolfgang Vienna 1478
Wolfgang Erfurt 1507
Stephan Ingolstadt 1508
Leonard Ingolstadt 1519
Kurtz 1427–28 Heinrich Ingolstadt, Vienna 1501, 1505
Wolfgang Ingolstadt 1507
5
A Magister Georg Frieshaimer was party to a complaint directed to the papal curia
against the dean of the Alte Kapelle, Georg Gneucker, in 1495. See Urk. AK. I #1303:
31 Jan 1495. From the context magister clearly refers to an academic rank and is not
simply honorific. He was the brother of Friedrich Frieshaimer who held a position in the
city council in 1478 and the nephew of Conrad Trunkel who was described as “Bürger
des stadt Rattes zu Regensburg.” He is probably the same as the Trunkel without first
name who appears as a member of the city council in Gemeiner III, 433.

“regensburg” university students tables and maps 371
(cont.)

in City Gov’t.
Lech 1312–1414 Heinrich Vienna/Erfurt 1418; 1423

Lechner?
Ulrich Vienna 1517
Lechner?
Leskircher 1485 Jeronimus Leipzig 1456
Wolfgang Leipzig; Vienna 1492; 1492
Loebel (Leb) 1287–1387 Leonard Vienna 1450
Augustinus Ingolstadt 1480
Meller 1334–1419 Georg Prague 1400–1408
Caspar Vienna 1421
Müldorfer 1485 Ulrich Vienna 1413
Michael Vienna 1443
Gregor Leipzig 1457
Caspar Basel 1492
Notscherf 1400–1485 Augustinus Ingolstadt 1480
Achatius Ingolstadt 1487
Partner 1443–44 Georg Partner Vienna 1501
Pfister 1480– Wolfgang Vienna 1497
Portner 1367–1518 ff. Wolfgang Ingolstadt; Padua 1476; 1487
Leonhard Ingolstadt 1476
Johann Ingolstadt 1488
Heinrich Ingolstadt 1488
Georg Heidelberg 1495
Prenner 1359–1381 Fridericus Vienna; Prague 1391–1405
Anselm Vienna 1517
Rehaver 1424–88 Hans Vienna 1461
(Rechauer) Sebald Vienna 1462
Saller 1415–20 Heinrich Vienna 1392
Ulrich Vienna 1401
Georg Vienna 1420
Michael Ingolstadt 1481
Erhard Ingolstadt 1514
Sittauer 1338–1485 Wolfgang Ingolstadt 1473
Sterner 1407–1412 Paul Vienna 1470
Straubinger 1293–1417 Ulrich Paris 1313
Ulrich Bologna 1353
Georg Vienna 1412
Emmeram Ingolstadt 1478
Trainer 1391–1500 ff. Vitus Ingolstadt 1491
Johannes Vienna 1495
(same as above?)
Trunkel 1475 Ambrosius Ingolstaddt 1480
Weinzürl 1409 Laurencius Ingolstadt 1482
Weispekch 1395 Jacobus Vienna 1400
Symon Vienna 1407
Conradus Vienna 1455

372 appendix iv
(cont.)

in City Gov’t.
Wepeis 1479 Leonard Ingolstadt 1474

Widmann 1394–1415 Johann Vienna 1414
Conrad Freiburg 1461
Mathias Vienna 1477
Theodore Vienna 1497
Wild 1384–1385 Georg Vienna 1462
Wolfgang Leipzig 1490
Caspar Vienna 1516
Zeller 1378–1480 Leonard Vienna 1454
Wolfgang Ingolstadt 1476
Zolff? 1400’s Leonard Ingolstadt 1476

Prague (3)
“regensburg”
Regensburg
Paris (1)
Bologna (27)
Montpellier (1)
373
Map 3: Regensburg University Attendance to 1375.
4/11/2008 6:52:27 PM
374
Oxford (2)
Leipzig (15)
Cologne (3) Erfurt (6)
Prague (14)
Heidelberg
(13)
Regensburg
Paris (2)
Vienna (152)
appendix iv
Verona (1) Padua (11)
Bologna (11)
Siena (1)
Rome (1)
Map 4: Regensburg University Attendance 1376–1449.
4/11/2008 6:52:28 PM
Leipzig (71)
Krakow (4)
“regensburg”
Heidelberg (12)
Regensburg
Tübingen (1)
Paris (1)
Freiburg (8)
Vienna (181)
Ingolstadt (130)
Basel (8)
Pavia (2)
Padua (11)
Ferrara (1)
Bologna (5)
Toulouse (1)
Siena (1)
Rome (1)
375
Map 5: Regensburg University Attendance 1440–1499.
4/11/2008 6:52:28 PM
376
Oxford (2)
Leipzig (85)
Krakow (4)
Prague (17)
Heidelberg (25)
Regensburg
Tübingen (1)
Paris (4)
Freiburg (8)
Vienna (334)
Ingolstadt (130)
Basel (8)
appendix iv
Verona (2)
Pavia (2) Padua (19)
Ferrara (2)
Bologna (43)
Toulouse (1)
Siena (2)
Rome (2)
Map 6: Regensburg University Attendance to 1499.
4/11/2008 6:52:28 PM
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INDEX
abcedarius, 51 Altheiden, Michael, 128, 238

Abraham ben-Moses, 81 Amberga, Henricus de, 173, 256, 354
Absperg, Carolus de, 176, 254, 354, 355, Amman, Casparus, 183, 201, 256, 356,
356, 359 370
Absperger, Henricus, 188, 254, 301, 360, Amman, Emmeramus, 183, 256, 356,
632 370
Adelard of Bath, 108 Amman, Erasmus, 175, 176, 202, 257,
Admonitio generalis, 90, 93, 104, 107 360, 363, 370. See also Regensburg
Aesop’s Fables, 1, 35, 44, 87, 112 patriciate, university study and
Agnes (Engel) die Schulmeisterin, 10, 77, Amman, Friedrich, 44, 45, 108, 109,
106, 129, 250 116, 190. See also, St. Emmeram,
Ahakirche (Regensburg), 157, 197, mathematics and natural sciences
250 Amorbach, Benedictine monastery of,
Albert IV (Duke of Bavaria), 48, 165, 115
274, 292 amor sciendi, 7, 8, 214
Albertus (lector O.E.S.A), 70, 225 Andreas von Regensburg (historian), 21,
Albertus Magnus: 280, 301
bishop of Regensburg, 115, 170 education of, 37, 130, 131, 189
lector, Regensburg Dominicans, 60, execution of Ulrich Grünsleder
65, 129, 170, 236 reported by, 126, 158, 250, 197
university study and, 134, 168 works of, translated by Leonard Heff,
works of, in Regensburg libraries, 49, 140, 205, 251. See also Heff, Leonard
60, 65, 66, 69, 118, 119 anniversary masses, school children and,
Albert of Saxony, 58, 119 3, 24, 139, 150. See also choir service
Alexander of Hales, 56, 69, 118, 192 Anselm of Canterbury, 50
Alexander de Villa Dei, 43, 44, 67, 108, Apfelpeck, Michael, 107, 258, 259, 355,
110, 111 357, 365
Alte Kapelle, 18 Aquinas, Thomas, 65, 66, 69, 118, 119,
influence of humanism in, 190 280, 287
library of. See libraries, Regensburg, Arator, 50
Alte Kapelle Aristotle, 29, 35, 43, 49, 331, 338, 339,
Regensburg citizens as canons of, 189 347
school buildings, 32, 35 Augustinian Hermits, Regensburg and
schools of, 19, 21, 24, 31–35: bequests study of, 69, 118
for scholars in, 33–34, 159, 204, Dominicans, Regensburg, study of by,
335. See also, Stirsdorfferin, Anna, 65, 66, 241, 331
Zollner, Dietrich, Heringen, Rudolf Astronomy / Astrology, 24, 38, 42, 49,
Volkard von; boycott by Regensburg 66, 108, 116, 194, 249, 339
city council of, 4, 31, 137, 154. Augsburg, 10, 154, 165
See also school festivals, Bischofsspiel; city schools, absence of, 21, 216
grammar instruction in, 34, 35, 155; grammar schools, size of, 155
number of students in, 155, 343; university study and, 155, 166, 167,
Regensburg citizenry in, 31, 134; 170, 182, 368, 369
statutes of, 34; teaching personnel Augustine of Hippo, 50, 87, 88
of, 26, 32, 33, 34, 131, 132, 205, Augustinian Hermits, 19, 52
219, 224 general chapter meeting (1290), 19
university study by canons of, 175, Regensburg convent: city patronage
188–190, 201 of, 67, 71, 195, 196; grammar
SHEFFLER_Index_407-417.indd 407 4/11/2008 5:24:44 PM

408 index
education in, 69; library of. See Bromberger, Georgius, 175, 176, 177,
libraries, Regensburg: Augustinian 263, 360
Hermits; studium, 67–71, 118, Bruni Aretino, Leonardo, 1, 35, 43, 111,
225–227; university study and, 70, 261, 338
134, 175, 192, 195 bürgerliche Bildung, 4, 6, 107, 108, 214
Augustinus de Ancona, 119 Burghausen, Bertholdus de, 173, 263, 353
Avian, fables of, 48, 87, 112 Burleigh, Walter, 118, 119
Avignon obedience, 55, 192. See also
Schism Carmelites, Regensburg, 19
Avignon, university of, 192 Carmelites, Straubing, 19, 226
Awmayer, Ulricus, 55, 193, 246 Carolingians, educational reforms of, 15,
16, 90, 91
Bamberg, bishop of, 17, 137 Caspender, Paulus, 190, 263, 309, 358
Baruch ben-Isaac, 81 Cassiodorus, 88, 89
Baumgartner, Ulricus, 188, 260, 288, 360 cathedral, Regensburg, 18, 19
Bebenhauser, Martin, 183, 260, 359 statutes of, university study and, 97,
Bebenhauser, Warmund, 183, 261, 359 98, 175, 177, 186, 187. See also
Behm, Sigismundus, 55, 244 university study, Regensburg
Benedictines, education and, 17, 18, 89, cathedral canons and
90, 92, 190 cathedral schools, decline of, 113
Bernard of Clairvaux, 51 cathedral schools, Regensburg, 19, 26,
Bernawer, Johannes, 261, 356, 363 27, 29, 83
Bernawer, Nicolaus, 191, 261, 356 citizens of Regensburg in, 154
Berthold of Regensburg (O.F.M.), 19, 54, scholars attached to, 25
57, 179, 192 scolasticus, payments to, 36
Bertholdus de Askania, 137, 220 school personnel, 26, 27, 30, 113,
Bleumer, Hartmut, 10, 11 227–236; educational level of, 30,
Boethius, 35, 38, 40, 43, 48, 86, 87, 110, 131, 205
112 Celtis, Conrad, 114, 133, 137, 138, 141,
quadrivial texts of, 49, 50, 108, 248 235
Bologna, University of, 30, 131, 135, Charlemagne, 16, 90, 104
168, 188, 353, 354, 367, 371, 374–76 choir service
Alte Kapelle, cathedral canons at, payments to school children for, 36–37
188–190 role of school children in, 20, 26, 96,
Augustinian Hermits, Regensburg, at, 97, 111, 199
70, 119, 134, 195, 196, 199 time spent in, 150
cathedral canons, Regensburg at, 173, Chunigswert, Albertus, 128, 131, 230
174, 188 Cicero, 35, 66, 87, 111
Dominicans, Regensburg, at, 193 city physicians, Regensburg, 203, 204
humanism, influence in, 114, 188 city schools, 2, 10, 94
Regensburg students at, 175, 176 Augsburg, absence of, 2, 11, 21, 216
St. Emmeram, monks of, and, 41, 115, Regensburg, absence of, 21
172, 190 city scribes, Regensburg, 105, 106, 205
theological study at, 169, 175 Göttfried, 105
Bonaventure, 49, 50, 56, 119, 192 Heff, Leonard, 205
Boniface VIII, 185 Pänger Erasmus, 204
Bonsemblantis of Padua, 119 Platernberger, 306
boycott of ecclesiastical schools, Rehaver, Johannes, 106, 321
Regensburg city council, 21, 26, 31, Schönstetter, 204–05
137, 154 Strauss, Andreas, 336
Bradwardine, Thomas, 30, 45 Classen, Peter, 7, 163
Brandstetter, Casparus, 64, 66, 193, 262, Cliendorf, Petrus de, 128, 238
354 Cologne, University of, 71, 181, 182,
Brannburger, Ulricus, 182, 193, 262, 356 367, 374, 375, 376

index 409
Comperti, Conradus, 173, 264, 354 Eberhard Béthune, 38, 43, 110, 111
computation Eberhardus (scolasticus Alte Kapelle), 130,
church calendar, 38, 42, 43, 93, 107 219
commercial skills, 96, 107–109 education, ecclesiastical decrees
Computus Norimbergensis, 45 concerning, 22, 27, 28, 113, 130
Conrad von Braunau, 137, 12, 153, 333 Eglof, Johannes, 193, 266, 362
Conrad von Luppburg, 35 Eichstätt, 55
Conrad of Megenberg, 22, 171, 207, elementary education
210, 214, 231–232 Latin liturgy and, 2, 22, 24, 90
cathedral scolasticus, 30, 131 Psalter and, 2, 20, 42, 48, 58, 75, 93,
defense of Jews, 80 98, 99, 101, 109, 111
description of schools, 38, 102, 111, reading, 2, 95
112, 121, 125, 130, 146, 149 song, 3, 24, 29, 95
on poor scholars, 158–59 Ellenpach, Michael, 207, 266, 363
on the liberal arts, 94, 163 Elsendorfär, Albertus (schoolmaster
quest for benefices, 171, 207, 232 Prüfening), 50, 123, 246, 247 248
university study by, 135 Endres, Rudolf, 10
vernacular scientific works of, 114 Ennen, Edith, 5, 93
Conrad de Mure, 43, 51 Ephraim ben-Isaac, 81
Conrad von Sulzbach (O.F.M.), 55, 56, Erfurt, University of, 70, 114, 119, 123,
192, 193, 245 134, 135, 354, 370, 374–376
Courtenay, William J., 55, 147 humanism at, 43
Crailsheim, school statutes, 148 Regensburg Franciscans and, 192
Cropolt, Blasius, 65, 244 Regensburg students at, 180–184
cum ex eo, 172, 185 Schottenkloster and, 191
currency, relative values of, 24 Erhardi de Eschenbach, Laurencius, 192,
193, 267, 354
David of Augsburg, 54, 57, 69, 119, 192, Erlbach, Henricus, 35, 224, 267, 268
320 Es tu scholaris, 59, 100, 110, 112, 148
Deichsler, Ulricus, 176, 265, 353, 355, 360
deutsche Schulen. See education, vernacular Ferrara, University of, 175, 176, 188,
discipline, school, 147–149 190, 354, 357, 375, 376
Dôle, University of, 176, 254, 354, 367 festivals, school
Dominican provinces, Germany, 59–64 Bischofsspiel ( festum stultorum), 2, 31,
Dominicans 150–153; city support for, 31, 45
education of externs, 117 Virgatumgehen, 150, 153
Regensburg, 19, 52, 58; arts studium, Ficino, Marsilius, 44
61, 66, 205; library, see libraries, Florence, University of, 70, 71, 176, 195,
Regensburg: Dominicans; provincial 199, 367
theological studium, 62, 118; reform Franciscans
of convent, 64, 200; students, Regensburg, 17, 52, 54, 133; city
239–244; studia, 60–64, 117; patronage of, 56; grammar
teaching personnel, 60, 62, 128, education in, 56–57, 205; library,
236–39; university study by, 134, see libraries, Regensburg:
193, 236–239 Franciscans; secular school and,
Teutonia, province of, studia: Basel, 61, 57, 123, 193; studium in, 56, 117;
63; Bologna, 134; Cologne, 60–64, teaching personnel, 55, 56,
66; Freiburg, 61; Friesach, 59, 61; 244–245; university study and,
’s Hertogenbosch, 62, 63; Louvain, 192, 193, 205
61; Mainz, 61; Speyer, 61; Strasbourg, Strasbourg, studium, 54–57, 192, 193
60–66; Trier, 61; Vienna, 134; Frederick III (Emperor), 106, 165, 201,
Wimpfen, 63; Wissenbourg, 63; 203, 272, 321, 340
Würzburg, 61 Freiburg, university of, 64, 180, 194, 199,
Donatus, Aelius, 1, 44, 50, 51, 85, 98, 355
109, 110

410 index
Freising, cathedral school (St. Andreas), Guarinus of Verona, 43

21 Guido of Arezzo, 50
Freudemberger, Andreas, 208, 270, 302,
363 Haider, Paul, murder of, 208, 270, 277,
Fridman, Martinus, 206, 290, 283, 302, 306
356 Härtwig (lector O.E.S.A.), 70, 225
Friedrich von Amberg (O.F.M.), 55, 192 Hartwig of St. Emmeram, 40, 115
Friesheimer, Georg, 202, 271 Hauweck, Conradus, 128, 193, 278, 354
Friesheimer, Jacobus, 202, 271, 361, 370 Heff, Leonardus, 105, 139, 205, 251, 275
Fulbert of Chartres, 40, 115 Heimlich, Christian, 123, 222
Fulda, Benedictine monastery of, 115 Heino (Regensburg cathedral canon),
158, 173, 174, 318, 353
Galen, 66 Heinrich von Langenstein, 180
Galfridus Anglicus, 43 Helyas, Peter, 38, 43, 110
Geraldus, Cardinal Bishop of Ostia, 27 Henricus de Groningen, 61
Geginger, Johannes, 132, 221, 222, 364 Henricus von Rordorf, 137, 220
Georgius (rector scolarium, Henry of Ghent, 65, 66, 118
Schottenkloster), 46, 251 Hermann Contractus (von Reichenau), 50
Gerber, Nicholas, 147, 250 Hermann de Gotta, 132, 137, 223
Gerbert of Aurillac, 50, 108, 249 Hersfeld, Benedictine monastery of, 115,
Giles of Rome, 69, 118, 327 129
Gotzberger, Heinrich, 63, 241 Hertt (master of students, O.P.), 128, 238
grammar education, 3, 4, 86, 93–95, higher education in Regensburg, 4,
100, 109–111, 127, 130, 155, 205, 216 112–120
Alte Kapelle, 19, 34, 35 Benedictines, 116, 117
cathedral, 19, 29, 30 cathedral, 112–115
Prüfening, 48–49 mendicants, 117–120
St. Emmeram, 43–45 Hildebrandus (lector O.F.M.), 56, 193,
St. Mang, 19, 38 219, 244
Prüll, 50–51 Hildesheim, cathedral, 130
mendicants, 52; Dominicans, 66–69; Hildesheim, Conrad Duvel von, 114,
Franciscans, 57–58 115, 120,197, 203, 207, 279, 281, 310,
private homes, 82 355, 360, 361, 362
women, 72–75 Hiltalingen, John, 119, 313
Grammar texts, 4, 35, 38, 43, 82, 86–87; Hippocrates, 66
humanism and, 99 Hoege, Otto, 191–281, 356
See also, Alanus de Insulis; Conrad Hofer, Eberhadus, 179, 282, 360
de Mure, Donatus Aelius, Eberhard Hofer, Hanns, 209
Béthune; Galfridus Anglicus; Helyas, Hofer, Johannes (son of Hanns Hofer,
Peter; Huguccio, John de Garlandia, Regensburg scribe), 209, 281, 357
Priscian Hofmeister, Petrus, 202, 282, 359, 371
Graner, Karl der, 70 Holcot, Robert, 119
Grasser, Johannes, 49, 191, 275, 356 Hrabanus Maurus, 86, 113
Greek, study of, St. Emmeram Hrotsvitha of Gandersheim, 71, 87, 116
Gregory of Rimini, 130 Hugh of St. Victor, 56, 66, 69, 101, 248
Grendler, Paul, 11 Hugh of Strasbourg, 118, 119
Griespeck, Gregorius, 36 Hugo of Trimberg, 35, 110, 126
Gross, Johannes, 132, 133, 224, 276, 294, Hugolino of Orvieto, 119
356 Huguccio, 51
Grundmann, Herbert, 6–8, 163 humanism
Grünpeck, Joseph, 216 Alte Kapelle and, 35,
Grünsleder, Ulrich, 82, 83, 126, 157, Regensburg and, 82, 89, 188, 203
158, 197, 250–51, 314 Regensburg cathedral and, 114, 188
heresy trial of, 82, 126, 157, 158 St. Emmeram and, 43, 111, 116

index 411
University of Leipzig and, 43 Koler, Georgius, 65, 238, 287

University of Vienna and, 43 Krafft, Peter, 133
Krafft, Silvester, 133, 235
Idung of Prüfening, 27, 49, 73, 74, 227 Krakow, University of, 195, 200, 358,
Igeltaler, Heinrich der, 107, 132, 137, 367, 375, 376
223 Kursner, Casparus, 67, 68, 195, 196, 200,
Ingolstadt, University of, 35, 49, 64, 226, 287, 316, 357, 358, 365
65, 175, 180, 190, 355–358, 367, Kurtz, Henricus, 202, 287, 288, 357,
369–372, 375, 376 365, 370
cost of study at, 184, 185
Regensburg: Augustinian Hermits Lamprecht of Regensburg (O.F.M.), 54,
at, 195; Dominicans at, 193–194; 57, 192
Franciscans at, 192; patriciate at, Landshut, 55
162, 201, 202; schoolmasters at, Lapide, Henricus de, 173, 174, 289,
132, 135, 136; students at, 162, 354
181–85, 191, 192 203, 209 Lausser, Elzpet, 33
Irish monasteries, 88. See also Lechinn, Barbara die, 31
Schottenkloster Leipzig, University of, 43, 44, 114, 123,
Isaac ben-Moses, 81 133, 136, 181, 182
Isidore of Seville, 35, 38, 69 humanism in, 48; Regensburg
ius ubique docendi, 113 students at, 162, 182, 358–360;
St. Emmeram students at, 190
Jacobus de Spinello, 30 Leo, Philip, 137, 222
Jacobus de Voragine, 69 Leonard of Pisa, 108
James of Viterbo, 118 Leonrod, Carolus, 173, 289, 353
Jerome, St., 50, 89 Leskircher, Jeronimus, 130, 290, 309,
Jewish community, 358, 371
Cologne, 81 Leskircher, Wolfgangus, 201, 202, 290,
Regensburg, 64, 79, 80; destruction of, 359, 365, 377
80, 81, 307; education in, 79–81, libraries, Regensburg:
83; Synagogue, 19, 79; Yeshiva, Alte Kapelle, 34, 35, 190
80, 81 Augustinian Hermits, 41, 68, 69, 118
Joel ben-Isaac ha-Levi, 81 Catalogue of 1347, 41, 49, 53, 56, 65,
Johannes (rector puerorum, Alte 66, 69, 119, 192
Kapelle), 32 cathedral, 29–30
Johannes de Monte Puellarum city library, 114, 119, 120, 215;
(brother of Conrad of Megenberg), donations to, 120, 198, 280
30, 232 Dominicans, 41, 65, 66, 67, 118
Johannes de Rupella, 49 exchange of texts, 41
Johannes von Sterngassen, 65, 66, 118 Franciscans, 41, 56, 57
John of Garland, 43, 66, 110, 111 Prüfening, 41, 48–50, 65
Judenprukhe, Henricus de (de Ponte Prüll, 41, 51
Judaeorum), 32, 219 St. Emmeram, 1, 39, 41, 44–45, 93,
Juvencus (Vettius Aquilinus), 50 101, 108, 116; Albert Schmidmüln
and, 170, 172; librarian at, 40, 44,
Kaegerl, Ulrich, 133, 137, 141, 205, 116
234–35 St. Mang, 38
Kantner, Caspar, 107, 175, 177, 190, Liephard of Prüfening, 49
198, 199, 203, 207, 284, 285, 340, Liephard von Regensburg, 55, 192
360, 363 Literacy, 3, 5, 8, 93, 98, 130
Kintzinger, Martin, 10 access to, 72
Klinkebeyl, Jacobus, 136, 234 Latin, 73, 75, 89, 214; female
Klinkenberg, Hans Martin, 6 mendicant houses and, 75
Kolb, Georgius, 188, 258, 286, 354, 357 rates of, 3, 4, 5, 8–9, 241, 215

412 index
song scholars and, 98, 130 mobility, economic, university study and,
vernacular, 5, 58, 72, 73, 95, 101, 7, 8, 12, 121, 163, 186, 188, 208, 209,
140, 160, 214. See also vernacular 214
education mobility, geographic, 53, 121 193
women and, see women, literacy of Modler, Leonardus, 65, 176, 193, 244,
Loebel, Ulricus der, 137, 220, 291, 363 294, 361
Loebel, Wolfgangus, 193, 291, 356 Molitoris, Augustinus, 71, 176, 294, 295,
Lohener, Sigismundus, 190, 291, 309, 358 360, 365
Louvain, University of, 180, 181, 182, Molitoris, Wolfgangus, 191, 296, 356
184 Montpellier, University of, 168, 172, 194
Ludolf de Luca, 110 moral instruction, 111, 112
Ludovici, Johannes, 67, 68, 71, 195, 196, Moraw, Peter, 178, 206
199, 291, 354, 355, 364 Mückel, Ulricus, 204
Mühlhauser, Leonhardus, 134, 226
Magdeburg, Augustinian Hermits, 134 Münnerstadt, Johannes de, 100, 193, 354
Maimonides, 66
Mainberger, Johannes, 178, 292, 354, Nicholas of Cusa, 42, 45, 47, 302
356, 363 Nicholas of Laun, 68, 71, 87, 118, 195
Map, Walter, 45 Niedermünster, Regensburg, 13, 19, 20
Marschalk, Johannes, 123, 132, 135, 137, education of women in, 73–74
221, 222, 288, 292, 354, 358 reform of, 54
Martianus Capella, 49, 86, 108 Schottenkloster and, 43
Mashallah, 108 Niederviehbach, 76
mathematical texts, 29, 30, 38, 44, Nigri: Georgius, 65, 193, 238, 397, 356
45, 50, see also, Amman, Friedrich; Johannes, 64, 70, 80, 194, 297, 356
Boethius, quadrivial texts of; Petrus, 64, 80, 194, 297, 298
Bradwardine, Thomas; Computus notaries, ecclesiastical, 106, 130, 140,
Norimbergensis; Oresme, Nicole; Practica 219, 223, 250, 258, 274, 311
Algorismus Ratisponensis notaries, 107 132, 229, 272, 275, 340
Mauricius (abbot, Regensburg ecclesiastical, 106, 130, 140, 219, 223,
Schottenkloster), 191, 253, 354 250, 258, 274, 311
Mayrhofer, Johannes, 55, 247 public, 107, 198, 203, 205, 206, 233,
Meczinger, Conradus, 128, 237 285, 328
medical texts, 38, 44, 66, 194, 204 notary, 107, 132, 229, 272, 275, 340
medicine, city physicians, 195, 203, 204 Nothafft, Georgius, 188, 298, 356, 360
Meister, Martin, 9 Nuremberg, 41, 138, 139, 156, 165 167,
Meller (Mäller): Casparus, 179, 293, 371 170
Georgius, 179, 202, 293, 360, 371 schools of, 139, 148, 149
Wenzeslaus, 55, 245
Mendel, Johannes, 190, 203, 340 Obermünster, education of women at,
mendicants, Regensburg: schools of, 19, 20, 73
19, 39, 52, 53, 117, 127; See also, oral instruction, continued importance
Augustinian Hermits, schools of; of, 99
Dominicans, schools of; Franciscans, Oresme, Nicole, 30, 45, 119
Regensburg, schools of Otto (lector O.E.S.A.), 70, 225
Menger, Dionysius, 44, 116 Otloh of St. Emmeram, 40, 86, 98, 103,
Metempoli, Johannes, 195, 293, 360 115, 129, 147
Meyer de Ratispona, Hermannus, 134, Ovid, 38, 48, 56, 87
293, 360 Oxford, University of, 360, 367, 374, 376
Miethke, Jürgen, 8 Dominican studium at, 117
military orders, Regensburg, 20 Mendicants at, 52
Mittelmünster (St. Paul’s), Regensburg, Regensburg Augustinian Hermits at,
19, 20, 25, 74, 143 70, 118, 119, 134, 175, 176, 179,
scholars attached to, 35 195, 196

index 413
Padua, University of, 114, 193, 198–203, Hermits, Regensburg, 69, 117;
207, 208, 360, 367, 371, 374–376 cathedral, Regensburg, 114;
German students at (before the Dominicans, Regensburg, 62, 64,
fourteenth century), 168, 172 134, 194, 238, 287; Franciscans,
Regensburg students at, 134–135, Regensburg, 56, 246
175–177, 183, 188, 360 Peter Thomae, 119
pagan authors: medieval education and, Petrarch, 43, 44, 111
86–89 Peyne, Johannes de, 179, 305, 360
works spuriously attributed to, 87. Pfeffenhauser, Friedrich, 63
See also Pseudo-Cato; Pseudo-Ovid; Pferinger, Johannes, 71
Pseudo-Vergil, Pseudo-Seneca Pföllinger, Michael, 58, 100
Panholz, Leonard, 247–249, 266 Piccolomini, Aeneas Sylvius (Pius II), 43,
schoolmaster, Prüll, 51, 101, 123, 133, 44, 111, 114, 329
207 Piccolomini, Francesco Todeschini (Pius
schoolmaster, Regensburg Franciscans, III), 114
57, 101, 123, 133, 143 Pico della Mirandolo, 35
university study by, 133, 134, 193, 205, Pindar, 111, 338
207 Pirckheimer, Thomas, 114
works copied by, 58, 79, 140 Pirenne, Henri, 5, 9, 10
Paris, University of, 30, 70, 71, 134, 135, plague: Conrad of Megenberg on, 80,
168, 179, 180, 367, 373–376 11, 231, 232
Conrad of Megenberg at, 131, 135, university attendance, impact on, 161,
171, 207 181–183
German students at, 70 Platernberger: Conrad, 209
Parish schools, 10, 22–24 Georgius, 209, 306, 365
Parsberger (Upper Palatinate noble Platner, Leonardus, 208, 302, 306, 363
family), 183, 254 Plessing, Conrad, 34, 221, 258
Fridericus, 114, 115, 135, 136, 183, poor scholars: support for, 23, 24, 101,
234, 300–301, 351, 361 158, 159
Georgius, 300 university study and, 136, 172, 178,
Henricus, 128, 135, 136, 183, 208, 183, 184
234, 254, 270, 272, 301, 302, 306, Porphyry, 48–49
362 Portner: Georgius, 307, 365, 371
Johannes, 135, 136, 183, 234, 311 Henricus, 307, 357, 371
Part, Ulricus, 44, 111, 114, 188, 208, Johannes, 207, 307, 308, 357, 371
272, 288, 301–302 Leonardus (Regensburg mayor), 201,
Paulstorffer, 208, 302, 303 307, 308
Erasmus, 58 Leonardus (son of Regensburg mayor),
Georgius, 135, 136, 235, 303, 356 201, 307, 308, 356, 371
Lupoldus, 303, 355 Wolfgangus (son of Regensburg
Pavia, University of, 114, 172, 176, mayor), 175–177, 188, 201–203
360, 367, 375, 376, 203, 360, 367 307, 308, 327, 332, 360, 371
Perugia, University of, 114 Pötzlinger, Hermann, 308–309, 345
Peter the Chanter, 49–50 humanist influence on, 43
Peter Comestor, 117, 339 library of, 42–43
Peter of Dacia, 108 St. Emmeram, school master of, 42,
Peter Hispanus, 35, 64, 66, 154, 224, 125, 138, 190, 249
262, 267 scribal activities of, 140
Peter Lombard, 41, 56, 117, 309 university study of, 116, 133, 134, 205,
commentaries in Regensburg 358, 362
libraries: Augustinian Hermits, 68; Practica Algorismus Ratisponensis, 45, 96,
Dominicans, 118; Franciscans, 192; 107–108
St. Emmeram, 41 Prague University of, 360, 367, 373, 374,
Sentences of, lectures on: Augustinian 376

414 index
accessibility of university study, impact lector, Augustinian Hermits, 70, 71,

on, 161, 178 196, 225
Augustinian Hermits, Regensburg at, texts copied by, 119
70, 71, 118, 179, 195 university study by, 118, 134, 175, 196,
cathedral canons, Regensburg, at, 188 353, 360, 361; Regensburg, city of,
Regensburg patriciate at, 202 support for, 67, 196, 312–314
Regensburg students at, 135, 165 168, writings of, 119, 313, 314
171 Purchofer, Erhardus, 133, 137, 141, 234,
Preiser, Albertus, 124, 125, 128, 221, 348 264, 314, 330, 361
Prenner, Fidericus, 179, 360, 361, 371 Pyburgerin (Piburgerin), Alhayt di, 159
Prew, Conrad, 55, 245
Prew, Heinrich, 116, 190 quadrivium, 29, 49, 50, 86, 111, 115,
Priscian, 3, 44, 48, 50, 66, 85, 86, 99, 110 123, 248
private schools, 3, 21, 26, 83, 83, 90, 95, Quintillian, 35
100, 126
girls in, 72, 77, 78 Rab, Johannes, 57
Jewish, 80 Raider, Conradus, 128, 237
Propst (auf Donau), Eberhard, 157 Ratispona, Andreas de (Regensburg
Propst (auf Donau), Leonardus, 197, cathedral treasurer), 128, 315, 353
279, 310, 355, 361 Ratispona, Andreas de (student
Prosper of Aquitaine, 50 University of Prague), 179, 315, 360
Pruckenham (Pruckhay), Johannes, 190, Ratispona, Andreas de, O.P., 193, 243,
311, 360, 364 315, 354
Prudentius, Psychomachia, 50, 112 Ratispona, Andreas de, O.P. (sentenciarius,
Pruensser, Conradus, 64, 238 O.P.), 128, 134, 193, 243
Prüfening, Benedictine convent of, 17, Ratispona, Augustinus de, O.E.S.A., 195.
31, 47 See also, Augustinus Molitoris
library of, see libraries, Regensburg: Ratispona, Bertholdus, 179, 316, 360
Prüfening Ratispona, Casparus de, O.E.S.A., 70,
schools of, 49–50, 83, 123 134, 206, 226, 316. See also Kursner,
scriptorium, 104 Casparus
size of, 49 Ratispona, Casparus de, O.P., 193, 316,
university study and, 191 360
Prüll, 17, 133 Ratispona, Christianus (St. Emmeram),
abbot of, Christoph Welser, 51 172, 190, 316, 353
Carthusian reforms of, 17, 52, 173, Ratispona, Conradus de (student
247 University of Prague), 179, 317, 360
library of, see libraries, Regensburg: Ratispona, Conradus de, O.P., 193, 243,
Prüll 317, 361
schools of, 51, 83, 123; teaching Ratispona, Fridericus de, O.E.S.A., 70,
personnel in, 51, 205, 249 225, 317, 318, 353, 354, 360, 361
scriptorium, 104 Ratispona, Henricus de (student
Psalter, as school text, 2, 98, 101, 111 University of Bologna), 173, 318, 353
German translations of, 75, 101; Ratispona, Hugo de (St. Emmeram),
see also vernacular, education 172, 174, 190, 318, 353
Pseudo-Albertus Magnus, 148 Ratispona, Johannes de (canon of St.
Pseudo-Boethius, 43, 67, 87, 112 Johann)
Pseudo-Cato, 3, 43, 44, 87, 109, 112 Ratispona, Johannes de, O.E.S.A., 195,
Pseudo-Ovid, 87 227
Pseudo-Seneca, 1, 87 Ratispona, Lubertus de, 188, 319, 353
Pseudo-Vergil, 87 Ratispona, Nicolaus de, O.E.S.A., 70,
Puchhauser, Berthold, 38, 312–14 134, 226, 319
execution of Ulrich Grünsleder, role Ratispona, Otto de (student, university of
in, 158, 197, 250–51 Bologna), 173, 319, 353

index 415
Ratispona, Otto de (student, university of scriptorium, 39, 44, 104

Prague), 179, 319, 360 size of convent, 40
Ratispona, Petrus de, O.E.S.A., 176, 195, university study and, 41, 44, 115, 190,
319, 360 191, 205
Ratispona, Rudgerus de (student St. Johann, Regensburg, 18
university of Bologna), 173, 320, 353 choir service by scholars of, 35–37
Ratispona, Stephanus de (rector cathedral scolasticus, payments by
Lenoltingen) 173, 353 chapter to, 36, 125
Ratispona, Ulricus de (O.E.S.A.), 70 schools of, 35, 83, 124; statutes of,
Ratispona, Wernherus de (rector in 35–36
Gebenbach), 173, 320, 353 university study by canons of, 175, 188
Ratispona, Wernherus (student, St. Mang, Regensburg (Stadtamhof ), 18,
university of Prague), 173, 179, 320, 37, 189
353, 360 library of, see libraries, Regensburg: St.
Rederer, Johannes, 30, 131, 173, 231–33, Mang
320, 321, 353 schools of, 37, 83; personnel in, 37,
Reformatio Sigismundi, 23, 75, 107 249, 250
Regeldorffer, Erhardus, 209, 321, 362 St. Paul’s, Regensburg, see Mittelmünster
Regensburg St. Salvator, see Franciscans, Regensburg
civic servants, university-trained, 201, St. Stephan’s Vienna, school of, 83, 98,
203–206, 306, 321, 336 109
patriciate, 12, 16, 162; university study St. Ulrich’s, Regensburg, 24, 83
and, 179, 200–202, 370–72 Salamanca, University of, 64, 194, 213
political turmoil in impact on Sallust, 35, 87, 112, 338
university study, 165 Satelpoger: Conradus, 131, 135, 136,
Rehaver, Johannes, 101, 201, 204, 205, 179, 238, 324, 360
321, 364, 371 Stephanus, 179, 325, 360
Reich, Mathias, 152 Scheffel, Gotfridus, 172, 190, 325, 353
Reynbach, Johannes de, 179, 322, 360 Schenck, Casparus, 138, 272, 326, 360
rhetoric, schools of, 85 Schlichtpacher, Johann, 42, 49
Riboto, 32, 220, 223 Schlick, Franciscus, 188, 327, 353, 363
Riché, Pierre, 85 Schmidmüln, Albert von
Rome: University of, 70, 176, 195, Schmidner, Johannes, 175–177, 188, 308,
360–61, 367, 374–76 323, 327, 328, 332, 355, 360
Augustinian Hermits, studium in, 134 Schieser, Michael,
Rörig, Fritz, 5, 9, 10 Schism, 176, 179, 180. See also, Avignon
Rothenburg, city school in, 10 obedience
Rosenheim, Petrus de, 64, 128, 134, 193, Schönprunner, Marcus, 56, 134, 192,
238, 323, 353, 354, 362 193, 205, 206 246, 328, 329, 363
school year, organization of, 146–47
Sack, Johannes, 56, 134, 192, 245 schools, Regensburg, city support of, 31,
Sacrobosco, Johannes de, 1, 38, 42, 44, 33–34, 39
86, 108, 118, 171 Schottenkloster, Regensburg, 18, 45
St. Blasius. See Dominicans, Regensburg daughter houses, 18, 191
St. Cassian, Regensburg, 23, 24, 83 schools of, 39, 49, 83; statutes of, 47,
St. Emmeram, Benedictine monastery 97; teaching personnel in, 47, 123,
of, 16, 17 125, 250
library, mathematics texts in, 42–45, universities and, 191
108, 108, 116, 190, 214; see also scriptorium, 18, 46, 104
libraries, Regensburg: St. Emmeram size of convent, 47
scholars of, choir service by, 40, 41, 45 Schrotel, Johannes, 75, 188, 190, 199,
schools of, 39–42, 83, 154; Regensburg 260, 288, 329, 340, 354, 360
city support of, 45, 46; size of, 45; Schulstreit, 9–11, 21, 22, 93
teachers in, 40–42, 45, 125 Schwartz, Johannes, (O.E.S.A.), 70, 226

416 index
Schwinges, R. C., 7, 8, 136 humanism and, 43, 111, 338

scolasticus, responsibilities of, 26, 28, 122 texts copied by, 43, 44, 111, 338
scribes: education of, 106, 204, 205 texts purchased by, 262, 338–39
employment of, 78, 82, 103, 104–07, university study by, 43, 111, 116, 190,
204–205 338–39, 359
women as, 105 Tegernsee, Benedictine monastery of,
Sedulius, 50 102, 115, 129
Semeler, Marquardus, 64, 242 textbooks, printed, use in classroom, 100
Seneca (Lucius Annaeus), 35, 44, 49, 66, Theodolus, Eclogues, 48
87 Theophilus, 66. See also, medical texts
Siena, university of, 134, 176, 195, 361, Thomas of Cantimpré, 171
367, 374–76 time, medieval conceptions, of 144, 145
Siger, Jacobus, 193, 244, 331, 354 Tolhopf, Johannes, 114, 115
Sittauer: Christoph, 202 Totting, Heinrich von Oyta, 180, 320
Erhardus, 137, 220, 221 Toulouse, University of, 65, 176, 361,
Wolfgangus, 202, 332, 356, 371 367, 375, 376
Snoeder, Georgius, 190, 332, 355, 360 Trabolt, Johannes: friendship with
Soisson, cathedral school in, 28 Kantner, Casparus, 177, 203
Stauffer, Albertus, 131, 135, 136, 179, service to city of Regensburg by, 199,
198, 234, 324, 333–334, 349, 360 203, 207, 270, 285
Stirdorfferin (Stiersdorferin), Anna, 159, texts donated to Regensburg
335 Augustinian Hermits by, 203
Stöckel, Johannes, 132, 205, 224, 246, university study by, 177, 203, 260, 339,
355, 363 340, 355–57, 360
Straubinger, Ulricus (student Paris), 164, trivium, 4, 48, 111, 129, 142
169, 174 Troglin, Henricus, 128, 238
Straubinger, Ulricus (cathedral scolasticus), Tröster, Johannes, 114, 190, 203, 268,
136, 164, 233, 336 329, 340, 341, 360, 362
students: Regensburg, numbers of, 154, Tübingen, University of, 180, 182, 184,
155, 214 361
terminology, 162; roles of, 144
Stuhlschreiber, 105, 140, 250–52 Ulm: Dominican studium in, 59, 61, 99
Stuttgart, school statues, 148 population of, 15, 166
succentors, role in school, 29, 34, 126 school statutes from, 145,
Sumpringer, Johann, 55 university study in, see university study:
Swaiger, Erasmus, 192, 338, 357 Ulm
Swaiger, Nicholas, 24, 143 Ulrich of Straubing, O.E.S.A., 70
Synod of Aachen, 91, 93 Umtuer, Dietrich, 74
Synod of Salzburg, 152 Umtuer, Elizabeth, 74
Synagogue, Regensburg, see Jewish Umtuer, Ulrich, 74, 243
community, Regensburg, synagogue university choice: family connections
and, 183
teaching personnel: impact of geography on, 168–69, 182
educational level of, 130, 132–36 university, effort to establish in
ecclesiastical benefices and, 141 Regensburg, 48, 274
locati (ushers), 34, 41, 42, 123, 126 university-trained civil servants in
salaries of, 138, 139 Regensburg, 201, 203–06, 306, 321,
scolasticus, 3, 26 336
scribes and, 139, 140 universities, faculty of law, 135, 177, 202
social background of, 136 faculty of medicine, 135, 163, 175,
terminology for, 28, 121–29 177, 202
Teckendorfer, Ulricus, 55, 246 faculty of theology, 135
Tegernpeck, Johannes: abbot of St. German, 4, 161, 178, 180, 182
Emmeram, 43, 191, 338 origins of, 7

index 417
social mobility and, 7, 163, 174, Vienna, university of, 43, 70, 71, 119,
177. See also, mobility, social and 133, 134, 136, 170, 361–372, 374–76
economic faculty of medicine, 176, 177, 202
university study: Augsburg attendance humanism at, 43, 51
patterns, 166, 167, 170 Regensburg students at, 162, 181, 182,
barriers to, 172 361–372, 374–76
ecclesiastical benefices and, 135, 173, schism and, 179–80
185, 206 Villingen, Dominican convent of, 55
mendicant friars and, 162, 175. See also Vincent of Beauvais, 43
individual convents Volkard von Heringen, Rudolf, 33, 34,
patronage networks and, 207–09 204, 330, 336, 343, 353, 354, 362
Regensburg, city support of, 71, 195,
197–200 Wagner, Laurencius, 193
Regensburg citizenry and, 168, 177 Wagener, Ulricus, 176, 344, 360
Regensburg patriciate and, 162, wandering scholars, 40, 54, 155–57
200–202, 370–72 Wasserburger, Ulricus, 128, 237
Regensburg political turmoil and, Welser, Christoph, abbot of Prüll, 51
165–67 Weltinburger, Simon, 201, 345, 362
Regensburg schoolmasters and, Werner of Regensburg (O.F.M.), 54, 57,
205. See also teaching personnel, 192
educational level of Winckler, Wolfgangus, 114, 115
Regensburg students and, 164–166, Winckler, Johannes, 192, 347, 356
169, 174, 180, 182 Wirnher (lector O.E.S.A.), 70, 225
study abroad, 174–75 Wirsing, Fridericus, 128, 132, 135, 221,
Ulm and, 166, 167, 182 347, 348
Wirtenberger, Georg, 206, 348, 356
Valla, Lorenzo, 35 Woller, Ulrich, 68, 70, 225
Vargas, Alfonsus, 131 Women, education of, 71–77
Velber, Johannes, 132, 135, 205, 206, Augustinian Hermits, Viehbach, 76
222, 223, 285, 308 Regensburg citizens and, 74
Venice, Regensburg trade with, 33, 169, vernacular, 73
179, 326 See also, scribes, women as
Verger, Jacques, 209 women, religious houses of, 19, 20, 74
Vergil, 87, 111, 216 writing, teaching of, 2, 95, 101–104
vernacular: education, 10, 58, 75, 95,
100, 101, 129 Zehentner, Christian, 107
preaching, 54 Zehentner, Johann, 107
prohibition of use in schools, 2, 10 Latin grammar, 72–75
Verona, university of, 63, 70 ,175, 176, mendicant houses and, 75
193, 361, 367, 374, 376 Zehentner, Nicholas, 107
Augustinian Hermits at, 70, 175 Zenger, Johannes, 179, 333, 349, 360
Versoris, Johannes, 64, 338 Zirckendorffer, Fridericus, 206, 350, 359
via antiqua, 118, 299 Zirckendorffer, Georgius, 206
via moderna, 118, 268, 292, 334 Zollner Leonardus, 175, 354, 365
vicars choral, 29, 97, 121, 126, 139, 150 Zollner, Dietrich, 20, 75, 101, 159
educational level of, 98, 206

David L. Sheffler, Schools and Schooling in Late Medieval Germany - Regensburg, 1250-1500, Brill, Leiden - Boston, 2008.

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David L. Sheffler, Schools and Schooling in Late Medieval Germany - Regensburg, 1250-1500, Brill, Leiden - Boston, 2008.

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Schools and Schooling in

Late Medieval Germany

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Copyright 2008 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.

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Acknowledgments ....................................................................... vii

Chapter One Introduction .................................................. 1

Chapter Two The Educational Landscape of

Chapter Three Inside the Schools ...................................... 85

Chapter Four Regensburg and the Universities ............... 161

Chapter Five Conclusion ...................................................... 213

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Appendix IV: “Regensburg” University Students Tables and

Bibliography .............................................................................. 377

Index ........................................................................................... 407

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It is a pleasure to acknowledge the numerous debts I have incurred

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I will always be indebted my parents who allowed me the freedom

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1. Late medieval Regensburg .................................................... 13

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Bio-Lex Ingol. Boehm, Laetitia, Winfried Müller, Wolfgang J.

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MBK IV: 1 Ineichen-Eder, Christine Elisabeth, ed. Mittelalterliche

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QF Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte des Dominikaner-

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fortgeführt von Karl Langosch. 1933–1955. Edited by Kurt Ruh

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Qui iuvenis fideliter ad scholas properavit

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and frequently overlapping collection of institutions and individuals

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reflect the essentially religious nature of education through mandatory

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exercised, at least to some degree, a normative effect on the curriculum

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literature in particular has characterized this relationship as a frequently

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Kommission zur Erforschung der Kultur des Spätmittelalters 1978–1981. Philologisch-Historische

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urban areas.23 However, even these basic statements are difficult to

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class.26 The influence of this class, according to Pirenne and Rörig,

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met the needs of the city’s inhabitants adequately.29 Hartmut Bleumer

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and periods of prominence. I argue that the existing ecclesiastical schools

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St. Johann Niedermünster

Dominikanerin Synagogue and Alte Kapelle Franciscans

Old Roman City Poor Clares

Map 1: Late medieval Regensburg.

THE EDUCATIONAL LANDSCAPE OF