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LanguageFunctionand
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EDTTEDnv |oan Bybee,fohn Haiman
and SandraA. Thompson
OF F P R IN T
I
Lexical Affixes and Morphological
Tlpology
MarianneMithun
Universityof California,SantaBarbara
Much of the initial work on linguistic typology was concenhatedin the area of
morphology, and indeed typologies of morphological structure have remained a
basic part of the discipline to the preselt. Languageshave been and still are
routinely classified as isolating or polysynthetic, as agglutinating or fusional.
Such typologies take as a point of depanure a fundamental opposition: that
betweenroots and affixes. It has generally been assumedthat these two notions
are theoretical primes in a sense,with predictable formal and functional proper-
ties. While roots generally serve as the bases of words and carry theit central
semantic content, aflxes are structurally and functionally dependenl never
constituting words on their own and conveying meanings that are sofhehow
subordinateas *'ell. \*t expect roots to carry such meaningsas 'rock', 'rirouth',
or 'catch', and af|rxes to itrdicate such features as causation, tense, or gender.
A number of languages of northwestem North Amedca, however, contain
formal affixes with wiat appar to be root-lik€ functions. Among the affixes of
Bella Coola, for example, a language of the Salishan family spoken on the
central coast of British Columbia, are -lsr 'rock', -ac 'mouth', -Ip 'tree' tix-
'bring back', 2it-'\\ear', and Zzs- 'crave'. Eskimoan,Tsimshian,and Wakashan
languagesshow similar root-like affixes. If the functions of affixes can differ so
1, Lexical Suflixes
Bella Coola shows a clear formal distinction between stems (including simple
roots) on the one hand and affixes on the other. Slems may function as words
alone, while affixes only occur attached to stems. If we look at the Bella Coola
lexicon as a whole, we see that the vast majority of stems show meanings
similar to stems in other languages. Many designate objects or persons: 2asx'
'seal', zal 'herring roe', cap'bone', can'spear', Cix 'sand', tla'basket', kilcya
'grandmother', Xmstq 'pe;sorr'. Many describe actions: 2aips 'eat', zq, '4o,
happet , cim 'talk' , c4 'gather',7ip 'take', ?issut 'row', kaw 'cany' , hn 'stand.
up'. Others indicate states:mucalx*'be confusing', nic 'be alive,ltve', pik 'be
shiny'. Similarly, the Bella Coola inventory of affixes contains markers with
functions typical of affixes crosslinguistically, including a nominalizer,iterative,
dishibutive, medio-passive,reflexive, reciprocal,inchoative,pefective, usitative,
distant past, optative, dubitative, diminutive, plural, quotative, and others. In
addition to affixes of this kind, however, the language contains a large set of
suffixes with what appear to be noun-like meanings.
(1) Some Bella Coola (Nuxalk) lexical suffixes: Davis and Saunders
(1973, 1980); Saundersand Davis (1975a,b, c): Nater (1984, 1990).
Overall the meanings of the suffixes tend to be more general than those of
stems, but semantic relations between the two categories are not staightforward.
Describing Saanich,another Salishanlanguage,Montler (1986: 66) concludes
that "each lexical sufirx can probably best be viewed as representing a complex
network of associations rather than a concrete or abstract base from which
metaphorical extentions are made". Bella Coola lexical suffrxes show similar
Datterns.
360 Marianne Mithun
in the verbs in (6) below, for example, indicates the involvement of a hand or
hands, but in (6a) the hand functions as a semanticpatient, in (6b) a semantic
instrument, and (6c) a semanticlocation.
(6) Semanticroles: Davis and Saunders(1973: 246,244,240)
a- cp-ak-m-c. (semanticPatient)
wipe-hand-MEDIo.PAssrvE-I
'I hm wiping my hand(s).'
b. ip-ak-mtic. (semanticinshument)
grab-hand-rrclto-rASSI\,'E-Vthem
'I'm grabbing them with my hand.'
c. pusm-ak-c. (semanticlocation)
swell-hand-I
'My hand is swelling.'
The fact that the suffixes do not refer to grammatical arguments can be seen in
the pronominal suffixes on verbs that mark core arguments. The sentencein (6a)
'I am wiping my hands' is intransitive: 'I am hand-wiping'. The sentencein (6b)
'I'm grabbing them with my hand' is transitive, but the second argument is the
people grabbed,rather than the hand: 'I am hand-grabbingthem'. The sentence
in (6c) 'My hand is swelling' is intransitive,but the single core argumentis me,
not the hand: 'I am hand-swelling' or 'I am swelling on the hand'. No grammat-
ical or semantic role is specifiedby the stJucture.The suffixes simply qualify
the meaning of the stem in a geneml way.
The suffixes may actually cooccur in sentenceswith independentnominals
overtty identifying an argument only implied by a suffix. The suffix -ul, for
example, can indicate the involvement of a body or some kind of round object.
In (7), a verb containing the suffix appears in a sentence also containing an
independentword for'ball'.
(7) Bella Coola suffix and independentnominal: Davis and Saunders
(1973: 231],
cp-u't-ic ti-!alk-u't-tx.
wipe-round-1/3 PRox-baU-rcund-ARTICLE
'I'm wiping the ball.'
The suffixes also show a certain categodaldiffuseness.The suffix -trc'pertain-
ing to the mouth' is used not only for the mouth and associated objects, but also
362 MarianneMithun
(11) Stem ctt 'say' and suffix -ac 'orally': AgnesEdgarin Davis and
Saunders (1980:66)
cut-aw-kw zut-nc 2at-{. (stem)
say-they-UsrTPREP-me PREp-then
'They told me then.
364 Marianne Mithun
These and other observationshave led Egesdal (1981), A. Mattina (1987)' and
Carlson (1990) to propose a diachronic origin for the lexical suffix constructions
in compounds.Their proposalsare convincing, and they provide just the kind of
scenariotypical of processesof gramrnaticization.As they point out, compound-
ing processespersistin many ofthe daughterlanguages,though their productivi
ty varies across the family. The order of elements within the constructions
('hair-mouth', 'punch-mouth') is consistentwith the predicate-initialorder of the
Salish languages. Some of the suffixes or portions of them are sometimes
discemible within related stems, a fact that in some instances suggests an
original stem origin for the suffix. (The initial -l of so many of the lexical
suffixes might be the remnant of an original stem joiner') As Egesdal, A.
366 MarianneMithun
Mattina, and Carlson have each noted, however, along with Sapir (1911:
251154), Newman (1960), and Hagdge(1978), the modem lexical suffixes are
clearly distinct from incorporated nouns. The modern suffixes are not generally
cognatewith their stem counterparts.In most cases,the similarity betweenstems
and suffixes is due to the fact that the stemshave been built up from roots PIus
the lexical suffixes, as \n yak-u't 'ball', which contains the suffix -ai 'round'.
2. Lexical Prefixes
The formal status of the markers as prefixes is clear. They cannot occul
independentlyas words in their own right, nor can they constitute the basis of
words. They must be attachedto full stems.Their use is illustrated in (14) with
the prefix tam- 'makd, As can be seen,each of the elementsit precedesls an
independentstem, capableof serving as a word alone'
(14) Bella Coola lexical prefix tam-'make' Independentstems
tam-saplin 'make-bread' Japrin 'flour, bread'
tam-sul 'build-house' sul 'house'
tam-tla 'make-basket' tlq 'basket'
tam-zak*rta'make-war.canoe' at*na 'war canoe'
Like the lexical suffixes,theseprefixesare relativelygeneralin meaning.The
Wefrxkot-, for example,is translatedvariouslyas 'acquire,hunt for, seek,
gather,collect,pursue'.Much of their meaningcomesfrom the stemsto which
LexicalAffixesandMorphologicalTypology 367
they are attached.The actions involved in baking bread, for example, are
considerably differentfrom thoseinvolvedin buildinga house.
Like the suffixes, the prefixes representelementsof meaning that are
frequentlycombinedwith othersto createlexical items,namesfor recognizable,
recurringactivities.
(15) Bella Coolalexicalprefixesin labelsfor nameworthyactivities
tam-saplin 'bake-bread'
tam-sut 'build-house'
ka-smtk 'hunt-fish' = 'to fish'
kal-nanmk'hunt-animal'='tohunt'
?is-?qt 'eat-herring.roe'
?is-qa'r 'go.for-salmonberries'
The combinations are lexicalized,often showingunpredictable meanings,such
as kal-k'ps 'acquire-order'= 'makethe bed'. Many suchtermsare of course
culture-specific,
like 'eathering roe' and 'go for salmonbeuies'. Speakershave
creatednamesfor the conceptstheyhavediscussed the most.
As canbe seenin the list in (13),a goodproportionof the lexicalprefixes
simply indicatethe presenceor absenceof entities,their cominginto being,their
appearanceon the scene.They contribute relatively little information of their
own, serying pdmarily to support the mention of referents.They are in this
sensesubordinate semantically or pragmaticallyas well as formally.
(16) Pragmaticsubordination:
presenceor absence
Stem
kut-ta-la 'havemuchmoney,be ich' ta.la 'morey'(dollnr)
kul-papink 'therearemany snakes papink'snake'
around'
kiha.la 'lack money,be poor' ta.la 'money'
kit-qlamta 'lack compassion' qlamta'pity'
?qs-sulidc 'havefood along' salidc 'food-to-go'
?as-2asmnayak
'havea child' mnq 'child'
Like the lexicalsuffixes,theseprefixesalsofunctiondymmicallyin connected
spoechto shapethe flow of information. Their specialfunctionscan be appreci-
atedby compa.ringtheir altemationwith stemsof similar meaning.The idea of
'catching' for example,can be expressedby either a stem such aspak' or the
prefixkal-.In a storytold by Mrs. Edgar,a younggirl wasbeinggiven advice
on how to elude a man who was chasing her. Here the catching, a highly
signifrcantelementof the story was inhoducedwith the stem.
368 MarianneMithun
(1980:100)
(17) StEmpak' 'catch':AgnesEdgarin DavisandSaunders
ct x-t{ (stem)
s- ka- Pak'- nix-
PREP-him
NoM-IRREAIIgcatcb-LIIitrTED.coNrRoL-PAssIvB
'Whenhe is just aboutto catchyou ...'
('Whenyou are aboutto be caughtby him')
The prefix kai-, ot tte other hand, can be used either to derive labels for
nameworthyconcepts,suchaska.t-smlk'tofish' seenabove,or to intoduce an
important referent, as in (18) below. Mrs; Edgar described a mother and
daughterwho, in order to make their home more inviting, decidedto spread
fresh sandon the floor. The sandwas broughtonto the scenewith the sentence
in (18). The most significantelementof this sentencewas the sand,not the tdP
to get it.
(18) Prefixkct- 'catch':AgnesEdgarin DavisandSaunders (1980:112)
)ap-tiwa-na-l(- lu- C s- ka- ka-- sqt--aw' (prefix)
go-slM-they-QUOT-EXPV-PRF NOM-IRRTALIS-seek-sand-they
'They went to go get fresh sand.'
The sentencethat followed pickedup the referent'sand', but the act of obtaining
it was not mentionedagain: 'They really rushedthen to get.thek housesspread
with sand.'
Just as tracesof the origin of somenounlike lexical suffixes can be found
in roots still existingin the languages,so too can Facesof someof the verb-like
lexical prefixes.The Bella Coola prefix tu- 'bring back', for example'appears
to correspondto the full SPokaneroot ti' 'get, obtain'' Unlike the-BellaCoola
orefix. the Spokaneroot forms tie basisof words on its own, without another
ioot o, .oot-lik" elemeit: tax"-6-t-m-n 'I'u get it for you' (Carlson and Flett
1989:93).Other resemblancesin form betweenthe lexical Prefixesand stems
within Bella Coolairself are suggestiveof a diachronicrelationship'In the prefix
kal-'gather,collect,pursue,hunt', for example,the final -l- couldbe the stem
joiner -f- that links membersof compounds.The remaining ka- shows an
interestingresemblanceto the root /.41v'tansport, carry,bdng, deliver''
The inventoryof lexical prefixesin Bella Coolais strikingly similar to a set
of verb-like prefixesin Nisgha (Tsimshian)and to suffixes in Yup'ik (Eskimo)
and Nootka (Wakashan).All show a high proportion of markers indicating
presenceor absence ('gather','acquire','catch', 'fetch" 'make', 'have', 'use',
'lack'). The verb-like affixes in theselanguagesare usedin the sameways as
the Bella Coola Prefixes,to derive labels for nameworthyactivities, to bring
LexicalAffixesand MorphologicalTypology 369
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