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This paper will be looking at the Kerala development model in India, its features and
how they comparison to other state models. Today, there is a virtual battle between
competing “models” of growth in India, with states such as Gujarat and Bihar vying
to capture national imagination. But what should a ‘model’ state value?
As many achievements as it has in the social sector, the state still lags behind in
agriculture, industry and creation of employment. Some of its negative aspects
include:
● Kerala considered a soft state, vulnerable to pressures from various interest’s
groups, any new development is questioned.
● ‘Investor unfriendly”- political climate has tended ‘to encourage economic
policies that are extremely hostile to the market mechanism, even in areas
where this hostility and the excessive reliance on government regulation that
goes with it- is quite counterproductive’, perception of labour militancy,
especially shortage and irregularity of power supply, lack of entrepreneurs and
investment, weak infrastructure facilities, reluctance to increase the production
potential of existing industries have all severely inhibited industrial
development in the state.
● Chronic unemployment- rate of unemployment double that of all India, also
more unemployed women than men (partially due to the displacement of rice
cultivation by more profitable crops), also there is a rise in unemployment
among the educated, this is accompanied by inability of the state to generate
any sizeable employment during the last few decades
● Virtually unregulated growth of technical institutions has led to the extreme
shortage of quality teachers at various levels, the degree of availability of
higher education institutions has always been less than the national average in
Kerala.
● Despite high health status indicators, it is a paradox that Kerala has been
identified as the state with highest prevalence of morbidity in India
● Due to the poorly managed irrigation system, the Green Revolution approach
was not as successful in Kerala as it was in Punjab or Gujarat where the grain
production responded better to irrigation.
● major problem facing power projects in Kerala has been delays and cost
overruns, major area of weakness in the hydel power use in the state is
ineffective transmission systems.
● Public sector inefficiency stemming largely from the state’s decision to plunge
into several modern sectors, ignoring the linkages that could have arisen from
common interests if investments had not been thus diffused.
● Divisive politics has undermined Kerala’s economy, hartal has become a
mode of protest for political parties and continues to paralyse everything,
roads, offices, schools and shops. All these obstructions militate against the
growth and development of the state.
● Exposure to international setting- NRI’s, could have accelerated the shift to a
consumerist culture.
● Land reforms may have defragmented land and is often cited as making
agriculture low profit, it also did not consider fisherfolk and Adivasi
communities
● Poor allocation of central funds, funds insufficient to maintain the quality of
life and HDI
What was missing from Gujarat was the new economy money, billions of dollars the
rest of urban India is taking from the West. Why is information technology (IT) and
IT-enabled services (ITeS), which is bread and butter for Indian cities, which is absent
from “Gujarat offering relatively lower cost of operations, due to lower cost of real
estate and lower compensation level” KPMG cites two reasons: “a lack of engineering
institutes” and “lack of proficiency in English”. As a mercantile culture, Gujarat has
not needed English because its elite did business and employment was not for the
upper classes, which explains Gujarat’s “lower compensation level”. The lack of
English means Gujarat still doesn’t have a proper middle class as Mumbai, Delhi,
Bangalore do. No white-collar, anglicized, urban Indians. It is why there is little social
mobility for the lower middle class.
Gujarat is the No. 1 state in India when it comes to economic freedom index. This has
meant, inevitably, that the government has abdicated all decision-making powers, as
well as functional and financial control over such projects. Nowhere else in the
country has this abdication of responsibility been so total, nowhere else has the state
given over the economy so entirely to the corporates and private investors.
Gujarat state has an abundance of (so-called) non- productive land, a boon for
companies and a highly urbanised Gujarat is also home to India’s largest business and
trading community
While in large parts of India agriculture is in deep crisis and growing at 2% per
annum, the rate of growth in Gujarat has been over 10%. A major factor for this
consistent growth is the efficiency and speed with which Gujarat government has
worked to spread irrigation. The check dam movement started by a religious leader in
Gujarat has been carried forward in a determined manner by the government.
The biggest reason to question this brand of growth, is the state’s dismal showing in
the sphere of human development.
The per-capita income of the state has more than tripled since the turn of the century.
All the other states have shown nearly similar increments but none could touch
Gujarat. Starting from a per-capita income of Rs 17,227 in 2000-01, Gujarat has than
more than good to reach Rs 52,708 in 2010-11.
Rising per-capita incomes signals people-oriented development only to the extent that
poverty is declining. Growing incomes with rising inequality would imply that the
poor are being left behind. This brings us to a somewhat natural corollary - Gujarat’s
performance in poverty reduction. The states have been ranked from best to worst in
poverty reduction, among the big states with similar (below 40% BPL population)
levels of poverty as Gujarat in 2004-05. Among the 7 states which had a BPL
population of less than 40% in 2004-05), Gujarat ranked 5th when it came to poverty
reduction. In 2004-05, 31.6% of people of Gujarat lived below poverty line. This
came down to 23.0% in 2009-10; a reduction of 8.6%. The performance however lags
Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu who managed to reduce their BPL population by 13.7%
and 12.3% respectively. Even Rajasthan beat Gujarat by reducing its poverty rate by
9.6%.
Consider this state in India: As much as 44.6 per cent of its children are malnourished.
While Infant mortality rates have gone down, its decline has been slower than the
national average. More than 65 percent of its rural households and 40 per cent of its
urban ones do not have access to latrines and they use open spaces for defecation. The
state has 918 women for every 1,000 men, well below the national average. Poverty
amongst urban Muslims is eight times School enrolment is up to 95 per cent in rural
Gujarat, but learning levels remain shockingly low. Fifty-five per cent of rural
students in the fifth standard cannot read a second standard level text, and 65 per cent
of these students cannot do simple subtraction.
The state is Gujarat, but you would have perhaps never imagined these dismal
statistics, considering the state’s high growth trajectory
Since the early 1990s, when India undertook economic liberalisation and Jayalalithaa
first came to power in Tamil Nadu, both Gujarat and Tamil Nadu have maintained
consistently high economic growth rates. Even though Gujarat has grown slightly
faster, the gap between the two has been consistently growing narrow.
Over the past few years, things have changed though. As Dravidian parties gained
greater leverage over national policies and allocation of federal resources, the
incentive to follow a self-sustaining public expenditure model has waned, with
populism witnessing a sharp ascendancy.
Like its East Asian counterparts, the state’s deep links with the global economy has
contributed to the downturn. Yet, its economic woes are largely home grown. The
state’s inability to raise power tariffs over the past seven years has bled both the state
exchequer and the state-owned power firms dry even as growing power outages are
turning export hubs such as Coimbatore into industrial wastelands. Ballooning power
subsidies, a growing wage bill and a rising tendency to blow away public resources on
various freebies ranging from laptops to grinders have constrained state investments
on infrastructure.
Can economic growth be called development if its not for the masses? The success of
Kerala and Tamil Nadu in the social factors could be due to the type of political
parties and the type of
References
Even though the ‘Gujarat model’ cultivates social polarisation, Narendra Modi was
able to win elections three times in the state for two major reasons. First, the main
casualties of this political economy have been Muslims, Dalits and Adivasis, who do
not represent more than 30 percent of society. Second, the beneficiaries of this
‘model’ were not only the middle class, but also a ‘neo-middle class’ made up of
those who have begun to be part of the urban economy or who hope to benefit from
it—the ‘neo-middle class’ is primarily aspirational. These groups were numerous
enough to allow Modi's BJP to win successive elections in Gujarat. The BJP got more
than 50 percent of the votes only once, in 2002, but the main party can get an absolute
majority with less in a first-past-the-post system. While the BJP is known for its
expertise in religious polarisation, this is clearly a case of social polarisation in which
the ethno-religious identity quest of the middle and neo-middle classes continues to
play a role.