Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Paul Berman. The Flight of the Intellectuals. Melville House Printing: April 2010. Pp. 299.
$26.00 USD. ISBN 978-1-933633-51-0.
as the US led an invasion force into Iraq, and Swiss academic Tariq Ramadan was banned from
entering in the US due to financial links with Hamas. In 2010, Berman releases Flight of the
Intellectuals, as the US completes combat troop withdrawal from Iraq, and Ramadan’s travel ban
Much has developed in Western media and intelligentsia regarding analysis of Islamicists
between those years, in understanding the struggle for understanding between Islamicists and the
West. Both books examine Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood—especially so, the organization’s
founder, Hassan al-Banna, and the literary-critic-turned-Islamicist, Sayyid Qutb, whom was
Tariq Ramadan is the grandson of Hassan al-Banna. Ramadan’s father, Said, eventually
took the family to Switzerland after a crackdown the Brotherhood. Resultantly, Tariq Ramadan
is forever linked to the Brotherhood. Berman devotes considerable copy in Flight of the
Intellectuals to Tariq Ramadan’s statements in the press, and appearances on televised debates.
For example, Berman bubbles over a 2003 televised debate between Ramadan and
French President Nicolas Sarkozy (then the aggressive Minister of the Interior), where Sarkozy
‘moratorium’ on the practice of stoning, though, condemns the punishment as indeed “a bit
shocking.” A simple matter of semantics? Perhaps, but Ramadan has been doing damage control
ever since.
This is where Berman puts the arm on Ramadan. Berman’s message, in both books, is
that the greatest threat to the West is not the advent of extremists blowing themselves up in
crowded markets to “kill God’s enemies,” rather, that the serious threat facing the West is the
Islamicist moderates whom, draw well-meaning liberals into a dialogue that is ultimately toxic.
Yet, Berman offers no alternative to dialogue—the dialogue will certainly continue, and Sarkozy
Sayyid Qutb, the bright young effendi from rural Upper Egypt was sent to cosmopolitan
Cairo by his father to study in the British education system. Qutb excelled. A pre-revolutionary
Egyptian monarchy later sent the mature Qutb to America for further study. Qutb was horrified
by his perceptions of America: overt racism, intermingling of the sexes at parties, reckless
alcohol consumption, materialism and violence. Qutb, who had been friends with Nobel Laureate
Naguib Mahfuz eventually turned away from his life as respected literary critic and poet and
revolutionary government.
By the time Qutb was executed, in 1966, he was a vocal and visible member of Hassan
al-Banna’s Muslim Brotherhood. Berman notes that Tariq Ramadan was emphatic during an
3
interview about how his grandfather, Hassan al-Banna, “never even knew [Qutb].” And it’s true
that Qutb was in the US studying when al-Banna was assassinated by the Egyptian monarchy in
It wasn’t until Qutb’s return to Egypt from America that he took up the cause of
Islamicism. The Islamicist Qutb was jailed and tortured by the secular nationalist Nassar regime
for a decade, during which time Qutb wrote his 30-volume exegesis, In the shade of the Qur’an.
This work has been translated into several languages, and has inspired Islamicist movements
from Persia to the Arabian Peninsula: the Ayatollah Khomeni, and bin Laden were both ardent
Qutbists. Qutb’s powerful, refined and restrained literary skills lent themselves to his Islamicist
If Qutb “didn’t even know” Hassan al-Banna, he certainly knew Tariq Ramadan’s father,
Said Ramadan whom, was the editor of the Brotherhood’s magazine, al-Musulmin. It was
Ramadan the Elder who published Qutb’s Islamicist writings when Qutb returned from America.
But what Berman doesn’t acknowledge is that Islam may offer a better way of life to
disaffected immigrants languishing in European ghettos, and those who feel isolated at home in
developing nations, where there are few alternatives and little opportunity. The Muslim
elections. By the 1970s, the Muslim Brotherhood had rejected Qutbism. The Brotherhood’s
presence, it could be argued, has kept al-Qaeda from establishing themselves in Egypt, the
We once again see the tired ‘Islamo-fascist’ theories of the George Bush era. Berman
devotes copy to comparative analysis of European totalitarianism in the 1930s and 40s—
Mussolini, Hitler and Stalin—to the Islamicist movements. It’s distracting and irrelevant. And
this, as if Egyptians were living in a socio-political vacuum between Phaoronic times and World
War II. Those European models were not based on religious ideology, either. They were national
socialist movements. Further, there is no mention in this book about previous Egyptian
nationalist movements like Sa’ad Zaghloul’s Wafd Party (‘delegation’ party) during the British
condominium rule. Al-Banna and Qutb both lived through that era, and certainly would have to
But just as there are divisions within political parties, so too are there divisions within
escalation in Iraq, as the US finishes combat troop withdrawal, underscores divisions within
Somalia, and is striking into the heart of Black Africa. Khartoum has its own set of problems
with the International Criminal Court. Although the Taliban continue to deliver troubling images
of mutilation, a Muslim woman does not need fear disfigurement as an incentive to wear the
niqab (face veil), there are other more subtle pressures within her community, no matter where in
That all Islamicst movements share a common strategic objective is simply not true. But
Berman sews these ideas together like chucks of meat to create a Frankenstein Islamicist
• Willows is a contributing writer to The Egyptian Gazette and its weekly edition, The
Egyptian Mail. He studied at the American University in Cairo, and now lives in Toronto.