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q
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York City Transit Police and the Boston Police Department, carefully
pitched his presentation to appeal to the mayor-elect: he expounded
upon his belief in the “broken windows” theory of crime control, which
held that “disorder and crime are usually inextricably linked” and en-
couraged police to enforce laws against petty crimes like aggressive pan-
handling and public drinking in order to minimize conditions thought
to foster more serious crimes.4 He also outlined his plan to “motivate,
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20 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
equip, and energize” the New York City Police Department (NYPD).
Audaciously, Bratton predicted his plan would reduce violent crime in
New York by 40 percent in three years, with a 10 percent reduction in
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Getting Started
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 21
Patton.” On January 24, 1994, just four days after Bratton had made
Timoney the chief of department, at Timoney’s recommendation (and
with City Hall’s support), Bratton replaced four of the NYPD’s five “su-
perchiefs,” the four-star officers who run the department’s various op-
erational units. The event was dubbed “Bloody Friday.”
Though overall goals and strategy would be set at headquarters,
Bratton gave precinct commanders significantly more discretion over
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22 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
ground operations so that they could devise and implement their own
crime-reduction strategies. In the past these personnel had been pro-
hibited from engaging in a number of initiatives (such as decoy and
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 23
seek out and prosecute any other corrupt officers standing before him.
Bratton then assembled every precinct commander in the NYPD to an-
nounce that he was permanently retiring the badge numbers of the in-
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dicted officers and to let it be known that in the future he expected every
precinct commander to take an active role in preventing corruption.
Over the course of his fi rst year Bratton would replace more than
two-thirds of the city’s precinct commanders, bringing in officers who
were known for their proactive approaches to crime reduction. These
changes and Bratton’s high-level appointments sent a clear signal that
promotions would be based on perfor mance rather than longevity and
gave hope to dedicated officers among the rank and fi le. He eliminated
the divisional command level and gave precinct commanders unprece-
dented authority to deploy their officers as they wished.
In late March 1994 the NYPD’s senior brass and a select group of outside
academics, consultants, and observers went to Wave Hill, a city-owned
estate on the edge of the Bronx, to discuss Bratton’s plans for the de-
partment. There, for the fi rst time, Bratton publicly announced that the
department’s goal for the year was to reduce crime by 10 percent.11 Brat-
ton’s inner circle and City Hall were already familiar with Bratton’s goal
(though City Hall discouraged him from publicly articulating it, lest the
goal not be met). However, to the assembled group, Bratton’s announce-
ment came like a thunderbolt. “If I could put it in one direct visual, jaws
dropped,” said Peter LaPorte, Bratton’s chief of staff. “Literally, mouths
opened.”
Bratton, however, believed that articulating such bold goals was
an important aspect of motivating the orga ni zation to perform.12 “You
needed to set the tone, and you needed to set stretch goals that would
inspire people,” he explained. “Ten percent the fi rst year was really
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based on the idea of doing in our fi rst year more than had been done
in the previous four years.” Because of the Safe Streets law, Bratton
had several thousand more police officers to work with than his prede-
cessor. With an aggressive new management team and a reenergized
force, Bratton felt confident that a 10 percent reduction in crime was a
feasible goal.
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24 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
While employed with the New York City Transit Police, Bratton had
gotten a daily report on the crime that occurred in the system. In his
fi rst days on the job, Bratton slipped into a similar routine, receiving a
morning briefi ng on the previous twenty-four hours, including reports
of major incidents of crime, utility failures, and so on. After several
days, Bratton expressed to Maple his astonishment that not very much
seemed to be going on. Maple responded, “Are you jerking me or what,
commissioner?” There was plenty happening; Bratton was just not be-
ing told about it.
Maple went after the numbers, but when he asked the detective
bureau for the current crime statistics, he learned that there were no
current crime statistics: the NYPD compiled crime statistics only on a
quarterly basis.13 Maple wanted weekly figures; the detective bureau’s
staff responded that they might be able to get him monthly figures. That
was unacceptable to Maple. With Bratton’s support, Maple managed to
set a requirement for the detective bureau to provide crime figures on a
weekly basis.
The first week the crime figures arrived “written in fucking crayon,”
according to Maple. Soon thereafter, every precinct was instructed to
deliver a computer disk with its crime statistics for the week to borough
headquarters. Each borough then sent a disk with all the crime figures
for its precincts to headquarters at One Police Plaza. By the end of Feb-
ruary, the top command staff was receiving weekly crime reports.
Maple wanted precinct and borough commanders to start looking
at the crime figures too. He noticed that the precincts’ pin maps of
criminal incidents had very few holes in them— an indication that the
pins were rarely moved. “We’ve got a war on crime; how do you go to
war without a map?” Maple asked. At a meeting that spring, Maple in-
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 25
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26 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
mounted on the walls of the Command and Control Center. The pro-
cess of analyzing these computerized crime statistics became known as
“Compstat.”
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ence. The three large screens loomed behind the precinct officers. Com-
mander profi les, including years in rank, education, specialized train-
ing received, most recent per for mance evaluation, and the units the
commander had previously commanded, as well as information on the
precinct in question, were distributed in briefi ng books. The briefi ng
books also included information intended to capture the commander’s
performance— personnel assigned, personnel absence rates, unfounded
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 27
By the end of 1994 it was clear that the NYPD had come through a
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28 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
people died, 13,461 fewer people were robbed, and 3,023 fewer people
were assaulted.
The remarkable decline that began in 1994 intensified in 1995,
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when Bratton upped his crime reduction goal to 15 percent; by the end
of 1995, crime was down by 16 percent. Crime in the rest of the coun-
try had declined by less than half of 1 percent.21
There was also evidence that the NYPD’s focus on guns was pro-
ducing results. By the end of 1994, deaths caused by gunshot wounds
had dropped 23 percent. Shooting incidents had fallen 16.4 percent.
The percentage of gun-related hom icides had fallen from 77 percent in
1993 to 72 percent in 1994.22
Some worried that these statistical results were not real. Allegations
that some precinct captains, eager to show progress in reducing crime,
manipulated criteria for classifying crimes so that some serious crimes
would be downgraded to a less serious crime (e.g., an event that would
have previously been recorded as a robbery was downgraded to a lar-
ceny) became increasingly common.23 Others argued that while the
changes in reported crime might be real, they could not be causally at-
tributed to the actions of the NYPD. Perhaps crime had fallen due to
some other changes that had occurred in the environment. But to many,
the statistics told a clear story. The police commissioner had promised to
reinvigorate his department and make dramatic reductions in crime,
and the statistics seemed to indicate an unqualified success for the
commissioner and the mayor.
There was one prominent blemish on these remarkably positive sta-
tistics, however: a rise in civilian complaints about police misconduct.
The celebrated results of Bratton’s leadership were due at least in part to
the police becoming much more aggressive in their tactics. Total arrests
were up 21.5 percent. But only a small portion of these arrests were for
major crimes: felony arrests rose only 5 percent. The major increases in
arrests were for drug arrests (up 27.5 percent) and misdemeanor arrests
Copyright @ 2013. Harvard University Press.
(up 53.8 percent).24 Of course, such arrests might well have been legally
justified and morally deserved. And, consistent with the broken win-
dows theory, the crackdown on minor offenses might have produced a
significant impact on more serious crimes.
But the increased arrests pointed to an increase in the police force’s
use of public authority. The upshot of this was that civilian complaints
about police misconduct had risen even faster than arrests. A small but
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 29
vocal group of critics argued that the NYPD was reducing crime by in-
discriminately stopping and frisking young black and Hispanic men in
the city’s toughest neighborhoods, often roughing them up in the pro-
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cess. According to the case law, officers could legally stop and frisk a
person behaving suspiciously if they had a reasonable concern that the
person might be armed and dangerous.25 In practice, some officers
were quick to spot “suspicious” behavior and the “bulge” of what might
be a handgun in order to justify a stop and frisk. Just how many offi-
cers overstepped legal boundaries was a contentious subject. “We only
teach above-board tactics,” said Maple. “When a cop makes a stop, they
have to be able to make an explanation for why they made the stop. I’m
not saying the NYPD doesn’t make some bad stops, but there is no wink
and nod.”
At the end of 1994, the Civilian Complaint Review Board (CCRB),
a city agency created in 1993 to investigate civilian complaints against
the police, noted a 36 percent increase from the previous year.26 The
4,877 complaints received contained 8,060 specific allegations of police
misconduct; 3,107 allegations charged police officers with the use of ex-
cessive force. And while complaints were rising, it seemed to at least
some observers that disciplinary standards were falling: an Amnesty
International investigation of the NYPD noted that while in 1992 63
percent of the cases of police misconduct brought to administrative trial
resulted in convictions, in 1994 only three of the thirty-two cases that
went to administrative trial resulted in guilty verdicts.27
Complaints of misconduct were not randomly distributed across
New York’s diverse population. Although African Americans constituted
only about a quarter of the population of New York City, half of the
people lodging complaints were African American.28 The trend contin-
ued in 1995, with the number of complaints rising to 5,618. In Bratton’s
fi rst two years as commissioner, overall complaints had risen almost 50
percent. Allegations of illegal searches had risen 135 percent; excessive
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30 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
percent during Bratton’s term; serious crime (as measured by the FBI
Index) was down roughly 29 percent. An Empire State Survey poll found
that 73 percent of the population had a positive view of the police, up
from just 37 percent in June 1992.31
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 31
• Profit (as the goal, measure, and reward for superior organ iza-
tional perfor mance)
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32 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
Conceptual Confusions
Bratton’s metaphor, although commonly offered and widely accepted,
strains mightily upon close examination. A detailed look at these chinks
in the metaphorical armor helps reveal some of the conceptual challenges
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 33
Financial Profit versus Reduced Crime. Bratton’s fi rst claim was that he
wanted to run the NYPD as though it were a profit-oriented company. He
did not mean this literally, of course. He was not planning to bill those
who called the police for service and set a price for police ser vices that
would maximize the difference between the costs of supplying them
and the revenues earned by selling them. NYPD’s fi nest would still be
available to individuals for the price of a phone call. What he probably
did mean was that he wanted the NYPD to be dedicated to and account-
able for achieving a valuable, measurable goal: crime reduction.
Surely crime reduction is an important goal of the police. But even
Bratton would agree that reducing disorder and fear was an important
goal.35 Others might say that the goal of the NYPD was to enforce laws
fairly and impartially, or to ensure just and civil relationships among
the citizens of New York City. And the individual citizens of New York
routinely nominate many other potentially valuable uses of police forces
by dialing 911 for services— only some of which are associated with
crime they experience or witness.36 If those in positions to defi ne and
judge the value the NYPD produces disagree about its purposes or want
the NYPD to pursue purposes beyond reducing crime, then the single
goal of reducing crime can do neither the conceptual work of fully cap-
turing the value produced by the NYPD nor the practical work of focus-
ing the NYPD wholeheartedly on this single goal. As a bottom line for
the department’s per for mance, crime reduction lacks the philosophical
and practical power that fi nancial profit has in business.37
But Bratton’s declaration that crime reduction was the profit that
the NYPD earned for the citizens of New York contained a more impor-
tant conceptual error. The problem was not just that the NYPD pro-
duced many benefits other than crime reduction; it was that the value
Copyright @ 2013. Harvard University Press.
called “crime reduction” did not account for the costs of producing that
effect. The idea of profit in the private sector captures not only the fi-
nancial value produced by an organization (the revenues earned by the
sale of products and ser vices) but also the costs of producing that value.
Profit describes a relationship between the revenues earned and the costs
of producing and selling those goods and services. Bratton’s “bottom
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34 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
line” of reduced crime described only one valued result of policing and
seemed to ignore the costs of producing that effect.
Assuming that what gets measured is what gets prioritized, the
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Customers versus the Public. Bratton’s second claim was that his “custom-
ers” were the public, and that he wanted to return the “profit” of reduced
crime to those “customers.” This too revealed a fundamental confusion.
Copyright @ 2013. Harvard University Press.
In the private sector, customers are individuals who buy products and
ser vices; profits, on the other hand, are delivered to owners, shareholders,
and investors.
In public agencies, those who receive ser vices (and benefit directly
from them)— the kids going to school, the elderly enjoying the public
library’s collection and quiet, the disabled person who takes advantage
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 35
private sector are those who call the police for assistance. These individu-
als closely resemble customers in the private sector in three respects:
they cite for minor offenses, and those they arrest for more significant
offenses. In these transactions, police often use force or the threat of
force to interrupt the daily lives of citizens, despite the individual de-
sires of those citizens.
Such transactions are actually quite common in the public sector.
Tax collection agencies oblige individuals to pay taxes. Environmental
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36 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 37
ing and amorphous public— the body politic as it is organized and con-
vened to decide which purposes are worth taxing and regulating itself
for— that provides the assets the NYPD uses in its operations and has
the right and the responsibility to defi ne the public value the NYPD is
supposed to produce.
While the “public” provides the resources to sustain operations and
defines the value of what is being produced, it looks very different from a
private-sector customer. It is an aggregate, collective group rather than
an individual. And it seems to stand above the public agency, providing it
with resources according to the degree to which the organization can
produce a collectively desired aggregate social result, or social outcome,
which may or may not include the satisfaction of individual beneficiaries
or obligatees.
pay for the ser vices provided by a police department? One could even
say that the criminals and the crimes they commit constitute the mate-
rial conditions in society that the police are trying to transform. If the
police produce value by reducing crime, then the material substance of
their work is to fi nd ways to understand and transform the conduct of
criminal offenders (along with the social conditions that create crimi-
nal offenders and occasions for offending). As such, criminals and their
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38 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
crimes are more like the raw material of police work than competitors
of the police.
In the private sector, competitors are not those who create the
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 39
This simple concept has the power to shape social judgments about
whether a complex enterprise that used scarce resources to produce
some result is, on balance, worth the effort. If the revenues earned by
the sale of products and ser vices more than covered the costs of produc-
tion, one might reasonably conclude not only that the owners of the
producing company could make some money but also that some net
social value was being created for society as a whole.44
Equally important, the bottom-line equation can be easily fi lled
with empirical, real-time information about conditions in the world.
Well-established accounting practices allow private-sector enterprises to
collect meaningful performance data about costs and revenues cheaply
and easily, within the boundary of the organization, in real time.
But the main thing that makes the bottom line so appealing is that
this simple equation packs a powerful philosophical wallop. It shows
whether customers are content to pay more for goods and ser vices than
it costs to produce them, whether the company can afford to pay its
employees, and whether owners and shareholders are getting a return
on their investment. In a free-market social system made up chiefly of
consumers, workers, entrepreneurs, and investors, a bottom line in the
black is convincing evidence that an organization is creating value for
society.45
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40 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
comments get repeated, the more social legitimacy they acquire and
the greater their influence on choices made by managers, and evalua-
tions made by citizens. It matters that the metaphors that gain this kind
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Private Value versus Public Value. In pursuit of economic value, free soci-
eties allow their citizens to create myriad commercial enterprises. But
free societies also tax and regulate themselves to create and sustain
public agencies that they hope will improve the quality of individual
and collective life.
Society values commercial enterprises partly because they provide
wealth to shareholders and jobs to employees. But their most important
social justification is that they offer value to their customers.47 When
individuals pony up their hard-earned money for a product or ser vice,
they give strong, objective evidence that they value it. If society values
an economic system that delivers value to individual consumers, then
customer satisfaction counts as a kind of social value creation. When
customers cover the costs of production and then some (i.e., when the
company earns a profit), shareholders are happy and (arguably) some
net value has been produced for society.
Society—and the individuals who comprise it— expects the public
agencies it creates to produce a different kind of value. Citizens, acting
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 41
Individual versus Collective Arbiters of Value. In the private sector, the so-
cial actors that determine the value of goods and ser vices and confer le-
gitimacy on the activities of a company are individuals making decisions
about how to spend their own money. While one might have some doubt
about the ultimate social value of producing Ouija boards or Chia Pets,
when a company successfully sells such things, no one condemns it.
The fact that individuals choose to purchase these goods demonstrates
the value of the enterprise.49
In the public sector, where citizens collectively define the social pur-
poses of public agencies, the collective’s willingness to continue to tax
and regulate itself to achieve social outcomes establishes public value and
confers legitimacy on the agencies that help produce it. In the public sec-
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42 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
social outcomes. They expect that citizens will voluntarily pay the taxes
they owe, consider employment in government agencies, visit the na-
tional parks, and take advantage of various social ser vice programs
when their need qualifies them. But public agencies also rely on the
power of the state to compel individuals (as well as private companies) to
contribute to public purposes when voluntary compliance is not enough.
They garnish the wages of tax evaders, draft individuals into military
service, require children to enroll in school, regulate the disposal of in-
dustrial waste, and restrict access to public ser vices to those whom the
public has decided are entitled to them.
Efficiency and Effectiveness versus Justice and Fairness. The fact that public
agencies routinely use state authority to raise money and achieve their
objectives has implications for how citizens evaluate the performance of
government. In the private sector, shareholders usually focus on whether
companies have used their material assets efficiently and effectively.
In the public sector, individuals and the broad public also evaluate
public agencies in terms of their efficiency and effectiveness. But because
state authority is often engaged in the operations of public agencies, an-
other evaluative frame becomes relevant. We ask not only whether the
organization has acted efficiently and effectively but also whether it has
acted justly and fairly. We also judge public agencies by assessing the
degree to which the ends they seek are consistent with the creation of
a good and just society, the degree to which the means used accord
with ideals about right relationships between citizens and the state, and
the degree to which the burdens of achieving the collectively desired
goals have been fairly distributed across society.
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 43
the private sector but simply one thing. Maybe all public managers need
do to improve the performance of their agencies is borrow the private
sector’s disciplined commitment to “bottom-line” value.
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The following four simple steps should suffice for public managers
to achieve this discipline:
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44 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
p u b l i c va l u e ac c o u n t
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a fi nancial income statement. One side of the account names and mea-
sures the positively valued effects of an agency’s activities and recognizes
those effects as (gross) public value creation. The other side names and
measures the economic and fi nancial costs that must be charged against
the gross public value produced, as shown in Figure 1.1.
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 45
used to create the goods, ser vices, and outcomes that the agency
produces— the cost of raw materials, salaries paid, buildings and facili-
ties, and so on. This looks very much like cost accounting in the private
sector. Indeed, in principle, the public sector can and should have as
great a capacity to recognize fi nancial costs as the private sector, and
even to allocate these costs to particular governmental activities and
results.53 The problems begin when the public sector turns to the right
side of this ledger and tries to account for the value public agencies pro-
duce. For the most part, public agencies do not generate revenues through
the sale of products and services to willing customers.54 As a result, no
fi nancial data on the right-hand side of the ledger correlate to the value
created. Instead, public managers have to measure material accomplish-
ments with regard to the par tic ular purposes— or dimensions of public
value— that constitute their agencies’ mission.
The fact that the gross value of what public agencies produce is not
captured in revenue data creates a huge problem for “bottom-line ac-
counting” in the public sector. Consider briefly just how useful a reve-
nue earned from the sale of goods and ser vices is in accounting for the
value produced by a commercial company, and how much is lost when
that measure is not available.
Revenues earned have the following five features that make them
extremely useful in reckoning the value produced by a commercial
enterprise:
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46 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
4. Because revenues for all products and ser vices are denominated
in money, it is easy to compare the net value of producing one
product or ser vice compared to others.
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able, and how they could become more efficient and effective. And they
often try to determine whether the enterprises they lead have produced
the social outcomes that were intended.56 It is good that government has
found ways to try to capture and recognize the value of what it pro-
duces. But the lack of revenue data is a perpetual thorn in the side of
those who yearn for a quick, inexpensive, objective expression of pub-
lic value.
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 47
The fact that public agencies do not have revenue data leads to a
painful conclusion: simple arithmetic will not help us calculate a bot-
tom line for per for mance. We have to set a bundle of fi nancial costs
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48 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
p u b l i c va l u e ac c o u n t
Financial Costs Mission Achievement
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50 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
p u b l i c va l u e a c c o u n t
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side effects category in the accounting scheme might have sped up that
process.
To hammer this point home, consider the example of the U.S. De-
partment of Energy’s (DOE) nuclear weapons program.69 Initially the
DOE was charged with responsibility for building nuclear weapons.
It faced intense pressure from its overseers to produce the maximum
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 51
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52 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
important, it might be time to change the mission of the library not only
to recognize and accommodate these new uses but to make them cen-
tral to its purposes. Effects that were once viewed as side effects might
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them as such. For lack of a better choice, I use the word “client” to de-
scribe such individuals, and recognize that clients come in two different
forms: direct beneficiaries of government ser vices, on one hand, and
those on whom obligations are imposed, on the other. I call these cli-
ents “ser vice recipients” and “obligatees,” respectively, bearing in mind
that many clients of government simultaneously receive ser vices and
obligations.
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 53
the value of these outcomes. Of course, none of this means that public
managers should be indifferent to the impact their work has on ser vice
recipients and obligatees. Public managers are legally bound to protect
the rights of all their clients. And, as a practical matter, treating clients
respectfully often makes it easier to achieve the ultimate results de-
fi ned in the mission. The public is free to direct public managers to give
lots of attention to client satisfaction, as shown in Figure 1.4.
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54 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
p u b l i c va l u e a c c o u n t
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Client Satisfaction
Service Recipients
Obligatees
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 55
p u b l i c va l u e ac c o u n t
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Client Satisfaction
Service Recipients
Obligatees
in life is lost. If it is possible to produce the same gross public value us-
ing less state authority, doing so guarantees an increase in net public
value. For these reasons, agency uses of public authority have to be reck-
oned as a cost in the public value accounting scheme.
What is more, fi nancial costs are associated with every use of state
authority. Rules require enforcement agents and courts of appeal. Reg-
ulations require paperwork and people to fi le that paperwork. If cut-
ting the social cost of using state authority also means saving taxpayers
some money, there is an opportunity to eke out that much more net
public value, as shown in Figure 1.5.
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56 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
p u b l i c va l u e ac c o u n t
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Client Satisfaction
Service Recipients
Obligatees
ian normative systems (which are primarily concerned with the practical
relationship between ends and means and take individuals’ well-being
as the most important social goal) and deontological normative systems
(which are primarily concerned with acting in accordance with some
theory of right relations that defi nes the rights and obligations of social
actors to one another and evaluates social conditions in terms of the
degree to which existing social relationships do or do not approximate
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 57
an ideal of justice).77 Often these different ethical worlds are held apart
and seen to be in confl ict with one another, in part because these dif-
ferent ethical systems are rooted in distinct academic disciplines that
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58 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
sion about “customers,” on one hand, and “the public,” on the other. If
there is a “we” (a public) that values public agencies, then figuring out
who “we” are and what “we” want is crucial. In principle, “we” could
refer to two quite different ideas.78
“We” could refer simply to the sum of individual members of the
public.79 Each individual has some idea of what he or she wants or
expects from a public agency and weighs those expectations against
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 59
political process that produced some agreement about what “we” col-
lectively wanted from a public agency.81 In this formulation, each of us
has to subordinate some of our individual ideas of what we want from
government to what the collective public wants from it.82 The value of
a police department, then, would lie not in the satisfaction of clients
nor in the satisfaction of the desires of individual citizens and taxpayers
but in the extent to which the police force lived up to a collective under-
standing of what it ought to produce and through what means. To re-
turn to Bratton’s metaphor, it is at this point that the public becomes
something other than a collection of individual customers.83
Given that public agencies are in the business of using the collec-
tively owned assets of the state— its authority, and tax dollars raised by
state authority— the proper arbiter of the value those agencies produce
is not necessarily their clients but, rather, the collective body politic
that has mandated their purposes. In the public sector the proper arbi-
ter of value is “we the people.” It is we who are willing to tax and regu-
late ourselves to produce collectively valued and just ends through
efficient, fair, and just means. Of course, the collective “we” is never
perfectly constructed or perfectly articulate about its preferences. And
it seems to keep changing its mind about what is valuable. Nonetheless,
it is that “we”— constructed through the institutions and processes of
democratic government— that is the only appropriate arbiter of the
public value that “our” government produces.
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60 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
Toward
Individual (I) public (a
s distin
ct from
private)
value
Collective (We)
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 61
body public are many smaller collectives formed explicitly around ideas
of the good and just society that they would like to see realized.88
The concept of public value could refer to the interests and values
pursued— the well-being of others, the common good, and the just. But
it could also refer to whether the arbiter of value is an individual or a
collective body public. The most purely private value in this scheme
would be individuals valuing their own material well-being. The most
purely public value would be the collective public’s valuing of aggregate
social conditions against some standard of the common good or the
just.89 In between are individual views of the good and the just that the
public has not yet ratified,90 as well as collective decisions to advance the
material interests of some particular individual or class of individuals.
Given that the private and the public, the individual and the collec-
tive, and material interests and commitments to the welfare of others are
spread across Figure 1.7 in some unexpected ways, a sharp line is not
drawn between private and public values. Instead, values are identified
as more or less public, with collective arbitrations of value having more
legitimacy as a definition of public value than idiosyncratic individual
ideas of public value.
thinking about what she or he would like and value in a public enter-
prise. A client is rooted in his or her par tic ular position in society. Cli-
ents know whether they are rich or poor, black or white, or living in a
dangerous or safe area. Because clients have par ticular known posi-
tions in society, they have par ticular interests to advance.91
The word “citizen,” on the other hand, has, for our purposes, a spe-
cial meaning. In A Theory of Justice, philosopher John Rawls argued that
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62 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
was that if one did not know what social position one occupied, one
would have to imagine oneself in any or all positions before choosing a
par ticular institution or set of institutions. That act of imagination and
empathy, in turn, would reveal the institutional arrangement that was
fair in the sense that it responded to the interests and needs of each and
all individuals in the society. Thus, for example, a citizen could envi-
sion a police department that would be satisfactory whether he or she
turned out to be a victim of crime, a criminal offender, someone falsely
accused of a crime, or a taxpayer who has no pressing need for the po-
lice department.
In the real world, of course, we do not confront the question of what
values we would like to see created and reflected through public policing
as individuals considering an abstract issue. Our individual interests
and social position shape our views. But so do some wider social val-
ues.93 The values attached to public ser vices like policing do not simply
hang in the air as ideals; they are deeply rooted in our collective ideas
about what makes a just and a fair society. To the extent that citizens
hold such values as aspirations for police departments and other public
agencies, public agencies need to monitor the degree to which they op-
erate faithfully in accordance with these principles.
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 63
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64 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
thought. In fact one can fi nd relics of these past efforts in the informa-
tion systems in any public agency, in dusty fi les, or in a small office
producing a small report that no one reads. The challenge in this work
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 65
We realized, however, that the only reason these things were easy
Copyright @ 2013. Harvard University Press.
to measure was that years of investment had gone into making them
measurable. It was not that they were intrinsically easy to measure.
Indeed, we eventually learned that reported crime numbers were not
particularly accurate measures of total criminal victimization— there
was a dark figure of unreported crime that victimization surveys could
help us gauge more accurately. We learned that the process of clearing
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p u b l i c va l u e a c c o u n t
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Client Satisfaction
Respond to citizen callers (service
recipients) with speed and courtesy
Respect the rights of criminal
suspects (obligatees)
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 67
crimes was relatively haphazard, and that we could not be sure we had
good measures of the degree to which individuals were called to account
for their crimes. We also learned that there were many attributes of po-
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lice service beyond speed of response that mattered to those who called.
These fi ndings reminded us of two key facts about per for mance
measurement in the public sector. First, whether something is easy or
hard to measure depends a great deal on how much effort has gone into
trying to measure the effect. There are many values that start off as
abstractions that seem hard or impossible to measure that eventually
yield to efforts to create metrics. For example, the police thought it
would be impossible to measure something as subjective (and poten-
tially irrational) as fear of crime. But we learned how to construct these
measures, and what sorts of police activity help reduce fear.
Second, in developing public value accounting schemes, we can
take either a short-term or long-term view. If we take a short-term view
in order to develop and use a public value account quickly, we will be
mostly limited to the values for which we have established concepts,
metrics, and data collection systems. More often than not, this short-
run account will give a limited and biased picture of the full set of val-
ues at stake. If we take a longer view, we can give ourselves the space to
develop a fuller accounting system that could better represent the real
public value produced, but we have to spend more on development and
be more patient in waiting for the results. Figure 1.9 sets out a more
complete public value account that a police department could use as
the basis for its information systems.
Figure 1.10, developed at the same time as Figure 1.8, presents a
proposal about the sequence of investments that a given police depart-
ment could make to develop information systems around the proposed
public value account. The columns of the figure represent dimensions
of public value. The rows represent where overseers and managers of
the police could gather information about each of the values. The target
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68 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
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Response Times
Repeat Calls
Sworn Personnel
Civilian Complaints
Callers
General Population
Evaluations of
Programmatic Initiatives (new)
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 69
Summary
With all this in mind, let’s return to the case of Bratton in New York
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City and consider his success in formulating a “bottom line” (or a public
value account) for New York’s fi nest and driving them toward increased
public value creation.
Seeking to align himself with a “businesslike” approach to running
the NYPD, Bratton promised to reduce crime by 10 percent in the fi rst
year and 30 percent more in the years following. Like a chief executive
officer speaking to a group of potential investors and analysts, he de-
fi ned his purposes, committed himself to a certain level of per for mance
that could be measured objectively, and exposed himself and his orga-
nization to the risk of failure, hoping that it would generate a sense of
urgency throughout the NYPD.
There is much in what Bratton did that is worthy of unmitigated
admiration. He embraced rather than resisted accountability. He focused
that accountability on what he judged to be the NYPD’s most valuable
core purpose. He developed the administrative means to generate a
strong sense of internal accountability that translated into focused ef-
forts to improve perfor mance across the organization. And he created
conditions inside his organization that made it possible for police of
every rank to learn how to improve their perfor mance. By embracing
external accountability, attaching it to an important and a measurable
goal, and redistributing the accountability across the midlevel manag-
ers of his organization, Bratton generated a behaviorally powerful de-
mand for perfor mance. And the NYPD responded as though its life de-
pended on improved perfor mance, just as Bratton had hoped.
But the behavioral power that Bratton’s leadership generated made
it all the more important for Bratton to get the public value account
right— including accurately identifying the true and the full value that
the NYPD could and should produce and embody. It is here that we
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70 William Bratton and the New York City Police Department
We could give Bratton a great deal of credit for getting most of the
important dimensions right. But, as noted previously, omitting certain
dimensions of value can set a public agency up to pay a terrific price in
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agency, the dimensions of value that do not get measured get short
shrift. Bratton’s failure to measure the costs associated with producing
crime reduction meant that the NYPD could ignore the fact that it was
spending citizens’ liberty at a higher rate, and perhaps in a more unfair
manner than before. The inevitable consequence was that complaints
increased. The legitimacy of the police— something that is intrinsically
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William Bratton and the New York City Police Department 71
the rise is hard to say, since the NYPD was not making special efforts to
track these numbers, but those who complained energized a political
discussion about fairness and restraint in police action. As discussions
like these gather steam, police have to respond with measures designed
to capture information on how fairly and extensively they are using
force. The communities and the citizens get to decide what they want
out of their police departments, and they are the ones who nominate
one dimension of value or another as a candidate for measurement.
We have spent a lot of time and analytic effort on the particular case
of policing because the case of policing focuses a bright light on some
important dimensions of public value that would be easy to overlook,
such as:
But one might worry that the case of policing is odd and unique
in this respect, and that these lessons are less important when consid-
ering how to create a useful bottom line for other public agencies. We
will consider that question as we go through the remaining cases in
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