Romania Gothica II

The Frontier World

Romans, Barbarians and Military Culture

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 The Romania Gothica Conference

Organising Committee:
Isabella Baldini (Bologna), Salvatore Cosentino (Ravenna), Cristina Delaplace
(Toulouse), Joan Pinar Gil (Barcelona), Tivadar Vida (Budapest)

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 ROMANIA GOTHICA II

The Frontier World

Romans, Barbarians and Military Culture

Proceedings of the International Conference at the Eötvös Loránd University,

Budapest, 1–2 October 2010

TIVADAR VIDA (ed.)

with assistance from

PHILIP RANCE
(English language editor)
and
ADRIEN BLAY, ISTVÁN KONCZ, LEVENTE SAMU

Eötvös Loránd University

Institute for Archaeological Sciences
Martin Optiz Kiadó
Budapest, 2015

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 The conference and this volume were supported by:

Hungarian Academy of Sciences

National Cultural Fund of Hungary

Eötvös Loránd University

ISBN 978-963-984-601-9

© Institute of Archaeological Science at the Eötvös Loránd University

H – 1088 Budapest, Múzeum krt. 4/B
© Martin Opitz Kiadó
© Editors, Authors, Translator 2015

All rights reserved. The Autors are responsible for the illustrations used in their studies

Front cover
Diptych of Stilicho as magister militum in chlamys with tunica
Museo del Duomo e Biblioteca Capitolare, Monza
Back cover
Stilicho’s sword with inlaid gemstone
(István Bóna: Das Hunnenreich. Corvina – Konrad Theiss Verlag:
Budapest-Stuttgart 1991, 34. Abb. 11.)

Cover design: Michelle Beghelli and Dr. Erika Vecchietti (BraDypUS, Bologna)

Layout and desktop editing: AbiPrint Kft., Budapest

Printed by: Kódex Könyvgyártó Kft., Budapest

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 CONTENTS

CONTENTS

VORWORT / FOREWORD
VIDA, TIVADAR:
”Gothia quod Romania fuisset” 9

ATHAULF UND SEINE ZEIT / ATHAULF AND HIS AGE

BRATOŽ, RAJKO
Athaulf zwischen Pannonien und Rom 15
RANCE, PHILIP
quam gentilitate appellant. The Philological Evidence for Germani in the Late Roman Army:
Germanic Loanwords in Roman Military Vocabulary 51
KISS, ATTILA P.
Per arma adoptio. Eine gotische Sitte in den frühmittelalterlichen schriftlichen Quellen 95

BARBARISCHE KRIEGER UND FÜRSTEN / BARBARIAN WARRIORS AND PRINCES

KAZANSKI, MICHEL
La tombe „princière” de l’époque hunnique à Conceşti et son contexte
historique et culturel 111
TEJRAL, JAROSLAV
Spätantike Körperbestattungen mit Schwertbeigabe
in römisch-barbarischen Grenzzonen Mitteleuropas und ihre Deutung 129
EGER, CHRISTOPH
Zur Deutung reich ausgestatteter Männergräber des mittleren 5. Jhs.
im Mittelmeerraum 237

SÖLDNER IM RÖMISCHEN UND BYZANTINISCHEN HEER / MERCENARIES IN THE ROMAN

AND BYZANTINE ARMY

MRÁV, ZSOLT
Maniakion − The Golden Torc in the Late Roman and Early Byzantine Army.
Preliminary Research Report 287
QUAST, DIETER
Zwiebelknopffibeln im Barbaricum nördlich der mittleren und unteren Donau 305
TÓTH, ENDRE
Typologie der nicht gegossenen Zwiebelknopfibeln 329

MIGRATION UND IDENTITÄT / MIGRATION AND IDENTITY

BIERBRAUER, VOLKER
Vom Schwarzmeergebiet bis nach Pannonien. Ethnische Interpretationsprobleme
am Ende des 4. und in der ersten Hälfte des 5. Jahrhunderts 365

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 LÓPEZ QUIROGA, JORGE
¿‘Barbares danubiens’ en Hispania au Vème siècle?
Gentes ‘étrangers’ et armées ‘romaines’ en Péninsule Ibérique 477

BARBAREN AUF RÖMISCHEM BODEN: WEGE DER INTEGRATION / BARBARIANS ON ROMAN

TERRITORY: METHODS OF INTEGRATION
KLEEMANN, JÖRG
Hospes: Archäologische Aspekte zur Integration von Barbaren in das römische Imperium.
Eine vergleichende Betrachtung zur Beigabensitte in gallischen
und pannonischen Provinzen 499
PINAR GIL, JOAN
A Note on Female Clothing in 5th-Century Southern Gaul 517
DE VINGO, PAOLO
5th–Century Danubian foedera and foederati and their Consequences
for the Late Antique Roman Political-Institutional Framework 557
HARALAMBIEVA, ANNA
East Germanic Heritage on the Western Littoral of the Black Sea.
Bow-Brooches of the Types Szekszárd-Palánk and Udine-Planis as Archaelogical
Evidence 577

GRENZZONEN IN DEN PROVINZEN PANNONIA UND DACIA / FRONTIER ZONES

IN THE PROVINCES OF PANNONIA AND DACIA

TOMKA, PÉTER:
Eine römische Stadt und ihre barbarische Peripherie: Scarbantia 587
HEINRICH-TAMÁSKA, ORSOLYA—STRAUB, PÉTER
Zur Datierung und Deutung der Gräber und Gräberfelder des 5. Jahrhunderts
n. Chr. in Pannonia Prima und Valeria 617
IVANIŠEVIĆ, VUJADIN
The Danubian Limes of the Diocese of Dacia in the 5th Century 679

SPÄTANTIKE TRANSFORMATIONEN / LATE ANTIQUE TRANSFORMATIONS

VIRÁGOS, RÉKA
Post-Roman Landscape in Pannonia: 5th-Century Archaeological Sites 669
MILAVEC, TINA:
The 5th-Century Changes: the Glass Perspective 679
OTTOMÁNYI, KATALIN:
Veränderungen des Töpferhandwerks in der ersten Hälfte des 5. Jhs. anhand
der Keramik der Befestigung Visegrád-Gizellamajor 691
Abkürzungen/Abbrevations 741

Authoren/Authors 745

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 CONTENTS

Teilnehmer der Konferenz / Conference Participants:

Erste Reihe von links/ First row, from left:

Paolo de Vingo (Torino), Michel Beghelli (Trento/Mainz), Zuzana Loskotová (Brno), Jaroslav Tejral
(Brno), Philip Rance (München), Tivadar Vida (Budapest), Volker Bierbrauer (München), Eduard
Droberjar (Hradec Králové), Dieter Quast (Mainz), Joan Pinar Gil (Barcelona), Péter Tomka (Győr)

Zweite Reihe von links/ Second row, from left:

Bojan Dumanov (Sofia), Jörg Kleemann (Berlin), Éva Steigberger (Wien), Christoph Eger (Damaskus/
Berlin), Vujadin Ivanišević (Beograd), Réka Virágos (Budapest), Ágnes B. Tóth (Szeged/Budapest),
Attila P. Kiss (Szeged), Orsolya Heinrich-Tamáska (Leipzig), Zsolt Mráv (Budapest), János Ódor
(Szekszárd), Eszter Mitcsenkov-Horváth (Budapest), Toni Juárez Villena (Barcelona), Rajko Bratož (Lju-
bljana), Michel Kazanski (Paris), Jorge López Quiroga (Madrid), Péter Prohászka (Esztergom)

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 8

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 THE 5TH-CENTURY CHANGES: THE GLASS PERSPECTIVE

THE 5TH-CENT URY CHANGES:

THE GLASS PER SPECTI VE
Tina Milavec

INTRODUCTION

The 5th century is known as a period of great changes in the Roman empire: civil wars, barbarian move-
ments and incursions, the gradual fall of the borders and, ultimately, of the whole of the western half
of the empire, and the various consequences that arose from these political developments. At the same
time, this was also a period of rapid development in the organisation of the Christian Church, which
was allowed to begin its rise after the official edicts of the early 4th century. These changes and trans-
formations were apparent to varying degrees across the whole of the empire, but the south-eastern
Alpine area, especially the territory of present-day Slovenia, is a particularly good example of the pro-
cesses that marked the transition between the Late Roman and Late Antique periods. One reason for
this is the fact that this region is situated on the principal invasion routes into Italy from the east and
northeast, which were especially exposed in Late Roman times (Fig. 1). These roads and routes were
used by Roman armies during civil wars as emperors from the western and eastern parts of the empire
advanced towards each other and sometimes met half-way, but also by Germanic peoples during their
migrations or incursions towards the promised land. After the wars waged by the sons of Constantine
in the early 350s and Theodosius I (388, 394), in the first half of the5th century this area was crossed
first by Alaric and his Goths in 401 and 408 and later by Attila’s Huns during their incursion into Italy
in 452.1 The catastrophic impact of these wars and movements on the population together with the
crisis of the state, had serious consequences for the infrastructure of the Roman provinces and settle-
ments of this part of the western empire. Until the mid-5th century Roman towns on the main roads
(for example, Poetovio, Celeia, Emona, Neviodunum in the territory of present-day Slovenia) and vari-
ous types of rural settlement were gradually abandoned, coin circulation was discontinued and the
Late Roman defensive line of the Claustra Alpium Iuliarum was abandoned. Some military posts behind
the now disused defensive line persisted into the 430s, but subsequently the Roman way of life of the
Imperial period ended and a new settlement pattern of fortified hilltop settlements, mostly in remote
areas away from the main routes, emerged towards the end of the 5th century.2 Some Roman owns or
their bishops are mentioned in texts even as late as the 6th and 7th centuries (Poetovio3; bishop Andreas
of Celeia mentioned in 6804), but so far we are unable to confirm archaeologically that the former urban
centres were still functioning in any significant way in their lowland locations.5 It is most probable that
the sources refer to bishops who either took refuge in the safer coastal area or Italy or moved to the
surrounding, more easily defensible hilltops along with the population which did not wish to or could
not afford to escape.

1
Lotter et al. 2003.
2
Ciglenečki 1994; Ciglenečki 1997; Ciglenečki 1999; Ciglenečki 2008.
3
ŠaŠel Kos 1994.
4
BratoŽ 1996.
5
Ciglenečki 1999, 290-291.

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 TINA MILAVEC

Fig. 1. Map of the territory under discussion with principal roads and sites (@ZRC SAZU).

These changes include not only a shift of settlements and road networks, and the cessation of state
control and military defence linked to the collapse of the Roman state, but also changes in everyday
life, production and commerce, and the supply of basic foodstuffs and other commodities for the army
as well as the population. To some extent we are able to understand the changes in pottery production
and supply, especially insofar as it was connected to the production of wine, oil and fish sauces, and
still exported and imported even in the more endangered parts of the empire or former empire.6 Much
less is known about the changes that occurred in the production and supply of glass objects in this
region, or even metals. The main reasons for this are probably the insufficiently explored production
activities of Late Antique forms of settlement - the fortified hilltop settlements - in the region. So far
no actual remains of workshops have been found (with the exception of the presumed glass workshop
in Kranj/Carnium7), but only traces in the shape of individual half-finished products or production
waste, such as a casting mould for an animal fibula from Hemmaberg in Austrian Carinthia8 or a half-
finished silver S-fibula cast from Zidani gaber above Mihovo in south-eastern Slovenia.9
Another reason is that we do not know very much generally about most of this period of the second
half of the 5th century and consequently how precisely the above-mentioned changes were manifested
in the lives of the population. The settlement forms and actual sites of the end of the 4th and the begin-
ning of the 5th century are reasonably well investigated, but very few sites are known from the middle
and second half of the 5th century. The mechanisms of the settlement shift are thus still very unclear in
the south-eastern Alpine region.

6
Vidrih Perko, Župančič 2003; Vidrih Perko, Župančič 2005; Modrijan 2009; Modrijan 2010; Modrijan 2011.
7
see Sagadin 2000; Sagadin 2004.
8
Ladstätter 2000, 177, pl. 23, 4.
9
Knific 2001; Milavec 2007, pl. 3, 10.

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 THE 5TH-CENTURY CHANGES: THE GLASS PERSPECTIVE

GLASS

The topic we address in this paper is the change in the production and supply of glass products, ves-
sels and window panes during the 5th century and what it can tell us about this period. The glass of the
Imperial and Late Roman periods in Slovenia is well researched and published,10 while Late Antique
glass has attracted much less attention and is therefore poorly known.11
The glass finds of the Roman towns and countryside of the 1st-4th centuries correspond to the overall
picture of Roman and Late Roman glass of the empire. The peak in the use of glass vessels is appa-
rent between the second half of the 1st and the 2nd centuries, while from the 1st century on imported
vessels came mostly from northern Italy (through Aquileia), the East, and also from the Rhine valley
from the mid-2nd century on. Secondary production of glass (vessel production) is confirmed in some
towns (remains of workshops were found in Celeia and Poetovio) for the 2nd and 3rd centuries,12 but can
perhaps be expected in other larger settlements as well. It seems that only certain types of vessel, such
as beakers and balsamaria, were actually produced in the area,13 while the majority of glass vessels
were imported throughout the Roman period.
From the 3rd century on not only did the spectrum of glass forms and decoration techniques begin
to diminish, but also production in the provincial towns on the territory of present-day Slovenia is
believed to have ceased. This process continued even more conspicuously from the 4th century on and
it is very difficult to establish whether the remaining glass found on Late Roman sites was imported
or produced either locally or in the near vicinity (Pannonian centres).14 The predominant forms of the
late period were increasingly closed forms (bottles, balsamaria) and drinking vessels (beakers, bowls).
According to available data, only the most basic forms of glass vessels were produced locally and
the majority seems to have been imported. The transportation of glass vessels from the larger produc-
tion centres apparently did not involve great difficulty or cost and local production may only have
functioned in the most prosperous period between the 2nd and the 3rd centuries.

The Late Roman spectrum of glass vessels (Fig. 2) is best represented in towns (Emona15), urban
cemeteries (Poetovio16) and the principal military fortifications of the Claustra (Hrušica17). It consists of
cylindrical beakers, hemispherical bowls, bottles and jugs. From the second half of the 4th century on
the use of glass was very limited even in towns and it is believed to have almost ceased in the coun-
tryside. Sites from this period, either in the lowlands or on fortified hilltop positions, which are suf-
ficiently researched and published, in fact yielded very poor glass assemblages (Šmarata18; Ančnikovo
gradišče near Jurišna vas19). It appears that only the most important settlements and posts of the Claus-
tra were still supplied to some extent. Local glass production is not attested in this period. Presumably
the demands were met by Pannonian or north Italian workshops.20

After the defensive line of the Claustra and the main road to Aquileia were abandoned, most proba-
bly in the first years of the 5th century, the defence of access to Italy was sustained by military garrisons
at selected posts in strategic locations in front of and in the hinterland of the abandoned defensive

10
Lazar 2003a; Lazar 2003b; Lazar 2006.
11
Cunja 1996; Sagadin 2000; Sagadin 2004; Milavec 2009; Milavec 2011.
12
Lazar 2003a, 224.
13
Lazar 2006, 339-340.
14
Lazar 2006, 333-337.
15
Plesničar Gec 1975; Plesničar Gec 1981; Plesničar Gec 1983, pl. 23-30.
16
TuŠek 1997; Vomer Gojkovič 1997.
17
Ulbert 1981, pl. 49; Martinj hrib: Leben–Šubic 1991, pl. 5-9.
18
Perko et al. 1998, pl. 1: 6-9.
19
Strmčnik 1997, 278.
20
Lazar 2006, 337.

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 TINA MILAVEC

Fig. 2. Typical Late Roman beaker rims (1-3) and bases (4-5) and a bowl (6). 1-2 Korinjski hrib
above Veliki Korinj, 3-6 Tonovcov grad near Kobarid. Drawn by D. Knific Lunder. M 1:2

line.21 These posts are for the most part not well investigated archaeologically, but according to certain
finds (coins of Honorius (408-423), late military belt mounts - chip-carved or with stamped decoration,
pottery) some of them at least can be dated to the first half of the 5th century.22
Only a very small number of them are sufficiently published to include also glass finds. From the
fortified hilltop settlement of Rodik on the Emona-Tergeste road only a few glass fragments are known
so far.23 The military post in a cave site of Jama at Predjama Castle on an alternative road connection
south of the main route to Aquileia gained importance after the abandonment of the main road. Apart
from other small finds, a few glass beakers have been published.24 From the Late Roman layers of the
fortified hilltop settlement of Tonovcov grad near Kobarid, which functioned into the 530s, glass is
rare. Only some cut rims, concave bases25 and two very small Nuppenbecher fragments were found.26
At neither of these there posts are large quantities of the beakers and bowls that are otherwise
characteristic of the late 4th-early 5th century sites. This situation may change when more sites are exca-
vated and published, but it is interesting that particularly at the beginning of the 5th century these sites
show such a different picture of the glass supply. Already in the second half of the 4th century glass
supply seems to have been limited to large centres and principal military forts. After the abandonment
of the main road to Aquileia and the principal fortifications on this road27 the state was evidently much
less involved in the organisation of defence. These later military posts may not have been defended by
regular units but by less formal military groups that were no longer (at least fully) supported by the
state.28
So it seems that the supply of glass must have either stopped completely or that it was only occasio-
nal after the beginning of the 5th century in most of the region. As already mentioned, the period after
the well-known Late Roman settlement forms of the beginning of the 5th century is poorly documented
and sites which linger into the middle of the century or later are very rare.

21
Vidrih Perko, Župančič 2005; Ciglenečki 2007.
22
Ciglenečki-Milavec 2009.
23
Lazar 2003a, fig. 52: 9.3.1; the rest unpublished.
24
KoroŠec 1982, pl. 7.
25
Milavec 2009.
26
Milavec 2011.
27
With the exception of Ajdovščina/Castra, which continued into the 5th century, see Ciglenečki 1999, 289; Vidrih Perko,
Župančič 2003.
28
Ciglenečki 2007, 323-325.

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 THE 5TH-CENTURY CHANGES: THE GLASS PERSPECTIVE

Tracing the development of glass forms into the 5th century in other areas of the empire where the
period is better represented, confirms that there are forms that are typical of 5th-century sites but al-
most unknown in the region discussed. These are, for example, some variants of bowls and plates with
sometimes folded-out rims or cut decoration, and some forms of jugs and footed beaker types which
appear in Italy, southern France, Carthage and of course in the eastern part of theempire.29 These forms
are found very rarely (or not at all) either in towns and settlements of the late 4th-early 5th centuries or
in the fortified hilltop posts of the later 5th and 6th centuries in Slovenia, thus confirming other evidence
for the ‘invisibility’ of a large part of the 5th century in this region.

Exceptions, sites with glass vessels typical of the 5th century, can be found in the les-endangered
coastal area, where the development continued, or indeed flourished, in Late Antiquity. A good ex-
ample is the Roman port of Fizine near Portorož,30 which functioned between the 1st- and 6th centuries.
There some fragments of bowls or plates were found which have almost no analogies at the mainland
sites but are well attested in the Mediterranean.31
However, one mainland site, Ajdovski gradec above Vranje near Sevnica, should be considered
here.32 This Late Antique fortified settlement of an indigenous population with a complex of churches
was inhabited from the end of the 5th to the end of the 6th century. A small cemetery includes some
interesting graves which are dated to the late 4th to early 5th and also late 5th centuries.33 Furthermore,
between the lower church and the baptistery, fragments of two glass bowls or plates were found which
could be dated to the 5th century. The first fragment is a folded-out rim and the second bears cut deco-
ration, a luxury product.34 Such imported luxury vessels could have been kept for liturgical use and
taken care of for a long time, but they still represent two of the very rare glass vessels which could
have been produced and used in the 5th century and have no parallels either at the earlier typical Late
Roman sites or in the later 6th century assemblages in mainland Slovenia.
In the fortified sacral centre of Kučar near Podzemelj, which was used from the end of the 4th untill
the end of the 5th century (but not later), only very few glass fragments were discovered.35 It is possible,
of course, that there was more glass, but this was taken away when the churches were abandoned. The
fragments that remained are quite early, some cut rims, remains of a bowl and a hanging glass lamp,
all of which could be dated to the second half of the 4th and the beginning of the 5th century. It seems no
typical 5th-century vessel types are represented at the site, even though it is one of the very rare sites in
the hinterland that, according to pottery finds, functioned throughout the century.

A great change occurred with the new settlement pattern, typical of the Late Antique period of the
late 5th- to 6th centuries. These fortified hilltop settlements in remote parts of the region, away from the
main roads and exposed lowlands, show a completely different picture of glass forms, corresponding
to the characteristic spectrum of Late Antique glass that can be seen throughout the whole Mediterra-
nean and its hinterland. It is different from the Late Roman glass spectrum and very conspicuous for
its typical representatives of fire-rounded rims, stemmed goblets and glass lamps, along with some
less common forms which continue from the previous period, such as beakers, bottles and small flasks
or balsamaria.36 This typical spectrum (Fig. 3), so uniform all around the Mediterranean in the former
and remaining parts of the empire, is also present on the known settlements in the south-eastern Alpi-
ne region.37 In accordance with the concept of the ‘Dark Ages’, Late Antique glass finds have long been

29
Foy 1995, 193-201, pl. 7, 8, 10; Sternini 1995, 258-261, fig. 3, pl. 16-18; Stern 1999, 484; FÜnfschilling 2006, fig. 2.
30
Gaspari et al. 2007.
31
Foy 1995, 196-197; Sternini 1995, 258-259, fig. 16: 12-14, FÜnfschilling 2006, fig. 2.
32
Petru–Ulbert 1975.
33
Bachran 1975.
34
Vogelpohl 1975, fig. 31: 27, 44.
35
Dular et al. 1995, 146.
36
Foy 1995, 206-210; Sternini 1995, 261-262; FÜnfschilling 2006; FÜnfschilling 2010.
37
Bierbrauer 1987, 271- 287; Ladstätter 2000, 179-185.; Villa 2006, pl. VII: 2; Zuchiatti et al 2007; Milavec 2009; Milavec 2011.

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 TINA MILAVEC

Fig. 3. Typical Late Antique stemmed goblets (1-6), a lamp (7) and a balsamarium base (8). All
from Tonovcov grad near Kobarid. Drawn by D. Knific Lunder. M 1:2

somewhat neglected and were not believed to be common finds in settlements in the south-eastern
Alps. The growing scholarly interest in Late Antiquity finally led to the first syntheses of this materi-
al38 and in time more and more sites revealed previously unimaginable quantities of glass finds.39 Glass
vessels proved not to be luxury items but rather a normal part of finds assemblages, most often in chur-
ch complexes (hanging lamps, window glass, beakers, stemmed goblets), but also in other buildings
(stemmed goblets, beakers, bowls). In the territory of present-day Slovenia the most conspicuous glass
form – the stemmed goblet – seems to appear on almost every fortified hilltop settlement from the late
5th century on,40 a pattern previously observed for Italy.41 This form is easily recognizable owing to the
typical shape of its thick glass foot, which is usually also very well preserved. Even at only prelimi-
narily published sites the appearance of a stemmed goblet foot promises the presence of further – but
more difficult to recognize - parts of glass vessels (Piran,42 Korinjski hrib near Veliki Korinj,43 Rifnik
near Šentjur,44 S. Giorgio di Attimis).45
The aspect we know almost nothing about is the production or supply of Late Antique glass in this
region. In this period (but most probably also in the Roman period) raw glass mass was only produced

38
Bierbrauer 1987, 271- 287.
39
Cunja 1996, 71-84; Ladstätter 2000, 179-185; Sagadin 2000; Sagadin 2004; Milavec 2011.
40
Milavec 2009, 287-288; Milavec 2011.
41
Saguì 1993, 129.
42
Snoj–NovŠak 1992, pl. 2, 2-3.
43
Ciglenečki 1985, pl. 5, 58-59.
44
Bolta 1981, pl. 25, 75; 27, 57.
45
Villa 2006, pl. VII:2 etc.

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 THE 5TH-CENTURY CHANGES: THE GLASS PERSPECTIVE

in the East, Syria and Egypt, and exported all around the Mediterranean.46 Glass vessel production in
Late Antiquity was quite widespread in the East, where almost every town or settlement is said to have
had its own glass (vessel) workshop.47 Also in southern France and Italy a rise in the number of small
glass workshops supplying nearby settlements is presumed for the Late Antique period.48
In the south-eastern Alps the use of glass in the late 5th and 6th centuries seems to have been much
more common than previously thought. Some researchers argue that the production of glass vessels
was also much more widespread than we imagine. In contrast to the earlier period, no workshops have
been proven beyond doubt, even though there are some production remains which could be interpreted
as such. Glass production at Invillino in Friuli is well known,49 though not yet universally accepted.50
Remains of furnaces, a chunk of raw glass and glass production waste were found in Kranj (Carnium),51
but the supposed production area has not yet been fully published and thus remains to be confirmed.52
On the Carinthian fortified hilltop site and sacral centre of Hemmaberg chunks of raw glass and a
piece of blue glass paste were found in layers under the western church complex. These finds and some
production remains of other materials lead the author to suggest a workshop area that functioned pri-
or to the construction of the churches. A hoard of raw glass was also found in the area of the eastern
church complex.53 On another Austrian hilltop site, Kappele near Jadersdorf, a piece of raw glass was
found as well as some glass vessel fragments.54
On the Serbian Early Byzantine fortified hilltop site of Gradina on Mount Jelica55 a fragment of glass
slag and large quantities of window panes were interpreted as possible evidence of a local workshop,
though none of the other traces one would usually expect at a working site were found. The author
also mentions a recent find of a glass melting pot (and no other glass-making evidence) at Caričin grad
(Iustiniana Prima) in Serbia.56
We believe it is to be expected that, with further excavations and publications of similar sites, more
data on glass production will come to light and will, we hope, also be better understood in the light of
new research proving that glass was a much larger part of people’s lives than was hitherto believed.

The surprising aspect of Late Antique glass is the uniformity of vessel forms on almost every site from
the period anywhere in the empire or former empire. There is a greater variety in the Byzantine East and
there are also some regional variations with regard to the preferred decorations or special forms, but in
general the selection of glass vessels seems to have been the same everywhere: stemmed goblets, cylind-
rical or hemispherical bottles, cylindrical beakers, hanging lamps and small flasks or balsamaria, and
sometimes small bowls. In the East there are also some forms of jugs and the occasional open form - a
plate or a bowl, but the majority of glass products are the same. So unless vessels travelled long distances,
which seems unlikely (especially for this late period), knowledge must have been what travelled, as well
as raw glass. It seems there has rarely been such uniformity in any material manifestations of the empire
as Late Antique glass, and it seems to have bridged state borders as well as peoples and religious beliefs.
The question that arises is what made this uniformity possible? Who encouraged it? In the south-
eastern Alpine region we are finding increasing evidence that in the absence of the State the Church took
over a great deal of organisation and care of the indigenous population, who lived under more or less
temporary military regimes of various Germanic peoples, but who seemed to have managed a surprising

46
Stern 1999, 454.; Nenna et al. 2000; Freestone 2005, 196-197.
47
Lafli–GÜrler 2010, 444.
48
Sternini 1995, 267-268; Cavada–Endrizzi 1998; Uboldi 1998, 183-184.
49
Bierbrauer 1987, 285-287.
50
Sternini 1995, 268.
51
Sagadin 2000; Sagadin 2004.
52
Lazar 2003b, 78-79.
53
Ladstätter 2000, 179., 185.
54
Felgenhauer-Schmiedt 1993, 33-34.
55
Milinković 2010.
56
KriŽanac 2009, 267, 277-278.

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amount of long-distance trade and connections. Not only amphorae and their contents but also chunks of
raw glass show that demand could still be met to some extent and a certain level of organisation existed.
For the northern part of the area (Noricum Ripense) well-known written sources report some of these ac-
tivities of the church (Vita Severini57) and certain pottery studies are also providing convincing evidence
on the role of the Church in production, trade and organisation in Late Antiquity.58
A large proportion of the glass products of the period was influenced and used mostly by the
Church. Window glass and hanging lamps developed especially in connection with church architec-
ture from the second half of the 4th century on59 and large quantities of beakers, stemmed goblets (it is
easy to imagine them as a cheaper version of silver or golden chalices) and small flasks or balsamaria
(for oil, incense or relics) are commonly found in sacral buildings. One wonders whether the Church,
with its strong organisation and influence in the often tumultuous Late Antique period, could be res-
ponsible for this phenomenon of uniform glass supply. It was probably the largest consumer of glass
products, but could it also have had a hand in directing the spectrum of forms to be produced and even
in organising the local workshops? The presumably large number of small local workshops which sup-
plied church complexes and their settlements (or vice versa) could be explained if they were organised
by the Church. They were, for example, already needed during the construction of the sacral buildings
for window panes, and the master glassblowers may have been obtained along with other craftsmen
employed in the construction.
One of the arguments for the significant role of the Church could also be that the change from the
Late Roman to the Late Antique glass spectrum and characteristics occurred more or less simultane-
ously in the whole Mediterranean. Researchers believe that this transformation in forms and produc-
tion sometime in the middle of the 5th century (it may have been a little earlier in the East) not only
happened across the more endangered parts of the empire - such as the south-eastern Alps - but is also
characteristic of the whole of the Mediterranean. The change is so striking that a complete relocation
of workshops or production centres is in question.60

CONCLUSION

Under the guidance and protection of the Church the organisation of the Late Antique populace can
be understood in those areas where the Roman state had permanently lost control. There was in that
period no other agent strong enough to take over the role and duties of the failing empire and no other
organisation which could influence the whole extent of the Mediterranean, now divided between the
Byzantines and the Germanic states. Within this context many characteristics of the Late Antique way
of life in the region discussed can be better explained.
The glass supply is one dimension of the changes of the 5th century, which can be observed in its
transformation from the regular and more or less state- and military-organised mechanism of the 4th
century, via its gradual cessation during the general crisis, to the withdrawal of state involvement at
the beginning of the 5th century. After the chaos of the middle of the century, when Attila’s incursions
and the great settlement changes were in full swing, trade probably non-existent and the localisation
of the population beyond our understanding, we can then glimpse the glass supply again as a renewed
and this time localised production boom of the late 5th century within the framework of the new power
that bound together the population in new settlements on fortified hilltops away from the vulnerable
lowland areas. Under this new organisation the population of the south-eastern Alps belonged to the
Mediterranean world at least in a segment of their everyday life for a little while longer.

57
BratoŽ 1983; Glaser 1997, 41-57.
58
Bernal Casasola 2010.
59
O’Hea 2007.
60
Sternini 1995, 258.

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