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Classical Studies. Supplement
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THE NATURE OF DAEMONS:
A THEOLOGICAL APPLICATION OF THE CONCEPT
OF GEOMETRICAL PROPORTION IN CALCIDIUS'
COMMENTARY TO PLATO'S TIMAEUS (40D-41A)
ANNA SOMFAI
Calcidius' Middle Platonic Commentary , written during the second half of the fourth
AD, is the only extant ancient Latin exposition of Plato's Timaeus} It acco
Calcidius' Latin rendering of Timaeus 17a-53c.2 The translation includes the intr
conversation and the mythological stories, left almost entirely uncommented by C
and the narrative of the creation and the structure of the cosmic and human body
Calcidius' exegesis of Timaeus 40d-41a, a passage that has traditionally at
comments on Plato's approach to the mythological genealogies and on the use of
centres on an exposition of the nature and function of daemons. Calcidius used P
mention of ãXXox ôocí|uoveç, 'other daemons' - the reference to the anthropomo
divinities - for exploring the cosmological and theological place of daemons. The
on daemons have been considered by modern scholars a separate treatise3 a
consequently studied as an isolated section and a specimen of Late Antique daemo
I argue that far from being an isolated treatise, the section on daemons is an inherent
the Commentary and it reveals Calcidius' methodological and conceptual approach
Calcidius' exposition on daemons presents a puzzle. Why did he, ignoring the con
immediate context of the brief mythological reference by Plato, inquire into the n
daemons, and did so in great detail and at considerable length? I propose to answ
question by looking at Calcidius' exposition against the background of the Commen
general concept that, I suggest, is itself original and unique and that has not been n
modern scholarship.
1 Timaeus a Calcidio translates commentarioque instruētus , ed. J. H. Waszink (London and Leiden 1962,
Plato Latinus IV) [TimCalc.' Comment.].
2 A briefer section of the dialogue is extant in Cicero's Latin rendering including Timaeus 27d-47b only
paragraphs omitted. The first complete Latin translation is Marsilio Ficino's work from the fifteenth centur
3 J. C. M. van Winden, Calcidius on matter. His doctrine and sources (Leiden 1959), 19.
4 J. den Boeft, Calcidius on demons ( Commentarius Ch. 127-136) (Leiden 1977). Den Boeft in his introd
notes to his English translation of the section on daemons provided useful notes on some particul
daemonology, but limited his discussion to Calcidius' possible sources and to a comparison with some oth
daemons.
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1 30 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS
1. The Commentary 5
diagrams are described in detail following the Greek diagram tradition and serve as
mathematical proofs and as tool for thought experiments. Calcidius used the diagrams for
visualising complex concepts, such as the nature of the geometrical mean (arithmetical,
geometrical, and musical diagrams) or the creation of the world soul and the concepts of
astronomy (astronomical diagrams).
Calcidius studied in particular the nature of the continuous geometrical proportion, the main
principle of the orderly universe, chosen by the Demiurge as the best bond that assures the
harmonious connection between the elements, the building blocks of the cosmic body. Fire is
needed for visibility, earth for solidity and since in the case of three-dimensional bodies, such
as the universe, two means are necessary, the Demiurge inserted air and water as means to join
5 The internal evidence of the place and date of composition and of Calcidius' Christianity provided by the Commentary
is inconclusive and there is no independent external evidence concerning any detail of his life. The content, sources
and linguistic characteristics of the Commentary and the translation suggest a fourth-century origin. The date i
supported by the introductory letter to the translation addressed to a certain Osius who was, from the eleventh century,
identified with the bishop of Cordova, active in the middle of the fourth century. Calcidius was believed to have been
his archdeacon and thus was given a Christian identity. Another Osius is known to have been an imperial officer in Italy
at the end of the fourth century and the link could possibly suggest a pagan background for Calcidius with a slightly later
date, still within the possibilities of the philosophical and philological evidence of the text.
6 Comment. 1-3; 57,1-58,17.
7 Comment. 355; 346,3-10.
8 In the prefatory letter to the translation Calcidius remarked that he would continue his work if his presen
achievement were to meet a favourable reception by his addressee. If he had ever carried on with his work, i
disappeared without any trace.
9 The emphasis on the role of mathematics was a feature of the second-century Greek Timaeus commentators, Theo
of Smyrna and Nicomachus of Gerasa, who served as Calcidius' main source. They produced mathematical textbooks
by giving an introduction to elementary mathematics that was needed for the mastering of the concepts present in the
Timaeus. See Theonis Smyrnei philosophi platonici Expositio rerum mathematicarum ad legendum Platonem utilium
ed. E. Hiller (Leipzig 1878) and Nicomachi Geraseni pythagorei Introductionis arithmeticae libri //, ed. R. Hoche
(Leipzig 1866). Adhering to the dialogue's narrative, however, Calcidius addressed philosophical puzzles and did no
include any discussion of basic mathematics, such as the definitions of the point or line.
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ANNA SOMFAI: THE NATURE OF DAEMONS 1 3 1
the two extreme elements. The chain created this way corresponds
continuous proportion, such as 2:4=4:8 etc. Calcidius also introd
neighbouring elements the system of shared properties, such as a
corpulentus , mobilis - immobilis. Each element shares two of its
of its neighbour progressing from earth through water and air to
The second part of the Commentary deals with the structure of t
forces that work therein. Calcidius examined the nature and fun
explaining their place in the universe and their relation to one
definitions and relation of fate, necessity, providence, and ma
reference in the second part of the Commentary to mathematics
opening announcement that the mathematical sciences are of p
understanding of the Timaeus becomes a puzzling one. In what w
part of the Commentary does the concept of mathematics fulfil
I suggest that Calcidius experimented with the scope of the m
àvaXoyía that he considered the key concept of the Timaeus and
axis of his own Commentary. His study of the nature and cosm
served as a paradigmatic case study through which he applied in a
the concept and terminology of the continuous geometrical pr
applying the concept of the geometrical mean outside the realm
followed Plato10 and Aristotle.11 Drawing on the Timaeus as wel
dialogues, Calcidius developed Plato's cosmos beyond its origina
2. The sources
Calcidius' account of daemons relies for many of its components on Plato's dialogues.12
Daemons were in Pre-Socratic philosophy and literature believed to be mediators between
the immortal gods and mortal human beings, sometimes equated with souls or gods. Plato in
the Symposium considered Love to be a daemon13 and described daemons as messengers and
interpreters who deliver men's prayers and offerings to the gods and convey the divine
instructions in return.14 They fill in the space between men and gods causing the universe to
be an interrelated whole.15 In the Statesman Plato attributed a caring function to the
10 See e. g. Tim. 29c, 32a-32b, also Rep. 6 508c, 509d-510b, 5 lie, 7 534a, 9 576c.
11 See esp. Nic. Eth. 5.3.
12 Calcidius left the word 'òaipcov' in its transliterated Latin form {daemon) preserving the connotations attached to
daemons in the Greek tradition. In his rendering of the Timaeus Cicero, recoursing to the Roman liturgical context,
translated 'ôaí|iOveç' with lares who were the good spirits of the dead and provided men, in exchange for their
worship, with guidance. The fact that Cicero expressed his uncertainty as to whether or not he had found the suitable
Latin equivalent indicates the problematic nature of the interpretation. 'Reliquorum autem, quos Graeci ôai'iuovaç
appellant, nostri opinor Lares, si modo hoc recte conversum videri potest, et nosse et nuntiare ortum eorum maius est
quam ut profiteri nos scire audeamus', TimCic. 11; 212,9-12.
13 Symp. 202d.
14 Symp. 202e-203a.
15 For a reference to this passage see Comment. 127; 170,13-14. Plato introduced this characterization of daemons as
means by a passage on true belief. True belief is the middle between knowledge and ignorance just as Love holds a
middle position between extremes such as being attractive or repulsive, good or bad, mortal or immortal.
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1 32 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS
daemons16 and in the Laws and the Republic they are often
mythological gods and appear as guiding and protecting forces to b
Timaeus , in the passage that prompted Calcidius' account,
reference to daemons, with the meaning of 'mythological gods'.1
dialogue, not translated and commented on by Calcidius, Plato e
human soul with a man's daemon.19
Apart from Plato's genuine dialogues the only source for Calc
that can be identified with certainty is the Epinomis. The Epino
modern scholars to Philip of Opus, connects daemons to the five
water, and earth - as their abode20 and has been transmitted as
By 200 BC it was considered by the Alexandrian scholars to be a
and was referred to as such by Theon of Smyrna21 and Nicomachu
on daemons Calcidius made use of the Epinomis under the title
significantly, he regarded his source as a genuine work of Plato
expand on various points of the Timaeus , similarly to his use
especially the Symposium and the Republic , and assumed that he
Waszink and den Boeft acknowledged that the Epinomis is q
Calcidius when he discussed the parallel between the five elem
beings, and the character of the daemons.24 1 suggest, however, th
to the text, it may have provided an inspiration for Calcidius in
interpretation of the place of the quadrivium in the study of ph
author of the Epinomis , arithmetic and geometry are to be studied
as a basis for the astronomical theology that involves the contempl
16 Polit. 272e.
17 Laws 4 713d, 5 738b, 740b, 7 801e, 8 848d, 9 877a; Rep. 4 427b, 10 619c.
18 Tim. 40d-41a.
19 Tim. 90a. After the time of Plato daemons in Greek philosophy gradually ac
believed to be subject to human emotions, some of them were assumed to be evil
was doubted (Plutarch). Xenocrates drew a parallel between the hierarchy of geom
entities. God's nature is paralleled by an equilateral triangle, man's by a scalene, and
in the form of isosceles. This theory fits very well Calcidius' approach but he interr
section in which Plato introduced the regular solids and their rendering to t
preoccupation with harmony and world order brought back the more positive image
as a mean to ensure universal harmony. In order for them to function as such, they
human natures: they were immortal but subject to human passions. This new con
daemons' being subject to passion and the characteristic lost its negative connota
means for the daemons' principal function: linking the world of immortals with
daemons into two kinds, one more divine, another more human. This approach was f
and was taken up by Christian theologians as well. Calcidius' Commentary belong
20 Albinus took a similar approach in his Epitome and distinguished between vi
21 Theonis Smyrnei philosophi platonici Expo sitio, above n.9.
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ANNA SOMFAI: THE NATURE OF DAEMONS 1 33
25
Epinomis 991e-992ain Plato: Charmides, Alcibíades /, II, Hipparchus, The Lovers, Theages, Minos, Epinomis ,
trans. W. R. M. Lamb (Cambridge, Mass. 1964. Subsequent translations of this work are taken from this edition).
26 'interna mundi congesta sint animalibus ratione utentibus nec sit ulla eius regio deserta.' Comment. 120; 165,3-4.
27 Comment. 127; 170,6-12.
Comment. 120-26; 164-70. Planets, the instruments in the creation of time, move in a 'consonant', musically
harmonious way, associating the musical and astronomical passages in the first part of the Commentary. (Comment.
124; 167,10-1 1.) Earth assumes an anthropomorphic nature as the custos , guardian, of day and night, already pointing
to the function of care and supervision that Calcidius attributed in the subsequent passages to daemons.
29 Comment. 119; 164,4-18.
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1 34 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS
34 Tim. 40d. 'It is beyond us to speak or to know about the origin of the other daemons.'
35 TimCalc. 34,13-14. 'It is too great a task for man's talents to give an account of the invisible divine powers, called
daemons.'
36 Comment. 127; 170,6-7. 'It is too great a task for man's talents to give an account of the nature of daemons.'
37 The definition takes its terminology from the passage that directly follows the mention of daemons in the Timaeus :
the Demiurge's address to the gods.
38 'quod sit elatior et ultra naturae contemplationem', Comment. 120; 165,4-5.
39 'epoptica, altior aliquanto quam physica', Comment . 127; 170,6.
40 Plato, Phaedrus 250c (Plato also refers to daemons there).
41 '... inquisitio istius rei primariae supervectaeque contemplationis sit, quae appellator epoptica, altior aliquanto quam
physica, proptereaque nobis, qui de rerum natura nunc disputamus, nequaquam conveniens esse videatur.' Comment.
127; 170,9-12.
42 Calcidius used the expression once more in the Commentary, again to contrast it with natural philosophy and
pointing out its superiority. '... haec quippe naturalis, illa epoptica disputatio est, naturalis quidem, ut imago nutans
aliquatenus et in veri simili quadam stabilitate contenta, epoptica vero, quae ex sincerissimae rerum scientiae font
manat.' Comment. 272; 277,5-8.
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ANNA SOMFAI: THE NATURE OF DAEMONS 1 35
44 The bodies, then, being five (tīčvtc ou v oûogjv tcùv 0(0|icîtg)v), we mus
air, earth fourth, and ether fifth; and by predominance of these are each of t
Epinomis 981c.
45 'Well then, for the present let us attempt so much in treating of the gods,
creatures visible to us (xà ôúo KairiôóvTeç £â>a ópaxá), of which we call on
a mortal creation - to tell of the three middle things of the five (ià xpía
evidently, according to the probable opinion (icaià òó£av), between those t
46 Comment. 129; 172,10-11.
47 Comment. 27; 68,18-22. 'Atque ita inter ignem et terram aer et aqua de extim
constat mundi continuado. Conservatur autem hoc pacto analogia quoq
competentis; ut enim ignis adversum aera, sic aer adversum aquam et demum a
adversum aquam, sic aqua adversum aera et aer adversus ignem.' ( Commen
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1 36 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS
Quare cum sit divinum quidem et immortale genus animalium caeleste sidereum,
temporarium vero et occiduum passionique obnoxium terrenum, necesse est esse inter
haec duo medietatem aliquam conectentem extimos limites, sicut in harmonia videmus
et in ipso mundo. Ut enim sunt in ipsis materiis medietates, quae interpositae totius mundi
corpus continuant iugiter, suntque inter ignem et terram duae medietates aeris et aquae,
quae mediae tangunt conectuntque extimos limites, sic, cum sit immortale animal et
impatibile idemque rationabile, quod caeleste dicitur, existente item alio mortali
passionibusque obnoxio, genere nostro, necesse est aliquod genus medium fore, quod tam
caelestis quam terrenae naturae sit particeps, idque et immortale esse et obnoxium
passioni. Talis porro natura daemonum est, opinor, habens cum divinitate consortium
propter immortalitatem, habens etiam cum occiduis cognationem, quia est patibile nec
immune a passionibus, cuius affectus bonis quoque consulit.50
Following here the model he created for the description of the elements in the first part of the
Commentary , Calcidius presents the properties of the two extreme beings and joins them
48 For Plato's concept of regions coming into existence as a result of motion see Tim. 53a.
49 Comment . 20-22; 71,10-73,4.
50 'As there is a divine and immortal genus of the heavenly stars and a temporal and perishing, earthly one that is
bound by passions, it is necessary that there is a mean between these two, that connects the outermost limits, just as
we see in the harmony and in the world itself. Since in the matters themselves there are means that, having been
inserted, link the body of the whole world in a constant bond, and between fire and earth are the means of air and
water, which middles touch and connect the outermost limits, similarly, while there is an immortal being, not bound
by passion and in the meantime rational, that we call celestial, there also exists another one, a mortal, bound by
passions, our genus, it is necessary that there is another, middle genus, that participates in the celestial nature as well
as in the earthly one, which is both immortal and bound by passion. Such is the nature of daemons, I think, sharing
with the divine because of its immortality, and sharing with the perishing since it is passible and is not immune to
passions, whose goodness takes care of the good ones.' Comment. 131; 173,7-20.
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ANNA SOMFAI: THE NATURE OF DAEMONS 1 37
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1 38 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS
Further where the angles are equal, the sides will be in proport
to the side TZ, so is the side Ar to the side TU. I say that a r
between these similar parallelograms.57
Daemons are obedient to celestial power as well as concerned for terrestrial beings64 and
are characterized in their function as mediators. Calcidius attributed invisibility to the
57 'Porro ubi aequales anguli, latera pro competenti erunt; ut enim est B Y latus iuxta TZ latus, ita A T latus iuxta TH
latus. Dico horum similium parallelogrammorum inveniri medium aliud rationabile.' Comment. 11; 63,8-11. The
description of the rest of the geometrical diagrams (diagrams 3, 5, 6) uses the same terminology.
58
et continuum quidem competens in tribus, ut param, finibus invenitur: sicut primus iuxta secundum, sic
secundus iuxta tertium, hoc est ut octo iuxta quattuor, sic quattuor iuxta duo; ...'. Comment. 16; 68,6-9.
59 Epinomis 984e-985a.
60 'Plato ait.' Comment. 133; 174,19.
61 Comment. 133; 174,16.
62 Comment. 133; 174,18.
63 Comment. 133; 174,20-175,1.
64 God gave daemons to man as custodes for his guidance. Comment. 135; 176,3.
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ANNA SOMFAI: THE NATURE OF DAEMONS 1 39
ethereal and aerial daemons, who hide not only from our
senses.65 This limitation recalls the notion of epoptica. The
invisibility was inspired by Plato's discussion of the elements:
for visibility and tangibility.66 Calcidius now argued that d
their bodies to make them perspicuous and too little earth t
Their entire structure (compago) consists of aetheris serenita
help but associate liquor with the more watery kind of air
despite its watery nature is a type of air.68 Air is the only
elements and it corresponds to the one created being that its
aerial nature of daemons thus underlines their invisibility. Th
an expression specifically used for ships seems strange in c
It conveys Calcidius' concern with the body of the daemons
fire and earth and hence is invisible and untouchable70 liken
part of the Commentary Calcidius described the universal
whose structural 'bodiness' enables it to fit into the three-dim
He linked there the visible harmony of geometry with the v
the invisible musical harmony with the invisible soul. Through
both become mathematical bodies, yet the difference of visi
place. Now the elements, ether and air, of which the mate
formed, are made into an indissoluble surface ( indissolubile
Surfaces in geometry are the planes out of which solids ar
surfaces also points to the potential for the bodily nature o
differ from the aerial daemons only in degree, the latter
rational, immortal, sensible beings who look after man.74 T
aerial ones inhabit the air, and, being closer to earth, the lat
than the former. The explanation of these qualities, howeve
daemons, we are told, are souls and their being animae hing
The explanation for the immortality of daemons is that th
This body, which daemons never cease using, is not describe
Calcidius in its invisible state. Since the soul is described as
69 Compago is not used randomly; as is often the case in Calcidius' text, a word prefigures the concept expounded in
the next paragraph.
71 See Comment. 92; 144,12-145,9 on the creation of the soul and its relation to the elements and body.
12 Comment. 134; 175,10-11.
73
Calcidius briefly mentioned the opinion that this entire middle region inhabited by the daemons might be Hades
(Comment. 134; 175,1 1-12) and referred to Hesiod in connection with the number of daemons, which he had reckoned
to be three times ten thousand ( Comment . 134; 175,12-14).
74 'animal rationabile immortale patibile aethereum diligentiam hominibus impertiens.' Comment. 135; 175,16-18.
75 'animal quidem, quia est anima corpore utens.' Comment. 135; 175,18.
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140 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO'S TIMAEUS
80 Calcidius refers to Numenius as the source for the equation of silva with ba
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ANNA SOMFAI: THE NATURE OF DAEMONS 1 4 1
6. Conclusion
Calcidius' Commentary to Plato's Timaeus sets out from the statement that mathematics
provides the basis and key for the understanding of the dialogue. The first part of the
Commentary accordingly gives an introduction to the concepts and mathematical methods
86 'Etenim est absurdum homines quidem imam mundi regionem inhabitantes fragili corpore, animo cum amentia
sine sinceritate pleno paenitudinis ob inconstantiam commotionum suarum, alias aliis atque aliis placentibu
rationabiles animantes putari.' Comment. 130; 172,16-20.
87
Calcidius' use of the expression 'our genus', instead of 'man', adds a personal flavour to the argument, and blends
the terminology of logic with the human involvement it describes. He implicated himself in the conflicting world of
desires and passions, and the objective argument assumed personal dimensions. Instead of denouncing human passions
he elevated them by attributing them to divine creatures, daemons, announcing that they are a necessary property for
daemons in their role as mediators. They need to be subject to passions, as it is emotions that make them capable of
being attuned to human feelings.
For Augustine's criticism see esp. De civitate Dei VIII, 13-16 and IX, 6-23.
89 De civ. Dei IX, 14.
90 De civ. Dei IX, 15.
91
De civ. Dei IX, 15. The mediator role of Christ, of course, could have been established through properties. His
mortality and beatitude could serve as the properties creating a mean, as an alternative to daemons' immortality and
misery.
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1 42 ANCIENT APPROACHES TO PLATO' S TIMAEUS
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