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According to Downes (1992), structural adjustment is the process of deliberately adjusting the
structure and organization of the economy to mitigate the effects of negative stocks or to take
configuration that is generally geared towards facilitating economic development through the
institutional attempt to accelerate spending in a social sector for the main purpose of addressing
large equity gaps that may be accumulated in a country overtime, this process that has been
dominant in the late 20th century, continues to be a source of much debate in developing
countries around the globe because of the dichotomy that lies in the literature. To be more
specific, while some proponents may see structural adjustment as beneficial due to it propensity
“to fuel productivity, realize viability in balance of payments, cause reduction in government
expenditure, improve economic competence, boost the growth potential and expand the
economic base of developing economies” (Sulanman, Migiro and Aluko 2014), other consider
it to be the demise of an economy, purporting that it intensifies fiscal strain, leads to further
unemployment, increased inequality by worsening the relative position of some groups in the
population, widens the debt gap of the economy and leads to increase dependency on richer
nations.
Hence the reason, why this research would be conducted, to analyse the overall construct of
the structural adjustment program in Colombia and Venuezla, with emphasis placed on various
areas that would answer the questions of 1) what the structural adjustment program is 2) how
it is beneficial 3) what are the factors that pinpoint the need for such 4) what are the attached
conditionality 5) how was it implemented and 6) what are the effects that the implementations
Colombia, like many other Latin America countries, had been engulfed in a process of rapid
structural adjustment and reform that lasted from the period 1990 to 1993. This process that
was first initiated by the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) and
private foreign investment; and promoting long term balance growth in international trade”
Chand, 2008), not only saw the liberalization of external trade, the redefinition of the role of
the State, and significant growth in the public sector, but also allowed the country to overcome
many difficulties that stemmed from endogenous and exogenous factors which were for all
herein. The IBRD in its report identified some of these influencing factors, pinpointing firstly
the Dutch Disease phenomenon which in conjunction with other resulting events, was deemed
integral in explaining what led to the downfall of the Colombian economy in the late 20th
century. However, the questions that may come to mind is, what exactly is the Dutch Disease
Based on the definition proposed by Puyana (2000), the Dutch Disease represents a conceptual
model in which drastic increases in foreign exchange earnings and wage increases in the
affected export sector may cause exchange rate, wage, relative price and terms of trade
distortions that decrease the competitiveness of other sectors and induce policy responses that
are oftentimes difficult to reverse once the boom has subsided. In Colombia, it epitomizes the
confounding upsurge in investments that has seen its way into the oil and mining sector in the
1970’s, one that led to the decline of coffee prices and consequently placed a stumbling block
in the Colombia’s agricultural sector in the later years. This decline was attributed mainly to
the fact that when Colombia’s oil prices increased the revenues generated was used to purchase
and develop public infrastructure which subsequently spiralled a decrease in the profitability
neglected for the most part as a result of this occurrence, and the rising wages and appreciated
currency that served as a monetary policy to maintain financial stability, squeezed the
while cheap food imports competed with domestic food production. In such a case, Colombia
shifted their focus from the production of non-oil traded goods to that of non-traded goods
(mostly public services) and the production of oil, thereby increasing their vulnerability to
external stuns such as the sudden decline in international oil prices that took place in the 1980’s,
and caused them to feel the blunt impact of the debt crisis that followed.
While overcoming the challenges that were brought on by the Dutch Disease phenomenon
continues to be a daunting task, it is important to note that success in accordance with the
acceleration of the growth path was achieved in the long run, particularly through broader and
more intensified structural reformations. These reformations, unlike those that were embarked
on in the earlier ages, depended to a great extent on bringing public finances on a viable
equilibrium; placing public debt on a sustainable path; and strengthening financial sector
regulations and supervision with a specific end goal to address the aforementioned issues that
fiscal deficit required regional coordination of fiscal policies as neither revenue mobilization
nor expenditure rationalization alone was sufficient. Stabilizing public debt required
noteworthy fiscal adjustments, debt restructuring, debt-equity swaps and improvements in tax
and customs administration to prevent spill-overs from the weakest member, which
undermined confidence in the country’s currency. Reinforcing financial area controls and
the framework, to guarantee the suitability of the monetary union, to maintain the peg, and to
certify that the budgetary framework continues to support the development of the economies.
Bibliography
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Sulanman L.A, Migiro S.O and O.A Aluko., 2014. “The Structural Development Programme
in Developing Economies: Pain or Gain? Evidence from Nigeria”. Public and Municipal
Finance, Vol 3, No 2.
Schipke, A., Cebotari A. and Thacker N., 2013. “The Eastern Caribbean Economic and
Currency Union Macroeconomics and Financial Systems”. The Economic Times, Vol 4, No.2