Digitized by the Internet Archive

in 2016

https://archive.org/details/musculorumhumani01cana
 MONUMENTA MEDICA
under tlie General Edito rsliip

of

HENRY E. SIGERIST

IV.

1925

R. LIER & <Jo., FLORENOE (31), LUNGARNO TORRIGIANI 19

 IOANNES BAPTISTA CANANO
1515-1578

GIROLAMO DA CARPI
1501-1556

MUSCULORUM HUMANI CORPORIS

PICTURATA DISSECTIO
(FERRARA 1541?)

FAC SIMILE EDITION

annotated by

HARVEY CUSHING & EDWARD C. STREETER

1925
R. LIER & Co., FLORENOE (31), LUNGARNO TORRIGIANI 19
 X
/
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

HAEVEY CUSHING — Introductiou .... p. 7

EDWAED 0. STEEETEE — Biographical notiee p. 13

EACSIMILE OF C A NANO — Musculorum

humani corporis picturata dissectio, after
Dr. Cushing’s copy with dedication by au-
thor to Jac. Boni p. 49

Epilogue on extant copies (a. c. k. & y. d.) . p. 91

 INTRODUCTION
BY
HAEYEY CUSH I X(1

MONGr the niany printed sheets struck off

from the busy presses of Southern Europe
during the early half of the Cinquecento were
three sets which for different reasons lie practi-
cally beyond the reach of collectors —
libri inter

rariores longe rarissimi. They were separately

prepared for the printing by three men whose
names will forever be linked in the written hi-
story of medicine — men of nearly
the same age
whose paths crossed in various ways, though one
was born a Spaniard, another an Italian, and
the youngest by a few months, a Fleming.
The first of these three books, if book it
may be called — the six anatomical tables of
Yesalius — represents the faint dawn of a new
era in knowledge of
our the human body.
Printed in Yenice in 1538 these fugitive sheets
must have become literally thumbed out of
existence, for only two complete sets and a
fragment are known. One is treasured in the
Library of San Marco; the other feli into the

7
hands of Sir William Stirling-Maxwell and re-
mains in tlie possession of his son. The frag-
ment, a single sheet, was found by the late
Gustav Klein of Munich and supposedly will
find its proper home in the re-established library
at Louvain.
Another of the three — the “ Christianismi
Restitutio ” of Servetus — was puhlished fifteen
years later in Vienne, and thongli it contains
certain paragraphs setting forth for the first time
the novel idea of blood passing in a circle, the-
reby anticipating the pulmonary circulation of
Harvey hy nearly a century, it was not for this
heresy tliat Calvin caused both autlior and book
to perish at the stake. Of this work also two
intact copies and a fragment alone seem to have
survived. One is in the State Library at Vienna;
another, according to tradition the prosecutor’s
copy snatched from the flames, came throngh
Richard Mead to the Bibliotheque Rationale in
Paris; an imperfect copy wanting its first pages
is in the Library of the University of Edinburgh.

The last of these three books, though issued

without printer’s mark, place or date, we now
know have been the second in chronological
to
sequence, and thongh less rare than the others
it nevertheless is sufficentlv so to justify its heing

8
coupled inter rarissimos with the others. Pro-
jected as a noble work, it too had a tragic end,
for notliing can be more tragic than for a work
so conceived to be suppressed at birth by its
author. Obonlant bad knowledge of only four
copies,and thongh it will be shown in later
pages that otbers have come to light it stili re-
mains among tbe rarest of the early illustrated
anatomical treatises. So to John Calvin we owe
the rarity of one of these books, to the process
of handling the practical disappearance of ano-
ther, to deliberate infanticide the near-extinction
of the third.
The yonng of all times have rebelled against
the shackles of tradition, bnt in no age did these
shackles hang more heavy than at the beginning
of the sixteenth century. Those imposed by the
Ohurch were no less burdensome than the dogmas
that shackled Medicine, bnt to the aid of the
rebellious youths of that day had come the printed
page: and the presses having done their duty for
fifty years in reproducing and multiplying the
works of anthority were now, some of them,
being utilized for the dissemination of revolu-
ti onary, nay heretical ideas. So Yesalins with
this new weapon toppled Galen from his seat,
and in the process, before his end, ran counter

9
to tlie church. What Servetus might have done
for medical Science we can only conjecture had
he not ckosen with ineffective disguise to tilt in
theological lists over man’s soul rather than
openly to use his lance in the no less contro-
versial matters relating to his body.
These two, the Spaniard and the Belgian, Mi-
chael Servetus Villanovanus and Andreas Vesa-
lius Bruxellensis, tirst met as young men, fellow
prosectors, in Paris under Guinther of Andernach,
and this Guintherius, not many years later in
making acknowledgment to them
mentioned
(!)

Servetus in particular as one “ distinguislied hy

bis literary acquirements of every kiud and scar-
cely second to any in his knowledge of the Galeni-
cal doctrines.” The third, the Italian, Giambat-
tista Oanano, a Perrarese, like the other two came
of a good family, had distinguished forebears,
and was an equally precocious youth eager to
blaze a new trail in his cliosen profession. But
his was a spirit of milder order, not, it would
seem, from fear of opposing authority but rather
trom the want of those none too agreable qua-
lities in his make-up often possessed by rebels,

those who do. In later years as papal physician

he ran no such risks as the other two, and what-
(1) Institutiones Anatomicae. Basel, 1539.

10
ever may liave been the Vatican’s attitude as
regards the tragic incident at Geneva, it is

probable thatOanano would have had small

sympatky with Servetus had they ever met.
Certainly when Canano’s path crossed that of
Vesalius while in their twenty-seventk year, and
itbecame apparent that the energetic young man
from the low-countries had anticipated and out-
stripped him in the pictorial representation of
actual human dissections he withdrew, with what
disappointment is not told, and left to his rival

the acknowledged fatherhood of modern anatomy.

Unqnestionably we may see Oanano through
the cool haze of time as the pleasantest figure
of the three, for the restless stuff that reformers
are made of is hot to the touch. He was im-
passioned by no such flame, and one may ima-
gine that when he saw himself' forestalled he
warmly praised the Calcar drawings cnt on wood
that Vesalius spread before him, and made little
show of the no less remarkable figures by his
friend Girolamo Carpi, the first series of which,
portraying the muscles of the arm, had by now
been struck from their copper plates. Ve-
off
salius was the Luther of medical Science; Ca-
nano an Erasmus.
But with ali that the “ Eabrica ” of Ve-

li
salius did for anatomy as a whole, one mnst
look hard to find his name attached to any
single structure, aud he made light of the trifling
muscle the painstaking Canano discovered and
described. Nor did he appear to catch the si-
gnificance of the views on the circulation held
by his former eo-worker Servetus. Had he done
so and had he heeded Oanano’s statement on
that memorable meeting at Ferrara that there
were valves in certain veins which directed the
flow of blood, he might liave done as much to
overthrow the physiological views of the great
Pergamite as he had done in superseding some
of his views on the fabric of the human body.
For this the world had to wait until the valves
were rediscovered, until the De Motu Cordis
was written and until the microscope gave the
final confirmation.

12
GIAMBATTISTA CANANO
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE
BY
EDWARD C. STREETER
iambattista Canaato was bom at Eerrara
in 1515, a few weeks, or at most a few
months, after the birtb of Andreas Vesalius.
1515 was the year in which Leonardo, anato-
mizing at the Santo Spirito in Rome, was for-
ced by papal command to discontinue his dis-
sections. A nniqne and incomparable personality
who had had a unique and incomparable contact
with the entire sum of things anatomical, dis-
missed, by a gesture, from the ampler eruploy-
ments of his powers Providence straightway, in
!

that year, provided two competent heirs for Leo-

nardo, — in case one would not do ;
and from
yery excess of precaution, produced Realdo Oo
lombo in the folio wing year. But Canano, the
« Yesalius alter » of Italy, was destined to touch

only a very meagre portion of the prepared he-

ritage, for reasons which may be drawn from the
uncertain notices of his life which we stili possess.
The Greek forbears of Canano settled in

13
 :

Ferrara in tlie time of tlie late Paleologi. It is

likely tbat tlie date of tlieir Corning was prior

to tlie Ferrarese Joint Oonncil (1438) of tbe
Greek and Latin Okurclies. It was pre-eminently
a family of medical men ;
of tke eigkt Oanani
on tbe roster of lecturers at the university of
Ferrara, five are physicians. One kad already
slied particular lustre on tlie name. Giambattista
Canano, tbe grandfatlier of tlie anatomist, liad
possessed an individuality and mental endowment
far out of tbe ordinary. For be bad risen, in avery
brief space of time, from an inferior eniploy-
ment on tbe medical facul ty d) of tbe local “ Stu-
dium generale ” to tbe conspicimus role of court-
pliysician to Mattbew Corvinus and bis queen
Beatrice of Aragon. His long Service at Prague
and Pest brougbt, liim mucb lionor. In tbe field,
in attendance upon tbe illustrious adventurer bis
master, be, a Greek, mnst bave sensed a fierce
satisfaction on bebolding tbe Turkisb bordes bur-
led back by tbe troops bearing tbe black device
of Corvinus. At court, in intervals of qniet, tbis

(1) His name appears on the salary list of 1473

“ AM. Zokanbapista da Canan per la lectura de Loica
predicta a mezo die lire cinquanta ”, Borsetti, Eist.
Ferr. Gymnas. Ferrara, 1735, vol. L., p. 95. On the old
Marchesan lira, consuit V. Bellini, BelV antica Lira Fer-
rarese. Ferrara, 1754.

14
native Hellenist took advantage of bis close as-
sociation witb tbe rnigbty book-bunting potentate
and bis librarian Taddeo Ugolete of Parma, to
collect by transcription, purebase or by otber
means a goodly store of medical manuscripts.
He bad two sons, Ludovico (1485-1556) and
Hippolito (1494-1559), between wbom bis pos-
sessions and bis books were divided. Tbe elder
son, fatber of tbe anatomist, was a man of af-

fairs, “ mira in rebus agendis facultate ”. (!)

Tbis Ludovico took to wife Lucrezia Branca-

leoni. Tbe son born to tbem in 1515, cbristened
Giovanni Baptista after bis grandfatber, was de-
dicated to medicine. Young Oanano 2 received ( )

bis education at Perrara. Tbe University, or Stu-

dium, as was tben styled, invested witb a
it

splendor wbicb tbe propbetic labors of Leoni-

cenus and Manardus bad brought upon it, could
now cancel and forever blot out tbe name of
scorn, “ Asylum of tbe destitute ”, wbicb youtbs

(1) The phrase is Canano’s : see epitaph to his fa-

ther and uncle Borsetti, Rist. Ferr. Gym., Yol. II, p. 66.
(2) On Canano see Yirgilio Ducceschi’s recent no-
tice in “ Gli Scienziati Italiani ” edited by Aldo Mieli,
Rome, 1923, vol. I, pp. 285-292. We
are deeply indebted
to this author. His full and brilliant account covers every
aspect of the Opera, and the essentials of the Yita, of
Oanano.

15
 .

of an earlier day libelously attaclied to it. In

all likeiilioodCananos studies were largely di-
rected by his uncle, for Hippolito was an emi-
nent figure on the Faculty « ac Medicinam,
•

magno Studiosorum concursu professus est ».

His master in tbe liberal disciplines was the
humanist G. 0. Giraldi. This philosopher, pliy-
sician, historian, orator, poet and Ducal secre-
tary had been a pupil of John Manardus in me-
dicine, of Calcagnini in rhetoric. Besides the
« Heccatomiti », numerous commentaries and
orations, he wrote a singular tract on anatomy
in heroic verse, « He humani corporis partibus >
Oanano’s chief instructor in medicine was the
exalted Antonio Musa Brasavola, now at top-
most pitch of fame, in whose following were
students from all the states of Europe, frorn
Ooimbra through to Posen, from Oxford down
to Pest.
For anatomy Canano
his rich initiation in
was beholden to his close kinsman Antonio Maria
Oanano. Antonio had been schooled by Marc-
antonio dalla Torre at Padua was with him,
;

indeed, in 1510 at the very time when dalla

Torre was establishing contact with Leonardo (1).

(1) Antonelli Gius., Indice dei Manuscritti della Bi-

blioteca di Ferrara. Ferrara, 1884, p. 234. For dalla Torre

16
It appears tliat tlie Paduan-trained Antonio, on
his return to Perrara, stabbed his kindred awake
and brought in tlie revival of anatomical stu-
dies, now obsolescent.
Previous to 1535 the Studium of Perrara
had set a deplorable example in respect to anato-
mical teacliing, — no worse, however, than con-
ditions obtaining in the Paris schools up to that
date. The rare school — dissections, instituted at
Perrara at the close of the iifteenth century, were
ripping affairs, little calculated to proiit anyone
save the Lector, Ostensor and assistant barbers.
The operators had a drawing pay, tlie
basis for
boys had a holiday —
and that was ali. It is true
that Leonicenus (1428-1524) twice mentions ana-
tomies, as substantiating certain corrections he
had made in the texts of Pliny and Celsus, but
this rather indicates a dearth of dissections, pau-
city rather than plenitude. Neither Manardus nor
Brasavola paid heed to the matter, although the
latter avows he opened two stags in search of a
heart - bone to add to his Museum. (1)

see P. Jovius, Elogia. XLIX : « elaborat is profitendo si-

mul secando damnatorum cadavera anat. volumen ex pia
citis Galeni ».

(1) « ego duo corda cervi aperui ». Brasayola, Meam,

omn. simp. med. Lugd. Frellon, 1537, p. 416.

17
2
 It sbould be noted tliat Berengar of Carpi
died at Ferrara in 1530 witbin tlie sbadow of
tbe studium. This event marks tlie passing of
”
tke old order of anatomist, tlie “ tbree day men
who variously quartered tlie cadaver but never
flaved it, wbo consequentlv bad only the most
meagre notions of mvology. “ I liave made very
little commeut on tlie muscles of tbe body
”

says Berengar, (1) tben, in extenuation, adds, “ I

bave concerued myself very sparingly witb tbis
system; rnainly for tbe reason tbat, in tbe or-

dinary dissections made before tbe scbolars in

tbe scbools, tbe majority of tbe muscles cannot
be demonstrated. Iu order to properly expose
tbese structures to view, extremely long and
painstaking labor is required, as well as a sui-
tably appointed room Tbis was tbe labor
wbicli tbe Canani uudertook, to fili tbis gap
(lvbicli tbe artists of tbe period were so inipa-
tieut to bave filled), to and reinstate
recreate
in tbe scliool a myological discipline more clo-
sely observed, more inclusive tlian Galen’s. Ye-
salius and Estienne were in tbe act of taking
possession of tbis field by seizin, at tbis same
moment. Yesalius in 1536 made essay in Paris
(1) Commentaria .... super anatomia Mundini. Bologna,
1521, p. 516.

18
to (lemonstratate tbe muscles of tlie arm and
hand :
“ musculos manus cum accuratiori viscerum
dissectione conatus sum ostendere ” (Eab. 1543,
p. *3a, 32). Tliis sort of labor, be adds paren-
thetically, nonplused tbe common prosectors of
his day, reduced them to hopeless perplexity.
Precisely at tbis juncture then, in au age un-
tutored in tbe finer relations and structure of tbe
muscles of tbe body, tbe Oanaui began opera-
tions. In Giambattista’s bome tbey fouud tbe
suitably appointed room ”, tbe “ ita locus ac-
comodatus ”, wbicb Berengar deemed so essen-
tial, and tkere began, witb audience “ fit tliougb

few ”, an audience tbat included Yesalius’ own

brotber Erancis, Iacopo Antonio Buoni (to whoin
Oanano gave tbe particular copy of bis dissectio
berewitb reproduced), tbe youtkful Arcangelo
Piccolomini and others. U)
As a powerful furtberer of tbese studies,
stands out tbe tutelary patrician figure of Bar-
tolomeo Yigrisoli, an old medical alumnus of
tbe Studium. In the seventies of tbe preceding
century bis fatber bad been a bigb-salaried ma-
ster on tbe medical faculty witb tbe grandfather
of Oanano, in tbe days of tbe brotkers Zirondi,
Erancesco Benzi, Castello and Leonicenus. Tbe
(1) Ducceschi, op. cit., p. 285.

19
houses of and Canani were in good
tlie Nigrisoli
accord. Bartolomeo, become deeply interested
in tlie reformation of anatomy, reposed ali his
hopes on the Canani. Often did he, in their
presence, dilate on “ the necessity and utility in
medicine (particularly in tlie operative arm) of a
knowledge of anatomy grounded, not alone on
the testimony of Galen, but on what one may
see and study objecti vely witli one’s own proper
eyes ”. (1)

Here is a sturdy forward-looking precentor

wlio will not componnd with Galen ;
one whose
discourse ill-accords with the teaching of Syl-
vius :
“ Neque credas ad lias Galeni anatomicas
descriptiones ubique exactissimas et verissimas
quicquam posse etiam maxima doctissimorum
industria accedere (
2) would pinion,
Tlius Paris
Perrara release, the operation, the motion of the
spirit, in the year 1539. How favorable for the
moment was the situation at Perrara, we may
Amatus Lusitanus
learn from :
“ If anyone wants
to get a perfect training in botany or the fun-

(1) Canano, dissectio, deil. epis., (Sign. Aii).

(2) Sylvtus, Ordo in leg. Hipp. et Qal. Paris, 0. We-

cliel, 1548, p. 13. Botli sayings date from 1539; we quote
a late edition of Sylvius, uot having the first edition at
hand.

20
damentals of sound medicine I advise him to gc
to Perrara. For the Ferrarese pliysicians, “ coe-
lesti quodam influxu favente ”, are the best in-
formed men in the land, the most diligent, too,
along ali lines of natural inquiry. For that
reason I personally have never once regretted
my sojourn of six years among them ” (1542-8). (1)

We do not know at what date Giambattista

attained the doctoral dignity. He followed a
deliberate unhasting course. Oertain it is that
by the year 1540 he was a ripe and accompli-
shed anatomist. With zest for his work, “ in
sacra medica amore ”, he weighed the testimony
of Galen against the evidence of his own eyes.
He knew the Greek and Latin Fathers of me-
dicine excellently well, for he had inherited a
rich library. The pulling down of many tomes,
the Consulting of many texts in sleek codices
and on the printed page, is implied in his phrase
“ multaque ab antiquis iam pridem litterarum
monumentis tradita ”. 2 ( )

In 1541 at the age of 26 Canano succeeded

Antonio Maria Canano in the chair of anatomy
at Ferrara. His kinsman, in resigning the pre-

(1) Amatus Lusitanus, In Dioscoridis.... enarrationes.

Venetiis, 1553, p. 374.
(2) Candido lectori, at end. Facsimile fol. 4 verso.

21
 ,

ceptorial function, lost none of his ardour for

“ the Science of tke sepulchre ”, for we find that
he dissected until 1553. (!) It is quite in reason
to suggest that Antonio withdrew for the pur-
pose of advancing Giambattista and, to that end,
hit on some speci ous pretext for self - effa cernent.
The man was not old, and although it is true
that he had taught in one capacity or another
for eleven years, he was not through. It looks
like an allowable case of nepotism. Over and
around Giambattista ali his days, is seen this
circumamhiant play of affection. The warm
esteem, the ever-deepening regard in which he
was held and surrounded are merely the refluent
waves of affection which had origin in the beat
at the center of the man himself. The devotion
of his friends hespeaks his own goodness of heart,
candour of rriind, deep integrity and constancy
toward them. It can signify no other thing.
The erudition of this man was highly leavened,
retrieved by a winning geniality, a losing lio-
nesty, a gay humor (both Vesalius and Falloppio
refer to his sense of humor). Oanano’s friends
at this time included a number of the litterati
both among the older men like Calcagnini (1546),
and younger blades like Agostino Mosti and the
(1) Borsetti, op. cit., vol. II, p. 156.

22
men of Giraldi’s circle. Oanano was a man of
most varied culture. As Falloppio describes him,
he was one who knew liow to combine uncom-
promising probity with extreme kindliness of
spirit, competent in a most comprehensive sense,

by every intimation of his being, except in the di-

rection “ ad fingendas fabulas”. Eliminating from
the estimate of Falloppio a moiety or ali of those
extravagancies suggestive of personal puffery, we
may stili believe that Giambattista possessed
human excellencies, charm, learning, truthfulness
enough and to spare. Not a paragon, it may be,
but a forthright determined seeker after truth,
an amiable modest scholar, alive to the ame-
nities, as well as to the duties, of life.

Upon assuming his professorial role or very

soon thereafter Oanano began issuing, in parts,
a volume on anatomy. The first fasciculus of
this work, dedicated to Nigri soli and printed
presumably at Ferrara, appears to have come off
the press before the summer of 1542. As it is

bare of dates or clues to the probable date and

place of issue it presents one of the most vexing
dilemmas known to medical bibliography. With
a modicum of text, a model of compressed sta-

tement, with a brilliant series of twenty-seven

illustrations and some dedicatory matter, Oanano
made a partial revelation of his purpose and of
his power. For a hrief hour he was protagonist
in the unfolding scene. The “ Dissectio ”, anti-
cipating Yesalius, represented in a very exact
manner the muscles and bones of the npper arm
and forearm. It revealed a techniqne hitherto
nnattempted. It revealed the winnowed thonght
of a new type of expert, attentive to pnnctilios,
true to himself, free from the thraldom of Galeu.
Canano states in his preface that he is on the
point of pnblishing the remaining portions of
his work and that these remaining books (? five
in number) are already in press, “ sub calcho-
graphi praelo iam positos Then some untow-
ard event occurred which caused him to suspend
publication and suppress Part I already issued.
What had happened?
It known that Yesalius, after tinishing
is

his Fabrica at Padua August 1, 1512 and his

Epitome on August 13, went to Yenice at the
end of August and was there engaged with
Stopius, for a brief time, in packing his rnanu-
script, woodblocks and trial-proofs of his illu-
strations to sendthem off to the Bale printing
house of Oporinus. Both (!) supposes that very
shortly thereafter he turned down to Ferrara to

(1) M. Roth., Andreas Yesalius. Berlin, 1892, p. 127.

24
visitCanano, having already seen Canano s book. 5

There is another reason for this visit, which

escaped the all-seeing eye of his biographer, his
beloved brother Francis was there, assisting Oa-
nano. Vesalius Avas about to leave Italy. It
is pertinent to put the question— when conld
Vesalius have tonched Ferrara if not at this
—
time? We know he went, it was there he saw
the dark-skinned di ver who conld stop breathing
for an incredible length of time. No other date
for this visit is conceivable, scrutinize the iti-

nerary of Vesalius as closely as vou will. Be-

tween the end of August, then, and the end of
November 1542 (for Vesalius was in Bale bv the
opening of year following), the “ Man of wrath ”
from Flanders spread before the eyes of his
competitor in Ferrara the trial-proofs of the
wood-cut illustrations to his Fabrica. It was a
dark hour for Oanano, beyond denial. He saw
that he had been hopelesslv outdone in con- ;

ception, scope, execution, as in color, pomp, in-

timacy and power. Yet with good grace, Ave
believe, he consigned his own Avork to destruc-
tion, thus doing first homage to Vesalius. A
few, a precious few copies of his fasciculus had
passed beyond recall or were allowed by him
to remain in the hands of friends. There came

25
a day when Yesalius also turned and burned
the work of his hand, bnt from no such gene-
rons impulse.
It is injurious to the name of Oanano to
assign pique and disappointement as the direct
motives urging him decisively to quash his pu-
blication. A different construetion of his act
would seem more consonant with character.
Incapable of lying, as Ealloppio said, he did
not delude himself. Confronted by facts he did
not wriggle or evade. He knew the hardest
declensions in the grammar of assent. He slew
his child, as Abraham would have done, in
dutiful reverence, in witness and confirmation
of the proven superiority of Yesalius. Ohivalry
was not extinct, nor was its code a dead letter,
in the Oanano gens. Giambattista followed in
the footsteps of his namesake, physician to the
most valorous and just knight in Ohristendom.
The imputation that Yesalius, “ ex suo furibundo
Marte ” could o’ercrow the spirit of such a man
is as paltry as it is derogatory. These are harsh
adjecti ves, but used advisedlv, to depurate a good
man’s fame.
In the course of the following year (1543)
Oanano entertained another extraordinary visitor,
Hr. John Oaius of Norwich, who lived with Ye-

26
salius for eight months at « Cavalle » near the
Ponte della Paglia Padua, when Yesalius was
at
drafting his « ». Oaius fresh from the
Fabrica
forming hands of Montanus, had been lecturing
on Aristotle at Padua. He came to Perrara
fired with high ardour for a new project which
he had in mind —
the recension of yarious Ga-
lenical treatises. His interests at this time cen-
tered on manuscript collections of Greek and
Latin classics of medicine. He knew where to
seek his prey. Perrara, cradle of humanism,
where for sixty years Leonicenus had taught the
gentle art of textual castigation, was, like Paris a
city of books. Years later in England Caius re-
membered his rewarding visit to the library of
Giambattista Oanano. (!) It stood out in his
memory as one of the six major private collec-
tions in Italy. He also includes in that select
list the library of Oanano’s uncle Hippolito. So,
even in their divided state, the codices hrought
back from Hungary by the founder of these twc
libraries appealed to John Oaius as brave plun-
der. The priceless Estense collections housed in
the Rigobello tower of the Castello, the huge
library of Oaelio Calcagnini which, after his death
in 1546, filled fifty-six armaria or book-stacks in

(1) Oaius, de libris propriis liber.

27
the « amplissima bibliotheca » of the Domini-
cans, held little that interested him. He explo-
red, however, the collection of Canano’s instruc-
tor Brasavola and that of Bonaciolo. Ducce-
schi (1) is prone to believe that the tragic blow
dealt to the high initiative of Oanano probably
had the effect of dissuading him from further
studies in anatomy. But surely he cannot con-
ceive this effect as supervening at once. To quit
his post after one scholastic year of work (from
the Teast of St. Luke 1541, to the same, 1542),
would liare been possible only on grounds of
ili health. Vesalius had overthrown his projected
« these doctorale », it is true, but not his cha-
racter. Incontinentlr to vacate a position which
he had coveted, without an excuse that he dare
allege before the Bectors, is quite out of keep-
ing with his character, betokens, in fact, an in-
stability, an inconstancy of action alien to his
nature. The particular interests which engaged
his attention during the decade 1542-1552 are
altogether unknown to us, with the exception of
his « Hofdienst » in 1546. It is highly probable,
however, that he continued in the Chair of ana-
tomy until 1545. In 1548 at Terrara, he « com-
municated » (perhaps demonstrated) his disco-

(1) Op. cit., p. 288, coJ. 2.

28
very of tke palmaris brevis to the young Falloppio.
Oanano is styled « anatomicus » in all four in-

stances in wkick kis name is mentioned in con-

temporary literatnre,
So profoundly sealed and secret are tke im
portant issues of kis life tkat we do not know
tke date of kis most notable discovery, tkat of
valves in tke veins. In tke preface to tke reader
ke says tkat in tke course of kis work ke kas
made several discoveries capakle of wide appli-
cation in medicine. Tkis is a pregnant pkrase
in view of tke fact tkat ke wko wrote it is tke
discoverer of valves in tke veins. Manifestly tke
pkrase is too vague, of too wide an application,
to waylay us. Tke first direct reference to tkis
epockal discovery is fonnd in tke following sta-
tement of Y esalius :

« At ftegensburg (in 1540) wken I atten-

ded in consultation witli Oanano tke sick Lord
Francesco d’Este, ke informed me tkat ke kad
observed, in tke lumen of tke azygos and renal
veins, and in tkose veins tkat overlie tke upper
portion of tke os sacrum, membranes like tkose
guarding tke orifices of tke vena arterialis and
tke great artery — and tkese, ke asserted, oppo-
sed tke reflux ot tke blood ». (!)

(1) Yesalius, Fall. lixam., 83.

29
 ,

Canano’s tour of duty with a nobleman of

the suite of Charles V
carried with it a unique
—
compensation a viyifying intercourse with many
great physicians, as yet knowu to him only hy
fame, who were gathered at the Imperial Diet
at Regensburg. Crato of Craftheim describes
a similar occasion later :
“ When I attended the
Augsburg Diet in 1582, I had an opportunity
of becoming acquainted with some of the out-
standing physicians of the Princes and the cities.

I wish you had been there with me, for there

were consultations no end, both in public and
chambers.” (!) In connection with the consulta-
tion between Canano and Vesalius the inesca-
pable comment is this : Had Vesalius verified,
and treated in a generous and ampliative man-
ner, the findings of Canano, and given them
due weight in his edition of the Pabrica of 1555,
the world would not have waited until 1628 for
a Harvey.
The incumbent of the chair of anatomy at
Perrara in 1518 was Gabriele Palloppio, a young
man of twenty-fiye, of rare skill, who, in an age
of foaming and bespittled anatomists, maintained
a heart of unfailing affection for his mentors,

(1) Jo. Cratonis, Consil. et Epist. med., (1671) Bk. II.

p. 377. Roth, Vesalius p. 208, note 1.

30
 ,

past and present. Canano stood as friendly ad-

visor to bim in tliat year and he never forgot

liis kindness. As tbey were true men botb, no-

thing conld bappen, as we sball see, to disrupt
tbe bond of sympatby wbicb existed between
tbem. In tbis “ amicitia Piladea ”, only tbe
part playedby Palloppio appears.
In 1552 Canano was called to Home by
Pope Julius III and appointed Archiater, or
Palatine pbysician, succeeding Brasavola, bis old
instructor. Tbis was bis apogean bour. Home
was agog witli mundane
pageantry, and werily
witb men of Indeed Canano must bave
genius.
been mucbin company witb Micbaelangelo,
Yasari, Jacobo Sansovino and Yignola at tbe
Yilla di Papa Giulio, tbe Casino and otber
noble constructions wbicb Julius bad in band.
Tbe Pope bad retained as arcbitect of bis re-
nowned Belvidere in tbe Yatican, the selfsame
artist tbat Canano bad employed to make tbe
illustrations of bis “ picturata dissectio (!)

Doubtless one of tbe tirst men be met was

tbe professor of anatomy at tbe Sapienza. Eu-
stacbius bappened at tbis moment to be engaged
witb tbe engraver Giulio de Musi in putting to

(1) Girolamo da Carpi, on wliom consuit. A. Serafini

G. da Carpi. Rome, 1915.

31
a severe test Canano’s idea of employiug copper
plates in lien of woodblocks as tlie proper me-
dium for graphio anatomy. Enstachius duly
noted the palmaris brevis muscle of Canano (in
piate XI Y, Lancisi-Eust., Tab. anat., Arnster-
dam, 1722) in 1552, -the earliest confirmation
of a discovery now ten years old.
Oanano spent three strenuous years at the
Papal Court. We gather from the following
circumstance that he stood higli in the affec-
tions of Julius and his brilliant circle. Eallop-
pio, called to Home from Padua to attend the
Pope’s brother Balduino dei Monte, for a mad
moment cherished the liope that it would
please God to exalt him to the office of Pala-
tine physician, superseding Canano. (1) It pleased
neither God nor his Yicar on eartli to do any
such thing. Ealloppio returned to Padua and
to the professio® of anatomy and botany with
vastly increased respect for the “ integerrimos
mores ” of his friend, whose wann protestant he
never ceased to be thenceforward. The pleasure-
loving Pope, over-active in bestowal of benefiees,
invested our Canano, hound of Science, with the
Bishopric of Ficarolo and other irrelevancies.
Julius III died March 23rd 1555, aged 68.

(1) Ducceschi, Op. cit., p. 287, citing Tiraboschi.

32
His physician, after some meet delay spent in
dutiful observancies, retnrned to Eerrara.
Canano’s predestinate diseovery of valves in
the yeins was now receiving some notice. In
1555 Vesalius, vaguely, and Sylvius, in good set
terms, signalized the existence of multiple yalves
in the yeins, though of course neither mentioned
the name was with some inner
of Oanano. It
satisfaction and some smart that Oanano read
the closing paragraph of chapter 4, book III in
the new edition of the “ Eabrica.” If Vesalius
were grudging and obscure, there was no mistak-
ing the meaning of Sylvius :
“ Membranae quo-
que epiphysis in ore yenae azygi, vasorumque
alioru magnorum saepe, ut iugularium, brachia-
lium, cruralium, truco cavae ex hepate prosi-
lientis (!) But a was in the ointment.
fly
Eour years before, Amatus Lusitanus had pub-
lished a screed addressed to Vesalius relative
to the venesection controversy in which he had
undertaken to explain to Vesalius the function
of the “ valve at the orifice of the azygos Tliis
valve, he claimed, absolutely opposed the flow of
blood from the azygos into the cava. This view, ba-
sed on a dozen dissections of human cadavers and
animals performed before competent observers at
(1) J. Sylvius, Isagoge. Paris, 1555.

33
3
Ferrara in 1547, was in full accord witli previons
experiments carried on by Oanano, “ admirandus
3
anatomicus ” (1) Tlius lie involved the name of
that silent man in his own egregious blunder
and confusion. Vesalius, taking fire, flouted the
idea, — a horror! away witli it! a base, yicious
figment of the man’s fancy! Franciscus Va- (2)

lesius was scathing “ Amatus ”, he said, “ has

( ) :

contrived a novel hoax in re evidenti hoping ‘

’,

to impose on our credulity ”. Eustachius (4) too

added to the clamor of dissent: “ Oertain ana-
tomists of the day, to the great amusement of
us all, are claiming that valves exist in the
azygos at its termination in the vena cava ”.

In the center of this storrn stood a Portu-

gese Jew who desired least of all things to karm
Oanano. He had repeatedly found the valve,
and had explored its function in a beautiful
series of experiments, probably inspired by Ca-
nano. Four years later, in the heat of argument,
he shifted its position to the orifice and placed

(1) Amatus Lusitanus, Curationum medicinalium cen-

turiae VII. Florent., 1551, Curatio LII, scholia.
(2) Yesalus, Fabrica, 1555, Lib. III, cap. 4, last
sentence.
(3) Franc. Yalesius, Controversiarum .... libri X,
Compluti, 1556.
(4) Barth. Eustachii, Opuse. anat. Yenet., 1564.

34
it upside down with care. Amatus could cry
“ mea culpa ”, but it was too late. Neitber
Yesalius nor Eustachius, eacb of wliom bad doue
specialwork on tbe azygos, were able to find
yalves iu tbat vein at any poiut. Nor could
Ealloppio. He could, bowever, find tbe grace
to defend bis friend, tbe wbile be belabored
Amatus. His comment is wortb quotiug; Eal-
loppio after describing tbe “ falso addita ” of
Amatus, tbat is, tbe azygos valve, continues:
“ now Amatus affirms tbat tbis was demonstrated
to bim by tbe noble anatomist Giambattista
Canano, and tbat be bimself corroborated it in
twelve dissections of buman cadayers and in a
like number of demon strations on animals. I
wisb, my dear Peter (Petrus Mannus of Cre-
mona), tbat you knew as well as I do tbe un-
sullied probity and flawless teacbing of Giam-
battista Canano. Tben you would realize tbat
tbat man’s capacities iit bim for any job you
can name save one —
tbe forging of lies. Nor
-

would you tben believe tbat tbis notion ever

.

originated witb bim — unless, possibly trifling

witb tbose wbo were present witb Amatus, be
pulled it over tbem as a joke. As a matter of
fact tbese yalves bave not been found, either in
man or in tbe lower animals, in my own series

35
of dissections. Canano conld not have been so
inept as to fail to note, in bis sections of tbe
azygos, tbe obviously ciear, patent, unobstructed
ontlet of tbat vein. I tbrow tbe entire blame
of tbis error upon Amatus wbo, tbougb gene-
rally prudent, in tbis instance bas neitber ob-
served nor interpreted bis anatomy as correctly
as it was correctly expounded to bim by Ca-
nano (!)

Canano was an infant wben tbe Brissot

controversy burst fortb, tbis war of words lasted
tbrougbout bis lifetime. It filled tbe entire
corridor of medicine witb noise of loud and
confused wrangling; witb a din tbat rent tbe
heavens, a clamor tbat confounded tbe faculties.
In tbe prevailing welter and disorder tbe main
issue of Oanano’s work— tbe question of yenous
yalyulae in tbe dwindled to very small
large,
size indeed, to a searcb for an orificial yalye in
the azygos. Tbis searcb relinquisbed, tbere soon
came an end to searcbing for yalyes in general.
Tbrougb successive diminutions of substance tbe
teacbing of Canano and tbe words of Sylvius
grew fainter and were lost. Tbe valves were
forgotten. “ Selbst die Sage davon ist verscbol-

(1) G. Falloppii, Observ. anat ., Parisiis, 1562, p. 74

(lst ed. Yenice, 1561).

36
len ”. In 1574 Fabricius of Aquapendente must
needs rediscover the valves, proclaim them his
inventum novum, at Padua, five years before the
death of the immutably silent man of Ferrara.
Ludovico Oanano died in 1556, aged 71,
shortly after his son’s return from Rome. Hip-
polito followed three years later. Giambattista
and Jacobo joined in raising
his medical cousin
to their memory a cenotaph in the sacristry of
the church of St. Dominic. (!)
The last two decades of Canano’s life were
apparently spent in public health Service. Under
the Duke Alphonso II (1558-97) he was appoin-
ted Protomedicus of the entire dominion of the
House of Este, his bailiwick as chief-physician
stretching half-way across Italy. The Duke
(under ad vice of Oanano, would appear), im-
it

proved the living conditions in the contado by

constructing a network of drainage canals 205
miles in length. His Protomedicus was not
idle. He left a record of accomplishment of
which he was unwontedly proud. Not idle, nor
forgotten. In 1564 Cuneus, an anatomist of
Milan and Pavia, seized the pen in defense
of him who never made a motion to defend
himself. In a pro-Vesalian attack on the blind
(1) Borsetti, Eist. Ferr. Gym. vol. II, p. 66.

37
Gralenist Puteus, he invokes tlie Canano name of
as one of the emancipated who stood aloof from
the general run of mankind in his great refusal
to go down in craven submission to Galen. He
honorably coupled Oanano’s name witli tbe two
greatest in anatomical annals: “ Oananum etiam,
in eadem cum Falloppio esse tum
sententia,
ipse Ealloppius scribit, tum Oanani ipsius quam
cum Vesalio saepius habuit familiaritas, tum
horum non dissimiles in secando docendoque
opiniones, coarguunt ”. (1)

The epidemic pleura-pneumonia of the year

1564 and the four successive years of pestilence
1574-77, not to mention minor outbreaks of
contagion, drew heavily upon the resourcefulness
and courage of a man in Canano’s position.
Here, too, in theory and practice Canano doubt-
less stood with the illuminati, with that keen-

(1) Gabrielis Cunei, Mediolanensis Apologiae Fran-

cisci Putei pro
Galeno in anatome examen. Venet. 1564,
pp. 1-2. was publisbed witli Vesalius’ Fall. esam,
Tliis
and was generally lield to be tbe work of Vesalius. Dou-
glas, Haller, Boerbaave, Albinus, Sprengel, Tollin, Haeser,
Martine, Ludeking and many otbers bave been of this
opinion. Tbe tbeory originated witb Jerome Cardan in
1643 it was not disproved until 1892 wben Botb (Vesa-
;

lius, pp. 342-346) produced sound reasons for discarding

it. F. M. G. de Feyfer (Janus, Dec. 1914, p. 503) accepts
Rotb’s disproof.

38
 : .

eyed chronicler Benedetto Varchi of Elorence,

and with Eracastorius of Verona.
On tke 29th of January, 1579, now in his
64th year, Oanano passed away in tke city of
kis birtk. Tke lines inscribed on his tomb in
the sacristy of St.Dominic are his own
D.1. 1
IO ANNES
BAPTISTA CANANUS IULI III . . .

PONTIFICIS MAXIMI MEDICUS OLIM ACCEPTIS-

.
.
|
. .

SIMUS NUNC AUTEM TOTIUS

. DITIONIS
. AL- .
.
|
.

PHONSI II FERRARIAE .DUCIS SERENISSIMI . .

.
|

SUIS MERITIS PROTOMEDICUS MORTALITATIS

. . . .

MEMOR HOC .SIBI MONUMENTUM VIVENS

.
|
. .
.
|

P. C. A. D. MDLXXVIII CALENDIS IANUARI .

|
.
.
|

AETATIS SUAE LXIII . . .

NOTES
The Tke date of issue cannot be
“ Dissectio ” :

regarded as indeterminable wkile so muck yet re-

mains to be done. Tke printer has not been identified,
a close study of tke type-forms, paper, impression, etc.
has not been attempted. The industry of Serafini has
brought out the fact that Canano’s illustrator was at
work on the drawings in 1541. The copy of the
Dissectio in the Brera bears a manuscript date of 1541.
There no gross abuse of the privilege of guessing
is

involved were we to assign that date for the appea-

rance of Oanano’s work, basing our guess solely on
the data given by Ducceschi. Barring Serafini’s wit-

39
ness, drawn from dates in the life of the artist, there
is no closer indication of the date of issue of the Dis-
sectio than the following : When Fallopius called the
attention of Vesalius to the fact that the latter had
failed to mention the palmaris brevis of Canano in
his Fabrica, Vesalius retorted “ I saw those pictured
:

muscles before issuing my Fabrica If this is any

sort of answer at ali Vesalius liereby implies that he
had seen Canano’s Dissectio at a time when, stili
in possession of the manuscript of the Fabrica, he
could have inserted the palmaris brevis in his work
had he chosen to do so. As Vesalius completed his
work Aug. 1, 1542 we must place the Dissectio some
months earlier than that date, possibly in the preced-
ing year. (Vesal. Fall. Ex. 71. — Falloppii observ.
anat. 1562, p. 65).
The illustrator: The were prepared
illustrations
by Garofalo’s pupil Girolamo Da
who worked Carpi
in Ferrara from 1537 to 1548, painter and architect
of unquestioned ability “ pictorem nostro aevo non
:

minus diligentem, quam insignem ”, as Canano affirms.

Seraflni regards the plates in the Canano book very
highly, “ among the most artistic anatomical cuts
produced within the century ”, establishing Girolamo
as one of the ablest masters of design, “ imbued as
it were Avith the spirit of Leonardo He reproduced
the entire series in his monograph. The thin almost
transparent paper used by the original printer was
poorly adapted to take the impression ot these plates.
What with off-sets and skimped press-work the ef-

40
fective quality of Girolamo’s art suffers severely.
The work of engraving the plates Girolamo doubtless
left to some other hand. Choulant is in error in
attributing them to the famous Venetian engraver
Agostino de Mnsi. It seems that Haller saw in Ge-
sner’s copy of the ‘
dissectio ’
a manuscript note to
the effect that Gesner had received this book in 1543,
“ ab Augustino de Musto Ferrariae missum est
Choulant has confused de Musi with Agostino Musto
(Borsetti spells it Mosti), a member of the literary
circle of Ferrara. This Musto was the friend of
Calcagnini, Alciati, Giraldi and Canano. It was he
who sent Gesner the book. We are therefore stili

in the dark as to the engraving. The particular

copy here reproduced in facsimile was given by Ca-
nano to his friend Jacobus Bonus (autograph on
title). Jacobo Antonio Buoni was a fello w student
with the author under Brasavola, and present at Ca-
nano^ dissections. Buoni, like P. Beroaldus, wrote
a treatise on earthquakes. He also wrote a dedica-
tory epistle prefixed to Brasavola’s index to Galen,
in which he dressed a list of the works of his old
instructor. He taught in the University in 1551,—
whether medicine, or theology, we do not know.
He was good alike in both faculties. He died Aug. 12,
1587 (Borsetti, Vol. II).

The musculus palmaris was accepted by

brevis
anatomists only after long hesitation. Galenists, and
in fact most of the Vesalian facti on, gave it grudging
place until Falloppius insisted upon its adoption in

41
1561. He described it with nicety (Observ. anatom.)
adding this relative to Canano “ This, bowever, is
:

not my discovery but tbat of Giambattista Canano,

a physician of Ferrara, a man who, without the least
question, is to be numbered among the very forerun-

ners of anatomy second to no other in erudition,

;

integrity and courtesy. This most distinguished ana-

tomist communicated his discovery to me while I
was professor at Ferrara, now thirteen years ago
(1548) and I, afterwards at Pisa, and here in Padua,
acclaimed it so publically that it easily should have
reached the ears of ali. The comment on these
first

muscles in published form was made by Yalverde in

his anatomy in the Spanish idiom ” (1556). It ap-
pears from this that Falloppius never had a copy of
the Canano Dissectio in his hands, despite his close
association with the author. Yalverde unquestionably
derived his account from Eealdo Colombo. The latter
had taken the discovery to himself “ Mark this mu-
:

u Mark it well, for

scle ” he says, after describing it,
none of the ancients knew of its existence, nor did
Yesalius ” (Colombo, De re anat., Yenetiis, 1559,
Bk. 5, p. 161). The Eustachian engraving depicting
the palmaris brevis, though finished in 1552, was not
published until a century and a half later. The short
palraar muscle is but one of mauy which found first
adequate representation in Canano’s work a work —
“ minuscule mais formidable ”. The short flexor of
the thumb, the interossei, and adductor of the little
finger had never been portrayed before with any

42
approach to verisimilitudo. The myologic merits
throughout are strikingly salient when we compare this
work witli what had gone before. itoth very unju-
stly belittles Canano’s accomplishment (Both, Vesa-
lins, p. 208) in order to magnify Vesalius. He is
consummately uncandid and unperceiving in his treat-
ment of the man and his work. Morgagni, Haller,
Sprengel, Ohoulant and many other competent critics
of uncramped posture of mind have viewed the exact
drawing and nicely observed anatomical detail of the
Dissectio in a far more favorable light. The struc-
tures of arm and hand, it should be remarked, had
intrigued the spirit of ali anatomizing
from artists
the age of Donatello down to the latest mannerists
in the following of Michaelangelo. Among anato-
mists the first to give close attention to this member
were Vesalius, Estienne and Canano.
Valves in tlie veins : Although he left no written
word on this head Canano constantly bent his mind
upon the penumbral matter of the venous valvulae,
for this was the discovery which he chose to detail
to the great Vesalius, in 1546. Touching the history
of these valves it is simpler to work back from Har-
vey. The third and final positi on taken by Harvey
deals with the function of the valves in the veins,
and this position confirmed, the circulation was de-
monstrated. In fact Harvey’s, “ scathless and com-
plete ” proofs of a circular motion of the blood fol-
lowed so promptly on the heels of the rediscovery of
these valves that he was to employ as his illustrator

43
the same craftsman at Frankfort who kad made tlie

copper-plates for the 1624 Fabricius. Harvey attri-

buted the discovery of the valves to his teacher, “ the
venerable old man ” Fabricius. Riolan, loving his
Paris too well to let that pass, would have it that
they were due to Jacobus Sylvius, another “ venerable
old man ” of Paris. Since Riolan, Sylvius and Charles
Estienne, have severally or together been accredited
with the discovery. Let us weigh the claim for Syl-
vius : incomparable organizer of studies opened
this
his anatomical lecture courses iu Paris in 1535, when
he was nearing his fiftieth year. With his eyes closed
to the actualities and pinned solely on Galen’s “ de
usu partium ” and “ de musculorum motu ”, he gave
little or no attention to what his barber-ostensor was

doing. He was satisfied, in these first years, with the

most utterly crude preparations, parts of animals and
what not, if we may believe Vesalius. In angiology
he failed signally, says Vesalius; was uuable to find
the valves at the ori (ices of the vena arterialis and
aorta until shown them. Vassaeus, his Catalonian
pupil, made a faithful summary of his teaching down
to the year 1541 (in anat. corp. hum. tabulae quatuor)
but the venous valves are not mentioned. Finally
toward the close of his life he wrote the “ Isogoge ”
in which he gave a lucid account of them, which ac-
count his brother published in 1555 a few weeks
after the death of Sylvius. This was fully teu years
aftertheir discovery byCanano. Charles Estienne disco-
vered valves in a portal vein as earlyas 1538, but valves

44
in the portal system are found only in tlie lower animals,
not in man. Furthermore his observation was not
published until 1545. It runs thus “ Porro autem,
:

ne sanguis qui elaboratur in hepate, interdum re-

gurgitet, facti sunt a natura quidam veluti exortus
et apophyses membranarum, quae huiusmodi periculo
obsint, quemadmodu iu corde valvulae ad spiritus
conservationem ”. (Stephanus, De dissectione... Paris,
1545, p. 182) Oanano’s disclosure of multiple valves
in human veins (1545 or earlier) may have included
other points of incidence than those mentioned by
Vesalius, that is to say, more than the azygos, renal
and crural valves. For Vesalius was reporting a
conversation which had taken place six years before.
He further had no great interest in the matter. Ca-
nano, too, could hardly have found time, in the course
of a consultation, to enter into fullest detail; rehearsal
of the thing seriatim was impossible. The impatient
haughty physici an of the emperor may have been a
particulari y unreceptive auditor that day. At any
rate his accouut bears ali the ear-marks of a scant
abbreviated recollection.Realdo Colombo in 1559
reported valves iu the mesenterio veins, an error of —
observation. Salomon Alberti (1585) mentions the
valves. Piccolomini (1586) speaks more fnlly of them,
reminiscent of days at Ferrara with Canano. Then
follows silence until 1602. The prime apologist for
Canano in relation to this discovery is Morgagni,
who devotes ten well-documented pages to hisjusti-
fication (Valsalvae Opera, Venetiis, 1740, Vol. II,

45
pp. 145-154). Haller (Elementa Physiol., 1757) adds
assent : “ Ita Canani, veri valvularum inventoris laus
oppressa est”.
J. B. Susius. We have been unable to determine
in what way Susius stands related to Oanano in liis

teaching. Sprengel says that the Aristotelian idea

that the Vena cava has its origin in the heart, not
the liver, was reaffirmed by Susius in public lectures
at Ferrara in 1543. (Susius, De venis e directo secan-
dis Cremon. 1559, p. 60). Susius was froni Mi-
randola and was a pupil of Brasavola. He seems,
according to Roth, to have derived his ideas largely
from Yesalius, at certain Bologna dissections made
in 1539 (Roth p. 86, note 3). Susius wrote his work
in 1544 but it did not appear until 15 years later,
long after he had eutered the Service of the Prince
of Carpi. He obviously had keen interest in anatomy
in the years 1539-1544, and he was living at Ferrara
most of this time, and inasmuch as Canano was prac-
ticing anatomy there continuously throughout this
period, rapport between these two men was inevitable.
Brasavola, in fact, speaks of the two in the sarne
breath. The splendid talents of Susius he says, give
promise of enduring fame and as for Canano, “ Ac-
cedatis et vos duo Canani, Iacobe et Ioannes Bapti-
sta, iuvenes cum quibusvis nostra aetate in hac arte

conferendi ”. (Ant. M. Brasavola, in octo libros

Aphoris. Hipp. et Gal. Commentaria., Basileae. 1541,
epis. ad Gal. Gonzaga).

46
 BIBLIOGRAPHY
L. Barotti. Memorie istoriche di letterati ferraresi. Fer-
rara, 1793, vol. II, p. 138.
F. Borsetti. Historia almi ferrariae gymnasii. Ferrara,
1735, vol. II, p. 66 et passim.
L. Choulant. History and bibliography of anatomic illu-
stration. Chicago, 1920, p. 150.
A. Corradi. Tre lettere di illustri anatomici dei cinque-
cento. Annali universali di Medicina, 1883, vol. 265,
p. 174.
Y. Ducceschi. Giambattista Canand. Gli Sciensiati Ita-
liani. Roma, 1923, vol. I, part. II, pp. 285-292.
X. F. J. Eloy. Dict. hist. de la Med. Mons, 1778, vol. I,

p. 526.
K. Falkenstein. Beschr. der Konigl. offentl. Bibi, zu
Dresden. Dresden, 1839, p. 733.
I. Guarini. Ad Ferrariensis Gymnasii Historiam.... supple-

mentum. Bononiae, 1740-1741.

A. Haller. Biblioteca anatomica. Tiguri, 1774, vol. I,
p. 192.
Marini. Archiatri pontifici. Roma, vol. I, p. 339, 423.
I. B. Morgagni. Valsava Opera. Epistolarum anatomica-
rum duodeviginti. Venetiis, 1740, vol. II, Epis. XY,
p. 14.
M. Roth. Andreas Vesalius Bruxellensis. Berlin, 1892,
pp. 127, 234 et passim.
. Serafini. Girolamo da Carpi. Roma, 1915.
. Zaffarini. Scoperle anatomiche di G. B. Canano. Fer-
rara, Bresciani, 1809.

47
 FACSIMILE
OF
IOAN^ES BAPTISTA CANA^O
1515 - 1578

GIROLAMO DA CARPI
1501 - 1556

MUSCULORUM HUMANI CORPORIS

PICTURATA DISSECTIO
(FEKKARA 1541?)

4
 [This and the following pages 49 to 90 are counted, but
not marked, for aestbetic reasons. The reader is advised, for
ready reference, to mark the 20 facsimile leaves 1 to 20, distin-
guishing the recto and verso (a and b) of each leaf, as was the
custom of the times].
MVSCVLORVM HVMANl CORi
PORIS PICTVRATA DISSECTIO
PER IOANNEM BAPTISTAM
CANANVM FERRARIENs
SEM MEDICVM,IN BAR«
THOLOMEI NIGRISO*
LI FERRARIENSIS
patritii
GRATIAM, NVNC PRIMVM
IN LVCEM EDITA,

J ntuturi
*WfUM
(*
 » ,

BARTHOLOMEO NIGRISOLQ
FERRARIEN. PATRITIO IO
ANNES BAPTISTA CA
NANVS FERRARI
ENSIS MEDIs
C V S. » 6 « D
I
Alenus Vergamenus M eclicorum omniupoft Hip
,pocra(em facile princeps, inter alia fngulari ac raz
,

ra eruditione referta commentaria qu? in amicorum

gratiam rnedentium vfum compojuit3 «Vkto/Wj quo ji

agnatis ideji drffetlorias adminif rationes,primum quit

dem duobus veluminibus compuebenjas, Vt Flauio Boe*

tbo R omanoru confuli viro anatomica Jpeculationis maxis
me cupido moregereret,confcripft,Secendo aute,pof B oe*
thi obicum, alias
(
qv.ee aliqua ex parte extant longe
)
illis

vietiores , amicorum precibus compulfus, exarauiL I n quit

lus modum , ac ordinem dijjecandarum Simice partium

vtpote animalis bomini quam fmillimi, pleniffime docuit

Cum itdrp (p tuBartholomee 'Nigrifole, 'Nobiliffme pat
riterf £/ dofiiffime, noti minus analomicceJpeculationis dea

fderio nunc ardeas, quam 'Flamus ille Boethus vir confut

laris olim arferit,£t nolis humana corpora diffecatibusftes

pe affueris quantafy ne ceJJitatis ac vtilitalis in re medica

(prafertim quee manu medetur)ft an atomes peritia, non fot

lum ex Galeni tefimonio ,veruyr oculis ipfs perfpexeris,

A ii
 , ;
^

v ideas f nojha tempejlatis chirurgos, maiori expdrte, dife

fetfionum imperitos, acproptexea exitio hominibus plerum

q,
potius, quam Jaluti ejje coufpidas, JfpiJJme nos hortari

no dejlitiJH,vt humani corporis partes, nojira opera, pitluris

cxprejjas in lucem ederemus* Sic emm jieri pcjfe arbitrabat
ris, vt qui rem medicam pro[itentur %y ex dijjeftionu ocut
lata injpedione corporum partes agnofcere nopoJjunt,fi ex
piftura f altem aliquam illaru cognitionem haberent, tutius
humance Jaluti confulere valerent* Cui tam crebra tdmp;
faluberim ne exhortationi tup diutius repugnare, ac o bjjlere
non potuimus, ta nta enim ejl humanitas tua, tantafy tuoru
erga me meritoru magnitudo, vt me quippia tibi negare piat

culum putem "V 'arip igitur cum fmthominum partes, nullp

tamen funt,quce magis rerum extrinfecarum appulfu ledam

tur iis, quce mufculi dicutur
,
Mufculi enim vulnerantia
pungentia, ludentia ve,primi excipiunt, eam ob remhos ip*
fos eleganti pitfura, per Hieronymum Carpenfem,pifio*
rem nojro auo non minus diligentem, quam inf\gnem,delit
neatos,in tui gratiam, hominum falutem, edere dscrcui*
mus* P rodeunt itafy tuis aufpitiis, in lucem exeunt, vi?
ornatiffime, humanorum artuum mufculi, quos, quanta vat
luimus diligetia, Antonio M.ario Canano Ferrarienft Me*
dico, mihi arffiffima confanguinilate coniunilo mcnjlrante

JiJJecuimus T ypis excudi curavimus ,eoffy nunc tui

nominis immortalitati dicamus, opus autem hoc noftrumlec*

turos oratos velim, ne ipfum prius damnet, quam cum re iv$

ftj fcepe infpcienZoj itI contulerint * Sic enim arbitror

fos /enatus nojlros Ioni potius confulturos, <pm in eos gw

nuinum mpe frafims*
Vakt
 *$
,

CANDIDO LECTORI»

Q
hm £7*
Vwm
vtrunp,
corpora viua,ty mortua fecari pojfint,
Jecaudi modii ex antiquioribus aliqui(ceU
so referente)vituperarunt, Primum, veluti crude

medico , humanp Jalutis prcefidi , non conueniemem

vinorum quippe hominum aluum,atp, precordia incidere, la?

trocinantis potius medici effe putabant, qudm qualia fint ho*

minis interiora difcere cupientis , cum prafertim ex his, qup
tanta violentia querantur ,alia non poffwt omnino cognofcit

aliapojjmt etiam sine fcelere, ~Nam color ,

mollities, durh
ties, leuitas
,
afperitas, talia non Junt incifo corpore qualia
,

integro fuere, quoniam fi corpora inuiolata , metu, dolore, in*

edia, cruditate, lajjitudine, mille

f aliis ajfetlibus quibus ob
noxia junt mutantur , multo magis interiora quibus maior
t ,

mollities, y lux ipfa noua exifiit,fuh grauiffimis vulneri*

bus ipja trucidatione mutantur, fiultumfy videtur, quale

quidque viuo homini efi, tale monenti, imo iam mortuo, effe

exiftimare,fi quid tamen fit, quod fpirante adhuc homine,

afyettui fubiiciatur, id cafus fcepe curantibus ojfert contin

git enim inter dum hominem fic v ulner ari, vt interior aliqua
pars nudetur, y in alio alia , vnde fe dem, ordinem, figura,
magnitudinem, fimiliafy alia prudens medicus per mifericort
diam fanitatem moliendo, quce alii per cpdem dira crudeli*
fate, cognojcit . Oh hoc ne alterum quidem feflionis modu,
mortuorum fcihcet lacerationem, necefiarium dicebant
effe
 ****

qui wfi non crudelis, foedus tmen exiffit,cum aliter pU

raque in. mortuis fe habeant ,
%jf qucein viuis ccgnofcipofi,

Junt , ipfa curatio abunde demonfireU C ceterum hcecipfa,

•
corporum anatomen non vae oppugnantia illius vdlitatem
ac necejfitate agnofc entes facile confutabunt, duplex enim
cum f\t corporum diffeiHoyViuorumJcilicetyty mortuorum
ex prima (si reile admmijlretur') internarum aliquot partii

(<tf fi
7,071 omnium) atfionem ad earum curationes cognitu

neceffariam, agnofcemus, non quidem viuos homines feca*

do (quod crudelis y y carnificis potius hominis, quam medi*

d ejje videtur)fed bruta magis animantia, qua quamplu*
rimis ex partibus, atfy earum funtfionibus homini quam fn
mdlima fiunt, vt in renibus, vreteris, vefica, vtero, inteftk

ms, laffiibus, emetoJiene, ventriculo fiepate, tranfuerfofepto,

gulla, pulmonibus, corde fimilibus aliis , exakera vero

mortuorum diffefiione, partium figuram, numerum, fitum,

colligationem affionem quandoq, (vi mufculis ad origi

ne trarfisfies ad mede di peritiam maxime neceffarias difee*

te licet, Nec hoc foedum efl,mo pulchrum, valdefc come

mens, fi laborantium partium curationem, & agnitioni, ad

quam cafus fuficere nullatenus poteft, nobis ipfisprpocu

lis pofuerimus, rara enim vulnera funt, per quf interiora ita

aperiantur vt eorum figuram,pofitum, focietatemq,,adamuf*

fm cognofcere valeas, cj di cafu aliquibus partibus ideues

niat , non omnibus tamen unefi euenerit,Verumin mortuo

tum dijjerfione omnes hominis partes breui tempore cognof*

cimus, quas per cafum “homini, quantum vis laber tofo, qy
prudenti, etiam fi nejioreos annos viueret,cognofcere no dat
retur.Cum igitur , in viuorum animvUu, defunilorufo
hominum differtione, quantum nobi per adolefcentiam
(
nojt
tramhcuit, diligenter admodum verjati fuerimus ,multa'q-

ab antiquis iampridem litterarum monumentis tradita ocut

lis ipfis perfpexerimus, no nulla etiam nojlra opera adinuet
mrimus , a cdmuni medernium vjunon aliena, dignum dut
ximus bom aliqua me di cime
Je flatoribus imp artiri, Hinc
effettum efi/vt Primum “hunc mufculorum differtionis libt

tu crebris JB>artbolomei 'Nigrifoli Penarien P atritii efflat

gitationibus impulfi ediderimus, Peliquosfub calchogtapbi
prcelo tam pofitos mox edituri Hunc itaqs benigno animo
accipias velim candide lertor , tua enim benignitas perinde
ac-alcar quoAdam erit, quod me ad maiora affidue impeh
Ut, Tu inierim vale ,
deosq; nobis, tantis in laboribus prot

pitios precare, I njlituti vere rtoftri it<* mjcatur tmiium.

 ,

IONNIS BAPTISTAE CANA*

NI FERRARIENSIS ME*
DICI HVMANORVM
MVSCVLORVM
PICTVRATAE
DISSECTI/
ONIS*

LIBER PRIMVS.

N hoc primo libro Galenum Jequentes M anus muft

I culos ponemus, nomine autem manus (Hippocratis &

Galeni more ) vulgo ditiumhrachiu intelligimus, quod
in tres primarias partes diuiditur, extremam Jcilicet manu

(quce abfoluto nomine, manus dicifolet) cubitum £f«x*

o vct a Grctcis appellatum, extrema manus tres habet part

tes, digitos videlicet, brachiale quod Grpce wgzsos nomh

natur inter hecmedium, Gueii mTco«x'gzsw nuncupat
nos poftbracbiaie dicimus . Brachiu fwe malis Grace dh
cere jSecoc'^ vnico ojje conflat quod Celfus humeru apa
,

pellauit ,
Cubitus vero (quem brachium nominat) duobus,
quorum vnus Gratce laline radius dicitur, alter aute

a Grfcis quidem Wxu; a Celjo vero cubitus nominatur ,

At in extrema manu feptem viginti offa exijhnt otio
,

Jcilicet brachialis
,
quatuor po^fi brachialis,
y quindecim d.i>

B
 MVSCVLORVM ANATOMES
gitorum ,
cpap omnia nouijje oportet ad exa^am mufculoru
in hoc primo libro depictorum cognitionem}rec pauca prpt

fati ad propofnum accedamuSi.

 * *

LIBER PRIIV1VS,

Hacin pitlura bi nu
dantur mufculi vide*

licet

A*MVSCV*
LV S F leflensbra?
chiale ad minimum
digitum*

B* MVSCV*
LVS VoLv
C* MVSCV*
LVS Tendonum
JdJJorum } sub quo ejl

mufculus habens ten

dines non fljjos ame
lo digitos flefiunt*

D*MVSCV*
LVS Flefienslrd
chiale prope magnu
digitum

E*MVSCV*
LVS M anum pro
nam faciens*
F* MVSCV*
LVS* M anum fu
pinam redens *

B ii
 *

MVSCVLORVM ANA TOMES.

MVSCVLVS
'Volte manus quifea

eundum antiquos (vl

ait Galenus fecunde
de vfu partiti pri

mo de Anatomicis

aggreffionihus) fleflit

ipje quinq, digitos

fecundum ipsum aus>

temfaflus eji
)
ad fir
mandam cutim ma
rus internam} meliot

cis apprfhenfonis gra

tia
}
ad pholilendurf;
ertumpilorum) caufa
txquifnioris fenfus *

Ratio vero Galeni

primo de Anatomicis
aggreffionilus contra

antiquos eJi.Oportet

in quit fecundum an
tiquos tendinem muj
culi mouentis alique

articulum inferi
offt

illius f AJl tendo muf

 LIBER PRIMVS
culi volce non inferitur offrbus digitorum, igitur non potejl
fecundum eorum placita digitos mouere . Ratio autem h ec t

licet contra antiquos

f t valida, fimpheiter tame videtur in *
valida , Pojfet enim quifpiam dicere, non efje neccjfarium

iemper tendinem mujculi mouentis articulum inferi, fueeo

iugi offi articuli,sed fat fore fi iungatur alicui coiuntto offr 9

pro vi tendo huius tnufculi coniungitur ligamento, quod iu

Cium ejl offihus digitorum Oritur hicmufculus ah interno
Irachii nodo, mediusq, procedens inter mufculos carpu flec

ietes,fuo tendine fupereminet ligamento interno, quod ium

git cubitum radio, pofiea dilatatur illius tendo in trianguli

figura, cuius acumen eft prope ligamentum dictum , hafs

autem in principio pof brachialis , qu<eper quinj; veluti ten

dines inferitur ligamento ,comprpbe denti alioru digitos flec

tentium mufculorum tendines ,

Bifariam hunc tendinem lio

cet Jecare comcute videlicet, (yr fine cute

MVSCVLORVM ANATOMES
MVSCVLVS
Ylefles brachiale flui

criiur ab interiore no

do bachii} cubito ad
bprensjnjerit offi rec

tOj tnebraneoc'j, quod

e regione minimi dio

om,er Jecudum cuo

biti jnocepu exijlit,

que Grfri anatomici

rnodo y(>c«p9oVc/i)}

modo crrv^otis/iH nomi

nabant*
 ,

LIBER PRIMVS*

MVSVLVS
F letfes brachiale pro
pe magnum digitum
Oritur ah interiore

nodo brachii obliqut

ufy alijuantifperfu

pa cubitum tendens,
radio protenfus, infe

riturper tendinem of
ft pojibrachialis ante
indicem, licet primo

afpeflu videatur in*

Jeriojfi brachialis pro

pe magnum digitum «.

5
MVSCVLORVM ANATOMES
MVSCVLVS
Dejinens in tendines

fjjcs fietfens Jecuns

dum articulum digis

torum } pr fler articu*

lum magni digiti qui

non accipit tendinem

ah hoc mujculo } oris

iur ah interiore nodo

brachii aliqualiter cu

hitum attingendo . in

feriturfy tedinihus /e

eundo internodio qua

tuor digitorum y conti

tieturq? Juh iigament

to radium } cubiiii

interna in parte cqm

jltingeMc*
 *

LIBER PRIMVS
MVSGVLVS
flettensjecundu Ga
hnum,primu ter

tiuvn articulum quatu

or digiioWj magni au
te digiti tantu Jecun
dum tertium inter

nodiu fetht, Oritur

h panibus cubiti jut

xta gibberum,
g/ per
profundiora mediant
radii cubiti regione
yniuerfam coplexus
Vtriqj ofli cobfret,as

in tres veluti partes

deline atus efi, quam

vna minimum digitw

refpicit, altera indice,

tertia medios digitos,

C otinetur huius mus
culi tendines Juh liga

mento Jlringente radi

um, cubitu intrin

fecus per mediasq;

,

fciffiones tedinu fleco

€
 MVSCVLORVM ANATOMES
tentium fecundum internodium quatuor digitorum ad eorum
extremitatem feruntur} y vita cum tendinibus pr a ce dentis ,

fub eodem ligamento d principio digitorum } vjq, ad finem

jirotenf funt } per quod ligamentum vultGalenus huncmuf

eulum fleflere primum internodium digitorum quatuor 3 vei
vum non maior videtur ratio de illo fluam de boc ipfo/um
ipfius tendines fub eodem ligamento comprabenf fmt *
 *
*

LIBER. PRIMVS.

MVSCVLT,jto
nam facientes manu,
quorum alter oritur

ex elatioribus parti*

lus nodi interioris bra

chn} obliquus fupra
cubitum latus inferi

tur radio intrinfcerus

ad medias ipfus vjty

partes extenfus.Reli

quus vero ex inferio

re parte cubiti iuxtk

brachiale exortus ob$

liquus inferitur offt ra

diijhabent terminum

carnofum y tamen
ojfa mouentjicet Ga
tenus P rimo de motu

mufculorum fcribat}
Jfiufculos mouentes

offa in tendines omi

nino maiores vel mi

nores terminare * De
propofitis aut in fecu

do de vfu parriuop
poftum ajferju

C i i
 * ,

MVSCVLORVM ANA TOMES

'In bacpitlura Jri aps
paret mufculi vide
licet

Muf culus ex inte

mribus vnus, te

dines no fifjosp duces

H.MuJ culus Jupini

Ynanum redditis .

C. MuJ culus brachi

ale ad minimum di?
gitum re fleti ens*

D. MuJ culus mini?

mu digitu extendens
ac in latus ducens»

h.Mufculus digitos

tres extendens*

F. M ujculus indice

in latus ducens*

G*MuJculus bifidus

magnu digitu ab aliis

abducendo exiedens*
. M ujculus duplici
tendine car u euertens
j.

hMufculus fupinam
manum jaciens*.
 9

M ujculusgsecudum
Calenum quatuorha
het tedines ad quatit

or digitos prpter mat

gnu tedetes/e autem
ijpjatantutreshabere

videtur ad tres digb

tos iter magnu mi
lumuporretfos} ex qui
lus duo duplices apt

paretote do jcilice m t

dicis }
y te do anularis

g duas habet propagi

nes} quaru vna coiun
gitur tedini ad medi
um digiiutedeti } alte

ta vero ei
q ad mini
mu digitu procedit/t

d j>p*io mujculo origi

ne ducit C otinet' hic

lioame
c>

to extrinjecus Jlrint

gete radium £7 cubi *

lum } ortuq, habet ah

exteriore nodo brachii
et supra radiuptedit
MVSCVLQRVM ANATOMES,
MVSCVLVS,
oriens a nodo exterio
re brachii cubito, ra*

dioty fer longitudine

licerem, Jubfro*
frio ligamento in fine
cubiti ajlritfus, juo
tendine offi foftha?
chialis ante minimu
digitum infertus ,
bra

chiale ad minimum
digitum extendit^
 $

LIBER PRIMVS.

MVSCVLVS
ex nodo exteriore Ira
(hi oriens/adium
(ubitum fer longitu
clinem attingens, in
fi
ne cubiti proprio liga
mento cotentus in du
os tendines fcinditur

ad minimum digitum
tendentes, ipfump, in

latus ,
vel in inferio j
rem partem ab aliis

digitis extendedo ab
ducit»
 -

MVSCVLORVM ANAToMES
MVSGVLVS
oriens ex cui ito da
adbfrens Jub cornani
ligamento ftringent?.
radium qj cubitu c®
lentus , vnicum tendi

nem ad indicem pro

ducens, non duos ai
indicem cy medium»
v£ vult Calenus, du
cit indicem in latus*
PRIMVS
MVSCVLV5,
Cno;5 ex cato fuz
fra eius medium/adi
utn attinoitjuh grot

$ r i°T> ligamento in
fi
ne radii ajltiflusjvni

cum tendinem produ

cit
?
per totum magnil
digitum protenjum^t
in latus ipfum ducit
fecundum Galenum >

D
 MVSCVLORVM ANATOMES
MVSCVLVS
ex membrana diuide
te interiores mufculos
ab exterioribus } cubi»

to'% exortus , radium

ajcendit,fub proprio
ligametojn fine rct

dii(ybiinjculptus efi

tadius') continetur} du
os tendines producit,

quoru vnus inferitur

extremitati primi oft

magni digiti no
fis
g
cedens ad vltimam

eius aciem , vt voluit

Galenus ,
alter vero
inferitur offi brachia

Jis ante magnum di»

gitu. 'Poteji bic muf
culus pro duobus ha»

beri^ait Galenus }per

alteruenim tendinem
brachiale ad magnum
dioitu extedit} teli»
p
quu vero abducit ma
gnum digitum ab aliis ipfum aliqualiter extendendo*
 *

LIBER PRIMVS.

MVSCVLVS,
exoriens a nodo exte

lior Iracbii Juprara?

dium protenfus } pro?

prio \igameto in fine

radii aflritfas lifido

}

tendine offilus poft*

hacbialis ante indi

cem} £7* medium di

gitos infertus totum

hachiale euettiU

D i i
 *

MVSCVLORVM ANATOMES
MVSCVLVS
criens ex ligamento
mebraneo articuli cu

Tuitum aliquatenus at

tinges/acho qua emi

net per extremum ner

uoftus injeuaturf fupi

nam Jacit manum

LIBER PRIMVS.
MVSCVLVS
Supinam numtmred
iens ex Iraclio frot
melium exoriens3
Jupa r <xlium potent
Jus illi Juo Jne al
brachiale injeii^
yjfy
 ,

MVSCVLORVM ANATOMES-
A.M ufculi QUXtUOf
exiles orientes ex me
hranis circundantibus

tendines non fiJfos,di

gitoru later a subeunt t

in dextra quide (m<t

nu exiftente prona)
verfus finijlram in fi
nifira aut verjusdex
tram }
habent mouere
digitos in latus qui
q ,

de funt in dextra ver

fus finiflram } qui

in finiflra verfus dex

tram .
B. Mufculus ^
oriens

ex ojje cui antiefiitur

tendo mufculi brachi

ale ad minimum db
gitum pellentis ; infe

titur minimo digito in

feriore in parte

ipfum ab aliis digit

tis abducit ,
 ,ai/

UBER PR1MV3*

C+Mufculus} oriens

a primo offie brachia

lis ppe magni/ digiti

cui inferhurffiabetfe

cundu Galeni/ abdu

ccre eu ab aliis. Atvi
detur Jactus ad trahe
dum potius magni/ di
gitii vtrjus minimi/.

D.M ujculusfuo eat

jpite offii pojlbrachia *

lis ante mediu digitii

affixus ,oblip fibris in

ferit primo offi magni

digiti J ab et adducere
magni/ digiti/ ad indi
ce mterius inclina do *

H.mufculusffiuc muf
culi
% fiti funtj fu pr
wufculu abducetc mi
nimie digitu ab aliis

in parte interiore maa

nus extremp^blijuis

fibris cuti hprent 3

Juistedinibus tendini

o 1f junguntur Jorum mu fculoru no meminit Galenus^uiad

dinis vol; dilationem jaiti videntur.

ANATOMES
MVSCVLVS
Jf guo Galenus non
weminit, qui in parte
exteriore manus pojl
brachiali ante indice

afiiAUSjObliquiifibris

ojfi primo magni dn

giti infimus
, eum ad
indicem adducitjexte
nus inclinandoJimul
autem cum fiecundo
procedentium reff Qm
adductionem fiacit
t
UBER PRIMVS
Orto mujculi exiles
corpus \nu carnofum
} ex
ejficientes coartictt

latione brachialis cu
,

pojlbrachiali exorti
f
binatim priori dearth
culationi digitorum^

exinterior ibus partit

lus inferti} later aliu

partium aliquid acci

pient es} fimul tertam

flexionem primi arti*

culi faciunt Je'orsum
}

vero flertuntjn latus

parti quid inclina
do*

E
6*
MVSCVLORVM ANATOMES
H ac in yiffura li nu

dantur mufculi vide

licet

A .Mufculi vlnam
extendentes*

B Mufculi vina fle

(lentes.

C .Caput mufculifu
yina manu reddetis*
D. Mufculus ccrub
cis quem aliqui c/Mr
oWc/Ik' apyellarut quo

tiia &grccf littereefit

guram imitatur*
LIBER PRIMVS
MVSCVLVS
iuxta vena humerale
citra confectione com
spicuus, duo habet ca

pita,vnum per patu*

la brachii rimam ad
fcapularum ceruicis

eminentia procedens,

alterum adprocejjum
vM velhogx
miM ditiujiec capi

ta in idem venientia

hunc mufculu genera

tut, qui neruosa exili

tale faciei validu te

3

dine procreat quo ra

,
dio inferitur^ mem
hranofi ligaminis art

ticuli aligd accipies

totu articulu attollit}

jaulatim ad interiora

inclinando ,
cum muf
culo autem ci fubiec
to retiam flexionem
operatur

E ii
 ,

MVSCVLORVM ANATOMES
MVSCVLVS
ex duobus carnofis

principiis brachio cir

cundatus,vno in pof
teriori parte altiore

altero in anteriori hu
miliore^uce c +fit * in

idem coeuntia mujcu

lum hunc generant^
in nerueam definens

tenuitate , in cubiti os

injertam) fleflit artit

culum in exteriora pa
ulatim inclinando cu
}

Juppofuo autem muj

ctdo retiam flexione

/«»>
 ,

UBER PRIMVS.

MVSCVLVS
ab humili latere fica*

pularu ex dimidio fe
re fuperioris eius par

tis ortus , iungitur alte

ri muJculojCapiti bra

chii sub dito ,ambo per

tendinem latum cut

biti gibbero ifierutur,

qui tendo duplex ap

paret fiequedo fibras,

exteriore parte ab

boc muficulo accipit

interiorem autem ab
altero & fi
difiuntfQ

ynum ab reliquo at*

trahas, tota vt Gale

nus inquit, manu exte

dies, hoc difcrimine

intercedetite } quodhic

in exteriora , alter in

interiora aliqualiter

deflectendo extendit
MVSCVLORVM ANATOMES.
MVSCVLVS
Oriens fub capite brd

chii,qui iungi tur muj

culo prfcedeti, et alte

ri mujculo ei subdito,

adeovt ipfius parLicu

la ab anatomicis pua
tetur, pojjunt tamen
pro fibrarum retlitut
dine Jeperari , habet

(yt ait Galenus)exte

dere manum totam in
tro oblique deflectedo
 t

LIBER PRIMVS.

MVSCVLVS
qui pars procedentis

ab Anatomicis puta
tur
}
perpetuo camo

fus, pojleriorilus par

tibus gibberi inferti

redam articuli exten

fmemfaciu

LIBRI PRIMI
FINIS.
 THE EXTANT COPIES
OF CANANO PICTURATA DISSECTIO

W hejt the copy of Canano’s dissectio, here

reproduced came upon the market we
had actual knowledge only of the existence
of the one other copy in the Dresden library to
which Ohoulant had called attention. True, he
mentioned two others but he had never seen
them, repeating only what Haller had reported.
Choulantfs conclusion that the book was “ liochst
selten ” seemed jnstified. He had evidently not
been able to locate any others, and his saying
that there were only three or four copies known,
was a mere gness. If it were anything else he
would have mentioned where these known co-
pies were reported to he.
Of the two copies mentioned by Haller,
he had possessed the one which came froin Vis-
count Bute’s library, the other he had only seen.
Hence a search in Haller’s horne town of Bern
seemed indicated. One remembers the touching
devotion Haller had always shown to Bern, how
he had declined ali sorts of brilliant offers only
to be able to serve it in minor positions. Nei-
ther this devotion nor his great work seems to

91
kave evoked the deserved recognition by the
contemporary antborities, who even allowed the
dispersal of liis wbicb
library, tbe conservation of
would bave been a fitting monument to bis im-
mense labors in Bern. Thus tbe Austrian go-
vernment came into possession of tbe books and
distributed tbem among Padua, Milan and Pa-
via, the tbree great centres of learning in Nor-
thern Italy, tben occupied by tbe Austrians.
Accident would bave it, tbat tbe writer of
engaged upon anotber search in
tbis note, wliile
tbe Arcbives and Library at Pavia, met tkere
Prof. Duccescbi, tbe very man wbo bad devoted
more time tban anyone else to finding out
wbat could be found about Oanano. Most of tbe
information we can now give on tbis subject is

due to bis unfailing courtesy and assistance for

wbicb it is diflicult to express adequately our
appreciation. Prof. Duccescbi is bimself tbe
possessor of a very interesting copy of Canano’s
book, as we sball see later.
Tbis cbance encounter put us on tbe track
of four copies in Italian public libraries. One
at tbe University Library of Pavia, one at tbe
Brera of Milan, one at tbe University Library
of Padua and one at tbe Oommunal Library of
Perrara. It is unfortunate tbat not one of tbese

92
 ,

copies wbicb would bave allowed

bore a rnark
us to identify itone of tliose mentioned
witli
by Haller. His own must bave liad a note
saying tliat tbe former owner, Viscount Bnte
liad acquired it for 30 zeccbini (or abont 360 of
tbe pre-war lire), and tbe otber was annotated by
Oonrad Gesner to tbe eifect tbat lie bad re-
ceived it from Agostino de’ Musso [Mosti ?] of
Eerrara in 1543. No sucb notes are to be found
in tbese copies, but as tbe Brera copy bas tbe
first leaves remargined and tbe Pavia copy lacks
tbe first four leaves entirely, tbere is of course
no telling wbat migbt bave been written on
tbese missing margins.
A
few weeks ago we were in Rome. Every-
thing tbere somebow recalled a former visit,
nearly fifteen years ago, witb tbe late Sir William
Osler. He bad told tbe story of bow after years
of vain searcbings for a copy of Harvey’s De
Motu cordis two were offered to him in one
week. And liere on tbe table in a sbop of tbe
Via dei Babuino we found anotber Canano wbose
owner unfortunately appreciated its pricelessness.
So we merely took note of it and wandered over
to tbe old Saxon quarter of tbe town, near tbe
Vatican, wbere tbe Lancisiana is housed in tbe
Ospidale di San Spirito. We bad beard tbat in

93
tliat famous library tliere once liad been a copy
of tbe Canano. Tbe very amiable confrere, ac-
ting librarian, upon being asked tbe question,
witb a caracteristic gesture of regretful dispair,
opened before us tbe buge manuscript catalo-
gue. Tliere was tbe entry of tbat copy of tbe
Canano wbicb liad come to tbe library from tbe
pontitical archiater Natale Saliceti. little mor-A
tuary cross was drawn before tbe entry deno-
ting tbat tbe book bad mysteriously disappeared
in 1891. It bad been bound in green leatber.
Tlien at Padua, wbere Prof. Duccescbi is
installed now as tlie director of tbe Pliysiologi-
cal Institute of tbe Uni ver sita, we could exa-
mine leisurely bis own most interesting copy.
Its interest is not in tbe book itself wbicb pre-
sents no unnsual features, but in an appendix.
Tbis consists of a sort of a dummy of tbe book
bound bebind tbe original in boards wbicb offer
no bint as to tbeir age. Tbere is first one leaf
sbowing in beavy black lines tbe disposition of
tbe title, tben on tbe following leaves are pa-
sted 27 pen and ink drawings of tbe muscle
figures of tbe book on a transparent paper. Most
of tbese are merely outline drawings, only in a
few is tbere an indication of sliading. But on
closer examination it appears tbat, coinciding

94
more or less witb tlie and ink
outlines in pen
tliere are faint bnt clearly visible marks of a

blunt instrument. Tbe paper upon whicb tbe

drawings are pasted looks very similar to that
of the original, tbe filigrane, tbougb very indi-
stinct, appears to be identical. Tbe drawings
are nnskillful, not done by a masterband. Tbey
may be tracings froin tbe printed figures, tbey
may bave served in tbe more or less meclianical
transfer of tbe original drawings by Girolamo
da Carpi to tbe engraver’s piate.
Outside of Italy, in Europe, tliere are be-
sides tbe Dresden copy, one in tbe Berlin Staats-
bibliotbek, from tbe legacy of tbe anatomist
K. A. Rudolplii, wbo bad noted tbat be bad
paid for it 20 ducats (about 200 Marks now),
one at tbe Britisb Museum in London wliere
we examined it, none at tbe Bibliotbeque
bnt
nationale, tbougb we were
tobl tbat it bad figu-
red in some catalogue. A
very tborougb searcb
in every conceivable department of tbat great
institution bas failed to reyeal it.

In America, besides tbe copy now in Dr.

Cusbing’s bands in Boston, tbere bas appeared
anotber copy in Omaba, Nebraska, owned by
Dr. Leroy Crummer.

95
 We may tlierefore list tlie following extant
copies :

1. Pavia. Biblioteca universitaria.

Lacks tbe first four leaves, supplied in ma-
nuscrij)t. Possibly one of tbe copies noted by
Haller.

2. Milan. Biblioteca di Brera.

The first four leaves re-margined. Possibly
tbe other Haller copy. Manuscript date: 1541
(E. 0. S.).

3. Padua. Biblioteca universitaria. (Busta 560,

m. 26).

Not imperfect as reported, only tbe last leaf

is deprived of its upper margin. Contains some
manuscript notes about Oanano from Marini.
Bound in full parcbment. Formerly belongiug
to L. M. A. Caldani, Morgagni’s successor.

4. Perrara. Biblioteca comuuale.

We
bave no details about tbis copy which
is said to be complete. Tbe library possesses also
a manuscript copy of Canano’s opuscule, probably
executed by Francesco Pado vani in tbe 17tb
century.
A similar manuscript copy exists also in Lon-
don (Wellcome Medical Museum) with admirable
pen drawings of tbe original engravings. Tbe
lines for tbe text are carefully ruled. Apparently
in contemporary binding of about 1600. Tbe pa-

96
'
per is stamped “ Firenza ” and has a papal shield
as filigrane (Cushing, letter).

5. Dresden. Sachsiscbe Landesbibliotliek.

Only copy seen by Clioulant. It is perfect
and bears on the flyleaf the Mss. note “ Sum :

Andreae Aurifabri Yratislaviens. Doctor. 1545. Ye-

netiis

6. Berlin. Preussiscbe Staatsbibliotbek.

K. A. Rudolplii’s copy bouglit for 20 ducats.
7. London Britisli Museum.
Perfect copy without notes.

Privately owned copies.

8. Prof. Y. Duccescbi. Istituto di fisiologia,

Padua.
Formerly in the possession of Egidio dalla
Fabra, physician and professor of philosophy at
the uni versi ty of Ferrara (1683-1752). It came to
the Biblioteca Conestabili (Cat. No. 6428), then to
the Biblioteca Cavalieri (Cat. No. 257), both at
Ferrara. The present owner acquired it at the sale
of the latter library in 1922.
Bound in boards, it contains the ex libris Ca-
valieri, and a portrait engraving of Canano. Be-
sides a dummy as noted above.

9. Dr. Harvey Cushing. Prof. of Surgery Har-

vard Medical Scbool. Boston, Massacbusetts.
Copy acquired in Florence from private dea-
ler in 1923. With autograph dedication “ Jacobi :

97
 boni Ja. Bap. ta Canani munere The provenance
of the copy is not definitely known, but it seems
likely to be tlie one reported by Barotti and Zaf-
farini, as bearing annotations by the author. This
copy, after having been in the possession of Igna-
zio Vari, reportedauthor of a biography of Ca-
nano of which nothing further is known, was
thought to have disappeared. The Cushing copy
has the following dedication on a flyleaf:
9.
“ AI Signor Oesare Pirovano uno degli amici
piu cari dei compiauto mio Luigi che divise la tre-
pidanza e le gioje che le venivano procurate dalla
coitura appassionata, dello studio di libri antichi.
Por tali sensi mi professa anch’ io di Lei Afma
amica Costanza Pozzi V. va Angiolini. Maggio
1897 ”
This copy is here reproduced in facsimile.

10. T)r. Leroy Orummer. Omaha, Nebraska.

Copy acquired in Milan from private dealer
in 1923.

11. Private dealer in Home (Marcii 1925).

Perfect copy without notes. Bound red lea-
ther with 18th. century gold tooling.

A. C. K.

98
 PRINTED IN FEORENCE
BY THE TIPOGRAFIA GIUNTINA
DIRECTED BY L. F RANCE SCHINI
1925
 —

Canani
1925

L«— i mmmm 1 — mniininiiii 1

~~ ~ ~ ~ ~

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