Vigiliae

Christianae
Vigiliae Christianae 61 (2007) 445-469 www.brill.nl/vc

From the Prayer of the Apostle Paul to the

Three Steles of Seth: Codices I, XI and VII from
Nag Hammadi Viewed as a Collection

Louis Painchaud and Michael Kaler

7 Burnfield St., Toronto, Ontario, Canada M6G1Y4

Abstract
While the individual texts in the various codices found near Nag Hammadi have been
studied and discussed, relatively little attention has been paid to the motives underly-
ing their original selection and organisation. Codices I, XI and VII in particular have
been shown on palaeographical and codicological grounds to make up a sub-collection
within the larger Nag Hammadi collection. Despite their doctrinal diversity, the texts
found in these three codices were intended by their compilers to be read in sequence.
The purpose of this article is to examine the logic behind this choice and arrangement
of texts, and to advance the hypothesis that this three volume collection is intended to
progressively introduce the reader to a heterodox and esoteric doctrine of religious
conflict and polemic, in which the reader is invited to identify him- or herself with an
embattled minority group within the larger Christian community, a group who none-
theless see themselves as enlightened and as being of the “lineage of the Father.”

Keywords
Valentinians, Sethians, Tripartite Tractate, Allogenes, Silvanus, Hypsiphrone, Apocry-
phon of James

Because of the material characteristics of the codices and the presence of

multiple attestations of individual texts,1 it is generally recognized that the
Nag Hammadi collection, comprising 13 codices or remnants of codices,

1)
Within the Nag Hammadi collection there are three versions of the Apocryphon of John
(in codices II, III, and IV), two versions of the Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit, also
known as the Gospel of the Egyptians (in codices III and IV), two versions of Eugnostos (in
codices III and V), two versions of the Gospel of Truth (codices I and XII), and two versions
of the Writing without Title on the Origin of the World, also known as On the Origin of the
World (in codices II and XIII). It is presumed that sub-collections, that is, collections of
© Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2007 DOI: 10.1163/157007207X186042

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was formed by bringing together at least four smaller collections.2 In the

hopes of contributing to the understanding of the last phase of the life and
transmission of these texts,3 and also in the hopes of elucidating the con-
cerns of some of their collectors, in this paper we will examine one of these
sub-collections, the one made up of codices I, XI, and VII, and present a
hypothesis as to the motives behind its arrangement.
We will first show that there are solid material reasons for arguing that
these three codices form a sub-collection, despite the extreme disparity of
their content. Having established this, we will examine the characteristics
of this sub-collection by analyzing the selection and arrangement of the
material, first with regard to each individual codex, and afterwards with
regard to the entire sub-collection, establishing that the three codices can

several codices intended for the same destination, would not contain duplicate copies of
texts, and this is borne out through the analyses of handwriting and codex construction. It
must be observed however that one of these sub-collections, codices II and XIII, which
were presumably written by the same scribe, contained at least one duplicate, i.e. the Writ-
ing without Title on the Origin of the World (NH II, 5 and XIII, 2) and that they might have
contained two copies of the long recension of the Apocryphon of John, as has been suggested
by Yvonne Janssens (“Le codex XIII de Nag Hammadi”, Le Muséon 87 [1974] 342, and La
Prôtennoia Trimorphe [Bibliothèque copte de Nag Hammadi, section “Textes”, 4, Québec:
Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 1978], p. 2). Since it is unlikely that the same text was
copied twice for the same patron, this duplication suggests that codices II and XIII share
the same origin, i.e. they were copied by the same scribe, but that they had two different
destinations. We can therefore summarize by saying that shared material characteristics
such as similarity of the covers or the handwriting point towards the same origin, while the
presence of doublets does not point towards different origins, but rather toward different
destinations.
2)
These collections are composed, respectively, of codices IV and VIII, and possibly V
(see on this Michael Williams, “The Scribes of Nag Hammadi Codices IV, V, VI, VIII and
IX,” pages 334-342 in M. Rassart and J. Ries [ed.], Actes du IV e Congrès Copte, Louvain-
la-Neuve, 5-10 Septembre 1988, vol II: De la linguistique au gnosticisme [Publications de
l’Institut Orientaliste de Louvain 41, Louvain-la-Neuve: Institut Orientaliste, 1992]);
codices VI, IX and X, and possibly also codices II and XIII; codex III; and the sub-collection
with which this article will be concerned, namely that made up of codices I, XI and VII.
See James M. Robinson, The Facsimile Edition of the Nag Hammadi Codices, Introduction,
(Leiden: Brill, 1984), pp. 71-86, particularly note 63. It is entirely possible that these sub-
collections might only have been brought together at the time that they were put in a jar
and hidden: see Stephen Emmel, “Religious Tradition, Textual Transmission, and the
Nag Hammadi Codices,” in John D. Turner and Anne McGuire (ed.), The Nag Hammadi
Library after Fifty Years. Proceedings of the 1995 Society of Biblical Literature Commemoration
(Nag Hammadi and Manichaean Studies 44, Leiden: Brill, 1997), p. 36.
3)
For a discussion of the different phases of the life of these texts, see Emmel, “Religious
Tradition, Textual Transmission, and the Nag Hammadi Codices.”

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be read as an ensemble, forming a sort of meta-text with a distinct message,

structured in a developmental and almost narrative way. As this analysis
will show, not only have the texts within each codex been carefully selected
and organized, as Michael Williams has convincingly demonstrated,4 but
the same care has also been taken with the sub-collection as a whole.

1. Codices I, XI, and VII as a Sub-collection

We are led to consider these three codices as a sub-collection by the simi-
larities in their binding,5 but also and especially by the links between the
scribes who copied them. The first three texts in codex I, namely the Prayer
of the Apostle Paul, the Apocryphon of James, and the Gospel of Truth, were
copied and paginated by one scribe (A). This scribe then left blank the last
third of page 43 and the next seven pages, and resumed work, including
the numbering of pages,6 with the Tripartite Tractate on page 50. A second
scribe (B) then copied the Treatise on the Resurrection on the blank pages
that were left by the first scribe,7 but for whatever reason this scribe did not
add in page numbers.

4)
Michael Williams, “Interpreting the Nag Hammadi Collection(s) in the History of
‘Gnosticism(s)’, ” in L. Painchaud and A. Pasquier (ed.), Les textes de Nag Hammadi et le
problème de leur classification. Actes du colloque tenu à Québec du 15 au 19 septembre 1993
(Bibliothèque copte de Nag Hammadi, section “Études”, 3, Québec/Louvain-Paris: Les
Presses de l’Université Laval/Éditions Peeters, 1995), pp. 3-50, and also taken up, in
less detail, in chapter 11 of his Rethinking “Gnosticism”: An Argument for Dismantling a
Dubious Category (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996). See below for more
detailed discussion.
5)
For a discussion of the codicological divisions of the Nag Hammadi codices (divisions
which accord well with palaeographic distinctions), see Robinson, The Facsimile Edition . . .,
Introduction (esp. pp. 77-86).
6)
Eric Turner notes that page numbers were often not written by the scribe that copied the
text: “It would seem, therefore, that it was not running pagination utilized by the scribe to
keep his sheets in order, but was added subsequently (e.g., by a librarian)” (Typology of the
Early Codex [Haney Foundation Series 18, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press,
1977], p. 75). In the present case, however, it seems likely that the page numbers of codex
I were written in by the same scribe that copied the text (noting in particular the distinctive
way that the supralinear stroke is formed). Now, it is clear that scribe A knew what text
scribe B was to add to the codex, and scribe A also left a calculated amount of space for it,
but for whatever reason Scribe A did not choose to number the blank pages, and neither did
scribe B.
7)
See Williams, “Interpreting the Nag Hammadi Collection(s) in the History of ‘Gnos-
ticism(s)’,” p. 12.

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We know that scribe B’s work was done after scribe A had finished
because the Treatise on the Resurrection ends halfway through page 50, and
the rest of the page is left blank. If scribe B had copied the Treatise after
scribe A had done the Gospel of Truth, and then scribe A had resumed work
with the Tripartite Tractate, scribe A would have picked up immediately
after the Treatise on the Resurrection, rather than leaving half a page blank.
Scribe B also copied the first two texts in codex XI, the Interpretation of
Knowledge and the Valentinian Exposition, as well as the liturgical supple-
ments that follow them. Then a third scribe (C) copied the last two texts
of this codex, as well as the whole of codex VII.
These three codices are thus clearly linked both by their binding and by
the interaction of the scribes who copied their contents. In addition, the
alternation between scribes A and B in codex I shows that the order of texts
in at least this codex was carefully planned.
However, the content of these three codices is far from homogeneous.
From the linguistic point of view, we note that the texts copied by scribes
A and B are in the L6 dialect of Coptic, while those copied by scribe C are
in the Sahidic dialect. The different dialects, or more often dialectal ten-
dencies, to be found among the Nag Hammadi texts are indications of the
different histories lying behind the texts, from their translation into one or
another dialect of Coptic, sometimes followed by retranslations into other
dialects, until their compilation into the Nag Hammadi collection.8
In terms of their doctrine, the two untitled texts copied by A and B at
the end of their respective sections, texts which modern researchers refer to
as the Tripartite Tractate and the Valentinian Exposition, are clearly Valen-
tinian, while the texts copied by C towards the end of codex XI, and at the
end of codex VII, namely Allogenes and the Three Steles of Seth, unquestion-
ably belong to the so-called Sethian tradition.9 Unfortunately, the last text
copied by scribe C in codex XI, Hypsiphrone, is in such bad shape that one
cannot be sure if it ought to be considered to be “Sethian” as well.

8)
See on this Wolf-Peter Funk, “The Linguistic Aspect of Classifying the Nag Hammadi
Codices,” in Painchaud and Pasquier (ed.), Les textes de Nag Hammadi, pp. 145-146.
9)
See in particular the work of the late Hans-Martin Schenke, “Das sethianische System
nach Nag-Hammadi-Handschriften”, in Peter Nagel (ed.), Studia Coptica (Berliner Byzan-
tinische Arbeiten, 45, Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1974), pp. 165-173 and “The Phenomenon
and Significance of Gnostic Sethianism,” in Bentley Layton (ed.), The Rediscovery of
Gnosticism. Proceedings of the International Conference on Gnosticism at Yale, New Haven,
Connecticut, Marc 28-31 1978, vol. 2, Sethian Gnosticism (Studies in the History of Reli-
gion, 41, Leiden: Brill, 1981), pp. 588-618. Also John D. Turner, “Sethian Gnosticism, a
Literary History,” in Harold Attridge, Charles W. Hedrick, and Robert Hodgson (ed.), Nag

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The following table provides a summary of these different doctrinal

characteristics.

Codices I, VII and XI

Codex I Codex XI Codex VII

Scribe A Scribe B Scribe C

Dialect L6 Dialect S
Primarily Valentinian Primarily Sethian
A. Pr. Paul 1. Interp. 1. Paraph. Shem
1. Ap. Jas. Know. 2. Treat. Seth
2. Gos. Truth 2. Val. Exp. 3. Apoc. Pet.
4. Treat. Res. 3. Allogenes 4. Teach. Silv.
3. Tri.Trac. 4. Hypsiph. 5. Steles Seth

Furthermore, because of the poor quality of scribe A’s calligraphy, the par-
ticipation of two scribes each in the copying of codices I and XI, and the
juxtaposition of two quite different dialectical norms in codex XI, we con-
clude that these two codices were intended for use in the same milieu
where they were produced: they do not seem to have been intended
for commercial use. This conclusion extends the point already made by
E. Thomassen with regard to codex I, who argues that, based on the quality
of the calligraphy and the presence of certain ornamental signs at the
beginning of the codex, “Tout d’abord, comme il est improbable qu’un
manuscrit ‘commercial’ ait été décoré de cette façon, ces signes démontrent
que le scribe a fait ce manuscrit pour son propre usage (et pour le groupe
auquel il appartenait). D’ailleurs, la calligraphie médiocre de l’écriture
appuie ce point de vue.”10
This hypothesis can also be extended to codex VII. Despite the markedly
superior quality of its calligraphy, the scribal note with which it ends sug-
gests a close relationship between the scribe and those for whom the codex
was intended: “This book belongs to the fatherhood. It is the son who
wrote it. Bless me, father. I bless you. Peace. Amen” (NH VII 127.28-32).

Hammadi, Gnosticism and Early Christianity, (Peabody: Hendrickson, 1986), pp. 55-86
and “Typology of the Sethian Gnostic Treatises From Nag Hammadi,” in Painchaud and
Pasquier (ed.), Les textes de Nag Hammadi, pp. 149-217.
10)
Einar Thomassen and Louis Painchaud, Le Traité tripartite (Bibliothèque copte de Nag
Hammadi, section “Textes,” 19, Québec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval, 1989), p. 3.

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In addition, we should take into consideration the scribal notes found

at the start of codex I (B.9-10), following the Lessons of Silvanos in codex
VII (118.8-9), and at the very end of that codex. One such note, written
in Greek and placed at the end of the Prayer of the Apostle Paul, is made up
of the formula en eirhnh … o xristos agio=, with the word xristos
being represented by a superimposed x and r ( ) (B.9-10). The second note,
found in codex VII at the end of Silvanos, is made up of the acrostic çxuys
followed by the Greek words uayma amhxanon, and could be translated
“Jesus Christ, Son of God Saviour, extraordinary marvel,” and is accompa-
nied by a triple f, a triple h, the letters t and y, and a symbol that might
represent an anchor (118.8-9).11 These notes show that the texts that they
accompany were positively received by the scribes who copied them.
Thus we would argue that these three codices were produced for the
personal use of their scribes or people in their vicinity. Our conclusion is
also supported by Shelton’s analysis of place names found in the carton-
nage used to stiffen the covers of these three codices, which concludes that
“at least Codices I, V, VII, and XI were bound using material from the
general neighbourhood of the place where the codices were bound.”12
This specific conclusion coheres with Kim Haines-Eitzen’s general point
that in early Christianity as a whole, literature tended to be transmitted
through “private scribal networks”: “Scribes and readers, interested members
of Christian communities, formed networks that enabled the transmission
of early Christian literature. That these networks were private and theo-
logically (ascetically, socially) driven [is] clear . . . nowhere do we find evi-
dence that Christian scriptoria existed during the second or third centuries;
rather, transmission of Christian literature . . . appears to have proceeded
along the personal channels of friendship and acquaintance.”13 Transmission
through such networks, of course, would heighten the possibility of idio-
syncratic and unique collections such as codices I, XI and VII being made.
There are two other important conclusions that we can draw from this
examination of the arrangement and content of these codices. The first is that

11)
See on this subject Williams, “Interpreting the Nag Hammadi Collection(s) in the His-
tory of ‘Gnosticism(s)’,” pp. 18-20, and Clemens Scholten, “Die Nag-Hammadi-Texte als
Buchbesitz der Pachomianer,” Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum 31 (1988) 161-162.
12)
John W. B. Barns, Gerald M. Brown, and John C. Shelton, Nag Hammadi Codices:
Greek and Coptic Papyri from the Cartonnage of the Covers (Nag Hammadi Studies XVI,
Leiden: Brill, 1981), p. 11.
13)
Guardians of Letters: Literacy, Power and the Transmitters of Early Christian Literature
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), p. 104.

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codex I was not copied from a single source, but rather that its contents
were drawn from at least two other codices, which presumes that the mate-
rial copied into codex I was deliberately chosen.14 The second conclusion
is that the second through fifth texts in codex I were arranged in a particu-
lar order (the first text, the Prayer of the Apostle Paul, is written on the fly-
leaf of the codex and might serve as an introduction, or a benediction).15
The deliberate choice of the order of the second through fifth texts is
shown by the care taken by scribe A to leave available for scribe B a precise
amount of space in the middle of the codex: the Treatise on the Resurrection
was obviously intended to follow the Gospel of Truth and precede the Tri-
partite Tractate, and scribe A must have had a good idea of the length of the
work, presumably from having seen or read it before. This has led Michael
Williams to conclude that the choice and the arrangement of the contents
of codex I, at least for texts 2-5, correspond to a precise design: “. . . the
most significant thing we learn is that the order of at least tractates 2-5 in
Codex I seems to have been carefully planned.”16
Although the study of the logic, the selection and arrangement of
texts for inclusion in heterogeneous codices17 is in its infancy, other Nag

14)
John D. Turner draws on their linguistic similarity to suggest that the first two writings
in Codex XI could both have been translated into Coptic by the same translator (“Intro-
duction to Codex XI,” in Charles W. Hedrick [ed.], Nag Hammadi Codices XI, XII, XIII
[Nag Hammadi Studies 28, Leiden: Brill, 1990], p. 11). Without going quite so far, one
can certainly view this linguistic similarity as indicating that they share a common prove-
nance, and an examination of the language of the Treatise on the Resurrection, the one text
in codex I copied by this scribe, suggests that this conclusion could be extended to that
writing as well. At least in the case of codex IV, there is evidence that the same scribe copied
texts with different dialectal traits (Williams, “The Scribes of Nag Hammadi Codices”
p. 336), and thus we cannot assume that this linguistic similarity was the work of the scribe
copying the texts. This scribe, like the scribe of codex IV, could have been concerned to
“follow dialectical peculiarities in the exemplar(s), rather than to produce a dialectically
uniform version” (ibid.).
15)
The logic behind the use of the Prayer of the Apostle Paul as the introduction to codex I
has been analysed by Michael Kaler, “The Prayer of the Apostle Paul in the Context of Nag
Hammadi Codex I,” paper delivered at the Society for Biblical Literature, Nag Hammadi
and Gnosticism Section, Nov. 2006.
16)
Williams, “Interpreting the Nag Hammadi Collection(s) in the History of ‘Gnos-
ticism(s)’,” 13.
17)
By which we mean codices where originally independent works have been assembled.
The one great exception is of course the New Testament, but otherwise, scholarship has
paid relatively little attention to the possible logic lying behind the selection and arrange-
ment of disparate material, despite significant papers by Williams (“Design in Codex

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Hammadi codices do show clear signs of deliberate organization (and

choice?) of otherwise disparate contents—see for example the work of
F. Morard (“Les apocalypses de Codex V de Nag Hammadi”) and M. Kaler
(L’ Apocalypse de Paul, pp. 149-153) on codex V.18 Particularly relevant

Composition: The Case of Bodmer P72,” presented at the AAR/SBL meeting in Seattle
November 1999; for another analysis of the internal logic of this codex see Haines-Eitzen,
Guardians of Letters, pp. 96-104) and Françoise Morard (“Les apocalypses de Codex V
de Nag Hammadi,” in Painchaud and Pasquier (ed.), Les Textes de Nag Hammadi). On
codex V see also Kaler in Jean-Marc Rosenstiehl and Michael Kaler, L’ Apocalypse de Paul
(NH V,2) (Bibliothèque copte de Nag Hammadi, section “Textes,” 31, Québec/Louvain:
Les Presses de l’Université Laval/ Éditions Peeters, 2005), pp. 149-153. Ancient references
to the logic lying behind particular collections are hard to come by. There is, of course,
Augustine’s first letter to Firmus, concerning the de Civitate Dei, in which he gives advice
on how he would like the work divided: “There are twenty-two books which are too bulky
to bind into one volume. If you want two volumes they must be divided so that one volume
has ten books and the other twelve . . . If, however, you prefer more than two volumes then
you must have five volumes of which the first will contain the first five books . . . [and the
second] the second group of five. The next three volumes which follow must have four
books each” (translation from Harry Gamble, Books and Readers in the Early Church: A His-
tory of Early Christian Texts [New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995], p. 134). Gamble
goes on to note that “it is interesting to see Augustine’s insistence that the bibliographic
format of the work should correspond to the divisions of the subject matter and the phases
of the argument. The physical form of the work is to follow its content.” And, for our pur-
poses, it is quite significant to note that this “physical form” is clearly and consciously
spread over several codices. (For further discussion of the first and second letters to Firmus
and the significance of Augustine’s proposed arrangements for the text, see Johannes van
Oort, Jerusalem and Babylon: A Study into Augustine’s City of God and the Sources of his Doc-
trine of the Two Cities [Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae 14, Leiden: Brill, 1991],
pp. 171-175.) There is also the mention by Cassiodorus (Inst. 1.2.12) that he collected the
relevant writings on I and II Kings into one volume, but left empty places so that “writings
yet to be found . . . may be added to the commentaries mentioned above” (trans. James
Halporn, Cassiodorus: Institutions of Divine and Secular Learning and On the Soul [Trans-
lated Texts for Historians 42, Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2004], p. 117) a pro-
cedure similar to that which scribe A seems to have followed in leaving space in the codex
for the Treatise on the Resurrection.
18)
This codex seems to have been assembled by a collector of apocalyptic literature, and in
this regard suggests similarities to Bodmer codex Vis-G (P. Bodmer XXIX-XXXVIII, known
as the Visions Codex, and containing selections from the Shepherd of Hermas, as well as the
Vision of Dositheos): see on this Rodolphe Kasser and Guglielmo Cavallo, “Description et
datation du Codex des Visions,” in André Hurst, Olivier Reverdin, and Jean Rudhardt, ed.,
Papyrus Bodmer XXIX: Vision de Dorothéos, édité avec une introduction, une traduction et
desnotes (Cologny-Genève: Fondation Martin Bodmer, 1984), pp. 99-120. More recently,
Hurst and Rudhart have argued that the codex’s internal logic does not derive from the

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here is M. Williams’ analysis of the codices IV and VIII, which he sees

as forming a collection arranged according to a “history of revelation”
scheme.19 He argues that the collection moves from primordial origins and
an overview of existence (Apocryphon of John as a rewritten Genesis, then
the Gospel of the Egyptians as the autobiography of Seth, a divine figure
from the primordial world), then (codex VIII) ancient testimony from
Zostrianos (a human figure from the distant, but not quite primordial,
past, dealing with the nature of the transcendent realms), and at last
finishing with a revelation of Christ to his disciples (Epistle of Peter to
Philip), which gives an explicitly Christian sheen to the whole collection,
fits its chronological survey into Christian sacred history, and also brings it
up to date by linking it with the contemporary period. If Williams’ argu-
ment is correct, then we would have evidence of another multi-volume
collection, of which the individual volumes could nonetheless be read sep-
arately, as seems to be the case with codices I, XI, and VII. This volume
would also have been the product of the collaboration between several
different scribes, increasing its similarity to codices I, XI and VII.

2. The Selection of the Material

The table below gives a list of the texts contained in the three codices,
along with a brief summary of their content and an indication of their pos-
sible or probable sectarian affiliations.

Content of codices I, XI et VII

Codex I Title20 Content Doctrinal affiliation

1 (A-B) Prayer of the Apostle Paul Short prayer attributed to Paul Probably Valentinian
2 (1-16) <Apocryphon of James> Dialogue of Jesus and disciples Undetermined
3 (16-43) <Gospel of Truth> Homily (exoteric ?) Probably Valentinian
4 (43-50) Treatise on the Resurrection Letter on the resurrection Probably Valentinian
5 (51-138) <Tripartite Tractate> Systematic doctrinal exposé Valentinian

visionary nature of some of its contents, but rather that the shorter poems draw on the
themes of repentance and martyrdom that are found in the longer works—see their Papyri
Bodmer XXX-XXXVII: Codex des Visions, Poèmes divers (Munich: Saur, 1999), pp. 4-13.
19)
Rethinking “Gnosticism”, p. 249.
20)
Many of the writings in these codices were untitled, and the titles that modern research
has given them are put between brackets.

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(cont.)
Codex I Title Content Doctrinal affiliation

Codex XI
1 (1-21) Interpretation of Knowledge Exhortation to reconciliation Possibly Valentinian
2 (22-39) <A Valentinian Exposition> Systematic doctrinal exposé Valentinian
3 (40-44) <Liturgical Supplements> Baptism and Eucharist Valentinian (?)
4 (45-69) Allogenes Revelation discourse Sethian
5 (69-72) Hypsiphrone ? Undetermined
Codex VII
1 (1-49) The Paraphrase of Sem Apocalypse, treating first and undetermined
last things
2 (49-70) Second Treatise of the Fate of the Saviour and those undetermined
Great Seth who are his
3 (70-84) Apocalypse of Peter Fate of the Saviour and those Basilidian (?)
who are his
4 (84-118) Teachings of Silvanos Sapiential teachings undetermined
5 (118-27) Three Steles de Seth Revelation discourse Sethian

We have no idea which or how many texts were originally known and avail-
able to the scribes, and from which they made their selection. All that
remains to us is the selection itself. That being said, there are things that we
can deduce about their procedure. When one considers the three codices
as forming an ensemble, it is clear that their selection was not made on a
sectarian basis (assuming, of course, that our modern divisions, particularly
between Sethian and Valentinian writings, correspond to ancient divisions).
Nor does the selection have to do with the themes of the various writings,
or with their literary genre. In terms of the individual codices, there does
seem to be a certain doctrinal element to the selection, at least insofar as
codex I as a whole appears more or less Valentinian, whereas codex VII
does not contain any texts that could be linked to Valentinianism.
Among the writings copied by scribes A and B, we find some of the
most clearly Valentinian texts of the Nag Hammadi collection (with the
exception of the Gospel of Philip), namely the Tripartite Tractate and
the Gospel of Truth in codex I, and the Valentinian Exposition in codex XI,21
while among the writings copied by scribe C one finds some of the most
clearly “Sethian” writings, such as Allogenes in codex XI and the Three Steles
of Seth in codex VII.

21)
See Thomassen, “Notes pour la délimitation d’un corpus valentinien à Nag Hammadi,”
Painchaud and Pasquier (ed.), Les Textes de Nag Hammadi, pp. 243-259.

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Furthermore, each of these two groups of writings (those copied by

scribes A and B, and those copied by scribe C) include works which, while
not belonging quite as evidently to the Valentinian or Sethian traditions,
nonetheless show affinities with these traditions and could easily have been
read as “Valentinian” or “Sethian” works, as the case may be. Thus, while
the Treatise on the Resurrection (codex I) and the Interpretation of Knowledge
(codex XI) are not so explicitly Valentinian as the Tripartite Tractate, they
can nonetheless be read as Valentinian texts.22 The same would apply to the
Second Treatise of the Great Seth or the Paraphrase of Shem in codex VII,
with regard to the Sethian tradition.
One can therefore say that codex I shows overall a dominant Valentin-
ian tendency, while codex VII shows a Sethian one, and the two tendencies
coexist in codex XI. Its first half is doctrinally aligned with codex I, while
its second half is linked to codex VII. This doctrinal split coincides with a
dialectal fracture between S (Sahidic) and L6 (a branch of the Lycopolitan
dialect), and is the result of the stages of transmission of these texts, their
trajectories and their translators.23 The evidence suggests that in this case
works of similar doctrinal tendencies had circulated together, or in similar
milieus.
In the following section we will show that the selection of texts is coher-
ent both in terms of the arrangement of texts within each individual codex,
and within the three codices viewed as an ensemble.

3. The Arrangement of the Material

Michael Williams’ analysis of the arrangement of texts in codices I, XI and
VII led him to argue that codex I was organized around a “scriptural”
model, codex XI around a “liturgical” model, and codex VII around a
model that, as with codex I, one could call “scriptural.” Williams himself
does not use the term with regard to this codex, although he does suggests
that the Paraphrase of Shem takes the place of the Old Testament.24 His
reconstruction of the logic behind these arrangements of texts, which we
will examine below, is plausible overall.

22)
Ibid.
23)
See on this Wolf-Peter Funk, “The Linguistic Aspect.”
24)
Williams, “Interpreting the Nag Hammadi Collection(s) in the History of ‘Gnos-
ticism(s)’ ,” p. 17.

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In addition, Williams has pointed out another, and very significant

aspect of the arrangement of codex XI. He notes that in codex XI there is
“a gradual crescendo from the more exoteric homiletic material to the mys-
tical visions at the end.”25 This same perception, if slightly modified, is
applicable to codex I as well, with its culmination in the elaborate doctri-
nal exposition of the Tripartite Tractate.

Codex I
Williams argues that the texts in this codex have been organized in a “scrip-
tural” pattern. Setting the Prayer of the Apostle Paul to one side (it would
have functioned as “a brief invocation to open the volume”),26 the codex
begins with the Apocryphon of James (“a sort of gospel”), followed by Gospel
of Truth (which in its focus on exposition and parenesis takes the place of
the letters in the NT), then the Treatise on the Resurrection, dealing with
eschatology. Finally, the Tripartite Tractate “plays the role of a more com-
prehensive ‘systematic theology’ for which the small collection of ‘scrip-
ture’ in the first part of the codex ‘sets the stage’.”27
Although this understanding is certainly possible, one could also argue
that within codex I the texts are organized in a progressive manner. If we
exclude for the moment the Prayer of the Apostle Paul, whose position in
the codex marks it as separate from the rest of the works,28 the codex starts
with the non-Valentinian Apocryphon of James adopting a mild polemical
stance against what could be called “mainstream Christianity”. Then come
two texts whose Valentinian character is only implicit. Then the codex
finishes with the Tripartite Tractate, a systematic exposé that covers all the
aspects of Valentinian doctrine.
Such an arrangement is best explained by the hypothesis that the codex
was intended to give a progressive introduction to the Valentinian doctrine
for non-initiates. This would provide a more comprehensive explanation
of the arrangement of the material in codex I than Williams’ hypothesis of
a neo-testamentary model, a model which is inadequate to explain the
position of the Tripartite Tractate in the codex. Our hypothesis also has
the advantage of taking into account the later addition of the Prayer of the

25)
Op. cit. p. 16.
26)
Rethinking “Gnosticism”, p. 14.
27)
Op. cit. p. 15.
28)
And whose vocabulary and concerns mark it as a general introduction to the codex as a
whole—see below, and also Kaler, “The Prayer of the Apostle Paul.”

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Apostle Paul to the flyleaf of the codex: it would have functioned as a sort
of captatio benevolentiae, a gesture intended to recommend the contents of
the codex to the uninitiated readers by putting it under the patronage of the
great apostle.
We know that Paul’s writings were quite popular with esoterically-
minded Christians of all sorts, including Valentinian authors, who inter-
preted them as being coded expositions of Valentinian ideas. Furthermore,
as Griggs has pointed out,29 Paul was known in the early church quite as
much, if not more, for his apocalyptic visionary experience (Gal 1:13-17;
2 Cor 12:1-4; etc.) as for his theology, and thus he would be an ideal guar-
antor for a series of codices designed to lead the reader from theoretical
knowledge to personal enlightenment. Finally, it is to be noted that Paul is
the one major apostolic figure that could not be present at the gathering of
apostles described at the start of the Apocryphon of James. With the addi-
tion of the Prayer, the apostolic circle becomes complete.
In addition to legitimizing the collection, the Prayer could also have
subtly commenced the process of initiation. Although it is indebted to
Paul’s letters and also conforms generally to the norms of Hellenistic invo-
cations as found for example in the Corpus Hermeticum I.31-32, there is a
clear gnostic tinge to it that would have helped ensure the reader’s receptiv-
ity to what follows. Furthermore, despite its short length (less than 50
lines), the Prayer contains a remarkably high number of words with eso-
teric or technical gnostic associations that play important roles in the other
texts in codex I. It thus introduces the reader to many themes and ideas
that will be taken up at greater length later in the codex.

Codex VII
Scribe C has taken a completely different approach to the arrangement of
the contents of codex VII. As was mentioned above, codex VII does not
have the “progressive” sort of organization that one finds in codices I and
XI. In strong contrast to codex I, codex VII opens with a particularly
obscure and difficult text, the Paraphrase of Sem, which is then followed
by the Second Treatise of the Great Seth and the Apocalypse of Peter. Both
these latter texts are strongly docetist and include violent polemics against
adversaries who are identified with rival Christian movements. The Second

29)
C. Wilfred Griggs, Early Egyptian Christianity from its Origins to 451 C.E. (Coptic Stud-
ies 2, Leiden: Brill, 1990), p. 6.

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Treatise of the Great Seth has Jesus tell his followers that “we were hated, not
only by those who are ignorant, but also by those who think that they are
advancing the name of Christ” (59.22-26), while the Apocalypse of Peter
directly attacks “those who name themselves bishop and also deacons”
(79.22-26).
These texts are followed by the Teachings of Silvanos, a sapiential writing
with no marked heterodox traits, and the codex closes with the Three Steles
of Seth, a Sethian revelation.
The absence of a progressive aspect like that found in codex I should not
be taken to mean that the codex lacks order. Rather, Codex VII, to a much
greater degree than Codex I, has been organized according to a scriptural
model. Thus we see that the Paraphrase of Shem, which takes the place of
the Old Testament, is followed by two texts (the Second Treatise of the Great
Seth and the Apocalypse of Peter) which emphasize their interpretation of
the Passion and death of the Saviour and which can therefore be under-
stood as standing in for the Gospels.30
After these texts comes the Teachings of Silvanos, which could be seen as
taking the place of the Pauline letters. This is rendered likely by its paran-
etic content, the explicit reference to Paul which it contains (108.30)
and by its title, as the Silvanos to whom the text is attributed could be
identified with the Silas or Silvanos who is described as a companion of
Paul (Acts 15:22; 1 Thess 1:1; 2 Th 1:1). The Three Steles of Seth, whose
complete title is “The revelation (poyvnà ebol) by Dositheos of the three
steles of Seth” (118.10-12) would then have been the equivalent of the bib-
lical book of Revelation.

Codex XI
As we have seen, codex XI’s content is extremely varied. Michael Williams
was the first to have suggested that, despite this disparity, the scribes who
copied this codex could have nonetheless perceived it as forming a unified
whole, proposing that the codex could have been read as an “order of
worship,”31 with “a gradual crescendo from the more exoteric homiletic

30)
Secondary reasons might also have influenced the arrangement of these texts. It is pos-
sible, for example, that the title of the Second Treatise of the Great Seth was the reason that
it was put second in the codex.
31)
Williams, “Interpreting the Nag Hammadi Collection(s) in the History of ‘Gnos-
ticism(s)’ , ” pp. 15-17.

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material to the mystical visions at the end.”32 Following his interpretation,

it begins with a homily on community (Interpretation of Knowledge), fol-
lowed by a catechism for initiates (Valentinian Exposition), then ritually-
oriented texts (the Liturgical Supplements), followed finally by the “mystical
ascent and vision” of Allogenes.
With regard to the Interpretation of Knowledge, it is necessary to revise
and expand Williams’ analysis. As has been convincingly argued, Inter-
pretation of Knowledge could not be considered as a homily since it is
written in the second person singular.33 It would be better described as
an exoteric writing about reconciliation.34 Its mild sectarian orientation
(crypto-valentinian?) as well as its strong Pauline coloration might well
play the same role of captatio benevolentiae at the beginning of codex XI as
the Prayer of the Apostle Paul at the beginnning of codex I. These objections
aside, however, Williams’ understanding of the organisation underlying
the diversity found in the rest of the codex appears fundamentally sound.
When looking at codex XI, as with the other Nag Hammadi codices, we
should keep in mind the general principle that the form that they have
been given has been produced by the arrangement of pre-existing texts.
These codices are compilations, and there is no evidence of significant
redactional activity at the time that the texts were compiled into codices.
As Williams notes, “in at least most of the codices, the way in which
tractates are arranged suggests that scribes perceived complete theological
consistency within the volumes. Or to put it another way, the arrangement
itself in most instances seems to be the scribal method of demonstrating or
establishing the theological coherence among the works. A revelation
received by an ancient Shem or Zostrianos or Eugnostos or Melchizedek is
shown to be an anticipation of revelation from (or in) Christ. The ascent
of an Allogenes is the mystical visionary communion beyond even baptism
and eucharist. Testimony to the truth about Christ as [a] great physician is
discovered hidden in traditions associated with the Greco-Roman god of

32)
Op. cit. p. 16.
33)
Stephen Emmel, “Exploring the Pathway That Leads from Paul to Gnosticism. What Is
the Genre of The Interpretation of Knowledge (NHC XI,1),” in Martin Faßnacht et al.
(ed.), Die Weisheit—Ursprünge und Rezeption. Festschrift für Karl Löning (Münster:
Aschendorff, 2003), pp. 257-276.
34)
As argued by Ismo Dunderberg in “The School of Valentinus,” in Antti Marjanen et al.
(ed.), A Companion to Second-Century Christian Heretics (Supplements to Vigiliae Chris-
tianae 76, Leiden: Brill, 2005), pp. 64-99.

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healing, Asclepius. And so on.”35 Thus we should not expect their contents
to be completely in accord either with each other or with the overall struc-
ture of their collection. This general principle applies to the sub-collection
made up of codices I, XI, and VII as a whole, and to the individual codices
themselves.
If we examine codex XI as a member of the sub-collection formed by
codices I, VII and XI, another aspect of its internal coherence becomes
apparent. The first part of this codex, which as we recall was copied by
scribe B, follows the same progression that was observed in codex I, albeit
more limited in extent. Thus we have the Interpretation of Knowledge,
whose probable Valentinian character is not accentuated, followed by the
Valentinian Exposition, which offers a systematic presentation of the Valen-
tinian doctrine which is comparable to that found in the Tripartite Tractate
at the end of codex I. This doctrine is then applied to ritual practice, in the
Liturgical Supplements.
Allogenes, the next text and the first to have been copied by scribe C, has
a much more developed narrative frame than the prior writings. It presents
the divine visions granted to a certain Allogenes and his visionary escape
from the body and the world, as told to his son Messos, and is very remi-
niscent of the writings found in codex VII. With its description of the
reception of revelation and its narrative focus, Allogenes could be read as
providing a practical application of the theoretical material exposed in the
writings that precede it. While in these texts the reader was told about the
true, mystical nature of things, in Allogenes we see the actual process of
the reception of enlightenment and escape from the body.
The last text in the codex, Hypsiphrone, is in extremely fragmentary con-
dition, and thus one cannot speak with certainty about it. However, it is
possible that in its complete form it told of the descent of a divine being,
Hypsiphrone, from the higher realms to the world, and of her rescue by
another heavenly being, Phainops. If reconstruction is accurate, we would
see a similar mythical structure to that shown in the Exegesis on the Soul
(NHC II,6), but more importantly, we would also see a counterpart to the
story that Allogenes presents, taking a different point of view and reversing
the genders of the main characters, but nonetheless being complementary
rather than contradictory.

35)
Williams, “Interpreting the Nag Hammadi Collection(s) in the History of ‘Gnos-
ticism(s)’ ,” p. 40.

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Accordingly, if we look at the material contained in codex XI in the

light of the other codices of its sub-collection, it seems as though codex XI
was designed to summarize the material exposed in codex I in its first half,
and to demonstrate its practical application in a way which would simul-
taneously prepare the reader for the material presented in codex VII in its
second half. And so we see that the arrangement of the material within
codex XI suggests that this codex was intended to smoothly conduct the
reader from codex I to codex VII.
If this is the case, then the Liturgical Supplements might have been cho-
sen and placed precisely at the juncture between the two bodies repre-
sented by codices I and XIa on the one hand and XIb and VII on the other
hand as a liturgical application of the content of codices I and XIa. Its
function would be to mark by means of a reference to the rituals of anoint-
ing, baptism and eucharist, the passage from a first step of initiation to a
second, more advanced one.
Thus Allogenes (and possibly Hypsiphrone) ought to be seen as the vision-
ary result of this ritual passage and the pivot of the whole three-volume
collection. Allogenes is ideally suited for this role: its ecstatic outbursts and
its actualization of the revelatory process would give its readers graphic and
exciting evidence of the end to which the preceding theoretical exposés
were devoted, and for which the liturgical fragments served as preparation.
At the same time, its markedly different vocabulary and mind-set would
prepare readers for what is to come.
We can say, then, that Williams’ observation regarding codex XI, namely
that its contents might have been perceived as a unified whole by the
scribes who compiled it, could be extended to the entire sub-collection
formed by these three codices. In this case, codex XI would function as the
hinge between codex I and codex VII, leading the reader from the progres-
sive enlightenment of the former codex to the alternate bible found in the
latter.
It is possible that we have another hint as to the unity of this sub-
collection in the presence of almost the same phrase at the beginning of the
Prayer of the Apostle Paul, copied by scribe A at the very beginning of the
sub-collection, and also at the beginning of the First Stele of Seth copied by
scribe C close to its end. The relevant sections read as follows:

Prayer of the Apostle Paul: “[I] am yours, the [one who] has come forth
from [you]. You are [my In]tellect” (èe [anak] p …ete pvk, p …[ent]a
…àçei
abal, [à]i…t
……o [otk] N
… tak p[e pan]oys [NHC I A, 5-6])

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Three Steles of Seth: “I am your son and you are my Intellect” (èe anok
36
pete pvk Néhre ayv Ntok pe pano …ys [NH VII 118,30-119,1]).

To sum up: It is clear that each of the three codices has its own internal
logic that governs the arrangement of the texts that they contain. Further-
more, they are linked one to the other by the interaction of their various
scribes and by their binding. And when this is taken into account, and the
three codices are examined together, then it is seen that from the Prayer of
the Apostle Paul to the Three Steles of Seth, everything takes place as if the
content of the three codices has been carefully chosen and arranged in
order to deliver a single, coherent and continuous message. Not only are
the codices coherently arranged in themselves, but they make up a coher-
ent, three-volume whole as well.

4. The Progression Leading up to Codex VII

As we saw, there is a progressive and developmental logic underlying codex
I. The reader is, so to speak, initiated gradually into esoteric (Valentinian)
teachings. In the first half of codex XI this gradual initiation is continued,
and then, with the sacramental instructions, we are given the means by
which this theoretical knowledge can be ritually actualized. After this, we
are shown the enlightenment that comes when this knowledge is actual-
ized and manifested in visionary experiences.
These two codices can also be understood from the point of view of the
reader and his/her relationship to the larger Christian community. In the
Apocryphon of James, the reader is introduced to a new way of viewing
the universe, one that comes from Jesus and is guaranteed by its historical
framework. The Apocryphon of James is by far the most “down to earth”
and historically-minded text, in codex I. It situates both its revelations,
and those to come in other texts, in a salvation-historical context (post-
resurrection, pre-ascension) that is very traditional for such revelations, it
features Jesus in a prominent role, its use of the letter format gives it a
historical veneer, its frame story aims at verisimilitude, and it provides a
historical rationalization for the novelty of its teachings by presenting them

36)
The observation was made by Dieter Mueller, “Prayer of the Apostle Paul,” in Harold
W. Attridge (ed.), Nag Hammadi Codex I (The Jung Codex). Introductions, Texts, Transla-
tions, Indices (Nag Hammadi Studies 22, Leiden: Brill, 1985), p. 7, who suggested a com-
mon source.

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as secret wisdom revealed only to James and Peter (2.33-39). It is thus ide-
ally suited to begin the reader on his or her journey into progressive
enlightenment.
Following this, more instruction comes by way of an awe-inspiring and
inspirational speech from an enlightened teacher who has achieved gnosis
(the Gospel of Truth). Then the Treatise on the Resurrection signals a return
to the “nitty gritty,” the mechanics of salvation. Finally, the Tripartite Trac-
tate provides the background for the context within which this salvation is
effected.
Codex I has been focused on the individual, on his or her progressive
journey into the realms that its texts open up to him or her. With codex XI,
the focus then turns to the integration of the individual into his/her com-
munity. The Interpretation of Knowledge discusses the problems that can
arise between the enlightened individual and his or her (not necessarily
equally enlightened) community, emphasizing the need to overcome these
potential problems through having the proper, Christian attitude and lack
of jealousy. Then the Valentinian Exposition gives the theoretical underpin-
nings of how one is to understand exoteric church teachings—that is, how
one is to integrate one’s new knowledge into Christian life. And it is
significant to note that Interpretation of Knowledge ends with an invocation
of the Father, and Valentinian Exposition begins with one, making the tran-
sition from one to the other very easy. The theme of the integration of
esoteric knowledge into exoteric rituals is carried on in the Liturgical Sup-
plements, which explain the true nature of the various rites.
Having been intellectually enlightened, and then having learned how to
integrate that enlightenment with his or her community and having
learned as well how to perceive it within church teachings and rituals,
the reader is prepared for the illumination that Allogenes provides. The
integration of the personal/intellectual and the social permits the ascen-
sion into mystical enlightenment, the utter change of one’s self and one’s
worldview, and consequently of one’s understanding of reality. The reader
is thus prepared to dive into a new myth, having reinterpreted and tran-
scended the old.

5. The Message of Codex VII

The end result, the goal, of all this enlightenment is to be found in Codex VII.
Once one has learned about these esoteric mysteries, and then has actual-
ized them through properly-understood ritual, one becomes enlightened.

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It is at this point that the reader turns to codex VII, which has in effect
become a “new bible” for him or her. And this codex, taken in its totality,
can be read as an exposition of the history of a spiritual group or race con-
tinually opposed by hostile forces. Significantly, these opponents are not
pagans: rather, as the texts of codex VII show the reader, they are rival
Christians.
The origin both of the spiritual group and of the forces that oppress it is
exposed in the Paraphrase of Sem. This same group of spirituals are the
intended recipients of the Second Treatise of the Great Seth, who “are hated
and persecuted not only by those who are ignorant, but also those who
think themselves rich in the name of Christ, although they are empty of
knowledge, not knowing who they are, like dumb animals” (59.22-30). These
ignorant ones mislead their followers and make them into slaves (60.20-29).
But the eventual victory of the spirituals is certain, due to their celestial
origin (60.3-12), because they belong to “the nobility of the Fatherhood”
(61.28-30)—if, that is, they live “in harmony and friendship of brotherly
love” (62.19-21). Their adversaries, on the other hand, who are violently
opposed in this text, are described as being blind, senseless, and murderous
slaves of the Law (65.14-18), while the recipients of the treatise are
exhorted, through the knowledge and words of the Saviour, to join together
in a holy community (67.19-68.5).
The Apocalypse of Peter takes a similar position. From the start, it asserts
the existence of two groups. The first of these, with which the readers of
the text are intended to identify, is made up of those who “belong to the
Father” and who are from above (70.20-22). The second group, the “sons
of this age” (73.18), which includes bishops and deacons (79.22-26),
opposes the first group. Uncleanness, error, hairesis, blasphemy, calumny,
corruption, and slavery characterise these adversaries. They are deaf and
blind and mislead others with their “evil words and misleading mysteries”
(76.20-27). Their doctrine is a counterfeit, created in order that the “little
ones” might not believe in the true light (78.15-22). They rule over these
“little ones” (80.11), whom they have made their prisoners (79.19-21;
cf. 73.32-74,2). Among the adversaries can be found bishops and deacons,
who behave as though they had received their authority from God, although
in truth they are only motivated by their desire for elevated positions.37

37)
It is interesting to note that this calumny is found on both sides of the heterodox/ortho-
dox divide: a common heresiological ploy was to ascribe the creation of heretical move-
ments to the frustrated ecclesiastical ambition of the heresiarchs.

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They are described as “dry canals” (79.22-31, and see 2 Peter 2.17). But
when error will have reached its completion, the little ones shall rule over
those who are now their rulers (80.14-16).
At first sight, the sapiential content of the Teachings of Silvanos is far
removed from this ferocious polemic. However, when read with regard to
the texts that precede it in codex VII, its presentation of the passions as
enemies who must be fought takes on an entirely different connotation. In
fact, Silvanos treats the passions of the soul in the same way that the two
prior texts treated the opponents of the spiritual race. The author declares,
“My son, does anyone want to be a slave? Why, then, do you trouble your-
self wrongly? My son, do not fear anyone except God alone, the exalted
one. Cast the deceitfulness of the Devil from you” (88.6-11).
In the context of the preceding writings, one can easily understand the
opponents denounced in them as the living incarnations of vices such as
wickedness, love of glory, quarrelsomeness, jealousy, anger, etc.—vices
which the Silvanos urges its readers to oppose (84.20-25), exhorting them
not to “swim in just any water, and do not allow yourselves to be defiled by
strange sorts of knowledge” (92.29-34). To allow oneself to be dominated
by passion is to condemn oneself to slavery, to ignorance, and to blindness
(88.6-34); it is to obey one’s animal nature (89.2-3)—and it is noteworthy
that the adversaries in the Second Treatise of the Great Seth are also described
as being animalistic in nature (59.29). Silvanos is an invitation to return to
the true father and to fight against the adversaries (91.1-16).
Nor should one allow oneself to be misled by those who “cast spurious
knowledge in your heart in the guise of mysterious words” (96.3-6). Rather,
one must free oneself from every bond so as to acquire liberty (105.19-21),
separating oneself from animality and keeping clear of “barbarians” (108.7)
and “brigands” (113.31). In sum, it is necessary to “fight the great fight”
against “all the powers of the Adversary” (114.1-6). Reading the Teachings
of Silvanos immediately after having read the Second Treatise of the Great
Seth and the Apocalypse of Peter, it would be impossible not to understand
such passages as applying to the same opponents that the prior texts had
denounced.
Finally, Dositheus’ revelation in the Three Steles of Seth, which concludes
the codex in a triple benediction, confirms the final, inevitable triumph of
this spiritual race whose origins were revealed in the Paraphrase of Shem
(24.1-15). There are no polemics in this text, but despite this it affirms the
existence and the eventual eschatological triumph of a “living and unshak-
able” race (118.12-13), one made up of “the elect” (118.17), the “perfect”

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(121.5; 124.7) and the “saved” (121.10-14; 125.15-16; 126.24-25) “who

belong to the One” (122.16) and on whom the light of the Spirit shines
(125.6-11), a race made up of those who are truly alive (127.22).
By way of summary, we can say that the order of the contents of this
codex shows a vast tableau of salvation history. In reading the codex we see
the origin of the spiritual race; its lot here below and that of the Saviour or
Revealer sent to it by the Father; its never-ending battle against constantly
renewed enemies (identified with the church hierarchy in the Apocalypse of
Peter); the extension of the nature of these enemies so that they are seen to
be not merely external forces but also evil tendencies and desires that try to
seduce the members of the spiritual race from within; and, finally, the
glorious eschatological triumph of the spiritual race.
By means of this history a sense of the lineage and identity of the codex’s
audience is constructed, establishing their true identity as members of an
embattled group defining itself in the face of its opponents perhaps as the
lineage of the true Father. This self-understanding might explain the scribal
colophon at the end of codex VII: “This book belongs to the lineage of the
Father (peç èvvme pa<mNteivt)” (NH VII, 127.28-29). This colo-
phon has been taken to refer to the codex as a whole, and not specifically to
the Three Steles of Seth.38
We have paid special attention here to the contents of codex VII. None-
theless, although it is not so blatantly displayed as in codex VII, the same
opposition between a group of spirituals and its worldly opponents is at
least suggested throughout the triptych made up of codices I, XI, and VII.
Codex I opens with the Apocryphon of James, which contains a subtle
contestation of institutional control. It presents itself as not being meant
for the many (1.20-23), and its focus seems to be on setting up a series of
oppositions whose function is to challenge the institutional structures that
mediate salvation.
Following this, there is the denunciation of error as the enemy of truth
that is found in the Gospel of Truth. It opens with an exposition of the work
of error, creating anguish and deceit and forgetfulness in order to take cap-
tive its victims (17.28-36). This error is by no means the work of the Father,
but rather has been revealed to those who are perfect (18.1-13). These
perfect ones are the “living” whose names are inscribed in the Book of the
Living (21.3-5). Only these “living” ones are truly aware, and the text
opposes them to those who are not aware, who are creatures of ignorance,

38)
On it, see Clemens Scholten, “Die Nag-Hammadi-Texte als Buchbesitz der Pachomianer.”

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and destined to oblivion (21.33-35). Read immediately following the

Apocryphon of James, the Gospel of Truth could quite easily be understood
as a confirmation of the Apocryphon’s ecclesiological message.
Another denunciation follows, that of the false teachings on the resur-
rection in the Treatise on the Resurrection. This text begins with the opposi-
tion of two groups. The one to which the narrator belongs knows the
truth, while the other group desire to learn, but they have not “stood
within the Word of truth” (43.25-44.3). The group of the elect have been
predestined since the beginning to gain access to wisdom and truth, and
not to fall into ignorance and folly (46.25-32).
Finally, we come to the salvation-history presented by the Tripartite
Tractate, which presupposes an antagonism between two groups of Chris-
tians. After establishing the existence of three races of humans, defining
the role of the spirituals in salvation history, and describing their final des-
tiny in contrast to that of the “materials” or hylics, the eschatological finale
of this text (108.13-138.17) can be read as the summit of the codex as a
whole, and also as an exposé of the ultimate fate of those who hold the
different conceptions of the church that we find exposed in the Apocryphon
of James at the start of the codex.
Overall, then, we can say that codex I presents an excellent introduction
to the themes which will become so prominent in codex VII.
The same could be said for the first two texts in codex XI, both of which
assume the existence of two antagonistic groups, and which prepare the
reader for the revelation of the attainment of individual perfection that is
shown in Allogenes (45.6-8).
In the first text in codex XI, the Interpretation of Knowledge, one notes
the same game of oppositions that is found in the writings of codex I, as
for example in the opposition of faith to worldly incredulity (1.30-38).
Furthermore, the Interpretation assimilates the material slavery to which
the principalities and authorities have reduced the inner man to a division
found within the church itself (6.25-38), and it explicitly sets up a contrast
between two teachers, the teacher of immortality and an arrogant teacher
whose teaching leads to death (9.17-26). In his warning not to call anyone
“father” in the world (9.28-29), and by his use of egalitarian terms such as
“brothers” and “companions” (9.27-37), this teacher’s instruction resem-
bles that of the Saviour in the Apocryphon of James in codex I, while also
anticipating the polemic to be found in the Second Treatise of the Great Seth
and the Apocalypse of Peter in codex VII. This teacher of immortality has
awakened in the hearts of the text’s readers the memory of the goodness of

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the Father and their own nature (10.16-17), reminding them that they are
the light of the world (9.29-30).
Finally, the Interpretation ends with a long paranetic section, exhorting
its readers to be thankful for charismatic gifts, no matter who receives
them, and not to be jealous of one another (15.20-19.??). The writing
presupposes a group that is identified with the members of God the Father,
and who are known by him since the beginning (2.31-34), a group
undoubtedly including the readers of the Interpretation, and it opposes to
them another group, who do not belong to them (20.3). To the former
group, the athletes of the Word, the Interpretation promises the crown of
victory, just as their head, Christ, has been glorified by the Father (21.31-34).
The second text in codex XI, the Valentinian Exposition, presents a sys-
tematic exposé of Valentinian theology, dealing with protology, anthropol-
ogy, soteriology and eschatology. Like the Tripartite Tractate, this writing
presents a division of humanity, although here only into two groups,
namely those of the right and those of the left, those whose nature is spir-
itual, and those whose nature is material (38.27-33), and it urges its read-
ers to take part in an eschatological battle against the powers of the devil
(40.11-17).
In this regard, the allusion to Lk 10:19 in the first part of the Liturgical
Supplements (“so that we might be able to trample [upon] the [snakes] and
[the heads] of the scorpions and [all] the power of the devil,” XI 40.18-20)
could be seen as an anticipation of the polemical content of codex VII and
an invitation to fight against the opponents identified therein.
After this comes Allogenes. With its focus on “perfect individuals” who
“dwell together” (45.6-8, but note that the text is extremely lacunous at
this point: the reconstruction is probable but not certain), this text echoes
the exhortation to group unity that dominates the paranetic section of the
Interpretation of Knowledge.
Thus we can see that the same theme is heard throughout the three-
volume collection, but that it is more muted in codices I and XI, only
being brought to full expression in codex VII. In other words, codices I
and XI can be seen as leading up to and preparing the reader for the revela-
tions to be found in codex VII. What had been only hinted at is there
graphically expressed.

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Conclusion
From the Prayer of the Apostle Paul to the Three Steles of Seth, in the content
of the texts as in the alternation of their scribes, everything takes place as if
the content of these three codices had been chosen and arranged according
to a precise design in order to progressively introduce the non-initiated
reader to a heterodox doctrine of conflict and polemic, in which the reader
is invited to identify him- or herself with the embattled minority group
who nonetheless are of the “lineage of the Father.” And in fact, one could
quite well see the unique linguistic, scribal and doctrinal heterogeneity of
this sub-collection as being in itself a clue to the importance of this design
for the person or people who ordered the copy of this material.
This paper’s goals are modest, and we will refrain from speculating here
as to the nature and identity of the group or the individuals responsible for
this collection in the area of Chenoboskeion in the mid-fourth century.
Nevertheless, we hope that this paper will stimulate our collective “his-
torical imagination”39 and provoke thought and discussion not just on the
nature of this sub-collection, but more generally on the much debated
questions of the nature and function of the Nag Hammadi “library” in its
Coptic phase and of its Sitz im Leben in the context of fourth century
Egyptian Christianity.

39)
Wolf-Peter Funk, “The Linguistic Aspect,” p. 145.

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