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RolenaAdorno
ofMichigan
University
II. ThePoeticProduction
of theExotic
pelea, peces de humana formay cosas tan exquisitasque dexan en éxtasi los
ánimasde los que con alguna atenciónlas consideran."12
In Mexico, the criollo poet Antonio Saavedra Guzmán, author of El
peregrinoindiano[1599],claimedas hisgoal thepreservationof thememoryof
thedeedsofHernánCortésand theotherconquistadores.13At thesametime,he
offeredsuch detaileddescriptionsof Mexican customsthathe felttheneed to
explainhis exuberanceon the subject:He was a nativeof New Spain and his
knowledgeof native Mexican societywas due to having been corregidorof
Zacatecas, "donde ningúnhistoriadorha auido." Thus, he foundit difficult to
so
omitthediscussionofmatterswithwhichhewas familiar. At thesame time,he
stoppedshortof relatingtheirritesand laws because, he said, beinginfinitein
number,theywould tire the reader.14His silence on native rituals will be
appreciatedlater.
to explainor explainawaywhattheepic authorshad done
All theseefforts
in talkingabout Amerindianactionsand customsrevealthattheprescriptions
about the choice of subject matter,and the tone adopted toward it, were
challengedbythepresenceofthenewtopic,eventhoughtheartisticresponsewas
to cast thenew actorsintofamiliarmoldsof representation.
López Pinciano remindsus that therewas an epic requirementabout
verisimilitude,whichmandatedthatthecustomsand usages of thelands being
portrayed preserved.However,inthecase ofportraying
be charactersthelikesof
whichEuropeanreadershad neverseen,artisticverisimilitude correspondednot
to the relationshipbetweensocial realityand the artisticrepresentationbut
ratherto thatbetweentheartisticrepresentation and theperceivedexpectations
ofthereader.Thus,whenthecriollowriterPedrode Oña attemptedto maintain
linguisticverisimilitudein hisAraucodomadothroughtheuse of certainnative
lexicalitems,hetookspecialprecautionsto clarify In hisprologue,
hisintentions.
he statedthat his readershould look upon the incorporationof Amerindian
termsintothepoeticnarrationnotas a "barbaricact," butas thedesireto be true
to hissubjectmatter:"Van mexcladosalgunostérminosIndios,no por cometer
barbarismo,sino porque, siendo tan propia dellos la materia,me pareció
congruenciaque en estetambiénle correspondiesse la forma."15As he pointedto
the congruenceof materia and forma in the linguisticportrayalof the
Araucanian warrior,he appealed to the epic requirementfor verisimilitude
whichin thiscase, he feared,could likelybe misunderstoodby the European
reader.
Althoughbothpoetsand historianstook considerablecare to explainand
justifytheirpresentationof theAmerindian,thehistoryof colonial publication
and suppressionshowsthattheirefforts metverydifferentresults.Poetrydid not
triumphover historyfromthe viewpointof intellectualproduction,for the
missionaryethnographers wereat workon descriptionsof variousAmerindian
culturalgroups,startingwith Fray Ramón Pané's treatiseon the Antillian
nativesfromthesecondvoyageof Columbus,and pickingup momentumwith
theestablishment oftheFranciscanmissionin New Spain earlyin thesixteenth
III. Amerindian
Cultureand Censorshipin Sahagúnand Acosta
alternative method:thecomparisonofcontemporaneousworksdealingwiththe
same topic, for this proceduremay uncoyerinternal,textualreasons for the
suppressionof one and thepublicationof theother.Whilethisapproachtakes
intoaccount onlyone typeof factorinvolvedin censorship,it is likelyto be a
significant one.
Sahagún's Historiageneralde las cosas de Nueva España and Acosta's
Historianaturaly moralde las Indias providean illuminating contrastin this
respect.Althoughthey differin length and detailof their bothwrite
discussions,
aboutMexicanritualpracticesand religion,and bothoffernativeaccountsofthe
conquestofMexico. Each represents an extraordinary intellectualachievement:
and
linguistic ethnographic in the case ofSahagún,philosophical theoretical
and
in that of Acosta.29Both experiencedrigorouscensorshipof theirwritings,
thoughwithoppositeresults:Sahagún's majorworkwentunpublisheduntilthe
nineteenthcentury,while Acosta's enjoyed many printingsin Spanish and
translationsinto modern European languages in the decades followingits
completion.30
Obviously,theaccountsof Indian rituallifewerethe mostcontroversial,
and itis ofconsiderableinterest thatbothused thesame strategytojustifytheir
discussionsofthesetopics.BothSahagúnand Acosta engagedina doublemove;
theysuggestedtermsof comparison- librosde caballerías, fábulasy ficciones,
againstwhichthereadermightmeasuretheiraccounts- and thentoldthemnot
to do so. In otherwords,anticipating thattheirdescriptions mightseemfantastic
and interpreting fortheirreadersthecontentof nativeMexicanbeliefsas false,
bothauthorspresentedtermsofcomparisonwhichthereadershouldnotuse to
interpret theirwritings.
Sahagún referred to thebeliefsoftheMexicansas "fábulasy ficciones"as
he began his Book III, "Del principioque tuvieronlos dioses," by citingSt.
Agustineon thetruevalue of readingfalsetales:
SinceIrvingLeonardpublishedhisBooksoftheBravein 1949,thesubjectof
the relationshipbetweenthe Spanish conquistadorand his possible literary
inspiration in thenovelsofchivalryhas beena mostseductivetopic.Actually,a
workmuchless well knownon thesame subjectis Ida RodriguezPrampolini's
AmadisesdeAmérica,whichappearedinMexicoa yearbeforeLeonard'sBooksof
theBraveand madethesameargument aboutthechivalricspiritinspiring thefeats
ofconquest.55 Withthe Spanish translation ofBooks of theBrave in 1953 and the
reprinting in
oftheoriginal 1964, the circulationof thishighly attractiveidea has
beenuniversal.Unfortunately, thenotion thatpopular fictioninspired the deeds
of theconquistadoreshas been as indemonstrable as it has been appealing.So
Leonard himselfadmits and so otherreadershave observed.56The idea has
survivedall theseyearsas an intriguing pieceofintuition,althoughI suspectthata
greatmanyreadershave accepted it as an cultural
established historicalfact.
If we look again at thesingle statement by Bernal Díaz which inspiredthe
notion that popular literature influenced the attitudes and actions of
" Y desde
que vimostantasciudadesyvillaspobladas en el agua, y
en tierrafirmeotras grandespoblazones, y aquella calzada tan
derechaypornivelcómo iba a México,nos quedamos admirados,
ydecíamosque parecíaa las cosas de encantamiento que cuentan
en el librode Amadis,por las grandestorresy cues y edificiosque
teníandentroen el agua, y todos de calicanto,y aún algunos de
nuestrossoldados decían que si aquello que veían, si era entre
sueños,y no es de maravillarque yo escribaaquí de esta manera,
porquehaymuchoque ponderaren ello que no sé cómo lo cuente:
vercosas nuncaoídas, nivistas,niaún soñadas,como veíamos."57
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would
liketothankProfessors
StephanieMerrim,WalterMignolo, Newman
andKathleen fortheir
comments
helpful and I
suggestions.am also to
indebted TheNewberry and
Library the
National
Endowment fora Research
fortheHumanities Fellowship, fora
andtotheOhioStateUniversity
research
leave,which forthisarticle
madetheresearch possible.
NOTES
1Valverde 1641:f8r.
2Ethnographic history usedbyEduard
isa designation Fueter,inGeschichte derneueren
[1911],todescribe
Historiographie oneofthefour majortypes oftheseventeenth
ofhistory century.
Thehistories
calledEthnographicwere thoseauthored orstudents
bymissionaries oftheterritories
discovered
newly inthefifteenth
andsixteenth Because
centuries. oftheirconfrontation withspatial
andracial suchhistories
separations, asbeing
aredescribed bya "sense
inspired offatalschisminthe
humancommunity:" "Herehistory iswrittenintheapprehension ofdivisionswhich giveevery
offatally
evidence hinderingthemarch itself(White
ofcivilization 1973:p. 59).
3LasCasas1951:v. 1,p.22.
4Mignolo 1982:p.84.
5Another glimpseattheproblem ofincorporating aboutIndianculture
discussions into
isprovided
history
Spanish byFranciscoLópezdeGómara. Inthefirst
threeeditions ofhisHistoria
delasIndias
general ylaconquistadeMéxico [Zaragosa1552, Medina
1553; delCampo1553], there
anintroductory
appears notedescribing oftheworks:
thecontents
"Lahistoria
delasIndiasvaenquantotocaa lasconquistas, sumariamente.
escritas
Peroenotrascosasesllenaycopiosa.
Laconquista deMéxico vamuia lolargo
por
irallílamanera
queseusa,yguarda,enconquistar,convertir, ygranjear
poblar, la
tierra.Aunqueporserellala mejorla escribo porsí. Es muynotable porla
estraníssima ycrueles
religión, costumbresdeMexicanos. Aunque sondoscuerpos
esunahistoria.
Y assiesnecessario
queanden juntos."
Thetwo-part composition of thework,whichGómaradefended, pertainsnotonlyto the
general/specific
(Indias/México) dualitybutalsotothefact that hissubjectwasalternatelythedeeds
oftheSpaniards andthecustoms oftheIndians: "Es muynotable porla estraníssimareligióny
cruelescostumbres deMexicanos."
6Acosta1962: p.279.
7Ovalle1969:pp. 4-5.
8SeeMeans1928:pp.462-497, 519.
9SeeMignolo 1982fora discussion ofthisimportant discursivetype.
10"Y si a alguno lepareciere quememuestro algoinclinado a la partedelosaraucanos,
tratando suscosasyvalentías másextendidamente deloqueparabárbaros veremos
serequiere... que
muchos noleshanhecho ventaja[encuanto a costumbres, modos yejerciciodeguerra] yqueson
pocoslosquecontangran constanciayfirmeza handefendido sutierracontratanfierosenemigos
comosonlosespañoles ....Todoestohequerido traerparaprueba yenabonodelvalor destasgentes,
digno demayor loordelqueyolopodré darconmisversos" ([156911977:pp.11-12).
11BarcoCentenera 1602:f2v.
12Ibid.
13Saavedra Guzmán 1599:f9r.
14"Noquiero, señor relataros/Los sin
sacro, ylasleyes
ritós, queobseruauan,/Por entender,
duda,he de cansaros/Porque eraninfinitas las que vsauan:/Otros estándispuestos a
informaros/Que soloesteprincipio desseauan,/Y queyola vergüenza /Yconloque
lesquitasse,
padezco mequedasse.//Pero darosseñor disculpa /Ydemilocoygrande
desto, atrevimiento/En
arrojarme a tantocontrapuesto/Conociendo tanclaroelpocoaliento:/Animame señor a echarel
/Noconpocotemor
resto, /Elverque soyen Mexiconacido,
y sentimiento, /Dondeningún
historiadorhaauido."(1880:p.298).
15De Oña1944: n.p.
16See Pierce1961 andChevalier 1976fordetailed information abouttheextent ofepic
production between 1550and1650.Ercilla's La araucana wasfabulously with
successful, twenty-
threeeditionsbetween 1569and1632; itservedastheinspiration formany popular romances anda
number ofcomedias ontheSpanish stage (Chevalier1976:pp.106-108). SeealsoMedina 1918fora
collectionofromances basedontheLa Araucana.
17Describing oneoftheessential differences
between theepicandtragedy, LópezPinciano
stated:
"Lo primero, enelmedio dela imitación,
porque la trágicaimita conpersonas agenas del
poeta,ylaépica,conpropias yagenas, porloqualéstesedizepoema común, yaquél,activo"([1596]
1953:v.3,p. 149).
18Acosta1962:p.278.
19SeeThompson 1985: ofSpanish to
pp.4,11.Fora discussion oftherelationship epicpoetry
imperial ideology,seePierce 1961:pp.214-216, 321-324; Vidal1985:pp.35-43.
20Thisdiscussion ofInquisitorialcharges isbasedonKamen1985:pp.201-202.
21Kamen1985:pp.205-208.
22Thisdrawing, andothers from the1553Seville editionarereproduced inCiezadeLeón
1984.
23Acosta1962:p. 319.
24LasCasas'editorial fatereflectstheshiftintheofficial outlookonwritings onAmerica.
During thereign ofCarlosI,LasCasasexercised enormous influence,
publishing hisownseries of
treatises in 1552-1553 and,according to Lópezde Gomara,obstructing thepublication of
Fernández deOviedo's Historia generaldelasIndias. Duringthereign ofFelipeII,however, Las
Casas'works, andthoseofmany other writersonAmerica, wereordered sequestered byroyal
decree (Friede1959:p.58).Itwastheascent ofFelipeII tothethrone thatoccasioned thestricter
laws,withthefirst decrees explicitlyprohibiting thepublication ofbooksonAmerica without
specialpermission oftheConsejode Indiasbeingpromulgated in 1556.See Friede1959fora
discussion ofhowcensorship pertainingtotheIndies functioned anda casestudy ofhowitoperated
forpolitical motives.
25SeePagden 1982: pp.119-145 foranilluminating discussionofLasCasas'major historical
works as thebasisforthedevelopment ofcomparative ethnology.
26Thisstandard period formula onthevirtues ofhistoricaltruthandthevanities offiction
canbefound inliteraryprologues as wellas incountless aprobacionesbystateandecclesiastical
censors. Fora review ofsuchstatements, see,forexample, RodriguezPrampolini 1948;Leonard
1949;Pierce 1961.
27SeeBallesteros Gaibrois 1973.
28Antonio Márquez (1980:pp.230ff) hasrecently remarked ontheseproblems inhisstudy of
Inquisitorialexpurgation andcensorship ofliteratureinSpain.TorreRevello (1940)published a
series
oftheroyal decrees prohibiting works onAmerica, which because
areillustrative ofwhat they
failtostate.
29SeeBallesteros Gaibrois 1973onSahaeún; Pagden 1982onAcosta.
30O'Gorman (1962:pp. lxiii-lxiv) summarizes thebibliographic history oftheHistoria
natural ymoral delasIndias ; Pagden (1982:pp.197-198) discussestheintellectual impact ofthe
work. Theonlywork ofSahagún's tobepublished during thesixteenthcentury washisPsalmodia
cristianaysermonario delosSantos delaño,enlengua mexicana, ordenadaencantares opsalmos para
quecanten losindiosenlosarey tosquehacen enlasiglesias (Mexico:PedroOcharte, 1583).
31Sahagún 1938:v. l,p. 257.
32Acosta1962:p.278.
33SeeLeonard 1949;Chevalier 1976.
34Sahagún 1938:v. l,pp.82-83.
35Ballesteros Gaibrois 1973:p.76.
36Thisdescription summarizes theaccount given byPereña andhiscollaborators (1984:pp.
18-24) ofthecensorial procedures towhich theDeprocurando wassubmitted from thetime ofits
completion toitspublication.
37Ashebegan hisaccount oftheconquest ofMexico (BookVII,chapter 22),Acosta stated:
"Y enloquedeaquiadelante sóloterné
sedijiere, cuidado deescrebirloqueloslibros yrelaciones
delosindios cuentan, dequenuestros escritoresespañoles nohacenmención, pornohaber tanto
entendido lossecretosdeaquellatierra, ysoncosasmuy dignas deponderar, comoagoraseverá"
p. 359).
(1962:38
Hereitshould benoted thatthepublication ofneweditions, evenifonlyreprintings, was
nota proforma ritual.Ineachcase,theoriginal procedures ofreview andapproval hadtobe
repeated (Friede1959:pp.50-51).
39Todorov 1982:pp.227-237.
40SeeRicard 1966;Gibson1952.
41Seeendnote 24.
42Fortheactivities ofAcostaandSahagún, seeLopétegui 1942andBallesteros Gaibrois
1973,respectively.
43Sahagún 1938:v. 1,p. 119.
44Ibid.,pp.119-122.
45Ibid.,p. 122.
46Acosta1962:p.252.
47Relevant portions ofthisintroductory statement follow: "Cualquiera historia, siendo
verdadera ybienescrita, traenopequeño provecho Nohaygente
allector.... tanbárbara quenotenga
algobueno quealabar, nilahaytanpolítica quenotenga algoqueenmendar. Puescuando larelación
o la historiadeloshechos delosindios, notuviese otrofruto másdeestecomún deserhistoria y
relación decosas,queenefecto deverdad pasaron, merece serrecibida porcosaútil, ynoporser
indioses de desechar la noticia de suscosas, ...porque allítambién haypropiedades dignas de
consideración. Asíquecuando estonotuviese másqueserhistoria, siendo comoloes,ynofábulas y
ficciones,noessujeto indigno deescrebirse yleerse. Mashayotramuy particularrazón, queporser
degentes pocoestimadas, seestima enmásloquedeellasesdigno dememoria, yporserenmaterias
diferentes denuestra Europa, comolosonaquellas naciones, da mayor gustoentender deraízsu
origen, sumododeproceder, sussucesos prósperos yadversos. Y noessólogusto sinoprovecho
también, mayormente
48"Junto paralosqueloshandetratar,.../' (1962:p. 319).
conesto,es bienquenose condenen tanabsolutamente todaslascosasde los
primeros conquistadores delasIndias, comoalgunos letrados yreligiosos hanhecho, conbuencelo
sinduda, perodemasiado. Porque aunque porlamayor parte fueron hombres cudiciosos yásperos, y
muy ignorantesdelmododeproceder, quesehabíadetener entre quejamáshabían
infieles, ofendido
a loscristianos,perotampoco sepuedenegar quedeparte delosinfieles hubomuchas maldades
contra Diosycontra losnuestros, quelesobligaron a usarderigor ycastigo." (1962:p. 373).This
efforttobalance theaccount hasbeenseenas Acosta's desire tocopewith thelessons ofhispast
experience, when hiscondemnations oftheconquistadores were expurgated from theDeprocurando...
(SeePereña 1984:p.34).
49Sahagún 1938:v. 1,p.4.
50Juan Bautista dePomar ( 1941: p.4)began hisRelación deTexcoco [1582]byciting the1539
inquisitorialexecution ofDonCarlosOmetochtzin, thesonofNezahualiltzintli, asthereason why
thefew lords whostill possessed anycodices burned them forfear ofbeing accused ofidolatry ifsuch
artifacts were found intheir possession.
51GarcíaArenal 1975:p.29;Bennassar 1979:p.93.
52Jákfalvi-Leiva 1984:pp.80,86;seepp.79-88 fora review ofthelinguistic politicsofthe
Spanish empireattheendofthesixteenth century andthepositions ofitsmajor protagonists and
critics.
53A royaldecree ofSeptember 7, 1558,reveals thatneither theIsabeline edictof 1502
(requiring statelicensing ofallbooksprinted), northecensorship carried outbytheHolyOffice
through itsIndex ofprohibited books, wasconsidered sufficient todealwith writingsonAmerica.
Outlawed explicitlyweretheprinting andsaleofbooksinthree categories: 1)thoselisted onthe
Index, 2) heretical works, and3) frivolous, lascivious accounts, offering bad moralexamples
("materias vanas,deshonestas ydemalejemplo") (Friede 1959: p.49).Inthis context, theelaborate
arguments ofAcostaonwhyitwasacceptable, indeed important, toreadabouttheNewWorld
inhabitants becomes especially significant.
54Acosta1962: p.9.
55Ontheideaof theconnection between chivalric romance andtheconquest ofAmerica, the
observations ofWilliam Prescott, Alfonso Reyes, Torre Revello, andLeonard inhisRomances of
Chivalry intheSpanish Indies [1933] should alsobenoted.
56Leonard 1949: pp.25,31,53,65;Pastor 1983: 238-239.
57Bernal pp.154-156, 191-192,
Díaz1967:p. 147.
58Mention should bemade ofStephen Gilman whosuggested that the
(1961: pp.107,110-111),
Amadis functions within theBernalDíaz narrative as a "wayof solving theproblem of
communication," as a "kindofliterary shorthand" tohelpthereader, evenas heargues along
Leonard's linesthatthechivalric reference represented the"spontaneous associations ofthe
conquistadores" andreflected a "sense ofselfas knight-errant."
59Bernal Díaz 1967: seealsop. 153.
601851:v. l,p. 179.p. 151;
61SeeLerner andMoríñigo 1979:v. 1,p.37;Pastor 1983:pp.471-513.
62SeeChevalier 1976.
63Rodriguez 1948:pp.12-15; Bataillon 1950:p.210ff.
64Chevalier Prampolini
1976; Eisenberg 1973.
65Chevalier 1974: p.47;seePierce (1976:pp.111-135) forananalysis oftherolemagic played
inthenovels ofchivalry.
66Leonard 1933:p.253.
67Pierce1976:pp.Ill, 165.
68CaroBaroja1978:p. 57;seeCaroBaroja1964.
69"Y desabordegentilidad deDiossienten
delservicio
queloscelosos
ydeinfidelidad enellas
[costumbres (quenoséyosienedadalguna
degeneradas] delpueblo sehasentido
cristiano mayor), a
mijuicioelprincipio (LuisdeLeón1853:v.3,p. 37).
yla raízyla causatodasonestoslibros"
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