483

The Relationship Between Parental Involvement and Elementary

Students’ Academic Achievement in China: One-Only
Children vs. Children with Siblings 1

Wei Wei *
Yifang Wu **
Bo Lv ***
Huan Zhou ****
Xiuhua Han *****
Zhaomin Liu ******
Liang Luo *******

INTRODUCTION

One-only children have long been a concern of parents, psychologists, educators and policy
makers. After 1979 in particular, when China instituted its one-child policy, studies on one-
only children increased significantly (e.g., Chow and Zhao, 1996; Falbo and Poston, 1993;
Jing et al., 2003; Mancillas, 2006; Poston and Falbo, 1990). Previous studies have explored
the differences between one-only children and non-only children in the areas of academic
achievement, character, and social development. Some studies have found that one-only
children were more self-centered and maladjusted than children with siblings (Cameron et al.,
2013), while other studies did not find significant differences between one-only children and
those with siblings in the domains of adjustment and sociability (Chen and Liu, 2014; Falbo,
2012; Falbo and Polit, 1986). Despite the incongruent results on character and social

1 Acknowledgement: This research was supported by the Beijing Municipal Science Education Twelfth-Five

Year Plan: The quality of parental involvement in Beijing and its mechanism for elementary students’
achievement. (Key project, ABA13015).
*
National Key Laboratory of Cognitive Neuroscience and Learning & IDG/McGovern Institute for Brain
Research, Beijing Normal University, No. 19, XinJieKouWai St., HaiDian District, Beijing, P. R. China, 100875;
and Department of Psychology, Pennsylvania State University, 201 Old Main, University Park, Pennsylvania,
16802 USA (wxw5182@psu.edu).
**
School of Education, ZhouKou Normal University Science, East Wenchang Street, Chuanhui District,
Zhoukou City, 466001 China (xiaohanyiyi@outlook.com).
*** Collaborative Innovation Center of Assessment Toward Basic Education Quality, Beijing Normal University,

No. 19, XinJieKouWai St., HaiDian District, Beijing, P. R., 100875, China (lvbo309@126.com)
**** Collaborative Innovation Center of Assessment Toward Basic Education Quality, Beijing Normal

University, No. 19, XinJieKouWai St., HaiDian District, Beijing, 100875 P. R. China (23819606@qq.com).
***** Liaocheng People's Hospital, Room 67, Dongchang Road (West), Liaocheng City, Shandong Prov,

252000 P. R. China (hanxiuhua0403@163.com).

****** Correspondence Author: School of Sociology, China University of Political Science and Law, 25

Xitucheng Lu, Haidian District, Beijing, P. R. 100088 China (zhaominl@cupl.edu.cn).

******* Correspondence Author: Collaborative Innovation Center of Assessment Toward Basic Education

Quality, Beijing Normal University, Beijing, P. R. 100875 China (luoliang@bnu.edu.cn).

©Journal of Comparative Family Studies

Volume XLVII Number 4 Autumn 2016
484 Journal of Comparative Family Studies

development, the results for academic achievement consistently indicate that one-only children
possess advantages. For example, Falbo and Polit (1986) conducted a meta-analysis of 115
studies on one-only children and demonstrated that one-only children had significantly higher
achievement scores than their peers with siblings. Recent studies of one-only children in both
Western countries and in China confirm the academic advantage of one-only children (e.g.,
Booth and Kee, 2005; Downey, 2001; Travis and Kohli, 1995).

Scholars have attempted to explain why one-only children possess this academic advantage.
Bronfenbrenner’s ecological perspective provides a theoretical framework for explaining this
phenomenon (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). This theory categorizes the environmental factors that
affect children’s development into four systems (micro-, meso-, exo-, and macrosystem). Of
these systems, the microsystem is directly related to children and therefore plays a more
important role in children’s development. Additionally, parents have been found to be the most
important factor in the microsystem. Academic achievement is a vital indicator of children’s
development; accordingly, in this theory, parents should greatly affect children’s academic
achievement. In practice, previous studies have also indicated that parental factors are the most
important factor behind academic achievement and are more influential than other
environmental factors (Melhuish, 2008). Blake (1981) found that one-only children in the
United States were more likely to have parents with higher levels of education and income
than their peers with siblings. Thus, he suggested that the superior academic outcomes of one-
only children might be a reflection of the resources of their parents. However, the advantages
of one-only children remain after statistically controlling for parents' educational levels and
family income (Blake, 1989; Polit and Falbo, 1988). Parents’ interactions with their children
might promote the academic success of one-only children. Indeed, a few studies have found
that parents of one-only children exhibit distinct behaviors when interacting with their
children. For example, mothers of one-only children reported helping the child complete
homework assignments and talked directly with the child about school-related topics more
frequently than parents of multiple children (Chen, 2007). This finding indicates that parents
may pay more attention to and be more involved in one-only children’s learning. Falbo (1990)
suggested that these types of parental behaviors might facilitate the one-only child's acquisition
of academic skills.

Seginer (2006) indicated that parents’ educational involvement as a term described different
parental practices ranging from educational beliefs and academic achievement expectations to
the multiple behaviors parents employ at home and in school to advance children’s educational
outcomes. Additionally, they also used Bronfenbrenner’s ecological framework to explain
parental involvement in education. The microsystem pertains to home-based involvement and
extends to contain home-based involvement, family structure, family size and other family
environmental factors. The meso-system is the school-based involvement expanded to
comprise school-based involvement and other school-related factors. In this framework,
different systems and sub-systems operate interactively. Numerous studies have demonstrated
that parental involvement has a unique and essential effect on children’s learning (e.g.,
Desforges and Abouchaar, 2003; Jeynes, 2005; Pomerantz, Moorman, and Cheung, 2012). For
example, Fan and Chen (2001) conducted a meta-analysis of 25 studies that suggested a small
to medium relationship between parental involvement and students’ academic achievement.
 The Relationship Between Parental Involvement and Elementary Students’
485
Academic Achievement in China: One-Only Children vs. Children with Siblings

Among the aspects examined, parental aspiration had the strongest association with children’s
achievement, while home supervision had the weakest association with achievement. Hill and
Tyson (2009) conducted a meta-analysis of 50 studies on parental involvement, and the results
suggested that school-based involvement, academic socialization and activities at home have
small to moderate positive effects on achievement. In contrast, parental help with homework
was negatively associated with student achievement. In a recent study, Wei (2012) identified
five aspects of Chinese parents’ involvement: support, pressure, help, monitoring and
communication. In Wei’s (2012) study, increased parent-child communication was the
strongest factor related to higher academic achievement, whereas additional parental help was
associated with lower academic achievement.

Based on the findings above, we know that the associations between parental involvement and
achievement may differ by the particular aspect of parental involvement examined; moreover,
according to Bronfenbrenner’s ecological framework, these associations may vary by
characteristics of the families (family income, parents’ educational level, ethnicity, family
structure, and so on.). For instance, although growing up in single-mother family has a negative
effect on academic achievement (Biblarz and Raftery, 1999; Coley, 1998), parental
involvement has a stronger effect on the academic achievement of adolescents from single-
parent than from two-parent families (Bogenschneider, 1997). McNeal (1999, 2001) examined
the influence of parental involvement on cognitive and behavioral outcomes by socioeconomic
status and ethnicity. #>[\
>!][!
effective in white students of higher socioeconomic status (SES). Hill et al., (2004) also
examined parental involvement among different ethnicities. He argued that parental
involvement might be more beneficial for African American than for European American
children because it might compensate for a poor, less educated environment, which was more
common among African American children. These studies suggest that parental involvement
might have differential effects on different groups of children. Families with only one child
substantially differ from families with more than one child in terms of SES, family structure
and parenting behaviors (e.g., Blake, 1981; Chow and Zhao, 1996; Quoss and Zhao, 1995).
For example, studies have found that parents of one-only children have significantly higher
educational expectations of their children than parents with more than one child (Kammeyer,
1967; Tsui and Rich, 2002). Thus, this relationship may differ between only and non-only
children.

Despite a wealth of studies demonstrating the vital role parental involvement plays in
promoting children’s academic performance, we are not aware of any empirical studies that
compare the relationship between parental involvement and academic achievement between
groups of one-only children and non-only children. Additionally, most of the studies on
parental involvement and children’s achievement have been conducted in America and
Europe. In sharp contrast, the number of studies concerning parental involvement in China is
very limited. China, America and Europe are influenced by different cultures. America and
Europe are both influenced by ancient Greek philosophy, which emphasizes “the love of
Wisdom”; thus, Americans often view learning in a utilitarian light in which knowledge is
gained primarily to develop one’s skills (Li, 2005; Tweed & Lehman, 2002). However, in
China, which is influenced by Confucian philosophies, the ideology of learning and the
486 Journal of Comparative Family Studies

parental role in learning is quite different. Compared to the focus on skills, Confucius
emphasized the moral aspect of learning (Li, 2002, 2005). Therefore, academic achievement
has important social meaning for children and parents. Additionally, because Confucian
philosophies overemphasize the role of family in children’s development, Chinese parents tend
to be more involved than their western counterparts (Chao, Kanatsu, Stanoff, Padmawidjaja,
and Aque, 2009; Chen and Stevenson, 1989; Pearce and Lin, 2007; Stevenson and Stigler,
1992). Due to the different cultural values present in western countries and China, it is very
important to study the effects of parental involvement on children’s outcome in Chinese
families. Furthermore, when studying parental involvement in China, it is important to
examine whether its effects on achievement are similar or different between aaaone-only
children and non-only children.

The aim of this study is to examine the relationship between parental involvement and
academic achievement in two groups of children: one-only children and non-only children.
However, in previous studies, children’s intelligence has been identified as the most powerful
source of children’s achievement (Kuncel, Hezlett, and Ones, 2004; Kyttälä and Lehto, 2008);
it can explain approximately 30% of the total variance in students’ academic achievement
(Karbach, Gottschling, Spengler, Hegewald, and Spinath, 2013).

Additionally, previous literature has suggested that there is a difference in intelligence between
one-only child and non-only child, namely, the one-only child has higher intelligence than the
non-only child (Falbo and Polit, 1986; Jiao, Ji, and Jing, 1996). Therefore, to purely assess the
research question, we controlled for children’s intelligence to explore whether parental
involvement can explain academic achievement beyond intelligence and whether there are
differences between only and non-only children.

In sum, we formulate the following hypotheses: (1) one-only children are likely to receive
higher examination scores than their peers with siblings, (2) parents of one-only children are
likely to be more involved in their children’s studies and (3) certain aspects of parental
involvement might have differential associations with the academic achievement of one-only
children and non-only children after controlling for children’s intelligence.

METHODS

Sample and Procedure

The respondents of the study were 813 fourth to sixth grade students and one of their parents
(mother or father) from two elementary schools in Liaocheng. Liaocheng is located in western
Shandong Province. In 2013, the per capita annual disposable income in Liaocheng (18,085
Chinese yuan/person) was equivalent to the national average (18,310.8 Chinese yuan/person).
The educational qualifications of elementary schools were equivalent to the national average;
for example, the pupil-teacher ratio in Liaocheng in 2013 was 17.96, and the national average
was 16.76 (China Statistical Yearbook 2014; Shandong province Statistical Yearbook, 2014).
The number of students in each of the two schools was 3196 and 3994, respectively. In the
first school, grade 4 consists of 8 classes, grade 5 of 8 classes and grade 6 of 9 classes. In the
 The Relationship Between Parental Involvement and Elementary Students’
487
Academic Achievement in China: One-Only Children vs. Children with Siblings

second school, grade 4 comprises 9 classes, grade 5, 7 classes and grade 6, 9 classes.

Two classes in each grade (4th -6th grade) were randomly selected from each school to
participate in this project. Initially, 813 parents provided their consent for participation in this
study. Of the parents who agreed to participate, 685 completed and returned the questionnaires
(84.25%). After excluding the incomplete responses (lack of parental reporting and cases with
a missing rate higher than 20%), the final samples in this study included 625 students and their
parents from all three elementary grade levels. Of these students, 312 were boys (49.9%), and
313 were girls (50.1%). There were 397 one-only children (63.52%) and 228 non-only children
(36.48%) in our sample. The sample included 216 fathers (34.6%) and 409 mothers (65.4%).
The mean ages of the students and parents were 10.92 years (SD = .95) and 37.72 years (SD =
2.70), respectively.

Measures

Parental Involvement

Parental involvement was measured with the Parental Involvement Questionnaire (parent
report) (Wu, Han, Wei, and Luo, 2013). The Parental Involvement Questionnaire was brought
home by the child and completed by one of his or her parents (either the mother or the father).

The Parental Involvement Questionnaire is a 29-item self-report inventory that was developed
and adapted from previous parental involvement research specifically for the Chinese
population (Green and Hoover-Dempsey, 2007; Green et al., 2007; Walker et al., 2005). The
items describing parents’ involvement in their children’s educational activities in/outside of
school are rated on a 4-point scale ranging from never (1) to always (4). This questionnaire
contains five sub-scales representing five important and well-recognized dimensions of
involvement: (a) parent-school contact: parents were asked to indicate how often they visited
their child’s school, attended school events (parent meetings, performances, athletic and
extracurricular activities) and stayed in contact with teachers and school personnel; (b) parent-
child communication: parents were asked to indicate how often they conversed with their
children about learning-related topics and shared school experiences, such as discussing school
activities and academic performance, showing interest in children's progress at school or topics
the child is interested in, or discussing the value of a good education; (c) learning assistance:
parents were asked to indicate how often they helped their children complete homework and
prepare for upcoming examinations; (d) parent-child activity: parents were asked how
frequently they spent time with their elementary school-aged children in extracurricular
activities, such as visiting museums; and (e) home monitoring: parents were asked to report
how frequently they monitored children’s use of time, such as setting limits on watching TV
and establishing a daily family routine.

Cronbach’s alphas for these dimensions and the entire questionnaire ranged from .48 to .91.
Confirmatory factor analyses (CFAs) were conducted using structural equation modelling
(SEM) in Stata 12.0. The model fit statistics were all acceptable: F2 = 683.82, df = 367, p <
0.001, F2/df = 1.86, SRMR = 0.05, CFI = 0.92, TLI = 0.91, and RMSEA = 0.04.
488 Journal of Comparative Family Studies

Academic Achievement

Measures of children's academic achievement were obtained from school records. Two of the
children's end-of-term grades in math and reading for the current year were utilized in this
investigation. The recorded grades were originally numerical, ranging from 0 to 100. The
grades were standardized within the school and grade to incorporate differences between the
grading systems of each school and grade. Finally, the standard achievement in the 2 subjects
was averaged and used as the indicator of student academic achievement (Cheung and Pomerantz,
2011; Stright and Yeo, 2014). Higher numbers reflect higher levels of academic achievement.

Raven’s Progressive Matrices 2

Raven's Standard Progressive Matrices (SPM) were used to broadly assess children’s
intelligence (Raven, 1941). The Chinese version of Raven's Standard Progressive Matrices
(SPM) was revised by Zhang & Wang (1989) and demonstrated good reliability and validity.
The split-half reliability of the Chinese version was 0.95, p<0.01, and the concurrent validity
was 0.71, p < 0.01 (related to the WISC-CR) (Zhang and Wang, 1989). After the instructions,
the items are presented according to their level of difficulty. A typical SPM, according to
Raven, is estimated to be completed in 45 min. The booklet includes five sets (A to E) of 12
items each. One point is awarded for each correct choice, and the total scores are calculated
out of 60 points. The raw scores are converted to standardized scores by a computer. Children’s
intelligence was included as a control variable in the analysis because past research has
suggested that intelligence is a powerful predictor of achievement, and in our data, it was
significantly related to achievement.

Demographic Variables

Parents reported on the family income (1=3,600 yuan and below; 2=3601-7200 yuan; 3=7201-
14000 yuan; 4=14001-30000 yuan; 5=30001-50000 yuan; 6=50001-100000 yuan; 7=100001
yuan and above) and mother’s educational attainment 3 (1= Elementary school and below, 2=
Middle school, 3= High school, 4= Associate degree, 5= Bachelor's degree, 6= Master’s degree
and above). Family income and mother’s education were used as covariates in the study.

Procedure

The children completed Raven's Standard Progressive Matrices at school and brought home a
packet of documents for their parents, including a questionnaire on parental involvement, a
letter describing the project and a consent form. Demographic information was also obtained

2 Raven’s Progressive Matrices were designed by Raven in 1941 based on Spearman’s two-factor theory of

intelligence (Raven, 1941). The two main components of general intelligence (deductive ability and reproductive
ability) are measured, as identified by Spearman in 1923 (Spearman, 1927).
3 Father’s and mother’s education were highly correlated in our data (r = 0.85, p < 0.001), and entering them

together in the analysis induced the issue of multicollinearity (VIF > 5). Thus, we only included mother’s
educational level as the control variable.
 The Relationship Between Parental Involvement and Elementary Students’
489
Academic Achievement in China: One-Only Children vs. Children with Siblings

from the parents, including the students’ age, gender, grade level, sibling status, family income,
and mother’s and father’s educational level.

RESULTS

To test the mean differences in academic achievement, IQ, maternal education level and
income between groups, we conducted four independent t-tests. The t-test results indicated that
one-only children scored higher than children with siblings on academic achievement (Table
1). Moreover, compared with parents of multiple children, mothers with only one child had
higher levels of education, and families with only one child had higher levels of family income
(ps < .001). To determine if family size influenced parental involvement in children’s
education, we conducted a MANOVA with one-only children (one-only children vs. children
with siblings) as the fixed factor. The results of the MANOVA indicated that parents with only
one child were more involved in children’s schooling (Pillai’s F = 10.36, p < 0.001). Compared
with their counterparts with multiple children, parents with one child exhibited higher parent-
child communication and learning assistance (F = 49.08, p < 0.001; F = 10.24, p = 0.001,
respectively).

Table 1 presents the means and correlations of all of the variables. Most of the correlations
between demographic variables, IQ and children’s academic achievement were statistically
significant. These associations differed for one-only children and non-only children.
Specifically, for children with siblings, parent-school contact was negatively associated with
academic performance (r = -0.18, p = 0.008). In contrast, for one-only children, parent-child
communication and activity were positively associated with academic achievement (r = 0.21,
p < 0.001; r = 0.15, p = 0.003, respectively).

We conducted two regression analyses to examine whether Chinese parents’ involvement in

their child’s schooling could predict academic achievement and whether the relations were
similar for one-only children and children with siblings. In both groups, IQ, mother’s
educational level and family income were first entered as covariates, followed by the five
dimensions of parental involvement. Table 2 presents the regression coefficients of the two
groups. Table 2 indicates that the model of children with siblings predicted 22.0% of the
variance in achievement. Parent-school contact contributed a unique 4% over and above the
variance explained by IQ, mother’s educational attainment and income. The regression
coefficients indicate that for children with siblings, higher levels of parent-school contact were
associated with lower academic achievement ( = -0.17, p = 0.025). The overall model of the
one-only children group was significant and explained 22.0% of the variance in children’s
academic performance. Unlike the results observed in the non-only children, a unique 3% was
explained by parent-child communication and parent-child activity beyond the control
variables. For one-only children, parent-child communication and parent-child activity were
uniquely related to children’s academic achievement ( = 0.10, p = 0.05;  = 0.17, p = 0.004,
respectively).
 490

Table 1. Descriptive Statistics and Correlations among Variables for One-Only Children and Non-Only Children
Non-only One-Only
children Children
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
M(SD) M(SD)
N=228 N=397
1. Academic -0.25 0.13a
1 0.34** 0.32** 0.18** 0.05 0.15** -0.03 0.11* 0.01
achievement (1.90) (1.48)
-0.08 0.04
2. IQ 0.40** 1 0.19** 0.12** -0.04 0.01 -0.10* -0.1 -0.06
(1.04) (.98)
3. Mother 2.61 3.71a
0.18** 0.12 1 0.23** 0.12* 0.28** 0.09 0.03 -0.08
Education (1.02) (1.18)
4.33 4.65a
4. Family Income 0.14* 0.16* 0.21** 1 -0.04 0.24** 0.03 -0.05 -0.04
(1.61) (1.50)
5. Parent-School 2.45 2.54
-0.18** -0.07 0.09 -0.02 1 0.33** 0.39** 0.42** 0.26**
Contact (.63) (.60)
6. Parent-Child 3.44 - 3.76b
0.03 0.05 0.28** 0.06 0.31** 1 0.32** -0.12*
Communication (.55) 0.14** (.55)
7. Learning 3.03 3.19b
-0.13* -0.03 0.16* -0.02 0.44** 0.37** 1 0.17** 0.21**
Assistance (.63) (.56)
8. Parent-Child 2.13 2.16
-0.04 -0.1 0.12 -0.04 0.48** 0.11 0.34** 1 0.49**
Activity (.59) (.65)
9. Home 3.17 3.15
-0.14* -0.08 -0.11 -0.08 0.30** 0.02 0.34** 0.41** 1
Journal of Comparative Family Studies

Monitoring (.56) (.58)

Note. Descriptive statistics and correlations above the diagonal refer to the only children group, and correlations below the diagonal refer to the
non-only children group.
a
= analysis of t-test was significant; b = multivariate analysis of variance was significant.
* p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001.
 The Relationship Between Parental Involvement and Elementary Students’
491
Academic Achievement in China: One-Only Children vs. Children with Siblings

Table 2. Summary of the Hierarchical Regression Analyses Predicting Non-only Children and
Only Children’s Achievement on Parental Involvement.

Variable Non-only children Only children

Step 1
IQ 0.38*** 0.27***
Mother education level 0.11 0.27***
Income 0.06 0.09
Step 2

Parent-school contact -0.17* -0.04

Parent-Child communication 0.06 0.10*

Learning Assistance -0.11 -0.06

Parent-Child Activity 0.12 0.17**

Home supervisions -0.05 -0.01
R² 0.22 0.22
 0.04 0.03
 2.21* 2.37*
*p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001

DISCUSSION

This study assessed the differences in five types of parental involvement in one-only children
and non-only children and the extent to which parental involvement is related to children’s
academic achievement, while controlling for children’s intelligence. The analysis presents
some interesting observations. First, one-only children outscored their peers with siblings on
academic achievement. Second, consistent with our hypothesis, one-only children’s parents
were more involved in their child’s education (especially in parent-child communication and
learning assistance). Third, after controlling for child intelligence, family income and maternal
educational level, the effects of parental involvement on children’s academic achievement
differ between one-only children and non-only children (especially in parent-school contact,
parent-child communication and parent-child activity).

This study found that the academic achievement of one-only children was significantly higher
than that of non-only children. This observation is consistent with previous research that
demonstrated that one-only children have an academic advantage (e.g., Falbo, 1988, 1990).
Additionally, the total amount of parental involvement of one-only children was significantly
higher than that of non-only children. This may be in part because of the difference in parental
educational attainment, as in our study, the educational attainment of parents who had an one-
only child was significantly higher than that of parents with multiple children. A handful of
492 Journal of Comparative Family Studies

studies have shown that parental education was positively correlated with parental sensitivity
toward the focal child (Huston & Aronson 2005); parents with higher levels of education invest
more time and energy on their children, especially regarding educational activities (Hsin and
Felfe, 2014; NCES, 2008).

Specifically, compared with their counterparts with multiple children, parents with one child
exhibited significantly higher parent-child communication and learning assistance. This result
is consistent with previous research, which demonstrated that mothers of one-only children
helped their child complete homework assignments and had conversations directly with the
child more frequently than parents of multiple children (Chen, 2007). This supports the
resource dilution theory, which suggests that as the number of siblings increases, the parental
resources (money, time and attention) allocated to each child decreases (Downey, 2001).
Parent-child communication and learning assistance are one-on-one activities, and thus, as the
number of siblings increases, the opportunities and time that parents can communicate with
each child or assist in the learning of each child decrease.

In addition, we found that after controlling for child intelligence, family income and maternal
educational level, the relationship between parental involvement and children’s academic
achievement differed between one-only children and non-only children in the following
dimensions.

Parent-School Contact

After controlling for child intelligence, family income and maternal educational level, the
regression analysis showed that parent-school contact in non-only children can negatively
affect children’s academic achievement. However, among one-only children, parent-school
contact was not significantly related to children’s academic achievement.

There are two possible reasons for this result: first, for non-only children, parent-school contact
had a negative impact on children’s academic achievement; second, the poor academic
performance of the children evoked an increase in parent-school contact. The results of a
longitudinal study have supported the second assumption; that study found that parents often
use their children’s behavioral and academic outcomes as a regulator of their parenting
behavior. When children perform poorly in school, this may elevate parents’ concerns about
their children and increase the likelihood that parents will engage in more home-school
communication (Hoglund, Jones, Brown and Aber, 2015).

In our study, the results for non-only children are consistent with those of the longitudinal
study, which suggests that, for parents with more than one child, children’s academic
achievement is a regulator of parent-school contact behavior. Our data suggest that the
academic achievement of one-only children was significantly higher than that of their peers
with siblings. According to this notion, parents of one-only children should engage in less
parent-school contact; however, parents of one-only children and non-only children exhibited
the same amount of parent-school contact (see table 1). Based on the academic achievement
scores, we selected 168 children who scored in the top 27% as the high achievement group and
 The Relationship Between Parental Involvement and Elementary Students’
493
Academic Achievement in China: One-Only Children vs. Children with Siblings

168 children who scored in the bottom 27% as the low achievement group and then tested
whether the amount of parent-school contact of these two groups differed from each other
among one-only children and non-only children. The results of the t-test showed that, among
non-only children, parent-school contact in the low achievement group (N = 69) was
significantly higher than that of the high achievement group (N = 48) (t (115) = 2.304, p < .05,
Cohen’s d = 0.431); among one-only children, parent-school contact in the low achievement
group (N=99) and the high achievement group (N=120) did not significantly differ (t(217) = -
0.520, p > 0.05, Cohen’s d = 0.071). The results of the regression also demonstrated that one-
only children’s academic achievement was not significantly correlated with parent-school
contact (see Table 2). Thus, for non-only children, poor academic performance was a salient
indicator of their parents’ parent-school contact. However, among one-only children, parents
were always concerned about their children’s schooling, regardless of how well their child was
performing academically.

Parent-Child Communication

The regression results suggested that parent-child communication can positively predict
children’s academic achievement in one-only children. However, among non-only children,
parent-child communication was not significantly related to children’s academic achievement.
In other words, parent-child communication was more effective for increasing the academic
achievement of one-only children.

Previous studies have suggested that parents of one-only children tend to have higher academic
expectations of their children than parents with more than one child (Kammeyer, 1967; Tsui
and Rich, 2002). Furthermore, there is plenty of empirical evidence that demonstrates that a
parent’s educational expectation of their child is an important predictive factor of children’s
academic achievement (Benner, Boyle and Sadler, 2016; Wilder, 2014). One of the main
reasons for this relationship is that through parent-child communication, parents’ educational
expectations, which are conducive to future success, are imparted to their children and affect
their beliefs about education and themselves; this in turn will affect children’s academic
achievement (Hill and Tyson, 2009). Thus, among one-only children, the more frequently they
communicate with their parents, the more positive parental expectations they receive; thus,
they are more likely to harbor similar positive attitudes and expectation as their parents, and
this could encourage children to work harder in their learning.

In addition, among non-only children, parents’ speech is often directed toward multiple
children, not specifically to an individual child. Moreover, one-to-one parent-child
communication may be interrupted by other siblings. Prior studies have demonstrated that
verbal interaction between children and adults has positive effects on children’s cognitive
development, especially on language development. However, adult speech that is not
specifically directed to a child has a much smaller effect on child outcomes (Shneidman and
Goldin-Meadow, 2012; Weisleder and Fernald, 2013). Thus, the communication modes
between non-only children and their parents may not be as effective as those of one-only
children.
494 Journal of Comparative Family Studies

Parent-Child Activity

The results indicated that parent-child activity can positively predict children’s academic
achievement among one-only children. However, among non-only children, parent-child
activity was not significantly related to children’s academic achievement. As with parent-child
communication, parent-child activities were more beneficial for only children.

Previous studies have demonstrated that the time spent engaging in structured parent-child
activities can positively predict child outcomes (Hsin and Felfe, 2014). One of the main
reasons is that during these activities, parents can impart useful knowledge and skills to their
children. However, in our study, this positive effect differed between one-only children and
non-only children. One possible explanation for this differential effect may be the attention
each child can receive during these activities. According to the resource dilution theory, if
parents participate in activities with multiple children, they have to split their time and attention
between each child. However, an only child can receive his or her parents’ undivided attention,
while children with siblings would need to share or compete for their parents’ attention. These
differences make the transmission of knowledge and skills more difficult for non-only
children’s parents. In addition, for non-only children, during these activities, their siblings are
usually present, and thus their experience may substantially differ from that of one-only
children, who can interact with their parents individually. This means that although parents
display similar parental involvement levels, what children actually perceive and receive might
be very different. Future studies should consider using child reports of parental involvement
because children’s perception and parents’ perceptions might be very different.

On the other hand, some researchers have suggested that more parental involvement is not
always better for the children, as the quality of parental involvement should also be considered.
Pomerantz and colleagues (2012) noted that the quality of parental involvement may play a
role in the extent to which the involvement enables children to develop the skills necessary to
achieve their full potential, and quality may account for some of the variance identified in the
quantitative syntheses of the effects of parental involvement. Some empirical studies also
demonstrated that a low quality of parental involvement can not only suppress children’s
development but even exert a detrimental effect (Silinskas, Niemi, Lerkkanen, and Nurmi,
2013). Thus, the quality of parental involvement may be another reason for the differing effects
of parent-child activity on children’s academic achievement between one-only children and
non-only children. Therefore, future studies should incorporate quality when exploring the
relationship between parental involvement and child development.

LIMITATION

Although this study provides some interesting results, we acknowledge that there are some
limitations. The first limitation of the study is its reliance on correlational data. The data on
parental involvement, achievement and intelligence were all collected at a single time point,
which might limit the extent to which conclusions about causality can be drawn. For example,
instead of being the result of parent-school contact, the lower achievement of non-only
children might be the cause. Thus, parent-school contact may not lead to non-only children’s
 The Relationship Between Parental Involvement and Elementary Students’
495
Academic Achievement in China: One-Only Children vs. Children with Siblings

poorer achievement, but rather non-only children’s poorer achievement at school may lead to
the school or parent initiating contact to address the problem. Longitudinal studies are needed
to determine the direction of the relationship between parental involvement and children’s
achievement.

Second, we used parents’ reports to assess parental involvement in this study. Although some
studies (Hill and Taylor, 2004; Reynolds, 1992) have shown that parents’ reports might be
more accurate in reporting certain dimensions of parental involvement (e.g., parent-school
contact and home monitoring), future studies should also consider and integrate different
sources of information, such as students’ and teachers’ reports, and use observations to obtain
more objective and accurate information on parental involvement.

A further limitation of our study is that having one or more children was confounded by other
demographic variables, and these demographic variables can also influence parental
involvement. This study controlled for the impact of family income and maternal education
and identified a significant relationship between parental involvement and children’s academic
achievement. However, there are still more factors that should be seriously considered. For
example, rural families are allowed to have two children if their first-born is a girl. Parents
who are one-only children themselves are able to have two children, and their parenting
behaviors might be influenced by their parents’ parenting behaviors and their experiences
being raised as a one-only child. In addition, ethnic minorities, remarried couples and couples
whose first child has disabilities are also allowed to have a second child. These diverse
demographic characteristics and their associated factors might also have profound influences
on parental involvement and children’s academic performance.

CONCLUSION

The present study provided some empirical evidence regarding the relationship between
parental involvement and children’s academic achievement. First, consistent with previous
studies, we found that one-only children had significantly higher academic achievement scores
than non-only children. Second, the amount of parental involvement was significantly higher
in one-only children than in non-only children, especially in the dimensions of parent-child
communication and learning assistance. Third, after controlling for child intelligence, family
income and maternal educational level, the relationship between parental involvement and
children’s academic achievement differed between one-only children and non-only children in
three dimensions: parent-school contact, parent-child communication and parent-child
activity.

Parent-school contact negatively predicted non-only children’s academic achievement but was
not significantly related to one-only children’s academic achievement. Parent-child
communication was found to positively predict one-only children’s academic achievement,
but it was not significantly related to non-only children’s academic achievement. Similarly,
for parent-child activity, it was found to positively predict one-only children’s academic
achievement but was not significantly related to non-only children’s academic achievement.
496 Journal of Comparative Family Studies

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402 Journal of Comparative Family Studies
participation of recent immigrant wives from
these countries. By using the New Immigration
Survey 2003 (Jasso, Massey, Rosenzweig, &
Smith, 2005), this paper examines labor force
participation of immigrant women from eastern
and central Asian countries. Logistic regression
results show that their own educational
attainment and prior experience in professional
occupation are not a significant predictor of their
labor force participation, while their location of
education as well as their English proficiently are
found to be significant predictors. Moreover, the
study found that their reason to migrate
significantly influenced their likelihood of labor
force participation. These results imply that
unlike U.S. born women, the human capital
approach does not apply in predicting labor force
participation for recent Asian immigrant wives.
WEI WEI, National Key Laboratory of Cognitive
Neuroscience and Learning & IDG/McGovern
Institute for Brain Research, Beijing Normal
University, No. 19, XinJieKouWai St., HaiDian
District, Beijing, P. R. China, 100875; and
Department of Psychology, Pennsylvania State
University, 201 Old Main, University Park,
Pennsylvania, 16802 USA (wxw5182@psu.edu).
YIFANG WU, School of Education, ZhouKou
Normal University Science, East Wenchang
Street, Chuanhui District, Zhoukou City, 466001
China (xiaohanyiyi@outlook.com).
BO LV, Collaborative Innovation Center of
Assessment Toward Basic Education Quality,
Beijing Normal University, No. 19,
XinJieKouWai St., HaiDian District, Beijing, P.
R., 100875, China (lvbo309@126.com)
HUAN ZHOU, Collaborative Innovation Center
of Assessment Toward Basic Education Quality,
Beijing Normal University, No. 19,
XinJieKouWai St., HaiDian District, Beijing,
100875 P. R. China (23819606@qq.com).
XIUHUA HAN, Liaocheng People's Hospital,
Room 67, Dongchang Road (West), Liaocheng
City, Shandong Prov, 252000 P. R. China
(hanxiuhua0403@163.com).
ZHAOMIN LIU, Correspondence Author:
School of Sociology, China University of
Political Science and Law, 25 Xitucheng Lu,
Haidian District, Beijing, P. R. 100088 China
(zhaominl@cupl.edu.cn).
LIANG LUO, Correspondence Author:
Collaborative Innovation Center of Assessment
Toward Basic Education Quality, Beijing Normal
University, Beijing, P. R. 100875 China
(luoliang@bnu.edu.cn).
The Relationship Between Parental Involvement
and Elementary Students’ Academic Achievement
in China: One-Only Children vs. Children with
Siblings
One-only children have long been a research
concern and previous studies have consistently
found that one-only children posed academic
advantages. However, we know very little about
why one-only children scored higher in school
examinations than their peers with siblings.
Parental involvement might be the reason
underlies this difference. This study compares the
relationship between parental involvement and
students’ academic achievement in families with
only one child and families with more than one
child in China. The results indicate that parents
with only one child are more involved in their
children’s learning compared with their
counterparts with more than one child. The
findings also suggest that parent-child
communication and parent-child activities can
positively predict one-only children’s academic
performance, whereas parent-school contact
negatively predicts non-only children’s academic
performance. These findings highlight the
complexity and importance of parental
involvement in academic achievement and
presents implications for future practice.
JOANNA E. BETTMANN, Corresponding
Author: University of Utah College of Social
Work, 395 South 1500 East, Room 101, Salt
Lake City, UT 84112, USA
(Joanna.Schaefer@socwk.utah.edu).
RACHEL WRIGHT, Appalachian State
University Department of Social Work, ASU Box
406 Journal of Comparative Family Studies
le soutien de famille dans leurs familles.
MEGUMI OMORI, Department of Sociology,
Social Work, and Criminal Justice, Bloomsburg
University of Pennsylvania, 400 E. 2nd Street,
Bloomsburg, PA 17815 USA (momori@bloomu.edu).
Educated and Staying at Home: Asian Immigrant
Wives’ Labor Force Participation in the U.S.
Chaque année, le nombre des immigrés
provenant des pays asiatiques aux U.S. s’accroît.
Mais peu d’études s’intéressent à la participation
des femmes récemment immigré de ces pays au
marché de travail. En utilisant le Nouveau
Sondage de l’Immigration 2003 (New
Immigration Survey 2003) (Jasson, Massey,
Rosenzweig, & Smith, 2005), cet article examine
la participation des femmes immigrées provenant
des pays de l'Asie orientale et centrale au marché
du travail. Les résultats de la régression logistique
montrent que leur niveau de scolarité et leurs
expériences acquises dans des occupations
professionnelles ne sont pas des indicateurs
significatifs de leur participation au marché de
travail, tandis que leur emplacement éducationnel
et leur compétence en anglais sont des indicateurs
significatifs. De plus, l'étude a révélé que leur
raison d'immigrer a beaucoup influencé la
probabilité de leur participation au marché du
travail. Contrairement aux femmes nées aux
USA, ces résultats expliquent qu'on ne peut pas
appliquer l'approche fondée sur le capital humain
pour prédire la participation des femmes
asiatiques récemment immigrées au marché du
travail.
WEI WEI, National Key Laboratory of Cognitive
Neuroscience and Learning & IDG/McGovern
Institute for Brain Research, Beijing Normal
University, No. 19, XinJieKouWai St., HaiDian
District, Beijing, P. R. China, 100875; and
Department of Psychology, Pennsylvania State
University, 201 Old Main, University Park,
Pennsylvania, 16802 USA (wxw5182@psu.edu).
YIFANG WU, School of Education, ZhouKou
Normal University Science, East Wenchang
Street, Chuanhui District, Zhoukou City, 466001
China (xiaohanyiyi@outlook.com).
BO LV, Collaborative Innovation Center of
Assessment Toward Basic Education Quality,
Beijing Normal University, No. 19,
XinJieKouWai St., HaiDian District, Beijing, P.
R., 100875, China (lvbo309@126.com)
HUAN ZHOU, Collaborative Innovation Center
of Assessment Toward Basic Education Quality,
Beijing Normal University, No. 19,
XinJieKouWai St., HaiDian District, Beijing,
100875 P. R. China (23819606@qq.com).
XIUHUA HAN, Liaocheng People's Hospital,
Room 67, Dongchang Road (West), Liaocheng
City, Shandong Prov, 252000 P. R. China
(hanxiuhua0403@163.com).
ZHAOMIN LIU, Correspondence Author:
School of Sociology, China University of
Political Science and Law, 25 Xitucheng Lu,
Haidian District, Beijing, P. R. 100088 China
(zhaominl@cupl.edu.cn).
LIANG LUO, Correspondence Author:
Collaborative Innovation Center of Assessment
Toward Basic Education Quality, Beijing Normal
University, Beijing, P. R. 100875 China
(luoliang@bnu.edu.cn).
The Relationship Between Parental Involvement
and Elementary Students’ Academic Achievement
in China: One-Only Children vs. Children with
Siblings
Les enfants uniques font l’objet des recherches
depuis longtemps et les dernières études ont
systématiquement relevé que les enfants uniques
tendent à montrer les avantages académiques.
Néanmoins, nous en savons fort peu sur la raison
exacte expliquant pourquoi les enfants uniques
ont des notes plus élevées dans des examens
scolaires que les enfants qui ont des frères et
sœurs. La participation parentale pourrait en être
la cause pour s’expliquer la différence. Dans
notre recherche, la comparaison s’est concentrée
sur la relation entre la participation parentale et
l'accomplissement académique dans des familles
avec l'enfant unique et des familles en ayant plus
en Chine. Le résultat indique que les parents avec
 Abstracts
l'enfant unique participent plus dans les études de
leurs enfants comparés avec leurs contreparties
avec plus d'un enfant. En plus, la découverte
révèle que la communication parent-enfant et les
activités parent-enfant peuvent prévoir
positivement la performance scolaire tandis que
le contact parent-école peut prévoir négativement
la performance scolaire sur des enfants non-
uniques. Le résultat des recherches a souligné la
complexité et l’importance de participation
parentale dans l'accomplissement académique,
qui nous donnent des conseils dans la pratique
d’éducation dans l’avenir.
JOANNA E. BETTMANN, Corresponding
Author: University of Utah College of Social
Work, 395 South 1500 East, Room 101, Salt
Lake City, UT 84112, USA
(Joanna.Schaefer@socwk.utah.edu).
RACHEL WRIGHT, Appalachian State
University Department of Social Work, ASU Box
32155, Boone, NC 28608-2155, USA
(wrightrl@appstate.edu).
DEBRA OLSON-MORRISON, Park University,
8700 NW River Park Drive, Parkville, MO,
64152-3795, USA (d.olson-morrison@park.edu).
REFILWE P. SINKAMBA, University of
Botswana, Department of Social Work, 4775
Notwane Rd. Gaborone, Botswana Private Bag
UB 0022, Botwana (refilwe.sinkamba@mopipi.ub.bw).
A Qualitative Exploration of African Adolescent
Refugees’ Attachment Relationships
Cette enquête qualitative a exploré les relations
d'attachement des adolescents réfugiés africains
vivant aux États-Unis. L'étude a examiné les
comportements d'attachement dans les cultures
africaines et a examiné comment les adolescents
réfugiés ont connu leurs relations d'attachement.
données narratives recueillies auprès de
l'attachement adulte Entretiens avec 23
adolescents réfugiés africains aux États-Unis ont
été analysés. Résultats mis en évidence
l'importance de la famille élargie et ont montré
une amélioration des relations parentales après la
migration. Les résultats ont des implications pour
407
la compréhension des questions d'attachement
interculturelles, des suggestions pour le travail
clinique auprès des populations réfugiées et des
ramifications politiques.
YOUNG EUN CHANG, School of Social
Welfare, Chung-Ang University, 84 Heukseok-
Ro, Dongjak-Gu, Seoul 06974, Korea
(yechang@cau.ac.kr).
HEE-JIN KIM, Department of Child and Youth
Studies, Chung-Ang University, 84 Heukseok-
Ro, Dongjak-Gu, Seoul 06974, Korea
(sugle5250@hanmail.net).
The Relationship between Job-Role Quality and
Parenting Behaviors among Employed Mothers
in Korea
Le but de cette étude était d'examiner la relation
entre la qualité du role de l'emploi des mères
coréennes salariés et leurs comportements
parentaux, ainsi que les rôles de médiation de la
souche parentale des mères et le bien-être
psychologique. Nous avons analysé les données
de 172 mères coréennes occupées des enfants en
âge de transition de l'école qui vivaient à Séoul,
en Corée. Les résultats de la modélisation
d'équations structurelles ont indiqué qu'une
meilleure qualité de l'expérience du rôle de
l’emploi des mères prédit un plus grand bien-être
psychologique et la souche parentale réduit. Une
meilleure qualité du rôle de l’emploi et moins de
contraintes parentales ont été associés à un plus
grand bien-être psychologique, qui à son tour a
prédit des pratiques parentales plus positives. Les
effets de médiation du bien-être psychologique et
la souche parentales étaient significatives.
Implications et suggestions pour la recherche
future sur le fait d’être parent des mères qui
travaillent sont discutées.
410 Journal of Comparative Family Studies
MEGUMI OMORI, Department of Sociology,
Social Work, and Criminal Justice, Bloomsburg
University of Pennsylvania, 400 E. 2nd Street,
Bloomsburg, PA 17815 USA (momori@bloomu.edu).
Educated and Staying at Home: Asian Immigrant
Wives’ Labor Force Participation in the U.S.
Sigue incrementándose el número de inmigrantes
que llegan a los Estados Unidos de países
asiáticos. Sin embargo, ha sido poca la
investigación sobre el tema de la participación de
las mujeres casadas de estos países en la fuerza
de trabajo. Mediante el Nuevo Sondeo de
Inmigración 2003 (New Immigration Survey
2003, Jasso, Massey, Rosenzweig, & Smith,
2005), el presente trabajo examina la
participación de mujeres de los países del este y
del centro de Asia en la fuerza de trabajo. El
estudio de la regresión logística permite observar
que ni el nivel educativo ni la experiencia previa
en un puesto profesional sirven de indicadores
fiables en cuanto a la participación en la fuerza de
trabajo, mientras que el lugar de educación así
como la capacidad de comunicarse en inglés sí
sirven de indicadores fiables. El estudio
demuestra además que el motivo de migrar
influye bastante en la probabilidad de
participación en la fuerza de trabajo. Los
resultados sugieren que, al contrario de lo
ocurrido con mujeres nacidas en los Estados
Unidos, no sirve utilizar el tema del capital
humano como indicador de participación en la
fuerza de trabajo de esposas recién inmigradas de
estos países asiáticos.
WEI WEI, National Key Laboratory of Cognitive
Neuroscience and Learning & IDG/McGovern
Institute for Brain Research, Beijing Normal
University, No. 19, XinJieKouWai St., HaiDian
District, Beijing, P. R. China, 100875; and
Department of Psychology, Pennsylvania State
University, 201 Old Main, University Park,
Pennsylvania, 16802 USA (wxw5182@psu.edu).
YIFANG WU, School of Education, ZhouKou
Normal University Science, East Wenchang
Street, Chuanhui District, Zhoukou City, 466001
China (xiaohanyiyi@outlook.com).
BO LV, Collaborative Innovation Center of
Assessment Toward Basic Education Quality,
Beijing Normal University, No. 19,
XinJieKouWai St., HaiDian District, Beijing, P.
R., 100875, China (lvbo309@126.com)
HUAN ZHOU, Collaborative Innovation Center
of Assessment Toward Basic Education Quality,
Beijing Normal University, No. 19,
XinJieKouWai St., HaiDian District, Beijing,
100875 P. R. China (23819606@qq.com).
XIUHUA HAN, Liaocheng People's Hospital,
Room 67, Dongchang Road (West), Liaocheng
City, Shandong Prov, 252000 P. R. China
(hanxiuhua0403@163.com).
ZHAOMIN LIU, Correspondence Author:
School of Sociology, China University of
Political Science and Law, 25 Xitucheng Lu,
Haidian District, Beijing, P. R. 100088 China
(zhaominl@cupl.edu.cn).
LIANG LUO, Correspondence Author:
Collaborative Innovation Center of Assessment
Toward Basic Education Quality, Beijing Normal
University, Beijing, P. R. 100875 China
(luoliang@bnu.edu.cn).
The Relationship Between Parental Involvement
and Elementary Students’ Academic Achievement
in China: One-Only Children vs. Children with
Siblings
Niños-solos por largo tiempo han sido una
preocupación para las investigaciones y estudios
anteriores consistentemente encuentran que hijos
únicos generaran ventajas académicas. Sin
embargo, entendemos muy poco sobre porque
niños-solos obtienen calificaciones mas altas en
exámenes de la escuela en comparación a sus
pares con hermanas y hermanos. La participación
de las padres puede ser la razón por cual se nota
esta diferencia. Este estudio compara la relación
entre la participación de las padres y el éxito
académico del los estudiantes en familias con
solo un hijo y familias con mas de un hijo en el
pías de China. Los resultados indican que padres
con solo un hijo están mas involucrados en el
aprendizaje de su hijo en comparación a los que
tienen mas de un hijo. Además, los resultados
 Abstracts
también implican que la comunicación y
actividades entre padre-hijo o madre-hijo pueden
predicar positivamente el desempeño académico
de niños-solos, cuando el contacto de un padre o
madre con la escuela predica negativamente el
desempeño de niños que no son hijos únicos. Esta
conclusiones recalcan la complexidad y
importancia de la participación de los padres para
el éxito académico y presenta implicaciones para
practica futura.
JOANNA E. BETTMANN, Corresponding
Author: University of Utah College of Social
Work, 395 South 1500 East, Room 101, Salt
Lake City, UT 84112, USA
(Joanna.Schaefer@socwk.utah.edu).
RACHEL WRIGHT, Appalachian State
University Department of Social Work, ASU Box
32155, Boone, NC 28608-2155, USA
(wrightrl@appstate.edu).
DEBRA OLSON-MORRISON, Park University,
8700 NW River Park Drive, Parkville, MO,
64152-3795, USA (d.olson-morrison@park.edu).
REFILWE P. SINKAMBA, University of
Botswana, Department of Social Work, 4775
Notwane Rd. Gaborone, Botswana Private Bag
UB 0022, Botwana (refilwe.sinkamba@mopipi.ub.bw).
A Qualitative Exploration of African Adolescent
Refugees’ Attachment Relationships
Esta investigación cualitativa exploró las
relaciones de apego de los adolescentes
refugiados africanos que viven en Estados
Unidos. El estudio examinó las conductas de
apego en las culturas africanas y examinó cómo
los adolescentes refugiados experimentaron sus
relaciones de apego. Se analizaron los datos
recogidos de la narrativa para adultos Entrevistas
de fijación con 23 adolescentes refugiados
africanos en los Estados Unidos. Los resultados
pusieron de relieve la importancia de la familia
extensa y mostró una mejoría en las relaciones
parentales siguientes migración. Los resultados
llevan implicaciones para la comprensión de los
problemas de conexión entre las culturas,
sugerencias para el trabajo clínico con las
411
poblaciones de refugiados, y las ramificaciones
políticas.
YOUNG EUN CHANG, School of Social
Welfare, Chung-Ang University, 84 Heukseok-
Ro, Dongjak-Gu, Seoul 06974, Korea
(yechang@cau.ac.kr).
HEE-JIN KIM, Department of Child and Youth
Studies, Chung-Ang University, 84 Heukseok-
Ro, Dongjak-Gu, Seoul 06974, Korea
(sugle5250@hanmail.net).
The Relationship between Job-Role Quality and
Parenting Behaviors among Employed Mothers
in Korea
El fin de este estudio consistía en examinar la
relación entre el rendimiento laboral de las
madres coreanas trabajadoras y sus
comportamientos parentales, a la vez que la del
rol mediador del agotamiento maternal y el
bienestar psicológico. Analizamos data
proveniente de 172 madres coreanas con trabajo
y niños en edad transicional escolar que residían
en Seúl, Corea. Los resultados arrojados por el
modelo de ecuaciones estructuradas, indicaron
que a mayor calidad de la experiencia laboral de
la madre, había mayor bienestar psicológico, y se
reducía el agotamiento maternal. Mayor calidad
en el rol laboral y menor agotamiento materno
fueron asociados con un mayor bienestar
psicológico, que a la vez predecía practicas
parentales más positivas. Los efectos mediadores
del bienestar psicológico y el agotamiento
maternal fueron significativos. Se discuten las
implicaciones y sugerencias relevantes para
investigaciones futuras en el campo de las
habilidades parentales de las madres trabajadoras.
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