R eport l R egion

sea rch n al Capi

ta
e ct sites
,
e Re tio roj
t h th e Na in the p
pts from u
d in
nche already h
eld
er 2010
.
r la b
Exce eptem
e
VP” will b ngs were nd S
A hi ta
T h e Red ini-launc in Augu
s
f “ . M po
Re port
o
b e r 2010 O longa
The m and
e in Nove n geles
tim of A
some the cities

Surviving Violence & Trafficking

Stories of Women and Youth in Angeles and Olongapo:
A Research Report

FACTORS THAT CONSTRAIN THE EFFECTIVE

IMPLEMENTATION OF R.A.S 9262 AND 9208 Political constraints
KIs saw two constraints that were political in nature. One
While there are many enabling factors, there are also many is our political system which changes the leadership down
constraints to the effective implementation of the laws. to the barangay level when there is a change in
These constraints can be classified into structural, political administration. This affects the continuity of programs and
and sociocultural constraints. the people who are trained to handle VAWC cases.
Structural Constraints The other constraint is the difficulty of working with
Three major problems that delay the implementation of politicians who do not welcome proposals and initiatives
R.A.s 9262 and 9208 are those that are related to: a) the from outside groups, more especially from those who are
prosecution service; b) social services; and c) law not of their political party.
enforcement.
Prosecution service
There is no regular Family Court judge, so the hearing is
scheduled only three times a week (Mondays,
Wednesdays and Fridays) and there is also the lack of
prosecutors. Prosecutors are only available Mondays and
Fridays.
Social services
The DSWD’s priority is to return minors to their families.
According to key informants (KIs), the families usually
convince the minors to withdraw the case and accept
settlements, or when the minors are released by DSWD,
they do not appear in court hearings so cases are
dismissed.
Law enforcement
According to a KI, bar owners who are caught using minors
are able to reopen a few days after a raid or they simply
change the name of the bar and secure a new business
permit. This reinforces the perception that bar owners have
connections in the city government. Another key informant
claims that some police officers receive protection money
from the establishments, thus directly perpetuating Prostituted women along Fields Avenue in Angeles City. The red-light
prostitution. district is across from the former Clark Air Force Base.
Sociocultural constraints
One of the obstacles cited by service providers and NGOs
is the non cooperation of victim-survivors. Women
repeatedly get beaten, but they do not file cases, or if they
do, they withdraw them for the sake of the children. NGOs
and service providers feel there is nothing more they can
do when victims refuse to cooperate despite their inputs
and advice.
The major cause of victim-survivors’ hesitation or difficulty
in reporting the crime is their economic dependence on
their husbands.
But other causes are more sociocultural, such as women’s
beliefs regarding marriage and relationships and that it is
a woman’s responsibility to maintain harmony in the family.
Many women are confined to the home, which contributes
to their lack of exposure and knowledge about the laws
that can protect them from violence.
Religion has a great influence on how women react to
violence, often making them passive and submissive. A
Filipino woman endures the battering and forgives her
batterer instead of exercising her rights.
Other beliefs that delay the implementation of laws are
the parents’ perception that they own their children, so
they can do anything they want with them, and bar owners’
perception of women as mere attractions for their business.
PROBLEMS RELATED TO TRAFFICKING
n There is no clear process on how to deal with trafficking.
n Advocacies and campaigns against trafficking do not
receive the same kind of support as campaigns
against VAWC because the issue is not as exposed.
n Victims do not file cases for fear of retaliation from
crime syndicates.
The Story of Divina
D
IVINA is a 28-year-old Amerasian who was
born and raised in Olongapo City. She was 19
years old when the neighbor she was working
for as a domestic helper and nanny offered her a job in
Japan. At the time she was in second year college and
studying to be a computer technician, but she had no
second thoughts about accepting the job offer. She
thought this was a better and faster way to help her
family.
Things happened quickly after that. She signed a
contract and was made to learn twenty different dances
because she was supposed to be a cultural dancer. But
when she arrived in Japan, she found out that she was
meant to dance topless. She called up her parents, but
they did not know what to do. All she could do was cry.
Her co-workers tried to console her, but their ultimate
advice was for her to do what was written in her
contract. She realized she had not been meticulous in
reading it because everything had happened in a rush.
She felt helpless, but her desire to help her family made
her endure the abuse she experienced there. There were
customers who sexually abused her. She alsohad
problems with co-workers who resented losing some of
their customers to her.
Despite the trauma of her first trip, Divina went to
Japan two more times. On her first trip, she had
traveled only with the manager. On the second trip,
she was with four other girls, and the last time she
went, she applied on her own through the Philippine
Overseas Employment Administration (POEA), because
the manager did not get a contract anymore. Each time
she went to Japan, she worked there for six months.
The bar fine was shared 50-50 with the manager. In
addition to a regular salary, the dancers got tips for
their performances and commissions from the drinks
consumed, as well as food allowance and free
accommodations. On her first stint, she shared a house
with three girls and one male. The second time, there
were 24 of them, all Filipinos.
She didn’t file a case against her manager because she
knew that a legal process would take a long time and
would eat up her money. She also felt she had no case
because she had willinglysigned the contract, although
now it was clear to her that she had been tricked into
doing topless dancing.
Working in Japan required a lot of guts. One needed to
be open and willing to do whatever the customers
wanted. The work was also risky, especially if the
customer was a member of the Yakuza, the organized
crime syndicate. If the dancers felt it was too dangerous
to go out with a customer, they made excuses.
They feigned illness or put iodine on their sanitary pads
to fake menstruation. Their work involved a lot of health
risks. They had a 15-year-old co-worker who contracted
a sexually-transmitted disease (STD ). They believed
she got it from having multiple partners. She got sick
three months after she arrived and was sent home.
Trafficking in women is big money. Divina paid her
manager 30,000 pesos the first time she went to Japan.
And despite the hardships and risk and her distaste
for the job, it was financially rewarding. From the tips
alone, she earned the equivalent of 65,000 pesos, more
than 10 times the minimum monthly wage in 2002
when she was first trafficked. The dancers performed
four times a night and each time got tips. They were
supposed to give half to the manager, but they managed
to keep some back by hiding the money in their boots.
But even after three trips to Japan, Divina has no
savings. She was able to build a house for her parents
and provide for their needs while she was working, but
the house was demolished because they didn’t own the
land. Now she has a three-year-old child and sustains
her family by doing odd jobs like cleaning and vending.
She thinks of working in Japan again, but won’t leave
while the child is too young, and by the time it is big
enough to leave with her mother or sister, Divina might
be too old to work in Japan.