E.3.
The Orsini in the Tiburtine Region and in the Licenza
Valley (XII-XV centuries)
By Franca Allegrezza
On 7 April 1215, Giangaetano and Matteo di Orso di
Bobone acquired half of the castle of Civitella from
a deputy of their uncle, Giovanni Boveschi, for 300
provisini of the Roman Senate. The acquisition of
the castle, which is situated as the crow flies at less
than 1 km to the north-west of the castle of Licenza,
represents the first evidence of the establishment of
the sons of Orso in the valley of the Licenza river.
It was not the first time, however, that the filii Ursi
acquired property and rights in the area; at the close
of the twelfth century, Pope Celestine III (1192-
1198), Giacinto di Pietro Boveschi, had granted to
his nephew Orso and to the sons of Orso nomine
pignoris ab Ecclesia Romana the castles of Vicovaro,
Cantalupo and Burdella, the last two of which were
situated near modern Mandela, where the rivers Anio
and Licenza join.
That concession was probably made in order to
place a firm papal hold on a zone characterized in
the preceding decades by the persistence of monastic
domination. It also probably occurred together with
the assignation of property to other Boveschi relatives
and was very much part of the territorial policies
pursued by the popes, even if not systematically,
by the middle of the twelfth century. These policies
aimed to allot the territory to secular seigneurs of
proven trustworthiness, by way of granting them
castles.
At the beginning of the tenth century, the Roman
church constituted the ruling force in the Tivoli-
Subiaco area, owning almost the whole region,
organized into vast holdings, of which the massa
Giovenzana was the most notable.
. ���������������������������������������������������
Rome, Archivio Storico Capitolino, Archivio Orsini
(hereafter referred to as AO) II.A.I, 14.
The concession is recorded in the Gesta Innocentii
. ����������������������������������
III Papae, in J. P. Migne, Patrologia Latina vol.
214 (Paris 1855) cols. 183-190; for background on
the donation, see Allegrezza 1998, 4-6.
. ���������������
Amore, 226-230.
. ����
See ���������������������������������������������
Delogu, 25-54. I������������������������������
have relied heavily on this
article for my reconstruction of the history of the
area.
327
The origins of this institution are unknown because of
the lack of documentary sources, but it did undergo
radical changes in the middle of the tenth century
as result of the policies of the Roman princeps
Albericus. He inserted the two monasteries positioned
at its edges, SS. Cosma e Damiano at Vicovaro and
S. Benedetto at Subiaco, into a girdle of monastic
bodies, including those of Farfa and S. Andrea del
Soratte, which were supposed to protect the territory
of Rome. Both these monasteries, therefore, saw
their power in the region grow at the expense of the
papal holdings.
At the insistence of Albericus, the popes themselves
dismembered the enormous massa Giovenzana,
granting all the territory between the loop of the Anio
and the estates in the basin of the Anio at Subiaco to
the monastery of SS. Cosma e Damiano, and to the
monastery of Subiaco the remaining southern part of
the two valleys and all the part of the Empolitana area
belonging to the massa. Farfa was allowed to expand
along the delimiting valley of the Licenza.
The monastery of Subiaco, which during the second
half of the tenth century had made determined efforts
to return to the ideological and devotional roots of
the Benedictine tradition, played a fundamental role
in an attempt to reunify the once-divided area to its
own advantage. This reunification was effected at the
expense of the monastery of SS. Cosma e Damiano
of Vicovaro, which was compelled to renounce part
of its patrimony, but did not succeed in preventing
the expansion of the Abbey of Farfa into the Licenza
valley.
In fact, the Abbey of Farfa, supported by the policies
of Albericus, also promoted its interests in the northern
and eastern parts of the region, in particular in the
zone close to the diocesan boundary between Tivoli
and the Sabine area, in the part which crosses the
Licenza valley. In the middle of the tenth century the
boundary between the dioceses passed from Monte
Gennaro just to the north of the castle of Percile, and
then continued, by way of the Cimata delle Serre, to
. Delogu,
��������������
31-33.
 Franca Allegrezza
the boundary stones of the campum sacrum along the
river Turano.
In the following decades, under the protection of
Albericus, the Sabine abbey managed to obtain strips
of territory in the valley, on the mountains to the right
of which the powerful faction of the Crescenzi from
Rome was establishing itself. The first indirect record
of the beginning of the process of the fortification of
the valley dates from the early years of the eleventh
century. A century later, the Abbey of Farfa counted
among its possessions castra situated in the hills to
the right of the river (Macla, Petra Demone) and to
the left (Percile, Castel del Lago), and had itself built
the podium Burdella, in the lower Licenza valley.
The revival of papal activity in the Tivoli-Subiaco area
halted the expansion of Farfa and Subiaco towards
the end of the century and brought new protagonists
into the zone. There were the more easily controlled
monastic entities—the Roman monasteries of S. Paolo
fuori le mura and S. Sebastiano alle catacombe—and
secular seigneurs. One of the fundamental objectives
of this reforming papacy was that of imposing its
political control on the territory of Lazio.
Halfway through the twelfth century, and particularly
during the pontificate of Hadrian IV (1154-1159),
the Church had a certain success in imposing its
authority on part of Lazio in this way. At the death of
this energetic pope, however, the confrontation with
the empire and the anti-papal policies of the Comune
of Rome resulted in a complete inability to rule on
the part of the papacy, even in the areas closest to
Rome.
Only in the last twenty years of the century, and
particularly after the peace signed between Clement
. ����������������������������������������������
Amore, 220. The Licenza river, in a privilege
granted by Nicolò I to the monastery of Subiaco
in 867, features as the boundary of the properties
���� Il Regesto Sublacense
conferred on the monks. See
dell’undecimo secolo, eds. L. Allodi and G. Levi
(Rome 1885) 51.
. ������������������������������������������������
For papal policy in Lazio, see Toubert. For the
city élites in Rome in the twelfth and the thirteenth
centuries, see M. Vendittelli, “Mercanti romani del
primo Duecento ‘in Urbe Potentes’,” in Roma nei
secoli XIII e XIV, ed. �������������������������
E. Hubert����������������
(Rome 1993) 87-
135.
328
III (1188-1191) and the Comune of Rome in May
1188, did the popes succeed in restoring, partially,
their authority over Rome and Lazio. For much of
the thirteenth century the Comune maintained some
remnants of autonomy in the face of papal meddling,
to the point of being able to make choices unfavorable
to the popes. But the ascension to the papal throne
of Clement III, Celestine III and Innocent III (1198-
1216), all of Roman origin, resulted in Comune
policy being much influenced. Particular favor was
shown to the families that were linked to those popes
by blood, by matrimonial alliances with their families
or with the families of the members of the college of
cardinals, and by financial interests.
Against this backdrop—the growth of the influence
of the pope and cardinals over Rome and Lazio, as
well as the growth of the revenues of the Church on
account of the powerful push towards centralization
between the end of the twelfth and the beginning
of the following century—the families of the new
urban aristocracy found exactly their role, as had the
Boveschi, although they were to be suddenly and
utterly replaced in the course of a few decades by
their Orsini descendants.
The Roman families such as the Orsini, with the
support of the Curia, began occasionally to take
over the rights and possessions belonging to ancient
monastic holdings from the middle of the twelfth
century onwards. They were strongly motivated
towards the exploitation, for economic and strategic
reasons, of the castra of Lazio, which produced
excellent agricultural yields and revenues. This was
accomplished through the control exercised over the
inhabitants, who were bound to the dominus by an
oath of vassalage and obliged to provide labor for all
sorts of works. The merum et mixtum imperium also
belonged to the lord, together with all the revenues
deriving from the exaction of fines and the control
of the ecclesiastical structures within the castle, by
way of the exercise of the right of patronage and the
income from levies and tributes.
The castrensian properties of the new Roman
aristocracy, while involving all the provinces of the
Patrimony of St. Peter, did not develop uniformly
into all the surrounding territory, that is, from the city
outwards. Rather, for a long time they were confined
 E.3. The Orsini in the Tiburtine Region and in the Licenza Valley (XII-XV
centuries)
to restricted areas, conditioned by the pre-existing
arrangement of local power and landed estates.
In brief, therefore, such development in a given zone
was initially occasional and subject to factors such as
the ability of a pope or an important prelate to exploit
the temporary crisis of some monastic institution
for the benefit of his own family members, and,
indirectly, of the interests of the Holy See. This was
the case with the arrival of the Boveschi in the mid-
Anio valley from the mid-twelfth century onwards;
with the passage of decades, this arrangement evolved
into a plan systematically followed and shrewdly
managed by the family, now created seigneurs. These
are the characteristics of the settlement of the Orsini
in the Tivoli area.
Having achieved autonomy from the original stock,
the Orsini began a long phase of expansion in the
area, both by taking over properties once belonging
to the Boveschi and by acquiring new properties in
the region, by purchase or by force.
A summary of the possessions that constituted the
patrimony accumulated by the family between the end
of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth
century will better display the great extent of it.
Following the via Tiburtina-Valeria beyond Tivoli,
where the Orsini possessed houses and estates, the
first dominating castle of the family we come upon
was the castrum Sancti Angeli, the present Castel
Madama, set up on the northern ridge of the Monti
Tiburtini and purchased in 1252 by Napoleone di
Giangaetano. Behind this and outside the nucleus of
the properties, situated in the narrow part of the valley
formed where the chains of the Monti Tiburtini and
Prenestini join, and guarding the road that climbed
from the valley of the Anio towards the gentle Passo
della Fortuna, is the castrum Apolloni, granted to the
Boveschi in 1159 by the abbot of Subiaco, and now
belonging to the Orsini. Immediately to the left of
the consular road there is another castle, the castrum
Saccomuri, which in 1288 was designated castellare,
See S. Carocci, Baroni di Roma. Dominazioni
. ����������������
signorili e lignaggi aristocratici nel Duecento e nel
primo Trecento (Rome 1993) 69-74.
See Allegrezza 1998, 50-51 and passim.
. �������������������������������
329
but a few years later was in the process of being re-
inhabited. A few miles to the east can be seen the
most important of the Orsini properties, the fortress
castle of Vicovaro, the fulcrum of their settlement
along the valley of the Anio. Finally, still on the
right side of the river, are the castles of Cantalupo
and Burdella, which had been granted to the filii Ursi
by Celestine III. Along with this compact body, the
enlargement of their dominions in the Licenza valley,
where they owned the castle of Licenza, half of that of
Civitella, Percile and the villa de Opico, spearheaded
their potential expansionist interest in the direction
of Sabine territory. In the last two decades of the
thirteenth century, the Orsini also had a lien on the
castle of Poggio Ronci and purchased that of Arsoli
from the Boveschi.
The lengthy and complex operations undertaken to get
possession of castles situated so as to control the most
important communication paths, or those with large
numbers of inhabitants and therefore productive and
rich, demonstrate clearly the economic importance of
castrensian revenues for the Orsini family, as well as
for other baronial dynasties.10
Behind this systematic accrual of power over the
territory around Rome on the part of these families,
and particularly of the Orsini, there always lay
the privileged relationship with the Curia. This
relationship continued even during the Avignon
papacy, and thanks to the particular development
of power politics in Rome, made possible the
maintenance of control of the territory even after the
return of the Popes and the transformations of the
papacy in the fifteenth century.
Despite the tenacity with which new parcels
of property were patiently added over several
generations to those already owned by the Orsini—in
1338 Civitella passed entirely into their hands, by way
of misappropriation, and in 1351 they bought half
of the castle of Roccagiovine from the abbot of the
monastery of S. Sebastiano in Rome11— the borders
of their territory had not greatly expanded, and the
10. ��������������������������������������������������
See the numerous examples noted by Carocci (as n.
8) 106ff.
Archivio di Stato di Roma, Pergamene, box 61,
11. ���������������������������
nos. 101 and 115; AO, II.A.V, 12 (p).
 Franca Allegrezza
area controlled by the descendants of Napoleone di
Giangaetano remained circumscribed.
Around the middle of the thirteenth century,
however, the family seized the opportunity to spread
its influence over wider territory, expanding into
the kingdom of Sicily to the east of the watershed
of the Monti Carseolani by way of the marriage of
Giacomo with the daughter and heir of the owner of
half the castle of Tagliacozzo.12 Tagliacozzo was the
first important fortress on the via Tiburtina-Valeria
beyond the border with the kingdom of Sicily.
The crossing of the frontier achieved through this
union was ratified by Pope Innocent IV (1243-1254),
who exploited the sort of interregnum that followed
the death of Frederick II to advance concessions in the
frontier royal territories; the province of the Abruzzo
itself was filched from Manfredi in September 1254,
when he was nominated deputy of the kingdom.
Endorsing the establishment of the Orsini at the
outpost of Tagliacozzo would have represented a
guarantee for the Church. The development of the
struggle that was immediately rekindled between the
popes and the last of the Swabians showed how false
these hopes were.
The established territory of the Orsini was therefore
circumscribed, but by no means insignificant from
the economic and strategic point of view, since it
guaranteed an established presence—Vicovaro,
Cantalupo, Burdella, Tagliacozzo—on the axis road
that joined Lazio with the Abruzzo. Flocks and goods
moved along that road right next to the border with
the kingdom, and, in the thirteenth century, in the
years of the rivalry between the Swabians and the
Angevins, the control of it was militarily significant.
As confirmation of the care devoted by the family
to this property nucleus between the end of the
twelfth and the middle of the fourteenth century,
five or six generations of Orsini had succeeded
one another in the Tiburtine estates; there had thus
12. ���������������������������������������������
See F. Allegrezza, “Un dominio di frontiera: la ���
costruzione del patrimonio degli Orsini tra terre
della Chiesa e Regno dal XII al XV secolo,” in Une
région frontalière au Moyen Âge. ���������������
Les vallées du
Turano et du Salto entre Sabine et Abruzzes, ed.
E. Hubert (Rome 2000) 327-342, and on the same
argument, Allegrezza 1998, 26-30.
330
occurred various divisions of property among the
sons, with a consequent breaking-up of the common
inheritance. Several times, however, the family put
into play strategies to keep part of the patrimony
intact, by dispatching the majority of the males into
ecclesiastical life or by maintaining as indivisible the
most important and prestigious properties, Vicovaro
in particular. They maintained control of the area in
the second part of the fourteenth century by means of
marriages with the families of the local minor nobility,
which strengthened their ties over other castles and
led to a more solid attachment to the territory.13
This strategy continued even when the family, which
had grown in size, began to see natural social and
economic inequalities grow up between its various
constituent branches. Up to the end of the fourteenth
century, in fact, in spite of the considerable
divergence between the Orsini who were lords of
Vicovaro and feudatories of the Abruzzo, and their
cousins, who were domini of the castle of Licenza
or Pescorocchiano, there was substantial unity in
the objectives followed by both. During the wars
that troubled the Tiburtine area as result of the papal
schism (1376-1417), the small castles of the lateral
valleys of the Anio spontaneously sent the forces of
Rinaldo Orsini, lord of Vicovaro and Tagliacozzo,
as armed help against the troops of the Comune of
Rome.14
This strip of territory remained in the hands of the
Orsini until well into the fifteenth century, being
merged with their domains in the Marsica.
The community of the castle of Licenza has not handed
down any medieval statutes, unlike other castles
under Orsini domination. In Vicovaro, for example, a
statute was drawn up in 1273, and Saccomuro had its
statutory charter in 1311.15 The first statutory charter
of Licenza was probably that drafted in 1590.
13. �����������������������������������
Allegrezza 2000, 96-101 and 65-166.
14. �����������������������
Allegrezza 2000, 95-99.
“Statuto di Vicovaro del MCCLXXIII,” in Statuti
15. ����������������������������������������
della Provincia Romana I, eds. F. Tomassetti, V.
Federici and P. Egidi (Rome 1910) 3-12; “Statuto
di Saccomuro del XXVI Settembre MCCCXI,” in
Statuti della Provincia Romana II, ed. V. Federici
(Rome 1930) 351-363.
 E.3. The Orsini in the Tiburtine Region and in the Licenza Valley (XII-XV
centuries)
It has been observed that the number of dwellings
subject to seigneurial dominion for which we have
statutory charters and statutes prior to the first decades
of the fourteenth century is so limited, especially in
proportion to the global one for the castles that made
up the population framework of Lazio in the thirteenth
century, that it cannot be attributed simply to the
dispersal of the pertinent documentation.16 Only in
those communities that had enjoyed a significant level
of socio-economic growth, or in cases of repopulation
and relaunching of a site to attract new inhabitants,
were the consuetudines castri hand-transcribed by
a notary. In very many cases such transcription was
never done.
We do not know how many inhabitants there
were in the castle of Licenza in the period under
consideration, but it was probably always a castle
of modest proportions. In the Salt Registers of the
first half of the fifteenth century, the community was
taxed for three rubbia of salt, while Burdella had to
pay five and Vicovaro 20.17
Because it is not possible to draw on direct sources,
such as a statute, for the characteristics of life in the
community of Licenza in the centuries of domination
by the Orsini, we must content ourselves with more
generalized observations put forward for other castles
in Lazio.
In the twelfth century, when the Orsini were first
settling in the region, important changes were
occurring in the Anio valley, and in the Tivoli-Subiaco
area in general, to which the Licenza valley naturally
belongs. The great transformative fortifying of the
tenth and eleventh centuries, which had redrawn
the countryside by enclosing the people in villages
on the peaks and locating the fields in the vicinity
of the individual castles, had not left the countryside
completely depopulated. Fortified and turreted
villages, isolated towers, and cliff top strongholds with
the purely military function of guarding the castra,
See M. Vendittelli, ‘Domini’ e ‘Universitas Castri’
16. ��������������������
a Sermoneta nei secoli XIII e XIV. Gli Statuti
Castellani del 1271 con le aggiunte e le riforme del
1304 e del secolo XV (Rome 1993) 32-35.
17. ����������������������������������������������������
G. Pardi, “La popolazione del distretto di Roma sui
primordi del Quattrocento,” Archivio della Società
Romana di Storia Patria 49 (1926) 352.
331
alternated with the ancient churches, casalia, fundi
and villae that punctuated the territory dependent on
the castles.18 In spite of the varied countryside, the
castle remained the central and dominating element,
both geographically and economically, at that time
and for a long time to come.
These changes had redefined the environment,
creating an agricultural space in concentric rings of
land which became progressively less productive
further from the inhabited center. Outside the walls,
the land was subjected to intensive cultivation. First
were vegetable plots and orchards, or, rather, vegetable
plots with orchards pressed in around the walls of
the castrum.19 There followed the more specialized,
intensive planting areas, ferraginalia, destined for
the cultivation of barley, spelt and legumes, as well as
hemp, which needed systematic irrigation rather than
frequent manuring. In the flatter and more recently
ploughed-up land, there was extensive cultivation of
cereal crops. Areas of natural meadow, alternating
with vineyards, both self-supporting and trained
onto trees for support, occupied a place between the
cultum and the incultum. The woods were used for
the raising of pigs in a semi-wild state, and obviously
supplied wood for heating, building and for the
making of utensils. The woodlands, the pastures, and,
during the winter, even parts of the cultivated area
itself, served as a huge and varied terrain for hunting,
with game both large and small.
The demographic growth in the thirteenth century
and the first decades of the fourteenth altered the
internal equilibria of the small economies of Lazio;
more energy was directed towards the cultivation of
vegetables and viticulture, while new fields began to
be exploited for cultivation. These fields were created
18. �������������������������������������������������
For the phenomenon of fortification, the obvious
reference is Toubert; for the territory around Tivoli
in the eleventh to thirteenth centuries, see Delogu.
19. ����������������������������������������
The well-known comments of Toubert, 199-
300, should be referred to here, bearing in mind
the updating and research into the later periods
conducted by A. Cortonesi, particularly in “Colture
e allevamento nel Lazio bassomedievale,” Archivio
della Società Romana di Storia Patria 101 (1978)
97-219, and Terre e signori nel Lazio medievale.
Un’economia rurale nei secoli XIII-XIV (Naples
1988).
 Franca Allegrezza

essentially by the appropriation of common lands came into the patrimony of the Borghese family in
that had been uncultivated in previous centuries. In the seventeenth century, this process, already under
Lazio, the cultivation of new land did not definitively way, was accelerated.22
transform the characteristics of the uncultivated
areas, “thanks to the traditional diffidence of the
Mediterranean peasant when faced with integral
ploughing up.”20

The countryside, which had remained more or

less unchanged for three centuries, entered a long
phase of transformation after the demographic
crisis of the middle of the fourteenth century. The
sharp demographic decline of that century, which
was associated in the Tivoli region with the wars
that accompanied and followed the eastern schism
(1378-1417), depopulated many centers in the area,
particularly those that were far from the principal
road axes or at very high altitudes.

The most evident and long-lasting consequences of

this phenomenon were two: the substitution of wide
areas of tilled fields with fields for the rearing of
stock, and the systematic planting of trees (primarily
chestnuts), which created the first signs of the
boundary between cultivated and uncultivated.21 The
first met with much support as result of the recovery
of the great lay and ecclesiastical estates. The second
was linked to the slow abandonment of centers at
higher altitudes and the designation of part of the
ancient tenimentum castri as controlled uncultivated
land.

The Licenza valley also would have experienced

abandonment and transformation of the countryside
between the fifteenth and sixteenth century, with an
increase in the uncultivated land and the transformation
of tilled land into pasture. When the valley centers

20. ����������������������������������������������������
S. Passigli, “Contratti agrari e paesaggio vegetale
nel Lazio meridionale (sec. XIII-XVI),” in Terre e
lavoro nel Lazio meridionale (sec. XIII-XVI), eds.
A. Cortonesi and G. Giammaria (Rome-Bari 1999)
115-145, at 122.
21. ���������������������������������������������������
See Passigli (as n. 20) 134-135; on the spread of
sale contracts for grass in the Campagna Romana
from the middle of the fourteenth century, see J.
Cl. Maire Vigueur, Les grands domaines de la
���������������
Campagne Romaine dans la deuxième moitié du
XIVe siècle. Thèse du 3ème cycle, University����
��������������
of
Paris I (Paris 1974). 22. �������������������
See Amore, 236-238.

332
 E.3. The Orsini in the Tiburtine Region and in the Licenza Valley (XII-XV
centuries)

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