(Handbook of Amazonian Languages, 4) Desmond C. Derbyshire, Desmond C. Derbyshire, Geoffrey K. Pullum-Handbook of Amazonian Languages-De Gruyter Mouton (1998)

Handbook of
Amazonian Languages
W
DE
G
Handbook of
Amazonian Languages
Volume 4
edited by
Desmond C. Derbyshire and
Geoffrey K. Pullum
1998
Mouton de Gruyter
Berlin · New York
Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague)
is a Division of Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co., Berlin.
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication-Data
(Revised for vol. 4)

Handbook of Amazonian languages.
Includes bibliographies.
1. Indians of South America - Brazil - Languages. 2. Amazon
River Region - Languages. I. Derbyshire, Desmond C. II. Pullum,
Geoffrey K.
PM5151.H36 1986 498 86-12692
ISBN 0-89925-124-2 (v. l : alk. paper)
ISBN 0-89925-421-7 (v. 2 : alk. paper)
ISBN 0-89925-813-1 (v. 3 : alk. paper)
Die Deutsche Bibliothek - Cataloging-in-Publication-Data
Handbook of Amazonian languages / ed. by Desmond C. Derbyshire and

Geoffrey K. Pullum. - Berlin ; New York : Mouton de Gruyter
Vol. 4(1998)
ISBN 3-11-014991-5
© Copyright 1998 by Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co., D-10785 Berlin

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Preface
This fourth volume of the Handbook of Amazonian Languages follows three earlier
volumes published in 1986, 1990, and 1991 respectively. In addition to the linguistic
contents of this volume—two grammatical descriptions of a Cariban and an
Arawakan language, a typological study of a Panoan language, and a historical and
comparative exploration of Tupian languages, all summarized and discussed in our
editorial introduction—we include a cumulative index to all four volumes, subsum-
ing the index that was included in volume 3.
There is a sense in which it is an encouraging sign to us that the project continued
by this volume should be so far from having succeeded in achieving complete
coverage of its subject matter. The Handbook of Amazonian Languages has not
surveyed all the languages of the Amazon basin, nor even a fair percentage of them.
There is much more to be done than we have been able to do. The reason we see
that as a very good sign is that it stems from the simple fact that the indigenous
inhabitants of Amazonia, despite the sometimes genocidal ferocity of the five hun-
dred years of assault on their very existence, are not extinct, nor close to being
extinct.
It is true that millions of Amerindian people in Amazonia have died unnecessarily,
in a story of conquest, slavery, disease, displacement, and outright mass murder that
brings great shame upon humankind. But it is nonetheless true that as the 20th
century ends, the speakers of the hundreds of lowland South American languages
(the Arawan, Arawakan, Cariban, Je, Jivaroan, Panoan, Tucanoan, Tupian, and many
other language families) still thrive in many different regions, from Ecuador in the
west to the mouth of the Amazon in the east, from Venezuela in the north to
Paraguay in the south, and across much of the vast area of Brazil.
Indigenous South Americans survived their migration to the Americas from Asia
some forty thousand years ago, and have coped in the last five hundred years with
violence and traumatic social change on a scale that is hard to conceive of. But down
to the present day, in many parts of the region, they still pass on their ancient
languages and traditions to their children, defend their own political interests with
intelligence and skill, and make their own decisions about interacting with the
complex web of modern social, political, religious, and economic life in South
America.
Down through the many millennia of human habitation of the Amazon basin,
despite the gathering momentum of the wave of extinctions that is sweeping away
so many of the world's languages today, many of the beautiful and intriguing
aboriginal languages of the Amazon have persisted in use and not given way to
Spanish or Portuguese. Indeed, one of the languages described in this volume is
spoken by a tribe (the Wai Wai) who have been increasing their population steadily
vi Derbyshire and Pullum
in recent years rather than fading away. This book is a further expression of our
admiration and wonder at the linguistic aspect of the many intellectual achievements
of the Indians of the Amazonian area.
We dedicate this volume to the memory of Grace Derbyshire, who died unexpect-
edly in 1997 as the manuscript was being readied for the press, and is missed by
everyone who knew her. She was a participant from the start in the mission to the
Hixkaryana people that began in the 1950s, residing among the Hixkaryana people
on the Nhamundä river for many years and learning their language. She was
Desmond Derbyshire's constant companion in his linguistic and bible translation
work for forty years, and was constantly supportive of the work that led to this book.
Volume 4
South America
Atlantic Ocean
Pacific
Ocean
See p. 226 for large scale map showing locations of Warekena and some
neighboring language groups.
See p. 492 for map showing locations of Tupi-Guarani language groups.
CONTENTS
Preface v
Map of South America viii
Introduction 1
Desmond C. Derbyshire and Geoffrey K. Pullum
Part I: Grammatical Sketches 21

Outline of contents for grammatical sketches
Wai Wai 25
Robert E. Hawkins
Warekena 225
Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald
Part II: Typological Study: Amahuaca (Panoan) 441

Margarethe W. Sparing-Chavez
Part III: Comparative Study: Tupi-Guarani 487

Cheryl Jensen
Cumulative Index to Volumes 1-4 619

Introduction
Desmond C. Derbyshire
Summer Institute of Linguistics
and
Geoffrey K. Pullum
University of California, Santa Cruz

Introduction
Background
The primary intention that has guided us in compiling the Handbook of Amazonian
Languages (HAL) has been to stimulate, encourage, and promulgate scholarly work
on the grammatical structures of the languages of Amazonia. When we began
working together on this project in the late 1970s, there was no one engaged in any
such task in a general way. There were scattered individuals in a number of
countries in South America, mostly members of Christian missions, who were
studying individual Amazonian languages, but general linguistics was being prac-
tised almost entirely without reference to even the existence of Amazonian
languages.
This may sound like an overstatement,but it is not. For example, the much-re-
spected MIT Press journal of generative grammar Linguistic Inquiry is unusual in
that by the end of its first two years of publication it had published a full-length
research article on an Amazonian language (Kaye 1971, on the phonology of nasal
harmony in Desano); but a quarter of a century later there had been no other.
Linguistic Inquiry has to the present day never again published a full-length research
article on an Amazonian language. Derbyshire (1977), a short note on the Cariban
language Hixkaryana in the Squibs and Discussion section, was the next piece of
original research on an Amazonian language to appear in Linguistic Inquiry, and in
subsequent years other squibs were published on Kamaiurä (Tupian), Piraha (Mu-
ran), and Sharanahua (Panoan). But that is the total.
The point we are making is not about Linguistic Inquiry in particular; we choose
it as our example simply because it publishes a good language index that permits the
foregoing assertions to be easily checked. A similar picture would emerge if the
back runs of almost any other journal of general linguistics were scanned (one
exception, because of its specialized subject area, would be the International Journal
of American Linguistics}. And it should be noted that in grammar the absence of
Amazonian languages has been more extreme than in phonology. Two decades ago,
essentially nothing at all was appearing in the linguistic literature about the grammar
of any Amazonian languages, though various phonological studies had appeared, and
today the situation is only very slightly better.
It is satisfying to be able to record signs pointing to a distinct improvement in the
situation. Since the last volume of the Handbook (HAL 3) was published in 1991,
there has been a very encouraging flow of high-quality research, fieldwork, and
publication on languages of Amazonia, and a number of scholars have commenced
energetic research work and graduate training in the area. We cite four examples:
(i) Professor Spike Gildea is now doing Amazonian linguistic research and training
graduate students at Rice University. His fieldwork was done in Venezuela
among the Panare, and his doctoral dissertation on Cariban morphosyntax was
completed in 1992. Soon after that he went to Brazil for a more extended period
4 Derbyshire and Pullum
of fieldwork on Cariban languages. His main focus since his doctoral research
has been on Kaxuyana, and he has a grammatical sketch in preparation. He has
re-written his dissertation in the light of the vast amount of additional material
he has gathered since it was written (Gildea 1998), and along the way has
published several other papers.
(ii) Dr Denny Moore, at the Museu Goeldi in Belem, was in part responsible for
enabling Gildea to accomplish his work in Brazil. The collaboration between
Moore and Gildea has resulted in two Brazilian students, Sergio Meira and
Petronila da Silva Tavares, doing fieldwork on Cariban languages in Brazil
(Meira on Trio (Tiriyo) and Bakairi, Tavares on Wayana) and graduate work
in linguistics in the United States. As this volume goes to press they are
graduate students at Rice University under Gildea's supervision.
(iii) Professor Daniel L. Everett, chair of the Department of Linguistics at the

University of Pittsburgh, whose first major publication was his sketch of Pirahä
in HAL 1, has continued to be active in field research and publishing. A new
book-length description of Wari* (or Pacaas Novos) has appeared (Everett and
Kern 1997); he is currently writing grammars of Pirahä (Muran) and Banawä
(Arawan); and he has founded a new journal, the Journal of Amazonian Lan-
guages, exclusively devoted to publishing work of the sort we have tried to
stimulate and encourage through HAL.
(iv) The distinguished expert on Australian languages Robert M. W. Dixon reports

to us that on reading HAL 1 his interest was sparked and he made a decision
to begin work on Amazonian languages. He made good on the pledge and has
joined the ranks of productive Amazonianists. Having produced several articles
on Jarawara and the Arawan language family he is now working on two books:
Dixon and Vogel (forthcoming) and Dixon and Aikhenvald (forthcoming).
We could add a number of other such examples, and are confident that much more
is in prospect. We stress particularly the importance of the involvement of scholars
from Brazil in this work. We believe that a large part of the future of Amazonian
linguistics will rest on whether Brazilian linguists adopt with enthusiasm and com-
mitment the scientific study of the indigenous languages of their country.
It is a startling fact that at the time we write these words, there appear to be only
two grammars of Brazilian Amazon indigenous languages—both now extinct—that
have ever been written by Brazilians, and the two publications were separated by
exactly four hundred years. The first was the pathbreaking Arte de grammatica da
lingua mais usada na costa do Brasil (Anchieta 1595), a grammar of the once widely
spoken but now extinct Tupinambä. Anchieta was born in the Canary Islands
(Spanish territory), but he died in Brazil in 1597 and is seen today as a Brazilian
hero, a founder of the national literary tradition of that country. His grammar was
Introduction 5
written in 1555 but not published until forty years later. The second grammar of a
Brazilian language by a Brazilian was Aikhenvald (1995). Aikhenvald was not born
in Brazil either, but was a Brazilian citizen by the time she did her work on the
language. Just like Tupinambä, the language she described, Bare, is now extinct.
As of the time of writing this, then, not a single book-length grammar of a
Brazilian indigenous language by a Brazilian-bom linguist has yet been published,
and no Brazilian has ever published a grammar of a language that is spoken in the
region today.
We are confident that the long period during which these things have been true is
likely soon to end. There are now significant numbers of Brazilian linguists working
on languages indigenous to Amazonia. To name just a few whose work we have
encountered: Tania Clemente de Souza, Raquel Costa, Carmen Teresa Dorigo,
Charlotte Emmerich, Bruna Franchetto, Nilson Gabas, Yonne Leite, Marcus Maia,
Sergio Meira, Filomena Sandalo, Marilia Faco Soares, Luciana Storto, Petronila da
Silva Tavares, and Marcia Maria Damaso Vieira. They are working at institutions
spread from Rio de Janeiro (where an active group is centered at the Museu
Nacional) to Cambridge, Massachusetts (where at least two Brazilian graduate stu-
dents have been enrolled in the doctoral program at MIT's Department of
Linguistics).
The first three volumes of HAL included no work by Brazilians, though we had
looked for and solicited such work. Everything published in HAL so far has been
contributed by North American and British scholars who have developed lasting
interests in the languages of Amazonia. The work of these foreign residents and
visitors to Brazil has been of inestimable value, but it was never our wish to limit
HAL to their work. We look forward to work by Brazilian and other South American
scholars presenting original research, and criticizing and correcting the preliminary
work on Amazonian languages that HAL has been able to make available so far. It
is with pleasure that we greet the publication of Aikhenvald's chapter in this fourth
volume (see our discussion below), which at last adds a Brazilian national to the list
of those whose work has appeared in the series. We hope that in the near future we
will see other South American linguists publishing full grammatical descriptions of
the many fascinating languages still spoken in Amazonia.
It seems to us from a review of the flow of recent nonlinguistic publications on
Amazonia that it is perhaps an auspicious time for renewed attention to recording
and analyzing the languages of the area, for there has recently been a very substan-
tial increase in the rate of appearance of books about nonlinguistic aspects of the
lives and the environment of Amazonian Indians, many of them aimed at quite a
wide public.
The vast area of the Amazon basin has always engaged the imagination of those
who heard about it, ever since the first arrival of Europeans there at the beginning
of the 16th century. It has perhaps provided more potent images of the original
Edenic state of man and nature than any other place on earth. There is a generic
vision of Amazonian Indians that has been put before the public through tales of
fierce and hostile tribes who make shrunken heads as mementos of their decapitated
enemies (a practice associated with the tribes speaking Jivaroan languages). The title
of Francis Huxley's Affable Savages (1956), about the Urubu (see HAL 1 for a
description of their language), suggests a deliberate repudiation of that image.
Huxley is at pains to have his reader understand that the Urubu were friendly and
treated him well; but his book strongly suggests throughout that his experiences
enable him to generalize about all the Indians of Brazil: they are all naked, all
practice slash-and-burn shifting agriculture, are all for the most part innocent of
science and technology, are all deeply absorbed in spiritual discussion and myth-
making, are all full of tales of past warfare and cannibalism.
In truth, of course, the Amazon's people are highly diverse: some traditionally
lived in hunter-gatherer bands of as few as a hundred people with a reputation for
shunning contact with all outsiders and killing intruders who approach them (the
Atroari; the Kren-Akorore); others live in large, fairly settled communities in which
there may be tens of thousands of speakers of a single language (the Macushi; the
Shuar Federation). Some have traditionally lived with little technology but arrows,
darts, and spears, but many have amassed considerable stores of scientific knowl-
edge about the environment and its products (e.g. the chemistry of dart-tip poisons,
fish-stunning compounds, herbal medicines), and in some areas such arts as boat-
building and pottery-making were developed to levels of accomplishment that
astonished early European travellers. Naturally, many have been in continuous
casual contact with Portuguese or Spanish speakers for hundreds of years.
Amazonian Indians tend to be thought of as inhabiting primeval jungle, but hardly
any of Amazonia is appropriately described in that way. The original inhabitants of
the Amazon basin have constantly modified it and adapted it over millennia, harvest-
ing its natural food products and planting gardens to grow more, burning patches to
open up new space for growing food crops, and so on, over a period that is almost
certainly to be measured in tens of millennia: human beings have certainly been in
Amazonia for 10,000 years, and could have been there for more than 30,000 years
(see Wolkomir 1991 for a survey of recent research on the antiquity of settlement
sites such as Pedra Furada in Brazil).
In recent years, the literature on such aspects of the lives of indigenous Amazonian
people has been burgeoning. Even if we keep the task within bounds by restricting
ourselves just to books in English published since we prepared HAL 3 (i.e. since
about 1990), there is a veritable flood of new material to review, both popular and
academic. The books that have appeared address numerous aspects of the cultures of
aboriginal Amazonia: their art (Nugent and Coelho 1991; Verswijver 1992b); their
oral literature (Wilbert and Simoneau 1990; Mindlin et al. 1995); their spirituality
(Perkins 1994; Henley 1995); their science and natural history (Milliken et al. 1992;
Descola 1994); and the linked topics of their internecine warfare (Verswijver 1992a;
Hendricks 1993; Redmond 1994; Ferguson 1995) and the continuing genocidal
attacks on them by others (Berwick 1992; Stannard 1992; Penglase 1994). In addi-
tion, popular works on the development of Amazonia containing generally
Introduction 7
sympathetic accounts of the negative effects on the Indians have continued to appear
(see e.g. Kimerling 1991; Margolis 1992; Meunier and Savarin 1994; Kane 1995).
It can hardly be said that there are general grounds for optimism about widespread
improvement in the conditions under which Amazonian Indians live. In the north of
Brazil, near the Venezuelan border, murderous attacks on the Yanomami Indians,
carried out by illegal gold miners encroaching on their land, have continued without
serious government hindrance, despite repeated coverage in the world's press. And
throughout Amazonia, the appalling damage from large-scale burning of the rain
forest—way beyond anything the aboriginal population could ever have conceived—
has continued, and recently began to increase. On January 26, 1998, the Brazilian
government issued statistics on the pace of environmental destruction (see Schemo
1998 for a news report). While deforestation had begun to tail off after 1988, falling
to a low of a little over 4,000 square miles in 1991, it then rose again, and in the
1994-1995 burning season a staggering total of 11,196 square miles of rain forest
was completely destroyed by fire. And that is the Brazilian government's figure,
published after a delay while Brazil participated in the 1997 Kyoto world conference
on global warming and the October 1997 meeting in Manaus at which Brazil asked
the world's seven wealthiest countries for further environmental support. The total
amount of forest destroyed may be higher. Taking into account logging and thinning
of virgin rain forest under the canopy as well, a United States Congressional
commission in 1997 claimed that the forest destruction was well above 22,000
square miles per year.
These figures may be put in perspective by noting that the Amazon rain forest area
is about the size of Western Europe. Destroying more than 11,000 square miles is
comparable to burning off the whole of Belgium. Destroying over 22,000 square
miles could be accomplished by deforestation of the whole of Denmark and the
entire area of Northern Ireland. A continuation of annual figures like these will
mean, clearly, that the Amazon rain forest is doomed. And far from taking steps to
discourage these developments, the government has been (perhaps unwittingly)
taking actions that encourage them. As of early 1998 its federal environmental
agency still had no legal authority to enforce laws relating to the environment
(though legislation to remedy this was under discussion), and a program of agrarian
reform had put previously landless peasants in control of tracts of virgin rainforest
(over 18,000 square miles of it). Clearing the land by burning in order to attempt
agricultural production on it is really these peasant's only immediate option. Much
of the recent deforestation has been not through massive clearings by agribusiness,
but through relatively small fires—a third of a square mile or less—apparently set
by smallholders.
Events the other side of the Pacific in 1997 showed that land clearing through
burning can get out of control on a multinational scale. The burning season in parts
of Indonesia (partly through illegal bum-offs by large palm plantation operations, but
also by small farmers) led to uncontrolled fires over such a gigantic area that a
blanket of smoke and smoggy haze descended not just on much of Indonesia but also
over Singapore, parts of Malaysia and Thailand, and even the Philippines. Illnesses
and deaths from respiratory ailments increased and airliners crashed in the murky
air. Yet the fires raged on, rendered unstoppable by the unusual dryness attributable
to a particularly strong El Nino ocean warming effect that year. A study by the
Woods Hole Research Institute has reported signs of unusual dryness in the Amazon
area (which normally contains some 20 percent of the fresh water in the world and
continually recycles it through the process of evapotranspiration in the wet forests).
The likelihood of out-of-control burning that would have consequences for the whole
continent of South America thus cannot be dismissed.
If environmental destruction on the kind of scale that is reported from Brazil
continues, the effects on the remaining viable Indian communities will be severe.
Their traditional life depends on being settled on land that is capable of sustaining
them. If the land is taken over and changed beyond recognition, whether by gold
miners, cattle ranchers, road gangs, or oil drilling crews, and the Indians become
marginalized inhabitants in the way Australian Aborigines were turned into semi-le-
gal squatters on their own traditional land in the past century, there is essentially no
likelihood of their cultures and languages remaining intact. And without some
recognition and enforcement of the rights of Indian groups to land on which they
can subsist, the environmental destruction is very likely to continue. The fate of the
Amazonian environment and the fate of the linguistic richness HAL has been at-
tempting to document are thus to a considerable extent interlinked.
Contents of this volume

HAL 4 is divided into three parts and contains four chapters. The two chapters in
Part I are grammatical descriptions of Amazonian languages that have not previously
been described in this detail. Part II contains a typological study of the somewhat
unusual and complex interclausal reference system found in Amahuaca (Panoan),
and Part III is a historical and comparative study of the morphology and syntax of
Tupi-Guarani languages.
The two grammatical descriptions in Part I are of Wai Wai, a Cariban language,
and Warekena, a Maipuran Arawakan language. Each has a narrative text appended.
There is also a short text appended to the Amahuaca study in Part II. The map at
the front of this volume indicates the general area where the Wai Wai, Warekena,
and Amahuaca languages are spoken. On p. 226 there is a large scale map of the
Warekena area, showing specific locations of speakers of the language and also the
names and locations of other neighboring language groups referred to in the text. On
p. 492 there is a map showing locations of Tupi-Guarani language groups.
The contents of the grammatical descriptions follow the same outline as in the
three previous volumes. (This outline is republished at the beginning of Part I of this
volume.) As we have made clear in earlier volumes, we are under no illusions that
these descriptions are anything like full reference grammars or complete descriptions
of each language. They represent terse sketches summarizing the present state of
knowledge of authors who continue with their research on the languages in question.
Introduction 9
However, we believe that they do provide a reliable description of the main charac-
teristics of a wide range of phonological, morphological, semantic, and syntactic
phenomena. Reviews of, citations from, and other reports we have received about
earlier volumes indicate that they have proved of value to linguists specializing in
various areas of research, including functional-typological, historical-comparative,
and formal theoretical models. (See also, for their comments and citations, Dixon
1994, xv; Everett 1997; Gildea 1998.) We have some confidence that this fourth
volume will also prove useful to scholars interested in these still very little-known
languages.
Wai Wai
Wai Wai is a member of the Cariban language family. Three Cariban languages
have now been described in HAL volumes: Apalai is described in HAL 1 and
Macushi in HAL 3. Putting these together with Derbyshire's detailed descriptions of
Hixkaryana (e.g. Derbyshire 1979, 1985) and the recent work of Spike Gildea (see
e.g. Gildea 1998), they begin to provide adequate materials available for serious and
detailed comparative syntactic work on Cariban languages. Wai Wai is spoken by
communities living on both sides of the Guyana-Brazil border, the main locations
being on the Rivers Essequibo (Guyana)and Mapuera (Brazil). There are also Wai
Wai speakers living among the Trio (Tiriyo) in Surinam, and others living with the
Hixkaryana in Amazonas state in northern central Brazil.
In contrast with some other Amazonian languages (see particularly Warekena,
discussed below), the Wai Wai language and culture is very much alive and well. It
is worth stressing this, for the Wai Wai offer an important illustration of why it
would be a mistake to see indigenous people of South America as doomed to
extinction. Despite the stark facts of population decline and ongoing assaults by
modern Brazilian society on indigenous peoples that we have outlined in the intro-
ductions to previous volumes (see especially HAL 7.2-10, HAL 2.3-5, and HAL
3.4-8), it is worth noting that Amazonian indigenous people are not without the
ability or resources to determine and improve their lives, and there is no reason at
all why their overall decline in numbers since the sixteenth century should be seen
as something inevitable. The Wai Wai population has been growing steadily for at
least the last 40 years, both by natural reproduction within the group and also by
absorption of remnants of other neighboring language groups who have learned to
speak Wai Wai. There are now about 1,800 speakers, and the number is continuing
to increase.
There have been more anthropological and other studies of the lives of the Wai
Wai than of many peoples of the Amazon area. For anthropological works, see e.g.
Fock 1963 and Yde 1965; more general travel books about the Wai Wai include
Guppy 1958 and Allen 1985; and there have also been two books on the Wai Wai
Christian culture (Dowdy 1963, 1995). Thus the Wai Wai people and culture have
become fairly widely known.
Their language also has a longer history of description than most Amazonian
languages. There are descriptions of the phonology and nominal and verbal morphol-
ogy of the language in a number of articles: W. N. Hawkins (1952, 1962); W. N.
Hawkins and R. E. Hawkins (1953); R. E. Hawkins (1962). However, Robert
Hawkins' grammatical sketch of Wai Wai in this volume is the first general and
more complete description of the language, including its syntax.
Robert Hawkins and his wife first began their missionary work among the Wai
Wai people in 1950. This resulted in a Wai Wai translation of the New Testament
in the early 1980s, and they are now completing the translation of the entire Bible.
This work has given them a deep understanding of the semantics of the language, as
will be evident in such sections as 18.1 on "tense, number and emotional involve-
ment" distinctions. Grimes (1975) has coined the term 'pesky little particle' for
uninflected words appearing to have a semantic or pragmatic function but one that
is extraordinarily difficult for the linguistic investigator to identify. Wai Wai
abounds in pesky little particles, and Hawkins' extended discussion of them in
section 21 is remarkably rich in insight and detail concerning their contributions to
utterance meaning. Hawkins also displays a thorough knowledge of the range of
syntactic constructions and the complex morphology of Wai Wai. Section 23 is by
far the most extensive and in-depth description of the morphological structures and
the conditioning factors of the many allomorphic variants that has appeared in any
of the ten grammatical sketches published in the four HAL volumes.
Wai Wai is probably the most closely related Cariban language to Hixkaryana
(Derbyshire 1979, 1985). There are many similarities of form and meaning in both
the grammar and the lexicon. As is common in Cariban languages, in both Wai Wai
and Hixkaryana subordinate constructions (i.e., the equivalent of complement, adver-
bial, and relative clauses) are expressed by nominalizations which are ergatively
organized, with the notional intransitive subject and transitive object taking posses-
sor marking and the notional transitive subject being marked by a postposition (wya
in Hixkaryana and ya ~ wya in Wai Wai). The forms of the nominalizers and of verb
derivational affixes are almost identical in the two languages. Nonetheless, these are
not two dialects of a single language. There are notable grammatical differences
between the two. For example:
(i) In Wai Wai main clauses (sect. 9.2), the sequencing of direct object before verb
is less rigid than it is in Hixkaryana (and most other Cariban languages).
Moreover, the subject can occur before or after the verb, apparently without
any sort of conditioning factors. In Hixkaryana clear discourse-pragmatic con-
ditions have to be met in order for a clause-initial subject to be permissible
(Derbyshire 1986).
(ii) In Wai Wai there are only two basic past tense categories, one being 'today
past' and the other 'any past time prior to today', and the latter category has
two forms depending on whether the speaker is or is not 'emotionally in-
volved'. The Hixkaryana tense system contrasts sharply. In Hixkaryana there
Introduction 11
are three basic categories: immediate past (earlier today), recent past (within the
past few weeks or months), and distant past; and in the recent and distant
categories there is an aspectual distinction between completive (including se-
melfactive and punctual) and continuative (including habitual and progressive),
making five sets of past tense forms in all. The Wai Wai tense system is both
simpler and organized by reference to rather different semantic categories.
Warekena
Warekena (frequently found in reference books under other spellings such as
'Guarequena') is a member of the Northern Branch of the Maipuran language
family, which is the core of the Arawakan family. David Payne's chapter in HAL
5.355—499 may be consulted for a discussion of some languages which are certainly
Arawakan (within the Maipuran subfamily) and some others which have been
classified as Arawakan by earlier linguists but which may not be Arawakan at all.
Warekena is the first grammatical description of a Maipuran Arawakan language to
appear in HAL. In the introductions to earlier volumes we expressed our hope to
include descriptions of two others, but these have not been forthcoming (though
there are two comparative studies of the main morphosyntactic features of the
Arawakan languages in HAL 1: Derbyshire's on Brazilian Arawakan, HAL 7.469-
566, and Wise's on the PreAndine Arawakan languages of Peru, HAL 7.567-642).
There are several communities of Warekena speakers on the Xie river, a tributary
of the Upper Negro in the extreme north of Brazil, very close to the Colombia and
Venezuela borders. In contrast to Wai Wai, Warekena, which is a dialect of Baniwa
of Guainia (spoken in Venezuela), appears to be in a situation likely to lead to
language death, and many speakers no longer use the language for everyday com-
munication (in Brazil, they all speak Nheengatu, once known as Lingua Geral, and
the speakers in Venezuela all know Spanish).
Alexandra Aikhenvald has done extensive fieldwork on several languages in the
area where Warekena is spoken. She has worked on Bare (now extinct, the last
fluent speaker having died in 1993; her description of the language was published as
Aikhenvald 1995), Baniwa of I9ana, and Tariana. As Aikhenvald shows, there are
many similarities between those three languages and Warekena (some are more
general Northern Maipuran traits), although she also reports that the Baniwa of I9ana
language is not mutually intelligible with Baniwa of Guainia, the language of which
Warekena is a dialect.
Basic constituent order in main clauses in Warekena is SVO, but in clauses with
intransitive verbs there are two possibilities: those with active intransitives are SV
and those with Stative intransitives are VS. Most of the ten morphosyntactic charac-
teristics listed in our introduction to HAL 1 (see p. 19) are found in Warekena,
including: verb agreement with both subject and object; subject and object NPs
occurring infrequently and only to express new information or for pragmatic mark-
ing; no agentive passive construction; heavy reliance on direct speech rather than
indirect speech constructions; and lack of coordinating conjunctions, hence reliance

on juxtaposition.
Other characteristics common in Amazonian languages are lacking in Warekena.
There are very few particles, and the few that do occur are mainly Portuguese loans.
Phrase constituent orders do not always follow the more common Amazonian type,
which is Noun-Adjective, Genitive-Noun, and NP-Postposition; in Warekena Noun-
Adjective is the norm, but the unmarked order with genitives is Noun-Genitive,
although Genitive-Noun also occurs, and both NP-Postposition and Preposition-NP
occur, but it is Preposition-NP that is more common in adpositional phrases. There
are some deverbal nominalizations (action, agentive, and object), but they seem to
be not so common as they are in Cariban languages. Serial verb constructions occur
in Warekena (and also in Tupi-Guarani languages). Warekena does not have ergative
marking or any other case marking of subject or object.
Amahuaca
In our introduction to HAL 1, we stated our intention to include a description of a
Panoan language. The complete grammatical sketch we had hoped for has not
materialized, but the Amahuaca paper by Margarethe Sparing-Chavez in this volume
helps to fill the gap. It provides a description of one of the more unique interclausal
reference systems to be found anywhere in the world, and it is a system which is
common to Panoan languages. It has the more general characteristics which are
usually found in switch-reference systems (i.e., signalling whether the subject is
"same or different" in a sequence of clauses), plus the feature of encoding corefer-
ence between subjects and objects.
Switch-reference is, however, only one function of this system of morphological
marking; other functions include the encoding of transitivity and of temporal and
logical relations between events. The set of suffixes which compose the system is a
combination of case markers (ergative, absolutive, and nominative) and tense-aspect
marker, which in some cases include a person-marking component.
Other parameters that are relevant to the system are constituent order in clauses,
temporal adverbs, discourse-pragmatic factors, and verbal suffixes which encode
motion/direction and potentiality of an event. Thus, a major part of the morphosyn-
tax of the language enters into the description of this complex system.
For other publications on Panoan languages see footnote 1 and the References in
the Sparing-Chavez chapter. For a survey of the Panoan language family see the
chapter by Eugene Loos in Dixon and Aikhenvald (forthcoming).
Tupi-Guarani
In HAL 1 there was a grammatical sketch of one Tupi-Guarani language (Urubu-
Kaapor) and a typological study of certain morphological and syntactic traits in
another (Guajajara). In this volume we present a comparative study of the Tupi-
Guarani family by Cheryl Jensen, who has done in-depth research in one
Introduction 13
Tupi-Guarani language (Wayampi) and has already published historical and com-
parative studies on the family as a whole (see Jensen 1989, 1990, and other items
listed under her name in the References of her chapter).
Tupi-Guarani is the best documented family in lowland South America. There are
descriptions of two (now extinct) languages that go back to the 16th and 17th
centuries: Tupinambä (Anchieta 1595, mentioned above) and Old Guarani (Ruiz de
Montoya 1639, 1640). In the past forty years, many more studies of the grammars
(or parts thereof) of individual languages have been published or archived. This has
led to increased interest in historical and comparative research, largely inspired by
Aryon Rodrigues, and this has resulted in the publication of generally reliable
reconstructions and internal classifications. It has also resulted, of course, in consid-
erable debate and diverse analyses of certain phenomena, as will be noted by anyone
who compares, for example, Lemle (1971), Rodrigues (1985a, 1985b), Dietrich
(1990), and Jensen (1989, 1990).
Jensen takes sixteen areas of morphosyntax and carefully traces the changes that
have taken place from the Pro to-Tupi-Guarani forms and constructions to those
found in the descendant languages. The proto-forms are based on the phonological
(Lemle 1971) and morphological (Jensen 1989) reconstructions that have become
generally accepted by Tupi-Guarani specialists. She relates these diachronic changes
to the eight sub-groups of Tupi-Guarani languages which have been postulated by
Rodrigues (1985a) on the grounds of closer affinities within each sub-group, and
shows how these changes in the morphosyntax have developed in a systematic way
at different historical stages, affecting some sub-groups and not others.
In section 17, Jensen focuses on the verb agreement cross-referencing systems and
presents a reasonable hypothesis on how these could have developed from an earlier
(Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani) ergative system, with consistent absolutive cross-refer-
encing that applied to all independent verb and dependent verb constructions,
through various stages in which some descendant languages lost the absolutive
agreement patterns on independent verbs, and on to the sub-set of languages to-day
(Chiriguano, Guarani Mbyä, Guarayu, Kaiwä, and Wayampi) in which absolutive
cross-referencing has been lost in some of the dependent verb constructions as well
as on all independent verbs, and finally to the case of Urubu-Kaapor (see HAL 1 for
a description), which has lost all absolutive marking in all constructions.
This Tupi-Guarani chapter is the second detailed historical and comparative work
that has appeared in the Handbook series. David Payne's Maipuran (Arawakan)
chapter in HAL 3 presents the phonological and lexical data which are the basis for
his reconstructions and internal classification, with only a brief section on grammati-
cal structures. Jensen, in contrast, begins with previously established reconstructed
forms and internal classification (Rodrigues' sub-groups) and traces the develop-
ments in many areas of the morphosyntax of Tupi-Guarani languages.
Areal characteristics
The papers in this volume tend to confirm some of the Amazonian typological
similarities we noted in earlier volumes (HAL 7.16-20; HAL 3.9-12). Warekena is
unusual with respect to one areal feature we noted in connection with basic constitu-
ent order, i.e., object preceding subject in main clauses. Warekena is SVO. SVO also
appears to predominate in Tupi-Guarani languages (although each of the other
possible orders, except VOS, occur as the basic order in at least one Tupi-Guarani
language). Jensen reports, however, that dependent clauses are usually verb final and
opts for SOV as the likely order in Pro to-Tupi-Guarani. In Wai Wai and Amahuaca
SOV and OVS are the more common orders. These give further support to the
hypothesis stated in HAL 1.20 that at an earlier stage in their history most Ama-
zonian languages were fairly rigidly SOV.
What is also characteristic of all the languages described in this volume is that the
order of clausal constituents is greatly affected by discourse-pragmatic factors. Most
clauses occurring in texts do not have noun phrase (or free pronoun) subjects and
objects; noun phrases tend to be used only to express new information or for other
such pragmatically-defined effects. Otherwise, person marking in the verb is suffi-
cient to refer to subject and/or direct object (in Amahuaca the person marking is a
component of some of the interclausal reference suffixes).
Ergativity is clearly in evidence, to a greater or lesser degree, in the languages
described here. In Warekena it has only a minor syntactic role relating to a constraint
on coreferential deletion of a subject constituent in certain coordinate and subordi-
nate constructions (see section 3.2 and footnote 3 of the Warekena chapter for
details). In Wai Wai, as in many other Cariban languages, many of the nominalized
subordinate constructions are ergatively organized in that the notional intransitive
subject or transitive direct object surfaces as the possessor of the nominalized verb;
the notional transitive subject is governed by the postposition (w)ya 'to, by', which
is a cognate of the main clause ergative marker in a few other Cariban languages,
e.g., Macushi, which is described in HAL 3. Amahuaca has main clause ergative
marking, and the ergative marker is incorporated into some of the interclausal
reference suffixes. Most of the Tupi-Guarani languages, as noted above, still have
absolutive verb cross-referencing in at least some of their constructions and, as
Jensen argues, it seems a reasonable hypothesis that this reflects a more complete
ergative system in the earlier stages of the family history which led up to Proto-
Tupi-Guarani.
Jensen's diachronic scenario for the loss of ergativity in the Tupi-Guarani family
is convincing. It gives more substance to Harrison's (1986) hypothesis of the erosion
of ergativity in Guajajara and other Central Brazil (Tupian and Je) languages. It may
also be significant in suggesting a similar scenario for the direction of change in
other Amazonian language families in which there are languages with varying
degrees of ergativity.
The Cariban family may or may not prove to be an exception. Derbyshire (1991,
1994) proposed a comparable hypothesis of progressive loss of ergativity for
Introduction 15
Cariban, but this faces a serious challenge mounted by Gildea (1998), who has
accumulated a large amount of data unavailable to Derbyshire, taken from many
Cariban languages. Gildea's conclusion is that main clause ergative marking is an
innovation in a few languages since Proto-Carib. His argumentation bears very
serious attention, though given the evidence of areal confluence of syntactic features
in Amazonia, it could conceivably be put in doubt if the direction of change in other
Amazonian language families proves to be gradual loss of ergativity since the
proto-stages. There are a significant number of families in the area with languages
that display varying degrees of ergativity, which suggests that ergativity has been
around for a long time. These include the following languages that have been
described in the Handbook series: Apalai, Macushi, Wai Wai (Cariban), Canela-
Kraho (Je), Guajajara (Tupi-Guarani), Sanuma (Yanomami), Paumari (Arawan), and
Amahuaca (Panoan). Other families in the area reported to have ergativity are:
Tacanan, and Tupi groups which are not part of the Tupi-Guarani family.
Overview of the four volumes

With the publication of the contents of this volume, we can now summarize the
contents of the four volumes of HAL as follows:
10 grammatical sketches of languages from 8 different families (three Cariban, and
one each from the Je, Mura, Tupi-Guarani, Peba-Yaguan, Yanomami, Arawan, and
Arawakan families);
4 comparative studies (three on Arawakan and one on Tupi-Guarani);
3 typological studies on specific topics in languages from three different families
(Tupi-Guarani, Peba-Yaguan, and Panoan).
There is much more to be done. But we are confident that it is work that can be
done. As we noted in the Preface, despite everything in the often horrific story of
their treatment since 1500, the Indians of the vast Amazon basin are not extinct, and
neither are their remarkable languages. The Handbook of Amazonian Languages is
merely a beginning to the Amazonian linguistics that must be done over the coming
decades.
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edited by Ignacio Prado Pastor), 179-98.
Descola, Philippe
1994 In the society of nature: a native ecology in Amazonia. Cambridge
studies in social and cultural anthropology; 93 (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press).
Dietrich, W.
1990 More evidence for an internal classification of Tupi-Guarani languages
(Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag).
Dixon, Robert M. W.
1994 Ergativity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
Introduction 17
Dixon, Robert M. W., and Alexandra Aikhenvald, eds.

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Dixon, Robert M. W., and Alan R. Vogel
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Dowdy, Homer
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Ferguson, R. Brian.
1995 Yanomami warfare: a political history (Sante Fe, New Mexico: School
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Fock, N.
1963 Waiwai: Religion and society of an Amazonian tribe (Nationalmuseets
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Gildea, Spike
1998 On reconstructing grammar: Comparative Cariban morphosyntax (Ox-
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Grimes, Joseph
1975 The thread of discourse (The Hague: Mouton).
Guppy, Nicholas
1958 Wai-Wai (London: John Murray).
Harrison, Carl H.
1986 "Verb prominence, verb initialness, ergativity and typological dishar-
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Hawkins, W. Neill, and Robert E. Hawkins

1953 "Verb inflections in Waiwai (Carib)," (International Journal of Ameri-
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Henley, Paul
1995 Yanomami: masters of the spirit world (San Francisco: Chronicle
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Huxley, Francis
1956 Affable Savages: An Anthropologist Among the Urubu Indians of Brazil
(London: Rupert Hart-Davis).
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Kane, Joe
1995 Savages (New York: Alfred Knopf).
Kaye, Jonathan
1971 "Nasal harmony in Desano," Linguistic Inquiry 2.37-56.
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Studies I, edited by David Bendor-Samuel (Norman: Summer Institute
of Linguistics and the University of Oklahoma), 107-29.
Margolis, Mac
1992 The last new world (New York: W. W. Norton).
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1992 The Ethnobotany of the Waimiri Atroari Indians of Brazil (Kew: Royal
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1995 Unwritten stories of the Surui Indians of Rondonia (Austin: University
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Introduction 19
Nugent, Bob L., and Vera Penteado Coelho

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Penglase, Ben.
1994 Brazil: violence against the Macuxi and Wapixana Indians in Raposa
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Perkins, John M.
1994 The -world is as you dream it: shamanic teachings from the Amazon and
Andes (Rochester, VT: Destiny Books).
Redmond, Elsa M.
1994 Tribal and chiefly warfare in South America (Ann Arbor: Museum of
Anthropology, University of Michigan).
Rodrigues, Aryon
1985a "Redoes internas na famflia linguistica Tupi-Guarani," Revista de
Antropologia (Säo Paulo), 27/28:33-53.
1985b "Evidence for Tupi-Carib relationships," South American Indian lan-
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and Louisa R. Stark (Austin: University of Texas Press), 371—404.
Ruiz de Montoya, Antonio
1639 Tesoro de la lengua Guarani (Madrid: Juan Sanchez).
1640 Arte y Bocabulario de la lengua Guarani (Madrid: Juan Sanchez).
Schemo, Diana Jean
1998 "Data show recent burning of Amazon is worst ever," New York Times,
January 27, p. A3.
Stannard, David
1992 American Holocaust (New York: Oxford University Press).
Verswijver, Gustaaf
1992a The club-fighters of the Amazon: -warfare among the Kaiapo Indians of
central Brazil (Gent: Rijksuniversiteit te Gent).
Verswijver, Gustaaf (ed.)
1992b Kaiapo, Amazonia: the art of body decoration (Tervuren: Royal Mu-
seum for Central Africa; Gent: Snoeck-Ducaju & Zoon).
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1990 Folk literature of the Yanomami Indians (Los Angeles: UCLA Latin
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1991 "New finds could rewrite the start of American history," Smithsonian
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Part I
Grammatical Sketches
Outline of contents for grammatical sketches
INTRODUCTION
SYNTAX OF THE SENTENCE OR CLAUSE
1 Word order
2 Parataxis
3 Ellipsis
4 Reflexives, reciprocals, unspecified arguments
5 Passives
6 Causatives
7 Comparatives, equatives
8 Coordination
9 Pragmatic and discourse characteristics
10 Interrogatives
11 Imperatives
12 Negation
13 Anaphora
14 Subordinate clauses
SYNTAX OF PHRASE TYPES
15 Noun phrase structure

15.1 Marking for case
15.2 Genitives
15.3 Modifiers
15.4 Nominalizations
16 Pronoun system
17 Adpositional phrase structure
18 Verb or verb phrase structure
18.1 Tense
18.2 Aspect
18.3 Mood/Modality
18.4 Person, number, gender
18.5 Voice
18.6 Other categories
18.7 Incorporation
18.8 Auxiliary verb system
19 Adjective phrase structure
20 Adverb phrase structure
21 PARTICLES
22 PHONOLOGY
23 MORPHOLOGY
24 IDEOPHONES
NOTES
REFERENCES
APPENDIX: TEXT
WAI WAI
Robert E. Hawkins
Missäo Evang^lica da Amazonia
Introduction
Wai Wai is a language of the Carib family spoken in a village on the Mapuera river
of Para, Brazil, and in another village on the Jatapuzinho River of Roraima, Brazil,
by a few people living among the Hixkaryana people on the Nhamundä River in
Amazonas, Brazil, in another village near Gunn's Strip on the Upper Essequibo
River in Guyana, and by a group living among the Trio Indians in Southern Surinam.
At this writing there are about 1800 speakers of the language and the number is
increasing each year. Actually, there are no people who call themselves Wai Wai
alive at this time; the last member of the group who called themselves by this name
died 20 years ago or more. The people who are now called Wai Wai by the outside
world are remnants of the Mawayana, Hixkaryana, Katwena, Sherew, Karapaw
Yana, Cikyana, Tuuna Yana, and Parkwoto peoples. There were two Taruma men
who lived among them for some years, but they both died several years ago. Also,
one man of the Atrowari tribe lives among the Wai Wai, and there are two Trio
women who are married to Wai Wai men. All of these tribe remnants have their own
language or dialect, some of which are quite close to Wai Wai and some quite
different. The language of the true Wai Wai people was very close to that of the
Parkwoto people. The language of these two groups combined to become the lingua
franca of all these remnant groups, and nearly all who live among the Wai Wai
speak the Wai Wai language fluently. Some of them, however, still speak their own
language in their homes. It has been visitors from the outside world who have given
the name Wai Wai to the whole group who speak this language. The Wai Wai who
live in Guyana are learning English, those living in Surinam are learning Dutch, and
those living in Brazil are learning Portuguese. A good number of the Wai Wai young
men can do business in their respective trade languages, but there are very few who
speak any of these trade languages fluently. All of the Wai Wai, however, are being
acculturated at a fairly steady rate into the culture of the nations in which they live.
The younger people are naturally acculturating faster than the older ones. About
85% of the Wai Wai can read the Wai Wai language. Many of the young people
read and write their language fluently.
My brother, W. Neill Hawkins, did nearly all of the work on the phonology of the
Wai Wai language, as well as that of the description of the morphology of the nouns.
26 Hawkins
I did the greater part of the analysis of the verb morphology. I remained among the
Wai Wai after my brother left and have added to some of his descriptions of the
phonology and the morphology of the nouns. (See References at the end of this
paper.) I have done most of the work on the syntax of the language. The semantics
of a number of the particles was largely my work. It took many years to discover
the full meaning of some of them. I was aided in this study by Marjorie Crofts and
Margaret Sheffler of the Summer Institute of Linguistics.
1 Word order
The basic clause types of Wai Wai, classified according to their nuclear constitu-
ents, are: transitive (1), intransitive (2), copular (3), equative (4), and quotative (5).
All of these clauses have a predicate and a subject. After a participant is introduced,
the name of this person or thing is most often omitted, and a verb prefix is the only
indicator of the participant, whether he is the actor or recipient of the action. When
the subject prefix is third person it quite often is zero. The following examples
contain mostly nuclear constituents.
(1) Oy-ok pen Þ-eska kamara.

IPOSR-animal pity 3S-bite + TP wildcat
'The wildcat bit my pet.'
(2) Tooto komo ni-win-tika-cow.

people COLL 3S-sleep-COMPL-TP + COLL
'All the people went to sleep.'
(3) O-pi-ci xe w-0-a-sl.

IPOSR-wife-POSN wanting IS-be-SF-INP
º want a wife.'
(4) Wayway owl

Wai. Wai 1PRO
º am a Wai Wai.'
(5) Es-etaka-xi 0-tom-o, kas-ko yi-wya.

DETRANS-move-PM 3S-go-TP say-2IMP 3-to
'Say to him, "He went hunting." '
Wai Wai 27
1.1 Transitive clauses. The transitive clause has three essential constituents: direct
object, a transitive verb, and subject. The normal position for a free form object is
immediately before the verb. Variations from the normal position are considerable
and are further discussed in sect. 9.2. There does not seem to be any normal position
for a free form subject. It may be either before or after the verb. In this sect, we will
only present independent transitive clauses. Dependent transitive clauses also occur
and are discussed in sect. 14.
(6) Kimiya pen n-ahsi-ya-kne okoymo.

(Name.of.man) PITY 3S-catch-SF-UP anaconda.snake
'The anaconda snake caught Kimiya.'
It is somewhat rare to have transitive verbs accompanied by both a free form

object and a free form subject. Such free forms are usually only used when a new
participant is being introduced. Usually only one participant is introduced at a time.
Thus a clause with only one free form is the more common transitive clause.
(7) K-en-cow so yuruma.

l+2O-see-TP + COLL COLL duck
'The duck saw us.'
The free form subject may be placed before the verb to highlight the subject.
(8) Apapa n-aar-e ha-m.

daddy 3S-take-IP RHY-DEDUCT
'Evidently daddy was the one who took him.'
Transitive verb person-marking prefixes show a split between subject and object
person markers, which constitute two distinct sets. Only one set actually occurs in
any given finite verb. There is a hierarchy of personal prefixes to transitive verbs,
with first and second person indicators being more overt than third person indicators.
There are no third person object prefixes, only first and second person object
prefixes. When the verb has a first or second person subject and a third person
object, only the subject prefix occurs, and the object has no indicator affixed to the
verb (9). When the verb has a first or second person object the object prefixes occur
and the subject, which again is always third person, has no indicator (11, 12). But
the third person subject or object is very clear in the mind of speakers even though
it is not overtly indicated. It is a significant absence, unless a third person free form
subject or object occurs (10). Thus it seems logical to me to indicate such with a
zero in the glosses of the prefixes. There is also a special portmanteau prefix form,
ki-, which indicates that the subject is first person and object is second person (13).
When the object-subject relation is reversed, the second person subject is indicated
by the normal subject prefix while the first person object is indicated by the first
person pronoun (14). See sect. 23.3 for paradigms of subject and object prefixes.
28 Hawkins
(9) WT0-ahsi-ya-si
lS-3O-hold-SF-INP
º am holding it.'
(10) Kanawa w-ahsi-ya-st

canoe IS-hold-SF-INP
º am holding the canoe.'
(11) Oy^-enw-o okwe.

lO-3S-see-TP alas
'He saw me alas.'
(12) Aw-^-enw-o kamara.

2O-3S-see-TT jaguar
"The jaguar saw you.'
(13) K-enw-o.
lS + 2O-see-TP
º saw you.'
(14) Ow m-etap-e-si.
1PRO 2S-hit-SF-INP
'You are hitting me.'
In second person imperative transitive clauses a third person object is again either
zero or a free form pronoun. As to first person objects, there is a variation between
positive and negative imperative forms. With positive commands first person object
is always a free form. With negative commands it is usually a prefix, which is
attached to the complement of the imperative form of the copula, (sect. 1.3, ex (33),
and (16) below.)
(15) 0-Ahsi-ko.
3O-catch-2IMP
'(You) catch hold of it.'
(16) Ow ahsi-ko. cf. Oy-ahsi-r es-ko.

1PRO hold-2IMP 1-hold-NEG be-2IMP
'(You) Hold me.' 'Don't hold me.'
There is one transitive verb stem that commonly breaks the rule that a direct
object is an essential part of the transitive clause, and only then when certain
postpositional phrases occur with this verb (17). It is the stem of the verb 'to see.'
Note in (18) that the object in the second sentence is indicated by zero.
Wai Wai 29
(17) Noro wece w-een-a-si.

him toward IS-look-SF-ESfP
º am looking in his direction.'
(18) Xirko w-eefi-a-si. cf. Ow marha wH0i-een-a-si.

stars IS-look-SF-INP 1PRO also lS-3O-look-SF-INP
º am looking at the stars.' º am also looking at them.'
There is one type of transitive verb phrase indicating transitive action with an
unspecified personal object. It consists of the transitive verb stem nominalized by the
suffix -no and obligatorily followed by a form of the transitive verb -iri- meaning
'to put it,' 'to make it,Or 'to do it.' The verb stem with the suffix -no becomes the
direct object of the verb -iri-. The verb -iri- may be classed as an auxiliary verb
since it carries person of the subject, tense, and mode components of the action of
the nominalized verb which precedes it (19). Also when this verb is used as an
auxiliary verb derived to attributive or nominalized forms (21, 22) the general prefix
ci- is omitted (see sect. 23.4.5.1 (ii)). In example (20) the word ciiso is the main
verb, not an auxiliary verb.
(19) Ehce-ma-no wi-if-a-si.

medicine-VBZR-NOMZR + UNSP IS-do-SF-INP
º am giving medicine to people.'
(20) K-ehce-ma-cho ci-i-so

1 +2POSR-medicine-VBZR-NOMZR+CIRC GENL-make-PM
la-wc-e-si.
IS-go-SF-INP
º am going to make a medicine dispensary (house).'
(21) Anik-no ri-so ki-wc-e-sl

call-NOMZR + UNSP do-PM IS-go-SF-INP
º am going to call the people.'
(22) Anik-no ri-topo min.

call-NOMZR + UNSP do-CIRC 3PRO
"That is what we use to call people.'
1.2 Intransitive clauses. The intransitive clause has two essential constituents, an
intransitive verb and a subject. The subject may be a free form plus subject prefix
or only a subject prefix.
30 Hawkins
(23) Êß-wMk-ya-sl
IS-sleep-SF-INP
º am going to sleep.'
(24) O-mxik-rf ni-wink-o.

IPOSR-child-POSN 3S-sleep-TP
'My child went to sleep.'
1.3 Copular clauses. The copular clause has two essential elements, a form of the
copula and a subject. There are two kinds of copular clauses, clauses of existence
(26-28) and clauses of description (29-30). A copular clause of existence may include
a postposition phrase or an adverb phrase indicating location and also descriptive nouns
which modify the subject (27). But it does not include any adverbs describing attributes.
The subject of existence clauses may follow or precede the copula (26-27). In interroga-
tive clauses the normal order seems to be subject following the verb (26). Copular
clauses of description include adverbs and adverbial constructions which tend to occur
before the copula. A one word copular sentence may occur (25) but only in a response
expression. A free form subject occurs with the copula if that subject has not already
been introduced in the immediate context (26-27).
(25) N-0-a-y.
3S-be-SF-UNP
'It is.' (In response to the question, 'Is it there?')
(26) N^0-a-y mariya a-hyaw?

3S-be-SF-UNP knife 2-in/with
'Do you have a knife?'
(27) Mariya n-0-a-y o-hyaw wahra-yi-tho mak.

knife 3S-be-SF-UNP 1-in/with small-NOMZR-DEV only
'There is a knife with me but only a small one.'
(28) Meren 0-x-a-kne noro y-ewto-n.

Belem 3S-be-SF-UP 3PRO GEN-city-POSN
'Belem was his city (where he lived).'
(29) Cu-cu-re xa n-0-a-s aw-ewna-ii.

ADVZR-red-ADVZR SUP 3S-be-SF-INP 2POSR-nose-POSN
'Your nose is very red.'
(30) Noro y-anto-n me w-0-a-si.

3PRO GEN-servant-POSN ADVZR IS-be-SF-INP
º am his employee.'
Wai Wai 31
The copula almost always occurs following verb stems (31) and noun stems (32)
having the negative suffix -hra. The negativized verb and noun stems are thus
adverbialized. They may carry object prefixes (33) or the detransitive prefix (34),
but they do not have subject or possessor prefixes or any suffixes of tense, mode or
possession. The associated copula carries all such indicators. Note in (32) that the
subject of the copula is clearly the possessor of the negativized noun 'throat.'
(31) To-hra w-0-a-si.

go-ADVZR + NEG IS-be-SF-INP
º am not going.'
(32) Exe-hra wi-x-a-kne

throat-ADVZR+NEG 1 S-be-SF-UP
º had a bad throat.' (Lit.: I was without a throat.)
(33) Oy-etapa-r es-ko

1-hit-ADVZR+NEG be-2IMP
'Do not hit me.'
(34) Et-atpo-ra w-0-a-si.

DETRANS-pierce/apply .injection-ADVZR + NEG 1 S-be-SF-INP
º cannot give myself an injection.'
1.4 Equative clauses. The equative clause is a clause that usually has no finite verb
at all. The essential constituents of equative clauses in the present tense are a predicate
nominal plus a pronoun subject. Such clauses are used for indicating description,
identity, and pointing out. When the meaning is description or identity the predicate
noun occurs first and the subject pronoun follows (35-36). When the meaning is deictic
the subject pronoun occurs first followed by the predicate noun (37). Equative clauses
are never used in logical discourse nor in time line expressions. They are commonly
used in expressions of description and even more commonly when the descriptions are
vivid or emotional. In descriptions of distant past time, equative clauses are usually
followed by a form of the copula in the uninvolved mode of the past tense (40). For a
fuller description of the deictic pronouns see sect. 16.1.
(35) ×ßñÌ mikro!

howler.monkey 3PRO
'It's a howler monkey.'
(36) Rikomo pana-ta-nmek-ne amoro.

child ears-VBZR-CAUS-AG 2PRO
'You are a teacher of children.'
32 Hawkins
(37) Moso wiifa.

3PRO type.of.rodent
'Here is a rodent!'
(38) Way-pin mik xipM.

die-NOMZR+NEG 3PRO howler.monkey
'Howler monkeys never die!' (The hunter had shot the monkey three
or four times and it had not died.)
(39) Cuure y-ayi-ne ro moso o-pi-ci.

manioc.bread GEN-bake-AG often 3PRO IPOSR-wife-POSN
"This one, my wife, can really bake manioc bread!'
(40) Wo-ne-nhM mik 0-x-a-kne.

shoot-AG-PAST 3PRO 3S-be-SF-UP
'He was a real hunter (shooter).'
1.5 Quotative clauses. Quotative clauses consist of any expression followed obli-
gatorily by a form of the verb ka/kas 'say', 'think', or 'do'. No word ever comes
between the quoted words and the verb ka/kas.
(41) Amfie mak k-mok-ya-si yamoro, 0-k-e-kne o-wya.

later only IS-come-SF-INP slowly 3S-say-SF-UP 1-to
'He said to me, "I will just come later".'
(42) K-wayh-ya-s okwe, ka-hr es-ko.

IS-die-SF-INP alas say-NEG be-2IMP
'Don't say, "I am dying." '
When there is a long quote repeated by another person the verb ka/kas may not
be repeated after each sentence, but only after the last sentence. (I have not analyzed
the morphemes of this rather long example, but the quotation clause is bracketed.)
(43) [Oyakno komo, tahwore rma ehcoko, opona xa encoko. Ow xa akurun

kom ha, ow xa awecet kom ha. Opona eefiataw awya so akurunu ro
komo me wasi], kesi rma amna ya.
' "My brothers, be of good cheer. Trust in me. I am your protector, I
am your supporter (or anchor man). If you trust in me I will be your
protector," he still says to us.'
1.6 Peripheral constituents. Peripheral clauses may be added to a main clause of

a sentence. These clauses may be coordinate (described below in this sect.) or
subordinate (described in sect. 14). We know of no definite limit as to how many of
Wai Wai 33
each type of clause may occur in one sentence. The Wai Wai sometimes speak in
very long sentences.
In place of, or in addition to, peripheral clauses, phrases of all types may be
added to the nuclear clause of the sentence. These may be noun, adverb or postpo-
sition phrases, and often in any of these types of phrases from one to four particles
are added.
1.6.1 Modifying nominals. These are nouns (44), noun phrases (45), nominalized
adverb phrases (46). There are no adjectives in Wai Wai. Only nouns and noun
constructions modify nouns. Modifying nominals are common in all types of clauses.
They normally occur at or near the end of the sentence. There is apparently no limit
to how many modifying nominals can be added in coordination (48). Modifying
nominals are added for identifying (44, 45, 46), clarifying (47), or expanding pre-
vious portions of the sentence (48). The modifying nominals in the following
examples are bracketed. When such nominals occur with transitive verbs the nomi-
nals seem to refer only to the objects of the verbs (44, 48). At least, I have no record
of such referring to the subject of a transitive verb.
(44) Ahto-xapu mak n-eef-a-tu [tuuna].

dig-PERF LIM 3S-drink-SF-UNP water
'They drink only water that has been dug (from a well).'
(45) Kari-ti mikro [Caan y-akno].

strong-NOMZR 3PRO man's.name GEN-brother
'John's brother is strong.'
(46) Tu-wuhre-ke-m komo kfwyam [tan

ADVZR-weapon-ADVZR-NOMZR COLL 1+2PRO here
to-no komo].
at-NOMLZR COLL
'We all who live here have weapons.'
(47) Mariya xe w-a-0-si [o-nom-che-n a-wya.]

knife wanting IS-be-SF-INP 1-leave-after-NOMZR 2-by
º would like a knife for the time after you leave me.'
(48) Tooto w-enek-e-s! tan [kicic-me

people IS-accuse-SF-INP here bad-ADVZR
ceh-so-m komo], [c-emaro-nta-x-mu

be-ADVZR-NOMZR COLL ADVZR-lie-VBZR-ADVZR-NOMZR
34 Hawkins
komo], [c-enepa-ne-m],
COLL ADVZR-steal-ADVZR-NOMZR
[c-es-eyi-so-m],
ADVZR-DETRANS-scold-ADVZR-NOMZR
[c-eti-xat-m-noka-x-mu
ADVZR-DETRANS-DESE) + NOMZR-POSR-REV-ADVZR-NOMZR
komo].
COLL
º judge people here, those who are bad, liars, thieves, those who
scold, those who come to hate each other.'
In copular clauses of existence (49) and in intransitive clauses (50) the modifying
nominal is related to the subject of the verb.
(49) N-0-a-si ro mak o-kuhyati-nmek-ne,

3S-be-SF-INP much just 1 -go. astray -C AUS -AG
[o-mtapo-ta-rJ].
1-words-VBZR-POSN
"There is something to lead me astray, my words alas.'
(50) Noro poyino komo 0-moh-ce, [tf-yiim

3PRO relatives COLL 3S-come-IP 3POSR-father
komo], [0-akno komo marha].

COLL 3POSR-brother COLL also
'His relatives came recently, his parents and his brothers.'
On rare occasions the modifying nominal may occur before the main verb. In the
following example, which illustrates this, the two noun phrases occurring together
constitute a single direct object constituent, the second being a nominalized modifier
of the first.
(51) [Ahce na poko oy-eh-topo-nho,

whatever about lPOSR-be-NOMZR +CIRC-PAST
wara mak oy-eh-topo-nho]

careless 1 POSR-be-NOMZR + CIRC-PAST
Wai Wai 35
w-ahsi-pink-e-tik-e-si tak a-mahya-w rma.

IS-hold-REV-SF-finish-SF-INP change 2-after-when immediately.
'All sorts of my former ways, my former ways of carelessness, I will
abandon as soon as you are gone.'
1.6.2 Adverbiale. Adverbials that occur in copular clauses of description have been
described above in sect. 1.3, as they are a basic part of such clauses. Here we will
present adverbials that occur with verbs other than the copula. These include indica-
tors of purpose of motion (52), manner of actions (53), purpose of other actions (54),
postpositional phrases (55), and descriptions of any kind (56, 57). There are very few
underived adverbs in Wai Wai. There are, however, many adverbialized verbs
(52-54) and adverbialized nouns (56-57). See sect. 23.5 for a description of the
morphology of derived adverbs.
(52) Eyeh-so ki-wc-e-si.

bathe-PM IS-go-SF-ESTP
º am going to bathe.'
(53) En-po-ra ar-ko.

see-CAUS-ADVZR+NEG carry-2IMP
Take it without showing it.'
(54) Ero w-ekatm-o a-wya yi-htino-tome a-wya.

3PRO IS-tell-TP 2-to 3-know-PURP 2-by
º told you that in order that you would know it.'
(55) Tuuna n-enahc-a-si erf-ro ya.

water 3S-gives.out-SF-INP drink-NOMZR+time to/by
'The water gives out because of (people) drinking it all the time.'
(56) C-erew-re aw-eska?

ADVZR-hurt-ADVZR 2O-bite + TP
'Did he bite you painfully?'
(57) Pooyo mka-ke xa 0-c-e-si.

tarrapin back-having very.much 3S-go-SF-INP
'It (a VW car) is just like a tarrapin's back as it goes along.'
(58) Cuure w-ermono-ya-si kapikara ya

cassava.bread IS-shelter-SF-ENP chickens to
36 Hawkins
ah-rf pona.
eat-NOMZR lest
º will put the cassava bread in a shelter for fear the chickens might
eat it.'
See sect. 15.4 (i) for the ergative function of the postposition -(\v)ya 'to/by' when
it co-occurs with a nominalized transitive verb, as in (54) and (58).
When two or more adverbials are related to the same verb, the verb normally
comes in between them.
(59) Kayka, yarf k-mok-ya-si yamoro.

let's.go, (you first) in.your.direction IS-come-SF-INP slowly
'Let's go, I will come your way slowly.'
I include postpositional phrases with adverbials since they function in almost

exactly the same way as adverbs. When one postpositional phrase follows another,
and the second is an expansion or explanation of the first the postposition is
normally repeated after each noun (60). There are, however, a few pronouns that can
be joined to the noun that follows them making one noun phrase and thus the phrase
only has one postposition (61).
(60) Amna ni-htino-ya-kfie t-pori-no poko,

1 + 3PRO 3S-know-SF-UP REFPOS-surface-NOMZR about
t-pono-n poko.
REFPOS-clothes-POSN about
'We thought about our covering, about our clothes.'
(61) Ero kaamo po rma k-mok-ya-s hara.

3PRO day on itself IS-come-SF-INP back
º will come back on that same day.'
2 Parataxis
The juxtapositon of peripheral constituents in clauses has been described in sect.

1.6. Here we will describe the juxtapositon of clauses within a sentence and of
phrases within a clause. There is usually a very distinct intonation pattern at clause
boundaries within the sentence. The final syllable of a mid-sentence clause usually
rises proportional to the amount of feeling being expressed. The final two or three
syllables of a sentence drop increasingly. There is a longer pause between two
separate sentences than there is between two clauses.
Wai Wai 37
2.1 Juxtaposition of clauses to introduce discourses and paragraphs. Here we

present a few examples of sentences containing juxtaposed clauses that introduce
paragraphs or entire discourses. In each of the three examples below, the first clause
is an introductory copular clause. Copular clauses are commonly used as introduc-
tory clauses (62). In examples (62) and (63) the copular clauses also relate the
following material to whatever preceded. The non-copular clauses that follow are
expansions or explanations of the copular clauses. In example (64) the copular clause
is introducing a new paragraph with no relation to whatever may have preceded it,
this being signaled by the opening words, 'Taa, on wara. .. '
(62) Ero wa na anart komo n-0-a-t okwe

that like maybe another COLL 3S-be-SF-UNP + COLL alas
Karaywa komo, Amefkan komo marha,

Brazilian COLL American COLL likewise
t-po-yi-no wayh-k-e-si puranta poyero.

REFPOS-at-from-NOMZR die-CAUS-SF-ESTP money for.the.sake.of
"That's the way, possibly, how others are, Brazilians, and Americans,
they kill their own people for the sake of money.'
(63) li-to c-enepa-ne-m n-0-a-y okwe,

3-at ADVZR-steal-ADVZR-NOMZR 3S-be-SF-UNP alas
tooto 0-wayh-k-e-s, chow, n-ahs-ya-s.

people 3S-die-CAUS-SF-INP catch 3S-catch-SF-INP
'Thieves are there alas, they kill people, grab, they catch them.'
(64) Taa, on wara mak ka xe w-0-a-s

all.right this like only say.it wanting IS-be-SF-INP
a-wya oy-akno, tan aw-exi-taw tooto che-ka

2-to IPOS-brother here 2-be-ADVZR + when people among-to
ti-to-so-m komo 0-c-e-tkeAe.

ADVZR-go-ADVZR-NOMZR COLL 3S-go-SF-UP
'All right, this is what I would like to say to you, my brother, when
you were here a group went to contact other people.
Example (65) presents another common type of introductory clause shown in

brackets. It is an oblique way of introducing a request which is contained in the
nuclear clause of the sentence. This sentence is somewhat similar to the quotation-
embedded sentences described in sect. 1.5, only here the verb 'say/do' precedes the
38 Hawkins
main clause rather than following it. (The brackets within the brackets indicate a
special two-word phrase.)
(65) [On wara [cma re] wrT-k-e-s a-wya,]

this like please IS-say-SF-INP 2-to
pahxaxa [cma re] mi-mok-ya-si o-kanawa-ri

tomorrow please 2S-come-SF-INP IPOSR-canoe-POSN
yi-hxi-so.
3-drag-PM
'This is what I would like to say to you, tomorrow please come drag
my canoe.'
Two clauses with a finite verb in each may be juxtaposed in one sentence if the
meanings are closely related. There is a slight intonation drop between the clauses,
but there is no distinguishable pause like that occurring between sentences. Only
clause groupings in which the second clause explains the first or identifies something
in it are referred to here. Two clauses of similar structure in which the second refers
to additional items or actions are discussed below under coordination in sect. 2.3.
(66) Cekyek-ye-m na n-ahsi-ya oko,

thorn-ADVZR-NOMZR maybe 3S-hold-SF + UNP PAIN
0-amo-ii n-atp-e-s oko.

3POSR-hand-POSN 3S-pierce-SF-INP PAIN
'He might catch hold of a thorn bush, ouch, it would pierce his hand,
ouch.'
2.2 Juxtaposition of equative clauses. An equative clause may be followed by

one verbal clause of explanation.
(67) Yi-pi-ci mikro, pahxa n-et-ahsi-ya-tkene.

3-wife-POSN 3PRO long.ago 3S-DETRANS-take-SF-UP
'That's his wife, they were married long ago.'
(68) Poritomo ow, en-ko xe o-hpo-ci.

old.man 1PRO look-2IMPER PROOF IPOSR-hair-POSN
º am an old man, look at my hair for proof.'
An equative clause may also be followed by one equative clause of explanation.
(69) Ci-i-ne ro moso, aaci

3-make-AG long-time 3PRO sister
Wai Wai 39
çú-hcam-hoka-tho moso.
NOMZR-ignorant-REV-POSN + PAST 3PRO
'She makes them all the time. Sister taught her how.' (Lit.: She (is)
one who makes them all the time. She (is) one who was taught by sis-
ter.)
Equative clauses in past time are often followed by the uninvolved past form of
the copula. The equative clause itself is a complete clause. The copula in this case
doesn't constitute a separate clause. It merely carries the regular affixes indicating
person, tense and number.
(70) Ewka xik-rT mik 0-x-a-kne.

man's.name child-POSN 3PRO 3S-be-SF-UP
'He was Ewka' s child.'
2.3 Juxtaposition for the purpose of coordination
2.3.1 Coordination of clauses. Coordinate clauses are somewhat rare in Wai Wai.
Lists of conditions or actions that are related to each other may be spoken with
pauses in between but having the intonation pattern of one sentence rather than
multiple sentences.
(71) O-htipi-ii Þ-ere-wa-si, k-ewkuymam-ya-si,

IPOSR-head-POSN 3S-hurt-SF-INP lS-dizzy-SF-ÃÍÑ
kaf-pe-ra ro mak
strong-ADVZR-NEG very much IS-be-SF-INP
'My head hurts, I am dizzy, I am just very weak.'
Coordination of clauses can be within a quotative clause and the verbs of the two
clauses may be different as in the following example. But as far as my information
goes, the clitics following the verbs, if any, are always identical in such clauses.
(72) Ahce wa na ç-ex hara,

what like maybe 3S-be + TP next
n-es-epefa-n-to ha na,
3S-DETRANS-injure-POSN-VBZR+TP RHY maybe
n-et-wo ha na, 0-k-e-xe anarf komo.

3S-DETRANS-shoot + TP RHY maybe 3S-say-SF-INP others COLL
'Whatever happened to him, maybe he was injured, maybe he shot him-
self, is what some will say.'
40 Hawkins
2.3.2 Coordination of phrases. Coordination of postpositional phrases occurs in

Wai Wai. The second phrase may include the word mar ha 'also'.
(73) Erepo-ra w-eh-tik-e-s okwe apapa

content-NEG IS-be-complete-SF-INP alas daddy
yaw, yememe yaw marha.

living. with mama living. with also
º get increasingly discontented living with daddy, and with mama.'
Coordination of noun phrases commonly occurs also. The noun phrases may be
objects of a finite verb (74) or subjects of such a verb (75), which in this case is the
copula.
(74) M-enta-cow Kaan mi-ç y-eni-fie

2S4iear-TP + COLL God house-POSN GEN-oversee-AG
mtapota-rf, kayaritomo mtapota-ii, antoma-fie komo

words-POSN chief words-POSN order-AG COLL
mtapota-éÀ.
words-POSN
'You have heard the words of the church elders, the words of the
chief, and the words of the captains.'
(75) Ero wara-y me n-0-a-s oo-xati

that like-NOMZR ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INPF 1-one.who.loves
ñßçß rma ha tko, oy-ekani-ne rma.

NEG yet RHY new.thought 1-accuse-AG yet.
"That's how he is, but he hates me, he is (to be) my accuser.'
One word may be repeated several times to show repetition or continuity of the
action:
(76) Ero yi-nhM ka-po-re, ka-po-re,

that like-PAST say-good-ADVZR say-good-ADVZR
ka-po-re, ati wicaki ro titi-mtapo-wa?

say-good-ADVZR what quantity times l + 2S-say-VBZR+SF + UNP
'After that one should say it, should say it, should say it, how many
times should we say it?'
Wai Wai 41
Coordinate opposite questions are often indicated by the particle kail which
usually follows the second coordinate member (77). But in other cases, such coordi-
nate questions in the form of adverbial phrases occur without kau (78). In the
examples below the two coordinate phrases are bracketed.
(77) Ahce wa n-0-a-y a-wya, [a-n-im-rf

what like 3S-be-SF-UNP 2-to 2POSR-NOMZR-give-POSN
me, a-n-im-rf me-ra kati]

ADVZR 2POSR-NOMZR-give-POSN ADVZR-NEG OPPINT
n-0-a-y?
3S-be-SF-UNP
'How do you feel about it, is she one you will give, or is she one you
will not give?' (Said about a potential bride).
(78) Ahce wa na m-een-a, [anarimaw anato so,

what like may 2S-see-SF + UNP maybe in.error COLL
anarimaw iito cik,] yi-htmopi-ra n-#-a-s amna.

maybe correct little.bit 3-know-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP 1 + 3PRO
º wonder how you may see them (our written exams), maybe with er-
rors, maybe slightly correct, we don't know it.'
2A Juxtaposition for the purpose of subordination
2.4.1 Subordinate clauses. Subordinate clauses are constructions with nominalized

or adverbialized verbs in Wai Wai. The subject of subordinate clauses is treated
much more fully in sect. 14. The coordination of such clauses is not common. I give
one example here.
(79) Roowo y-atumna-ka ki-wto-che meero,

earth GEN-in. the.deep-to 1+2-go-after even
k-es-«yam-che meero k-een-a-si rma Kaan.

1 + 2-DETRANS-hide-after even 1 + 2O-see-SF-INP still God.
'Even if we go into a deep place of the earth, even if we hide God still
sees us.'
2.4.2 Subordinate phrases. Subordinate phrases are quite commonly juxtaposed in

Wai Wai. The second explains or expands the first phrase. Here I give an example
of postpositional phrases. The two phrases always have the same postposition.
42 Hawkins
(80) T-akowe-éÀ ni-if-a-si weewe po-na

REFPOS-nest-POSN 3S-make-SF-INP tree on-to
kaw-no po-na.
tall-NOMZR on-to
'She makes her nest in a tall tree.'
A subordinate clause may be embedded within a postpositional phrase to modify

a previous similarly embedded postpositional phrase, as in the example below:
(81) T-porin pen y-eh-topo-nho ya-w

REFPOS-father deceased GEN-be-CIRC-PAST in-in
roro rma 0-x-a-kne, KMyme pen

continually same 3S-be-SF-UP man's.name deceased
y-eh-topo-nho ya-w roro.

GEN-be-CIRC-PAST in-in continually
'He was just like his deceased father had been, just like the late
KMyme had been.'
3 Ellipsis
In Wai Wai ellipsis is quite common in both response and non-response expres-
sions. Note that in the following two response expressions there is no subject or verb
in either.
(i) Response expressions
(82) Onok y-akro mu-c-e?

who GEN-with 2S-go-SF + UNP
'With whom are you going?'
Cewne kyam.
alone supposition
'Alone, I suppose.'
(83) Atararo m-anm-o?

how.many 2S -catch-TP
'How many (fish) did you catch?'
Wai Wai 43
Anmi-ra.
catch-NEG
'Not catching any.'
The Wai Wai have the word nhnk, meaning 'yes,' but only on rare occasions is
it used alone as a response. Ellipsis of the main verb and other constituents might
be expected after this word, but in Wai Wai it is more likely that the word nhnk will
be elided and the main verb will be spoken either alone or with various other
constituents.
(84) Ml-paka?
2S-wake.up + TP
'Did you wake up?'
K-paka ha re.
IS-wake.up + TP RHY somewhat.
º woke up somewhat?'
(85) Mi-mok-o?
2S-come-TP
'Did you come?'
Nhnk, aw-en-so k-mok-o.

Yes, 2O-see-TP IS-come-TP
'Yes, I came to see you.'
(ii) Non-response expressions. The copula is always understood following the

derived adverbial composed of the verb stem plus the affix set ti-. . . -po + -re
(ADVZR. . . good-ADVZR) (See sects. 11.5 and 23.5.1.1(iii)). But it is often
omitted. In the following example it is included in the first sentence and omitted in
the second. The missing word is in parentheses.
(86) Ero ke yaaro xa k-po-yi-no komo

that because truly very.much 1 + 2POSR-at-from-NOMZR COLL
xe c-ex-po-re n-0-a-y. Yaaro xa

loving ADVZR-be-good-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-UNP truly very
et-xe c-ex-po-re (n-0-a-y).

DETRANS-loving ADVZR-be-good-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-UNP
'Thus we ought to love our fellow tribespeople truly. It is good to love
each other truly.'
44 Hawkins
It is normal for a form of the copula to follow all negativized verb stems. Yet this
form of the copula may be elided from the second clause, in which case that clause
becomes a second adverbial phrase which clarifies the first adverbial phrase, Era wa.
(87) Ero wa n-0-a-xe anart komo, katpa-n

that like 3S-be-SF-COLL + INP some people daylight-NOMZR
y-eni-hra (nH0-a-xe).
GEN-see-NEG 3S-be-SF-COLL + INP
"That's how some people are, (they) never see daylight.'
The underlying subject of a derived transitive verb is usually omitted if the

subject is clear from the context. When present, it is expressed by a -(w)ya postpo-
sitional phrase (see sects. 14.2 and 15.4(i)).
(88) Ow akih-re-co-ko. Ero wa oy-ak!h-re-che

1PRO wise-CAUS-COLL-2IMP that like 1-wise-CAUS-after
(a-wya so) wi-htino-ya-si.

2-by COLL IS-know-SF-INP
'Instruct me. After (you) thus instruct me I will know it.'
Occasionally in interrogative expressions the main verb is elided, as in (89).
(89) Ahce wa nhe (n-0-a-y) ki-kamisa-n komo

what like more 3S-be-SF-UNP 1 + 2POSR-pants-POSN COLL
nhe ciki y-aponuk-ya-taw okwe?

more little.bit GEN-ask.for-SF-if alas
'What about buying more pants for us (which we need)?'
When a begging attitude is expressed both the verb and other words may be
elided.
(90) Ki-kamisa-n komo (xe) nhe thakwa (t-0-a-xe).

1 + 2POSR-pants-POSN COLL need more UNC l+2S-be-SF-INP
'We certainly need more pants' or 'Give us more pants.'
4 Reflexive, reciprocal, and detransitivizer
Reflexive, reciprocal and passive meanings may be expressed in Wai Wai by one
prefix to transitive verbs. Since in each use of this prefix the resulting verb form is
intransitive I call the prefix detransitivizer. It has several variants ef-/es-/ec-/ex-/ese-
Wai Wai 45
/e-. I illustrate in sects. 4.1, 4.2, and 5.1 the three different meanings derived from
this prefix. The particular meaning of each occurrence can usually be recovered
from the context. For further discussion of this prefix see sect. 23.2.5.
4.1 Reflexive
(91) K-et-ama oko yawaka ke.

IS-DETRANS-slash + TP ÑÁÃÍ axe by.means.of
º slashed myself, ouch, with an axe.'
(92) Caramca y-emsi-ii n-eti-yo.

man's.name GEN-daughter-POSN 3S-DETRANS-scald+TP
'Charamcha's daughter scalded herself
Reflexivity of possession is expressed by the prefix ti- to the possessed noun (93,
94). The same prefix indicates reflexivity of possessor of nominalized or adverbial-
ized intransitive verbs (95, 96, 98), and also on transitive verbs (99, 100). The same
prefix also occurs as the object of postpositions (101). In each of these cases the
prefix refers to third person or to the referents of the 1+3 pronoun amna (97). This
reflexive possessor prefix must be coreferential with the subject of the same clause
of which the possessed item is a part, or of the superordinate clause.
(93) Ti-kanawa-ri y-eh-so 0-tom-o.

REFPOS-canoe-POSN GEN-bring-PM 3S-go-TP
'He went to bring his own canoe.'
(94) Ti-mxik-ri xe-ra n-0-n-y okwe.

REFPOS-child-POSN wanting-NEG 3S-be-SF-UNP alas
'She doesn't love her own child.'
(95) C-eh-topo-nhM tak n-ahsi-pinka-y.

REFPOS-be-NOMZR + CIRC-PAST change 3S-hold-REV-IP
'He abandoned his former ways.'
(96) Ti-to xe ti n-0-a-y ti-son ya-ka.

REFPOS-go wanting 3RES 3S-be-SF-UNP REFPOS-mother to-to
'He wants to go to his mother.'
(97) Ôß-to xe n-0-a-s amna.

REFPOS-go DESID 3S-be-SF-INP 1 + 3PRO
'We want to go.'
46 Hawkins
(98) Ôú-c-e-taw ti-son n-een-a-si.

REFPOS-go-SF-if REFPO S-mother 3S-see-SF-INP
'If he goes he will see his mother.'
(99) Ôú-n-akito-thM ñßçÀç yaw

REFPOS-NOMZR-make-PAST strong.feeling in
n-0-a-y oy-akno.
3S-be-SF-UNP IPOSR-brother
'My brother has strong feelings for what he has made.'
(100) Tawake 0-x-a-kfie rikomo t-akro-no-ma-ii

happy 3S-be-SF-UP child REFPOS-with-NOMZR-VBZR-POSN
ke ti-im ya.
because REFPOS-father by
"The child was happy because his father helped him.'
(101) ÔÀ-hya-ka rma fi-iif-a-kfie mariya.

REFPOS-in/at-to same 3S-put-SF-UP knife
'He put the knife among his own possessions.'
(102) Kanawa xe ti nd0-a-y eepu wato-topo

canoe wanting 3RES 3S-be-SF-UNP river cross-NOMZR + CIRC
ti-wya.
REFPOS-by/to
º heard she wants a canoe in which to cross the river.'
The clitic rma 'same' indicates something of an idea of reflexivity (see sect. 21.2
for other meanings). It has this meaning when referring to persons or objects.
Compare example (101) above with the following example where the subject is first
person.
(103) A-mumu-ru na m-enep-e ii-ka? Pira,

2POSR-son-POSN ESTTERR 2S-send-SF + UNP 3-for/get no
owi rma ki-wc-e-sl

1PRO same IS-go-SF-INP
'Will you send your son to get him? No, I will go myself
Wai Wai 47
4.2 Reciprocal
(104) ft-es-ey-a-xe ci-pi-ci y-akro.

3S-DETRANS-scold-SF-INP REFPOS-wife-POSN GEN-with
'He and his wife scold each other.'
The detransitivizing prefix can also appear on postpositions to indicate reciproc-

ity, as in examples (105) through (107).
(105) Et-po-na eni-hra c-ex-po-re n^-a-si.

DETRANS-on-to see-NEG ADVZR-be-good-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INP
'It is good not to depend on each other.'
(106) Eti-me re mak n-0-a-xe.

DETRANS-similar all.alike just 3S-be-SF-INP
"They are all the same.'
(107) Eti-xe c-eh-ce-ii.

DETRANS-wanting 1 + 2S-be-COLL-HORT
'Let us love one another' or 'Let us love people.'
With a few postpositions the detransitivized forms indicate reflexive action, but
in such cases the resulting forms are obligatorily followed by the particle rma.
(108) Eti-xati me rma mak exi-hra

DETRANS-one.who.loves ADVZR self only be-NEG
c-eh-ce-ri
1 + 2S-be-COLL-l + 2ÃÌÑ
'Let's not love ourselves only.'
Reciprocity of possession is indicated by the same prefix on nouns. Apparently

this meaning requires the noun to be followed by a postposition.
(109) Et-kuywa-n po n^-a-xe.

DETRANS-hammock-POSN in 3S-be-SF-INP
'They are in each other's hammocks.'
5 Passives
5.1 The detransitivizing prefix. The detransitivizing prefix is commonly used in

Wai Wai to express a passive meaning. The one receiving the action of the verb then
48 Hawkins
becomes the subject of the clause and the doer of the action is not in view. Here I
give examples of this prefix with finite verbs (110, 111).
(110) ft-et-ahru-y esama-tho.

3S-DETRANS-close-IP path-PAST
"The old path got closed up (with vines and bushes).'
(111) ft-et-axikwo o-krapa-n-tho okwe.

3S-DETRANS-break + TP IPOSR-bow-POSN-PAST alas
'My bow got broken.'
5.2 The adverbializing affixes. The adverbializing affixes t-/c- plus -so/-xi on
transitive verbs accompanied by the copula carry a passive-like meaning. They
indicate that the subject receives the action (114, 115). It apppears that the ergative
characteristics of the language are the source of these adverbializing constructions.
The same adverbializing construction occurs with intransitive verb stems, and the
subject is then the one who performs the action (112, 113).
(112) W-emanmeki c-erepota-xi ro.

IS-play + TP ADVZR-become.content-ADVZR until
º played until he became contented.'
(113) c-emokoto-so n-0-a-si.

ADVZR-fall.over-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INP
'It is falling.'
(114) T-ono-so nhe n^0i-a-si

ADVZR-eat(meat)-ADVZR somewhat 3S-be-SF-INP
yu-pun-thM okwe.
3-flesh-PAST alas.
'Its flesh is eaten away somewhat alas.'
(115) T-apih-so n^-a-si, en-ko xe.

ADVZR-step.on-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INP see-IMP PROOF
'Look, it has been stepped on/
5.3 The nominalized form of adverbialized verb steins. The nominalized form of
adverbialized verb stems described in sect. 5.2 also carries the idea of passivity. There
is, however, a semantic difference in the nominalized form compared with the adverbial
form, that is, the reference is always to a future action when it occurs on transitive verb
stems. The nominalizer is the suffix -m/-mu.
Wai Wai 49
(116) T-ama-x-mu tan weewe.

ADVZR-fell-ADVZR-NOMZR 3PRO tree
'This tree is to be felled.'
(117) T-ar-po-so-m on karita.

ADVZR-carry-CAUS-ADVZR-NOMZR 3PRO book/letter
"This letter is to be sent.'
5.4 The nominalizing suffix -xapu. The nominalizing suffix -xapu is also a pas-
sive-like form when occurring on transitive verb stems. It describes a referent as
having received the action of the verb stem. It indicates the present perfect tense,
that is, that the results of a past action continue to the time the speaker is speaking
(118, 119). Or it may indicate past perfect tense when followed by the past tense
noun suffix -nho/-nhiri (120). See also sects. 18.2(i) and 23.4.5.1(xi). This suffix
may be followed by the suffix -tho 'DEVALUED' (121).
(118) ft-esk-e-si tak yawaka i-yo-hto-xapu.

3S-bite-SF-INP change axe 3-tooth-VBZR-NOMZR + PERF
"The axe that has been sharpened cuts (well).'
(119) Cii-xapu min mnmo.

make-NOMZR + PERF 3PRO house
'That house has been made (finished).'
(120) ft-et-ahk-e-kne kanawa-tho

3S-DETRANS-split-SF-UP canoe-DEV
aka-xapu-nhM rma.
dig.out-NOMZR + PERF-PAST right.away.
'The canoe split right after it had been dug out.'
(121) afma-xapu-tho
throw.away-PERF-DEV
One that has been thrown away'
5.5 -hni Nominalized negation. This suffix is the negative of the perfect tense.
With transitive verbs it indicates that the subject has not received the action up to
the present time (122, 123), or that the subject can never receive the action at all
(124). Again no indication is given about who has not done or cannot do the action.
This suffix is often reduced by morphophonemic processes to -n(i) (123-124). (See
sect. 22.6.)
50 Hawkins
(122) Ama-hni ka min o-maraii-n.

fell-NOMZR + NEG TEMP 3PRO IPOSR-field-POSN
'My field has not yet been cut.'
(123) Koroka-çß rma min o-pono-n.

wash-NOMZR + NEG yet 3PRO IPOSR-clothes-POSN
'My clothes have not yet been washed.'
(124) Anmi-n min toopu.

lift.up-NOMZR+NEG 3PRO rock
"That rock can never be lifted.'
6 Causatives
6.1 With intransitive verbs
(i) hi Wai Wai intransitive verbs are made causative by the following suffixes: -re,
-meki, -nmeki, -ka, -nopu. These suffixes transitivize the verb and a direct object is
thus introduced. In the examples below I give the intransitive verb first then the
transitivized form below it for each verb stem.
(125) (a) Ni-wmk-o o-mxik-rt.

3S-sleep-TP IPOSR-child-POSN
(b) O-mxik-ri wi-winik-re-si.

IPOSR-child-POSN 1 S-sleep-CAUS + SF-INP
º am putting my child to sleep.'
(126) (a) K-ewre-s a-poko.

lS-laugh+SF-INP 2-about
º am laughing at you.'
(b) Ow m-ewre-mek-ya-si.
1PRO 2S-laugh-CAUS-SF-INP
'You make me laugh.'
(127) (a) K-pana-ta tak.

IS-ears-VSF + TP change
º have now learned my lesson.'
Wai Wai 51
(b) Ow mi-pana-ta-nrnek-ya-si.
1PRO 2S-ears-VSF-CAUS-SF-INP
'You are teaching me.'
(128) (a) K-wayh-ya-s okwe.

IS-die-SF-INP alas
º am dying alas!'
(b) K-wayh-ka-ne min okwe.

1 + 2-die-CAUS-AG 3PRO alas
'It is one (disease) that kills us alas.'
(129) (a) Ki-mxik-ii pof-mam-ya-si.

1 +2POSR-child-POSN large-VSF-SF-INP
Our child is growing.'
(b) O-pof-mam-no-ya-kne noro.

lO-large-VSF-CAUS-SF-NEG 3PRO
'He raised me (caused me to become large).'
A-pof-mam-nopi-ra 0-x-a-kne.
2O-large-VSF-CAUSE-NEG 3S-be-SF-UP
'He did not raise you.'
(ii) The suffix -porma indicates near negative causation, that is, that something
cannot quite be done or is prevented from being done. It is not commonly heard, but
it occurs with at least one intransitive verb and the resulting form is transitive (130).
This suffix also occurs with at least one transitive verb and with such forms the
negative causative agent is often not expressed (131).
(130) Masaki o-wmik-porma kica.

mosquitoes lO-sleep-prevent + TP disgust
'Mosquitoes kept me from sleeping!'
(131) Kas-ko xara. W-enta-porma kica.

say-2IMP again IS-hear-not.quite + TP disgust
'Say it again. I did not quite hear it.'
(iii) Caused loss. The suffix -hka/-ka is a transitive verbalizer with nouns. The
meaning is that something or someone has caused the loss of a possession or
cessation of possession of an item. This suffix also occurs with verbs with the
meaning of cessation ofthat action. That function is discussed in sect. 18.2(vi).
52 Hawkins
(132) A-nah-ka xe-ra so w^0-a-si.

2O-food-LOSS want-NEG COLL IS-be-SF-INP
º don't want to make you all run out of food.'
6.2 With transitive verbs. Transitive verbs take the causative-indicating suffixes
-po and -mexpo. The causee is expressed by the indirect object postposition: ya when
preceded by a noun/pronoun (133b, 134b) or -wya with a person-marking prefix
(135b) (see sect. 17.2).
(133) (a) Weewe n-aama pooco.

tree 3S-fell + TP grandfather
'Grandfather felled the tree.'
(b) Weewe n-ama-po kayaritomo apapa ya.

tree 3S-fell-CAUS + TP chief daddy by
'The chief had daddy fell the tree.'
(134) (a) Tororo 0-k-e-si muutu.

pop-pop-pop 3S-say-SF-INP motor
'The motor sounds (is running).'
(b) Tororo 0-ka-mexp-e-si muutu ya.

pop-pop-pop 3S-say-CAUS-SF-INP motor by
'He will make the motor sound (run).'
(135) (a) Oy-akno karita-n w-een-a-sl

IPOSR-brother letter-POSN IS-see-SF-INP
º am reading my brother's letter.'
(b) En-po-ko o-wya.

see-CAUS-2IMP 1-by
'Show it to me.'
6.3 With detransitivizing prefix. At times a transitive verb stem is causativized

and then the detransitivizing prefix is also added to the verb stem. The resulting
form indicates the ability of someone or anyone to do a task, or inability to do it if
the negative suffix is used. The idea of permission may be involved in these
constructions when the causing agent is a person (138). A causee agent may (136,
138) or may not (137) occur.
(136) Em-tho n-et-mi-p-e-si o-wya.

ball-PAST 3S-DETRANS-tie-CAUSE-SF-INP 1-by
º can sew the ball.' (The ball makes itself sewable by me.)
Wai Wai 53
(137) Ese-htmo-mexpo-ra n-0-a-y

DETRANS-know-CAUSE-NEG 3S-be-SF-UNP
c-efiepa-ne-m.
ADVZR-steal-ADVZR-NOMZR
"The thief cannot be found out.' (He does not let himself be known.)
(138) Et-ahsi-po-ra n-0-a-y o-wya okwe.

DETRANS-catch-CAUSE-NEG 3S-be-SF-UNP 1-by alas.
º cannot catch him alas.' (He does not let himself be caught by me.)
7 Comparatives, equatives
7.1 Comparison is often expressed by the relators yopo 'larger than,' 'more than,'
and xawyaka, 'smaller than,' 'less than'. The word yopo expresses comparison in
main clauses (139) and in comparative subordinate clauses (141). The word xawyaka
has only been observed in main clauses (140). The particle group ro maki 'very
much' and the particle nhe 'somewhat' are often used to reinforce the idea of
contrast in such sentences.
(139) Roowo yopo-no [ro mak] min kaamo.

earth larger.than-NOMZR very much 3PRO sun
"The sun is very much larger than the earth.'
(140) Roowo xawyaka fine n^-a-si nuufii.

earth smaller.than somewhat 3S-be-SF-INP moon.
"The moon is smaller than the earth.'
(141) Mefpora n-0-a.-si paayu koroka-ri yopo.

many 3S-be-SF-INP dishes wash-NOMZR more.than
'There are many dishes, more than can be washed.'
7.2 Equatives
(i) Equal size or strength may be expressed by the word ecenari 'equal to'.
(142) Oy-ecenart-no rma moso o-mumu-ru.

1-equal.to-NOMZR REF 3PRO IPOSR-son-POSN
"This my son is as tall as I.'
(ii) The detransitivizing prefix is often used with the meaning of reciprocity to show
equal size or age, and following this prefixed word the suffix -re 'equal, same' is
often used to reinforce the meaning.
54 Hawkins
(143) Ec-ecenarf-re n^0i-a-xe moxam rikomo komo.

DETRANS-equal-same 3S-be-SF-INP these child COLL
"These children are all the same size (or age).'
(iii) Various adverbs indicating size may be nominalized, then possessed, then
adverbialized again to show equality of size.
(144) Ero kaw-no-n-ke rma n-0-a-s on weewe.

that long-NOMZR-POSN-ADVZR REF 3S-be-SF-INP 3PRO log
'This log is as long as that one.'
(iv) The relator wicaki 'size' is often used to express exactness of size.
(145) Ero wicak-no rma ee-ko.

that.one size-NOMZR same bring-2IMP
'Bring one that same size.'
(v) The relator vwara/wa/like' is used to express any kind of similarity whatsoever.
The meaning of this relator is often reinforced by various particles: rma, 'same,' xa
marha, 'exactly.'
(146) Ero wara-yi rma ee-ko.

that.one like-NOMZR same bring-2IMP
'Bring one like that one.'
(147) Ero wa [xa marha] wu-k-e-s ow hara.

that like exactly IS-say-SF-INP 1PRO in.turn
"That's exactly what I say also.'
8 Coordination
Coordination of words, phrases or clauses by juxtaposition is common in Wai

Wai. These constructions are presented in sect. 2.3.
9 Pragmatic strategies and discourse characteristics
9.1 Topicality. There are a few things that I can say about topicality in Wai Wai,
though more study on this subject is needed, hi narrative discourse, once a participant
is introduced and the story continues about that one participant alone, he is not named
again for a considerable space, at times only at the end of the section concerning him.
With verbs the third person subject prefix and the number-indicating suffix seem to
serve to make it clear that the speaker is talking about the same person or topic. With
nouns, the same seems to be clear through the third person possessor prefix and
Wai Wai 55
possession suffix. Also at times, past tense indicators on nouns help to carry the thread
of topicality. But the 3rd person pronoun noro, referring to people or animals, is used
occasionally to make it clear that the participant previously referred to is still in view.
Where there is a postposition referring to a previously identified participant (148)
or a nominalized verb with a similar kind of referent (149), then noro is nearly
always used. The pronoun emphasizes the sameness of the participant.
(148) Noro y-akro ki-wc-e-si.

3PRO GEN-with IS-go-SF-INP
º will go with him.'
(149) Yi-htinopi-ra w-eexi noro to-topo-nho.

3-know-NEG IS-be + TP 3PRO go -NOMZR + CIRC -PAST
º did not know about his going.'
There is a counterpart to noro which refers to inanimate objects. It is ero and

seems to be used similarly to noro. These pronouns are further described in sect.
13.1.
When a complete sentence is needed to identify a person or object, noro or ero are
normally used at the end ofthat sentence (150-151). At the end of equative sentences
expressed as a response, one of these third person pronouns occurs following one of the
deictic set of third person pronouns which occur as the subject of equative clauses, that
is, miki or mini (152). Thus two third person pronouns occur together.
(150) Onok yaypi nii-wo?

who tapir 3S-shoot + TP
'Who shot a tapir?'
Kokonoro 0-mok-ya-kne noro.

yesterday 3S-come-SF-UP 3PRO
'He came yesterday, that one.'
(151) Kanawa pen çß-hto-y okwe. Ahce wara-y?

canoe missing 3S-descend-IP alas what like-NOMZR
Kifpaka n-ak-e-kne ero.

man's.name 3S-dig.out-SF-UP 3PRO
¢ canoe went downstream.' 'Which one?' 'Kirifaka dug one out, that
one.'
(152) Onoke 0-mok-o?

who 3S-come-TP
'Who came?'
56 Hawkins
K-yo-éß mohka-ne mik noro.

1 + 2POSR-teeth-POSN pull.out-AG 3PRO 3PRO
"The one who pulls teeth, that one.'
9.2 Focus. Fronting an item to clause-initial or sentence-initial position is the main

means of focusing on it or of highlighting it. Such fronting is very common in Wai
Wai. But to discuss fronting we need first to consider the normal positions of some
constituents in the clause. The most common position of the free object of a
transitive verb is before the verb (153). But quite often, possibly as much as
one-third of the time, the object is shifted to a position immediately after the verb
and the sentence or clause begins with the verb or other word, according to what the
speaker is focusing upon (154). The subject seems to have no normal position in the
sentence. It may be after the verb (155) or before the verb (156). This is true even
of the 1 + 3 pronoun amna (157, 158). But in sentences containing quotations, amna
follows the verb ka/kas 'say/do'(159).
(153) Ero ke okopu-thM mak n-ek-ya-tkene amna ya-ka.

that because body-PAST only 3S-bring-SF-UP 1 + 3PRO to-to
'Therefore, they brought only the body to us.'
(154) Kamara 0-mok-o kosope. ft-eska [ro mak]

wildcat 3S-come-TP at.night 3S-bite + TP very much
o-yok pen okwe.

IPOSR-animal dead alas
¢ wildcat came at night. He really bit my animal.'
(155) Sekunta po 0-mok-ya-kne okopu-thiri.

Monday on 3S-come-SF-UP body-PAST
'On Monday the body came.'
(156) Ayrin marha amna m-hcam-hok-e-si.

Irene also 1+3PRO 3S-ignorance-REV-SF-INP
'Irene also teaches us.'
(157) Amna n-et-akro-no-nk-e-kne okwe.

1 + 3PRO 3S-DETRANS-with-NOMZR-REV-SF-UP alas
'We lost our partner alas.'
(158) Kicicme n^-a-s amna kica.

bad 3S-be-SF-INP 1 + 3PRO disgust
'We are very bad.'
Wai Wai 57
(159) Ahce okwe, 0-k-e-kne amna.

what alas 3S-say-SF-UP 1 + 3PRO
' "How sad," we said.'
When adverbs or verbs are fronted the object may be placed after the verb.
(160) Kifwanhe w-enta-y a-mtapota-rT.

good IS-hear-IP 2POSR-talk-POSN
º thought your words were good.'
At times, when the adverb occurs before the verb, the object of the transitive verb
may even be fronted before the adverb, as it is in the following example, hi this
example, there are two coordinate objects, both of which are left-dislocated in
relation to the main clause. Such dislocated clauses are usually followed by a distinct
pause.
(161) K-panata-nme-topo komo, k-akro-no-ma-cho

l + 2O-learn-CAUS-CIRC COLL 1 + 2-with-NOMZR-VBZR-CIRC
komo, c-enta-po-re c-enta-ce-rf.

COLL ADVZR-hear-good-ADVZR 1+2S-hear-COLL-HORT
'Teaching and instruction are what we should be glad to hear.'
Postpositional phrases are most often at or near the end of the clause (162).
However, for emphasis (163), or for the sake of close relationship to the previous
clause (164), they may occur at the beginning of the clause.
(162) Anari komo marha Þ-ek-ya-tkene wooto kayaritomo ya-ka.

others COLL also 3S-bring-SF-UP meat chief to-to
Others also brought meat to the chief
(163) Yaymo wara rma tt-hc-e-si comota y-epo-ri.

eagle like same 1 +2S-go-SF-INP forest GEN-above-MOT
'Just like an eagle we go over the forest (in an airplane).'
(164) Noro yaw ka w-0-a-sl

3PRO live.with TEMP lS-be-SF-ÃÍÑ
º will live with him temporarily.' (referring to a person mentioned in
the previous sentence)
58 Hawkins
10 Interrogatives
All interrogative expressions are marked by a mid or high intonation on the last
few syllables of the expression while declarative expressions have a falling intona-
tion on the last one or two syllables. Interrogative expressions may also be marked
by interrogative words in expression-initial position or by interrogative particles in
expression-medial or final position.
Responses to questions are most commonly brief one or two word expressions in
which the main word or words of the question are repeated with only personal prefixes
changed where necessary. There are the words nhnk 'yes', andpira, 'no'. The word for
'yes' is rather rare and seems to be used only when the speaker feels tired or uncom-
municative. The word for 'no' is somewhat more common. The most common way to
give a positive response to a question is to repeat the verb or other main word or phrase
of the question. Likewise, the most common way to give a negative response is to
negativize the main word of the question. These positive or negative brief responses are
sometimes followed by a fuller answer to give explanation.
10.1 Greetings and good-byes are usually one-word questions with one-word
responses, which word in each case is a finite verb.
(165) Mi-paka? K-paka.

2S-wake.up + TP IS-wake.up + TP
'Did you wake up?' º woke up.' (Equivalent of 'Good morning')
(166) Ìß-moko? K-moko.

2S-come + TP 1 S-come + TP
'Did you come?' º came.' (Equivalent of 'Hello')
(167) Ìßß-c-e? Ki-wc-e-sl

2S-go-SF + UNP lS-go-SF-ÃÍÑ
'Are you going?' º am going.' (Equivalent of 'Good-bye')
10.2 Question words are ahce 'what,' ati 'which,' ahto 'where,' ahna 'to where,'
ahnixa 'from where,' ahtoxa 'through where,' ahcemaw 'when,' and onoke 'who.'
The word ahto is often nominalized to use in interrogative equative clauses (170).
(168) Ah-to m-0-&-y? Tan w-0-a-si

where-at 2S-be-SF-UNP here IS-be-SF-INP
'Where are you?' º am here.'
(169) Ah-na mii-c-e? Eyeh-so.

where-to 2S-go-SF-UNP bathe-PM
'Where are you going?' 'To take a bath.'
Wai Wai 59
(170) Ah-to-no amoro? Meye-no ow ha.

where-at-NOMZR you far.away-NOMZR 1PRO IRES
'Where do you live?' º live far away.'
Non-specific pronoun phrases are constructed with a number of these same

interrogative pronouns plus the particle na 'UNCERTAINTY' and occasionally
including the particle so 'COLLECTIVE' or/and a postposition. The meanings of
these phrases are 'anyone/whoever,' 'anything/whatever,' or 'anywhere/wherever.'
The same interrogative pronouns occur in postpositional phrases also with the same
meaning (172-175).
(171) Onoke na een-a-taw a-wya yi-mtapo-ta-re-r

who UNCER see-SF-INP 2-to/by 3-talk-VBZR-CAUSE-NEG
es-ko.
be-2IMP
'Do not greet anyone you meet.'
(172) Ahce na poko aw-exi-taw twer es-ko.

what UNCER occupied.with 2-be-if/when careful be-2IMP
'Whatever you do be careful.'
(173) Ahto so na aw-exi-taw erasi-r es-ko.

where COLL UNCER 2-be-when fear-NEG be-2IMP
'Wherever you may be don't be afraid.'
(174) Ahce wa so na exi-hra w^0i-a-si.

what like COLL UNCER be-NEG IS-be-SF-INP
'Nothing special is happening to me.'
(175) Ahce ke na w-atp-e.

what instrument UNCER l S -pierce -SF + UNP
º don't know with what I can pierce it.'
10.3 Other questions are commonly expressed with a noun phrase (176) or post-
position phrase (177, 178) of which the noun interrogative ahce is the head word.
The copula is usually included in the question but rarely in the response. The
postposition, however, is never elided in such response expressions.
(176) Ahce ka-cho to-hra 0-x-a-kne?

what say/do-CIRC go-NEG 3S-be-SF-UP
'Why did he not go?'
60 Hawkins
(177) Ahce poko m-0-a-y? Maraii poko.

what occupied.with 2S-be-SF-UNP field occupied.with
'What are you doing?' 'Working on a field.'
(178) Ahce ke m-anm-o? Kiiwi ke.

what with 2S-catch(fish)-TP fishhook with
'With what did you catch it?' 'With a fishhook.'
Interrogative expressions that inquire about something that has been said rarely
begin with ahce 'what' alone, but they begin with the postpositional phrase [ahce
wa] 'how.' The response may be quite long or short. A form of the verb ka/kas-
'say/do' obligatorily follows the quotation (179). The same phrase is used to inquire
how something was done. An explanation is usually the response (180).
(179) [Ahce wa] mii-ka yi-wya? . . ., wii-ka.

how 2S-say + TP 3-to IS-say + TP
' "What did you say to him?" . . . , I said.'
(180) [Ahce wa] m-akflito? On wara w-akihto . ..

how 2S-build+TP this like IS-build + TP
'How did you build it?' 'This is how I built it. .. '
10.4 Three particles. There are three particles that indicate interrogation or at least
some desire for a response. Kafi expresses interrogation of the opposite possibility
(181). Ma indicates surprise with a desire for a response (182). Na indicates possi-
bility (183). Sometimes it also indicates a desire for a response. This desire is
reinforced by the interrogative intonation.
(181) Ero wa ka-cho rma re m-een-a

that like say-NOMZR + CIRC itself FRUS 2S-see-SF + UNP
a-karita-n yaw so. Exi-hra kati n^-a-y

2POSR-book-POSN in COLL be-NEG or 3S-be-SF-UP
a-karita-n?
2POSR-book-POSN
'Possibly you read that in your book, or do you not have a book?'
(182) To-hra ma m-ehx-e?

go-NEG SUR 2S-be-IP
Oh, you didn't go?'
Wai Wai 61
(183) Aw-akno na mik n-eexi ii-to?

2POSR-brother maybe 3PRO 3S-be + TP 3-at
'Possibly that was your brother there?'
10.5 Interrogative expressed by intonation. Often questions which may be an-

swered by 'yes' or 'no' use only intonation to indicate that an answer is desired. The
intonation is mid-range gradually rising through the second or third syllable from the
end of the expression. Then there is a radical drop in tone on the last one or two
syllables.
(184) Pahxaxa mii-c-e? Pira, tehsa po mak ki-wc-e-si.

tomorrow 2S-go-SF + UNP No, Tuesday on just IS-go-SF-INP
'Will you go tomorrow?' 'No, I will just go on Tuesday.'
11 Imperative, hortative, polite requests and obligation
11.1 Imperative expressions. Imperative sentences are marked by imperative suf-

fixes to verbs. (See sect. 18.4.2.1 for the lists of suffixes.) I have made only a cursory
study of the intonation patterns for imperative sentences. The patterns of commands are
quite varied. Words that are emphasized usually have a higher tone, but usually the tone
does not reach the high range, as it does in interrogatives. Most imperative sentences
tend to be short. Pronouns rarely occur in imperative sentences unless there is a need to
distinguish between commands for one person or group from those for another person
or group. First and third person subjects are indicated by personal prefixes to verb stems
as with other finite verbs. Second person subject prefixes occur with a few verb stems.
Some examples are given in (191). Individual vs. collective action is indicated by
suffixes, as is movement vs. non-movement to perform the action. We have recorded no
occurrence of the imperative-of-movement suffix with the third person imperative, nor
with the copula. Also we have never recorded an occurrence of an imperative with the
1 + 3 (amna) subject.
The order of constituents in imperative sentences is, in general, the same as for
other sentences. However, the order of the object preceding the transitive verb seems
to be more fixed, with less variation than in other sentences.
Imperative sentences are quite common in Wai Wai. Stems whose basic meaning
involves motion from one place to another do not take the motion imperative
suffixes (188). The particle ha, which indicates first person responsibility for an
expression, commonly occurs with the second person imperative forms (186), (190).
This is to be expected, since the imperative is often forceful and naturally tends to
give the speaker's own thoughts and feelings. Compare Derbyshire's analysis of a
similar particle (hak) in Hixkaryana (Derbyshire, 1985: 66). First, I present examples
of second person imperative sentences:
62 Hawkins
11.1.1 Second person imperative. See sect. 23.3.1 for a description of the mor-
phological variants of these imperative affixes.
(185) Tan ka es-ko.

here TEMP be-2IMP
'Stay here for now.'
(186) Okoyi etapa-k ha.

snake hit-2IMP IRES
'Hit the snake, I say.'
(187) O-wok-ru eh-ta.

IPOSR-drink-POSN bring-2IMPMOT
'Go get me something to drink.'
(188) Eto-ko eh-so.

go-2IMP bring-PM
'Go bring it.'
(189) Ahsi-tam-ko amne.

take-come-2IMP later
'Come get it later.'
(190) Emahci-co-ko ro mak ha.

run-COLL-2IMP much just IRES
'Run hard, I say.'
Also in the second person imperative mode, a second person subject prefix occurs
with intransitive verb stems which are consonant-initial. This, however, is not one
of the regular subject indicators that occur with finite verbs. It is a- '2' of the
personal prefixes indicating possession. I will list a number of such verbs in the 2
imperative to display this:
(191)A-mokha. (2 S-come IRES) 'Come.'

A-tit-mam-ko. (2S-quiet-VSF-2IMP) 'Be quiet.'
A-win-co-ko. (2S-sleep-COLL-2IMP) 'Go to sleep.'
A-paka-ki. (2S-wake up-2IMP) 'Wake up.'
A-poro-ko. (2S-turn back-2IMP) Turn back.'
A-pere-nim-ko. (2S-swim-VSF-2IMP) 'Swim.'
A-way-ko. (2S-die-2IMP) 'Die.'
A-rwo-nim-ko. (2S-anger-VSF-2IMP) 'Get angry.'
A-wrata-ki. (2S-cry-2IMP) 'Cry.'
Wai Wai 63
A-hto-co-ko. (2S-descend-COLL-2IMP) 'Come down.'

A-tupe-n-ta-co-ko (2S-bow.head-POSN-VSF-COLL-2IMP) 'Bow your heads.'
11.1.2 First person non-collective imperative sentences are heard occasionally,

but they are not common (192). The motion imperative for first person also is not
common (193).
(192) Oy-anme ro mak w-eh-si.

1-at.orders much just IS-be-lIMP
'Let me do just what I want to do.'
(193) Oy-uhre ka w-eh-tan.

IPOSR-weapon now IS-bring-lIMPMOT
'Let me go get my arrow.'
11.1.3 Third person imperative sentences are quite common. The command is
given to the hearer concerning a third person or group. There is no second person
indicator in such commands even though they are made, of course, to a second
person. These commands seem to have as much force as second person commands.
(194) li-to n-ex-pe.

3-at 3S-be-3IMP
'Let it remain where it is.'
(195) 0-to-cow-pe ka rikomo komo eskora ya-ka.

3S-go-COLL-3IMP now child COLL school to-to
'Let the children go for now to school.'
11.2 Hortative suffixes occur only on verbs referring to 1 + 2 persons together.

Derbyshire includes forms of this class under imperatives (Derbyshire 1985: 63-65).
He adds that some commands are more peremptory than others. I feel these 1 + 2
person forms are much less peremptory than the other imperative forms. Therefore,
I call them hortative. These forms not only express a desire for an action in the
future, but they may also express a disappointment at lack of an action in the past.
The idea is that something that should have been done was not done (196). I still
label the suffix as hortative for lack of a better gloss. The idea might be that the
exhortation should have been made earlier.
As to indications of number, it is clear that this 1+2 person prefix by its meaning
does not refer to singular number. But the meaning of collectivity or lack of it is not
a part of this prefix. That is indicated by the omission (197) or inclusion (198) of
the collective suffixes. Lack of a collective suffix indicates non-collectivity. Often
collectivity is not expressed in these forms when the number of people being
exhorted is just two. It would seem that this small group might be considered
64 Hawkins
collective if both of them participate in the action. But possibly as much as half the
time it is omitted in such forms.
(196) Ku-wuhre c-ek-rf ha-m.

1 + 2POSR-weapon 1 + 2S-bring-HORT + NCOLL RHY-DEDUCT
'We ought to have brought our gun.'
(197) Paayu t-ackoroka-ii.

dishes 1 +2S-wash-HORT + NCOLL
'Let's wash dishes.'
(198) Paayu t-ackoroka-ce-ri.

dishes 1+2S-wash-COLL-HORT
'Let's all wash dishes.'
There is a word, kayka, that means 'Let's go.' Often it has the added meaning
'You go first,' especially when going single file in a trail. But the meaning 'You go
first' is often lost (199). It is quite a common word in Wai Wai. It occurs both in
the singular (200) and collective (201) forms.
(199) Kayka k-ooti y-anim-so.

let's.go l + 2POSR-meat GEN-catch(fish)-PM
'Let's go catch fish for us to eat.'
(200) Kayka, yamoro k-mok-ya-si.

let's.go slowly IS-come-SF-INP
'Let's go, you first. I will come slowly.'
(201) Kayka-tko esetaka-xi.

let's.go-all hunt-PM
'Let's all go hunting.'
11.3 Polite requests are expressed by the particle pair cma re, plus a verb in the
non-past involvement mode.
(202) Oy-uhre cma re m-apo-hc-e-si.

IPOSR-weapons wish somewhat 2S-feathers-VBZR-SF-INP
'Please tie feathers on my arrows.'
11.4 The negative imperative is expressed by the negativized verb stem plus the
appropriate second person imperative form of the copula. I have no record of
negative imperative with first or third person.
Wai Wai 65
(203) Enepa-m-ra ro mak eh-co-ko.

stealth-POSN-NEG time just be-COLL-2IMP
'Do not ever steal.'
11.5 Obligation. There is a set of three affixes which occur on any verb stem and
indicate that the speaker feels there is an obligation to do an action or a value in doing
it. These affixes are ßß- + verb stem + -po + -re. The resulting form is an adverb and
may be followed by the copula in the third person singular, or it may be followed by
the verb of hearing (207) or of seeing (208). The adverb may also occur without being
followed by any verb at all (209). The copula is understood in such cases. Indication of
the doer of the action is never a part of this construction. The third person subject prefix
on the accompanying copula does not refer to the one who should do the action. The
same third person prefix occurs whether the one who seems obligated to do the action
is first, second, or third person. The subject prefix on the copula apparently refers to the
action itself, thus: 'It is good that such be done by someone,' or 'Such ought to be done
by someone.' According to my records, no free form subject or object ever occurs as a
part of an obligation clause. The subject or object is clear from the context only. Thus
in some of the examples below I have included the objects of the action in parentheses
(204, 205, 206). I have included two examples which have the context included to show
the object of the adverbialized verb stem (207), (209)
The negation of this expression often requires three separate words: (i) the
negativized verb stem of the action word, followed by (ii) the copula stem with the
obligation-indicating affix set, and (iii) a finite copula form having the third person
subject prefix and a non-collective suffix of time and mode (210, 211). For more on
the morphology of this set of affixes, see sect. 23.5.1.1 (iii).
(204) C-eneka-po-re n-0-a.-y.

ADVZR-accuse-ought-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-UNP
'He (your neighbor) should be accused openly (judged).'
(205) C-etapa-po-re men n^-a-si.

ADVZR-strike-ought-ADVZR warning 3S-be-SF-INP
'It (a snake) should surely be killed (by striking him).'
(206) Ci-mi-po-re cma re 0-x-a-kne.

ADVZR-tie-ought-ADVZR wish FRUS 3S-be-SF-UP
'It (your carrying basket) should have been tied.'
(207) Kifwanhe w-enc-e-s a-mtapota-éÀ.

good IS-hear-SF-INP 2POSR-words-POSN
C-enta-po-re w-enc-e-si.
ADVZR-hear-ought-ADVZR IS-hear-SF-INP
º am glad to hear your words. I think (hear) they are good.'
66 Hawkins
(208) T-afma-po-re w-een-a-si.

ADVZR-throw.away-ought-ADVZR 1 S-see-SF-INP
º see it as one (thing) that should be thrown away.'
(209) Ahce wa on w-iif-a?

what like 3PRO IS-put-SF + UNP
T-afma-po-re kfa?
ADVZR-throw.away-ought-ADVZR worthless
'What shall I do with this? Should it be thrown away?'
(210) To-hra c-ex-po-re n^-a-si.

go-NEG ADVZR-be-good-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INP
'It is good not to go.'
(211) Ama-hra c-ex-po-re 0-x-a-kne.

cut.down-NEG ADVZR-be-ought-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-UP
'It ought not to have been cut down.'
12 Negation
(See also sect. 11.4 for the construction of negative imperative expressions.)
12.1 Negation of verbs. A common form of negation in Wai Wai is indicated by

the suffix -hra. Verbs (212-213), and a limited number of postpositions (214) and
adverbs (215) may be negativized thus, and the resulting forms are adverbs. These
resulting forms are normally followed by the copula (213, 215) or a verb of motion
(216) which carry the person of the subject, mode, and tense indicators. The nega-
tivized verb stem may carry the detransitivizing (217), general (212), or genitive
(218) prefixes. In the case of transitive stems, object person-marking prefixes also
occur (219-220) on the negativized verb stem, except when followed by the impera-
tive form of the copula (221), in which case the object of the verb is indicated by a
free pronoun preceding the negativized verb. Negativized verb stems take no suffix
other than the negative indicators. The form of this negative suffix varies according
to morphophonological rules (sect. 22.6.5). In negative second person commands,
when the negativized verb is followed immediately by the the copula in the impera-
tive mode, the /a/ of the negative suffix is obligatorily deleted (221).
(212) Ôß-mi-hra w-0-a-si.

3-give-NEG IS-be-SF-BSfP
º will not give it.'
Wai Wai 67
(213) To-hra w^-a-si.

go-NEG IS-be-SF-INP
º am not going.'
(214) Ero xe-ra w^0i-a-si.

that wanting-NEG IS-be-SF-INP
º do not want that.'
(215) Kaw-ra n-0-a-s okwe.

tall-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP alas
'He is not tall enough.'

see-CAUS-NEG cany-2IMP
'Carry it without showing it.'
(217) Et-ama-ra w-eexi.

DETRANS-slash-NEG IS-be + TP
º did not slash myself
(218) Kanapa y-ahka-ra w-eexi.

mirror GEN-break-NEG IS-be + TP
º did not break the mirror.'
(219) K-eni-hra n-0-a-si.

1 + 2-see-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP
'He does not see us.'
(220) Oy-etapa-ra m-eexi.

1-hit-NEG 2S-be + TT
'You did not hit me.'
(221) Ow etapa-r es-ko.

1PRO hit-NEG be-2IMPER
'Don't hit me.'
(222) Aw-eni-ra WT0-a-si

2-see-NEG IS-be-SF-INP
º do not see you.'
(223) Oy-«ni-ra m-0-a-y?

1-see-NEG 2S-be-SF-UNP
'Do you not see me?'
68 Hawkins
12.2 Negation of adverbs and postpositions. There are only a few underived ad-
verbs that occur with the negative suffix -hra (see sect. 23.5.2(i)). A number of
adverbs are not negativized, but the negative meaning is indicated by the use of the
adverb of the contrary meaning (224, 225). A few adverbs and postpositions that
indicate location in space are negativized by the negative of the copula which
follows them (226, 227).
(224) Weyun-me n-0-a-y ii-to?

depth-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-UNP 3-at
Hra, pana-pe n^-a-si.

no shallow-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-FNP
'Is it deep there?' 'No, it is shallow.'
(225) Kifwanhe nH0i-a-y aw-uhreH0T?

good 3S-be-SF + UNP 2POSR-weapon-POSN
Kicicme n-0-a-si kica.

bad 3s-be-SF-INP disgust
'Is your gun in good shape?' 'It's bad (disgust).'
(226) Tan exi-hra w-een-a-si.

here be-NEG 1 S-see-SF-ÃÍÑ
º do not see it here (I see it as not being here).'
(227) Aapo kanah-ta-w exi-hra n^-a-s o-mariya-n.

table top-LOC-on be-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP IPOSR-knife-POSN
'My knife is not on top of the table.'
12.3 Negation of noun possession. Nouns which occur with possession indicators
other than -n are negativized by the suffix -hra to indicate negation of possession.
The suffix -m replaces the h of the suffix with noun stems which take the -n positive
possession suffix (231, 232), on noun stems which indicate categories of possession
(233, 234), and on the word kanawa 'canoe'(235). I assume that the -m is an
alternate form of possession indicator occurring only in these negative constructions.
(See sect. 23.4.5. l(x).) The suffix -hra occurs alone on all other nouns which take
possession suffixes. Again the resulting forms are adverbs and are usually followed
by the copula or verbs of motion. See sect. 22.6.5. for loss of /h/ from the negative
suffix.
(228) Õß-hpo-ra thakwa n^0-a-s o-yoku.

3-hair-NEG UNC 3S-be-SF-INP IPOSR-animal
'My animal has no hair.'
Wai Wai 69
(229) Yi-pi-hra ki-wc-e-si.

3-wife-NEG 1 S-go-SF-ESfP
º am going without my wife (not taking her along).'
(230) Ewu-hra w-0-a-s okwe.

eyes-NEG IS-be-SF-INP alas
º have no eyes (blind, poor sight).'
(231) Ato-m-ra tak w^-a-sl (oy-ato-n)

cough-POSN-NEG now IS-be-SF-INP IPOSR-cough-POSN
º don't have a cough now.' 'my cough'
(232) Yi-krapa-m-ra w-0-a-si. (o-krapa-n)

3-bow-POSN-NEG IS-be-SF-INP IPOSR-bow-POSN
º do not have a bow.' 'my bow'
(233) Woku-m-ra ti (o-wok-ru)

drink-POSN-NEG 3RES 3S-be-SF-UNP IPOSR-drink-NEG
'He says he has nothing to drink.' 'my drink'
(234) I-yuhre-m-ra w-0-a-si. (o-yuhre)

3-weapon-POSN-NEG IS-be-SF-INP IPOSR-weapon
º have no weapon.' 'my weapon'
(235) Kanawa-m-ra 0-x-a-kne amna.

canoe-POSN-NEG 3S-be-SF-UP 1 + 3PRO
'We did not have a canoe.'
The suffix -hni also occurs with nouns that may be possessed to indicate that the
referent is one who does not possess the item. The resulting form remains a noun.
It is a correlative of the suffixes discussed above in that the nouns which take the
suffix -m possession indicator before -ra also take the -m before suffix -rii. See
sects. 22.6.1.(i) and 22.6.5 for the morphophonemic changes in this suffix.
(236) Awsi-m-ni w-aaf-a-si. (awsi-n)

weight-POSN-NEG 1 S-carry-SF-INP weight-POSN
º will carry one that is not heavy.' 'its weight'
(237) Ewu-hni mikro okwe. (ew-ru)

eyes-NEG 3PRO alas eyes-POSN
"That man is blind (without eyes) alas.' 'his eyes'
70 Hawkins
12.4 Negation of noun identity. The word pini is a negative of nouns which indi-
cates negation of identity. Further discussion of pini as a word is given in sect.
15.3.1.
(238) Meek pin mikro.

brown.monkey NEG that.one
'That is not a brown monkey.'
(239) Waiwai pin owi.

name.of.tribe NEG 1PRO
º am not a Wai Wai.'
(240) Woo-ne pini [ro mak] owi.

shoot-AG NEG at all 1PRO
º cannot shoot at all.'
12.5 The suffix -hto. There is a nominalizing suffix hto which indicates negation,
usually with strong feeling or a sense of permanent negation. This suffix occurs
mostly with the copula in postpositional phrases of cause (241). The verb moku 'to
come' has been heard on occasions with this same suffix (242). This suffix is always
followed by the possession suffix -ri. See also sect. 15.4(iii).
(241) O-mi-n c-iri-hra

IPOSR-house-POSN 3-make-NEG IS-be-SF-INP
oy-akro-no exi-hto-ii ke.

IPOSR-companion-NOMZR be-NEG + NOMZR-POSN because
º will not build my house because I have no helper.'
(242) To-hra thakwa t^0f-a-xe kanawa

go-NEG UNC l+2S-be-SF-INP airplane
moku-hto-ri ke.
come-NEG + NOMZR-POSN because
'We cannot go because the plane is not coming.'
13 Anaphora
Anaphora are strategies in the language for referencing individuals and items
between phrases, clauses and sentences.
13.1 Three nondeictic third person pronouns occur in finite verb clauses to refer
back to something or someone mentioned earlier: ero 'it/that', noro 'he,' 'she', and
Wai Wai 71
nexamro 'them. ' Any of these pronouns may be used after a finite verb clause to
more clearly identify an item or action previously mentioned (243, 244). The phrase
ero yimaw refers to a time previously mentioned. It follows an adverbialized verb
stem indicating time (245).
(243) O-mtapo-ta-ri men eweti-co-ko,

IPOSR-words-VBZR-POSN MON obey-COLL-2IMP
wn-k-e-kne Moises ya ero.

IS-say-SF-UP Moses to it
'Be sure to obey my words which I said to Moses.'
(244) Karaywa y-akro mii-c-e-kne, woskara poko

Brazilian GEN-with 2S-go-SF-UP airstrip occupied.with
k-antom-e-tkene so noro y-akro?

l+2O-give.orders-SF-UP COLL 3PRO GEN-with
'Did you go with the Brazilian, with the one who directed our work on
the airstrip?'
(245) Waiwai komo c-e-taw c-eken-hiri po-y

Wai.Wai COLL go-SF-when REFPOS-home-PAST in-from
ero yimaw ni-mtapo-wa-kne.

that time 3S-talk-SF-UP
'He talked at the time the Wai Wais left their homes. '
The postposition phrase ero wara normally occurs at the end of a list of items
(246). It also often occurs at the end of a paragraph or discourse and refers to all
that has been said in the paragraph or discourse.
(246) Mariya, warapapoturu, kanapa, kiiwi, xapopo, ero wara

knife spoon mirror fishhooks fishline that like
y-xe
3POSR-wanting IS-be-SF-INP
¢ knife, a spoon, a mirror, some fishhooks, fishline, that's what I
want. '
Any of these same pronouns are normally used with postpositions (247). Postpo-
sitions very rarely occur without an overt object either prefix or free form. If it is
not necessary to rename a participant with a postposition then noro or ero are used
as the object. The same pronouns occur with certain particles which indicate distinct -
iveness of the participant or an element of surprise concerning him or it (248). They
72 Hawkins
may also be used as direct objects and possessors (249) or as subjects of verbs (250),
and again the idea of distinctiveness of the referent stands out in most cases. The
antecedents in these examples are all in the first sentence, while the pronouns are in
the following sentences. This usage is normal.
(247) Mararf poko ti n-0-a-y. Ero

field occupied.with 3RES 3S-be-SF + UNP 3PRO
poko xa marha wd0-a-s ow amne.

occupied.with DBF likewise IS-be-SF-INP I later
'He says he is working on his field. I will work on that same thing
later.'
(248) Rikomo mak mexe mikro. Noro yipu rma 0-tom-o esama yaw.
child just DISAG 3PRO 3PRO such REF 3S-go-TP path in
'He is just a child. Even so he went on the trail.'
(249) Kafpe-ra n-0-a-si taam. Taa, noro

strong-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP uncle all:right 3PRO
y-akro-no-ma-xi ki-wc-e-s.
GEN-with-NOMZR-VBZR-PM IS-go-SF-INP
'Uncle is not well. All right, I will go help him.'
(250) K-ehce-ma-ne ti nH0-a-y Lethem po.

1+2-medicine-VBZR-AG 3RES 3S-be-SF-UNP Lethem at
Noro ti 0-mok-ya pahxaxa.

3PRO 3RES 3S-come-SF + UNP tomorrow
'They say the doctor is at Lethem and that he will come tomorrow.'
13.2 Deictic pronouns. There are three deictic pronouns referring to nearby ob-
jects, on, tan, moso. The first two refer to inanimate objects and the last refers
usually to people. However, in recent years moso is being used increasingly for
inanimate objects also. There are three deictic pronouns referring to distant objects
or persons miki, mikro, and mini. The first two refer to animate objects and the last
to inanimate objects. There are two collective deictic pronouns, moxam for near
animate object and mikyam for distant animate objects. There are no collective
deictic pronouns for inanimate objects. On may occur as the one-word object of a
postposition (251), or part of a compound object of a postposition (252), or the
object (253), or subject of a finite verb (254). It also may occur as the subject of an
equative clause (255).
Wai Wai 73
(251) On poko wH0-a-si.

3PRO occupied.with IS-be-SF-INP
º am busy doing this.'
(252) On kaamo po ki-wc-e-s.

3PRO day on IS-go-SF-INP
º will go today.'
(253) On w-aaf-a-s o-yoti.

this IS-take-SF-INP IPOSR-meat
º will take this meat to eat.'
(254) C-et-ahka-xi n-0-a-s on okwe.

ADVZR-DETRANS-break-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INP 3PRO alas
'Alas, this is broken.'
(255) Kifwa-n on oy-uhre.

good-NOMZR 3PRO IPOSR-weapon
'This gun of mine is good.'
Tan is a synonym of on used in the introduction to any discourse, or as the subject

of an equative clause. Sometimes tan and on are used together with tan always
occurring first (258).
(256) Ow-to-topo-nho tan w-ekatim-ya-s aw-ya so.

IPOSR-go-CIRC-PAST 3PRO IS-tell-SF-INP 2-to COLL
º will tell this to you, the story of my trip.'
(257) Kifwa-n tan oy-uhre. (Compare (255) above.)

good-NOMZR 3PRO IPOSR-weapon
"This gun of mine is good.'
(258) Oy-uhre tan on.

IPOSR-weapon 3PRO this
'This is my gun.'
The deictic pronouns triik, mikro, and mikyam are almost never used anaphorically
as the subject or object of a finite verb. With the anaphoric meaning they are used
almost solely as the subject of equative clauses. When the pronoun is in the subject
position (after the predicate) the clause indicates identity (263b) or gives description
(259-261). When the pronoun occurs in the predicate position (before the subject)
in an equative clause its meaning is purely deictic (263a). However, the word mikro
may occur alone as an emotional expression, almost the same as an interjection
(262).
74 Hawkins
(259) Kayaritomo mikro.

chief 3PRO
"That man is the chief.'
(260) Meye-no mikyam.

far.away-NOMZR 3PRO
"They live far away.'
(261) Mehxa moh-xapu mikro.

from.far come-PERF + NOMZR 3PRO
"That man came from far away.'
(262) Mikro.
3PRO
"There he is!'
(263) (a) Mikro ÷ßñÌ.

3PRO howler.monkey.
"There is a howler monkey.'
(b) ×ßñÌ mikro.

howler.monkey 3PRO
"That is a howler monkey.'
13.3 The verb ka/kas 'say/do' is often used to refer back to a previously men-
tioned action.
(264) Ahrika, moso wi-tw-e-si kuyuwi. Taa, kas-ko maki.

wait 3PRO IS-shoot-SF-INP bush.chicken OK do-2EMP just
'Wait, I'm going to shoot this bush chicken.' OK, just do it.'
13.4 Third person possessor prefixes, which also have an anaphoric function, are:
0-, yi-, i-, and ti-. 0- occurs when there is no free form possessor, regularly with
stem-initial verbs and, in some idiolects, with stems which begin with an unclustered
relaxed consonant ((265); and see sects. 22.2 and 22.3 for relaxed consonants and
consonant clusters.). Otherwise, one of the overt forms of the prefix occurs (266).
See sect. 23.4.5.1 for further details and examples.
(265) Tani n-0-a-si 0-karita-n-thiri.

here 3S-be-SF-INP 3POSR-book-POSN-PAST
'Here is his book.'
Wai Wai 75
(266) Meye n-0-a-y yi-krapa-n-thM.

far.away 3S-be-SF-UNP 3-bow-POSN-PAST
'His bow is far away.'
Third person subject prefixes are also anaphoric. They always refer to a partici-
pant, place, or condition previously named (267). The third person reflexive personal
prefix is even more clearly anaphoric or cataphoric in that it refers to the third
person subject of the associated finite verb (268), or the subject of the associated
verb stem that has been derived to another word class (269). For other examples of
third person reflexive possessor see sect. 4.1.
(267) O-mxik-ri ni-wink-o. 0-pak-e-s hara amne.

IPOSR-child-POSN 3S-sleep-TP 3S-awake-SF-ENP again later
'My child went to sleep. He will wake up later.'
(268) Ti-to-topo-nhM n-ekatm-o.

REFPOS-go-CIRC-PAST 3-tell-TP
'He told about his trip.'
(269) To-hra 0-x-a-kne kaf-pe-ra c-exi-ii

go-NEG 3S-be-SF-UP strong-ADVZR-NEG REFPOS-be-POSN
ke.
because
'He did not go becase he was weak/sick.'
A third person prefix occurs with postpositions when there is no free form object.
This prefix may be zero (270) or yi- '3' (271). It is easily seen that such prefixes
refer to a previously named person or object.
(270) 0-yaw rma kayka.

it-in still let's.go
'Let's continue on in it (the canoe).'
(271) Õß-wya ti-m-ko.

3-to 3-give-2IMP
'Give it to him.'
13.5 Athematic focus. One of the three meanings of the particle ha (see sect.
21.2(ii)) is athematic focus, that is, it emphasizes or brings into special focus an item
which is not a part of the action or main theme of the discourse. This emphasized
part refers back to a previous word or phrase and explains or amplifies it. It does
not carry forward the action of the story (272). It should also be noted that ha with
this meaning always occurs at the end of the word group to which it refers. Thus
76 Hawkins
when any dangling phrase ends with this ha it means that that phrase refers to
something that precedes it rather than what follows. Thus it acts something like a
period or comma (273). With this meaning ha is not accented phonetically as it is
with its other meanings. See sects. 21.2(iii) and 21.3(ii) for the other two meanings
of this particle.
(272) Yi-mtapo-ta-éÀ ti n-enc-e-kne apapa.

3POSR-talk-VBZR-POSN 3RES 3S-hear-SF-UP daddy
Á-ñÀçß-ç ya-w wd0T-a-si, ka-cho ha.

2POSR-lack-POSN in-in 2S-be-SF-INP say-CIRC AF
'Daddy heard his words, "I miss you," the thing (he) said.'
(273) Anar-me ro mak 0-x-a-kfie noro, 4-nhM

another-ADVZR much just 3S-be-SF-UP 3PRO 4-PAST
ha, yi-hcir-me moh-xapu wara-hra.

AF 3-begin-ADVZR come-PERF like-NEG
'That one was very different, the fourth one, (he was) not like the one
that came first.'
Most subordinate clauses in Wai Wai have a nominalized or adverbialized verb

form as the main predication element. See sects. 23.4 and 23.5 for fuller descriptions
of the morphology of these derived forms. All of the subordinate clauses in this sect,
are bracketed for easy identification.
14.1 Nominalized verbs as subordinate clauses. The nominalized verb clause

may function as a modifying noun related to the object (274) or to the subject (275).
It may be the subject of the main verb (276), or it may be the object of the main
verb (277). In equative clauses the nominalized verb may be a part of the predicate
(278) or the complete predicate (279-280).
(274) Kacipara w-ahsi [marari y-acpo-topo

machete IS-get + TP field GEN-underbrush-NOMZR + CIRC
o-wya].
1-by
º got a machete with which to underbrush a field.'
Wai Wai 77
(275) ft-esk-e-si tak yawaka [i-yo-hto-xapu].

3S-bite(cut)-SF-INP now axe 3-edge-VBZR-NOMZR+PERF
"The axe cuts now that it has been sharpened.'
(276) Miya 0-to-cow [maraii y-ama-fte komo].

away 3 S-go-COLL 4-TP field GEN-fell.trees-AG COLL
"The field cutters went away.'
(277) [A-mok-éß] w-enta.

2S-come-NOMZR IS-hear + TP
º heard you coming.'
(278) On o-karita-n [a-n-eni-ri].

3PRO IPOSR-letter-POSN 2POSR-NOMZR-see-POSN
"This is my letter for you to read.'
(279) [Yu-kukno-ma-ri yopo-no] [ro mak]

3-number-VBZR-NOMZR more.than-NOMZR very much
mikyam.
3PRO + COLL
"They are more than can be numbered.'
(280) [Waapa me aa-no ri-ne komo] mikyam.

warriors ADVZR carry-NOMZR make-AG COLL 3PRO
"They are the ones who lead men to war.'
At times verb stems are adverbialized first and then nominalized to form depend-
ent clauses, as in the following examples:
(281) Roona w-aaf-a-si [tuuna moku-che-n].

tarpaulin 1 S-take-SF-ÃÍÑ rain come-ADVZR-NOMZR
º am taking along a tarpaulin (to be used) after/if it rains.'
(282) Oo-na c-ir-ko paayu [0-koroka-x-mu].

here-to 3-put-2IMP plates ADVZR-wash-ADVZR-NOMZR
'Put the plates here that are to be washed.'
14.2 Adverbialized verb forms may constitute subordinate clauses (283—284) or

they may be the nuclear predicate element of such clauses (285).
(283) [T-anmi-ro] k-mok-o.

ADVZR-catch.fish-ADVZR + TIME 1 S-come-TP
º came catching fish all along the way.'
78 Hawkins
(284) [Eyeh-so] ki-wc-e-si.

take.a.bath-ADVZR+PM IS-go-SF-ENP
º am going to take a bath.'
(285) Yarf, kas-ko [oy-emaci-tome] miya peen che-ka.

Timber, yell-2IMP IS-run-ADVZR+PURP away bushes among-to
'Yell, "Timber!," in order for me to run to the bushes/
There are two other constructions which are built on verb stems to produce
adverbials indicating time or condition of an action. One of these is the suffix -ehe
'after', which is added to the otherwise unsuffixed verb stem. It mainly indicates that
the action of the verb stem to which it is affixed is prior to the action of the main
verb of the clause. It also indicates conditional action, but not so commonly as it
indicates prior action. The suffix -taw 'if/while' is added to the verb stem plus the
stem formative suffix, except with the copula. With the copula it is added to the
unsuffixed stem (289). The resulting form indicates that an action is contemporane-
ous with another action. It may also indicate conditional action.
The forms presented here are similar to postpositions, but I classify them as
adverbials since they show some difference from postpositions. When the verb stem
of derived adverbials is intransitive the prefix is the underlying subject of the action.
When the verb stem is transitive the same prefix is the underlying object of the
action, and the subject, if overt, occurs as a prefix to the postposition wya 'to/by'
(288) and (291), or as a free form noun followed by ya 'to/by' (292).
(286) A-paka-che ti-hc-e-si.

2-wake.up-ADVZR + after 1 + 2S-go-SF-INP
'After you wake up we will go.'
(287) On y-ert-che fit-wa-ya?

1 PRO GEN-drink-ADVZR+after/if 1 + 2S-die-SF + UNP
'After drinking/if we drink this will we die?'
(288) A-wya ci-ri-che a-mo-k ha.

2-by 3-make-ADVZR+after 2S-come-2IMP IRES
'Come after you finish making it.'
(289) Aw-to-0 xe-ra aw-exi-taw cewne ki-wc-e-s.

2-go-NOMZR DESID-NEG 2S-be-ADVZR+if alone IS-go-SF-INP
'If you do not want to go I will go alone.'
(290) Tuuna mok-ya-taw to-hra t-0-a-si.

rain come-SF-ADVZR+if go-NEG 1 + 2S-be-SF-INP
'If it rains we will not go.'
Wai Wai 79
(291) O-wya k-e-taw rma 0-tom-o kica.

1-by do-SF-ADVZR +while still 3S-go-TP disgust.
'Just as I was doing it it went away.'
(292) Ewto y-ayw-e-taw rikomo komo ya

village GEN-sweep-SF-ADVZR+if child COLL by
tawake w-0-a-si.
glad IS-be-SF-INP
'If the children sweep the village (grounds) I will be glad.'
In the following examples of subordinate clauses the verb is first nominalized,

then a postposition is added. Postposition phrases always function as adverbials.
(293) [O-mok-rf me] mak noro wayh-topo

1-come-NOMZR ADVZR just 3PRO die-NOMZR+CIRC
w-enta-y.
IS-hear-IP
'Just as I came away I heard of his death.'
(294) Moku-hra wi-x-a-kne [tuuna mok-rT ke].

come-NEG IS-be-SF-UP rain come-NOMZR because
º did not come because it rained.'
In the following examples the adverbial clauses do not modify the verb directly,
but are expansions of the adverb complements 'many,'and 'into it (water).' It is the
adverbial counterpart of the discontinuous modifying nominal construction. See sect.
15.3.2.
(295) Mefpo-ra n^-a-si paayu, [koroka-éß yopo].

few-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP dishes wash-NOMZR more.than
"There are many dishes, more than can be washed.'
(296) Yu-kwa-ka n-epirka muutu, weyun ya-ka [ro maki].

3-in-to 3S-fall + TP motor depth in-to very
"The motor fell into it (water), into the very deep place.'
There is another adverbial subordinate clause construction in which the nucleus

of the clause is apparently an ancient form of the verb ka/kas 'say/do.' This word is
ka-xi (say/do-ADVZR). It carries the meaning of the adverbialized copula, 'because
he is,' or 'because of being.'
80 Hawkins
(297) Oy-oti, ka-hra iH0-a-si xapari [tooto

IPOSR-meat say-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP dog person
pin kaxi].
not.one because.of.being
"The dog does not say, "Give me meat," because he is not a person.'
14.3 Clauses of identification commonly occur in Wai Wai. These are subordinate
to the preceding main clause. Both the main clause and the subordinate clause have
finite verbs. But the subordinate clause functions as a modifier to a constituent of
the preceding main clause. See also sect. 13.1.
(298) O-mtapota-ri men enta-co-ko, [kayaritomo ya

IPOSR-words-POSN MON hear-COLL-2IMP chief to
wii-k-e-kne] ero.
IS-say-SF-UP that
'Listen carefully to my words, the thing I said to the chief
The noun is defined as a word which may occur as the subject or direct object of
a verb, as the head of a postposition phrase or as the nucleus of the predicate of an
equative clause. A pronoun is a word that represents a noun, and thus pronouns are
included with the discussion of noun phrases. A noun phrase usually consists of one
or two nouns, or one noun and one pronoun. Such phrases commonly have one or
more particles. It is also quite common to have discontinuous noun phrases separated
by a finite verb, or in equative clauses they may be separated by the subject of the
clause, which is the second member of the clause, normally a pronoun. In such cases
the second member of the noun phrase is a modifying noun. It may further identify
the subject or modify the predicate.
15.1 Marking for case. Case markers indicate the relation of pronouns or nouns to
verbs. Free form subjects and objects of verbs are not morphologically marked. Also
word order does not seem to be a good criterion for determining subjects and objects
of verbs, since subjects seem to vary freely between pre-verb and post-verb position.
Direct objects also vary occasionally in the same way, though the more normal
position for these is before the verb.
Wai Wai 81
But case is indicated in several of the personal prefixes to verbs. There are two
sets of such prefixes, subject and object prefixes. Subject prefixes occur on finite
verbs (299-300). They always occur on such verbs even with a free form subject
(301). However, third person subject prefixes are 0- in some constructions (304).
Object prefixes on finite verbs exist for first and second persons only (302-303).
There are no overt forms for third person object prefixes to finite verbs (sect.
23.3.3). See also sect. 23.3.2 for the complete set of subject prefixes.
(299) Ewka komo ya-ka ki-wc-e-si.

man's.name COLL to-to IS-go-SF-INP
º am going to Ewka and to those with him.'
(300) A-kanapa-n w-ahka.

2POSR-mirror-POSN 1 S-break + TP
º broke your mirror.'
(301) O-mxik-ri m-wmk-o.

IPOSR-child-POSN 3S-sleep-TP
(302) Oy-eska okoyi.

lO-bite + TP snake
'The snake bit me.'

l + 2O-see-COLL + TP COLL duck
'The duck saw us.'
(304) O-hya-ka 0-mok-ya-kne.

1-to-to 3S-come-SF-UP
'He came to me.'
The indirect object postposition ya 'to', alternating with the bound form -wya
(sect. 17.2), may also indicate the causee of a transitive verb (305, 309—310) or the
addressee of any 'say' expression (306). It also occurs with the subject of nominal-
ized (307) or adverbialized (308) transitive verbs. This reflects the ergatively organ-
ized character of these derived forms. The free form of the postposition occurs when
the object is a free form (307). When no free form occurs, a prefix is attached to the
postposition (308).
(305) O-kanawa-ri en-po-ko yi-wya.

IPOSR-canoe-POSN see-CAUSE-2IMP 3-to/by
'Show him my canoe.'
82 Hawkins
(306) Ero wa wii-k-e-s a-wya.

3PRO like IS-say-SF-INP 2-to
º will say that to you.'
(307) Yahya ka-éß w-enc-e-si ama-ne

yelping say/do-POSN + NOMZR IS-hear-SF-INP cut.down-AG
komo ya.
COLL to/by
º hear the field cutters yelping.'
(308) Yaypi w-e-taw o-wya a-woti

tapir shoot-SF-ADVZR + if 1-to/by 2POSR-meat
w-ek-ya-si.
IS-bring-SF-INP
'If I shoot a tapir I will bring you some meat.'
(309) Ti-mxik-ri ni-wMk-re-p-e-kne o-wya.

REFPOS-child-POSN 3S-sleep-CAUS-CAUS-SF-UP 1-to/by
'She asked me to put her child to sleep.'
(310) O-kanawa-éß w-aka-p-e-si

IPOSR-canoe-POSN 1 S-dig.out-CAUS-SF-INP
o-woxi-n ya.
lPOSR-in.law-POSN to/by
º will get my in-law to make a canoe for me.'
15.2 Genitive constructions. There is a close connection between certain groups

of words in Wai Wai which I list here:
1. Forms derived from a transitive verb and preceded by a free form direct object
of the verb stem.
2. Forms derived from an intransitive verb and preceded by a free form subject.
3. A noun and its free form possessor.
4. A postposition and its free form object.
There is no pause whatever in normal speech between the two items of these
constructions. The order of such phrases is obligatory. The object, or subject, or
possessor is first, followed directly by the head word of the phrase. Only the
particles komo, 'collective' or ro, 'time' occur between the two words and that is
rare. I call this relationship Genitive.
Wai Wai 83
If the head word begins with a vowel the prefix y- 'GEN' is always added to it
(311, 312, 314a). If the head word begins with the third person prefix yi-, ti- or i-,
that prefix usually remains in the genitive relationship (313). The exceptions are
three verb stems which occur with the third person prefix ti- and begin with lol.
When the third person prefix is omitted from these verbs in the genitive relationship
the genitive prefix y- occurs (314 a, b.). See sect. 23.4.5.1 for a list of the ten verbs
that take the ti- prefix.
(i) Forms derived from a transitive verb stem and the genitive relationship to their
underlying direct objects are illustrated below:
(311) Eey ka-cho y-enc-e-taw o-wya k-emahci-w

Hay! say-NOMZR GEN-hear-SF-ADVZR+when 1-by IS-run-TP
'Upon hearing the yelling I ran.'
(312) Kanawa y-anka-xi ki-wc-e-si.

canoe GEN-spread.open-PM IS-go-SF-INP
º will go to spread open the canoe.'
(313) Xifko yi-htmo-ne komo

Stars 3-know-AG COLL
'People who know the stars'
(314) (a) Kuum y-ow-so ki-wc-e-si.

kind.of.palm.fruit GEN-take.out-PM lS-go-SF-ÃÍÑ
º am going to take out (harvest) palm fruit.'
(b) T-ow-so ki-wc-e-si.

3-take.out-PM IS-go-SF-INP
º am going to take it out.'
(ii) Forms derived from an intransitive verb stem and the genitive relationship with
the underlying subject are illustrated below:
(315) O-mxik-ri y-eyeh-topo tan.

IPOSR-child-POSN GEN-bathe-CIRC 3PRO
"This is the bathtub of my child.'
cf. eyehtopo
'his bathtub'
(316) Kayaritomo mtapo-ta-cho w-ekatim-ya-s a-wya so.

chief talk-VSF-CIRC IS-tell-SF-INP 2-to COLL
º will tell the chiefs words to you all.'
84 Hawkins
cf. yi-mtapo-ta-cho
3POSR-talk-VSF-CIRC
'his words'
(iii) Noun phrases of possession show the same close connection between the two
nouns. Here again we see the prefix y- appearing when the possessed noun stem
begins with a vowel (317). When it begins with a consonant, no prefix is attached
(318 a, b).
(317) Rikomo y-ewna-ri ti 0-kamxuk-wa.

child GEN-nose-POSN 3RES 3S-blood-VBZR+SF+UNP
"The child's nose is bleeding.'
(318) (a) Noro krapa-n w-axikwo okwe.

3PRO bow-POSN IS-break + TP alas
'Alas, I broke his bow.'
(b) yi-krapa-n
3-bow-POSN
'his bow'
(iv) Postpositional phrases show the same close connection with their objects.
(319) Mmrio y-epo-ri afma-ki.

house GEN-over-MOT throw-2IMP
'Throw it over the house.'
(320) (a) Mawayana che-ka kt-wc-e-si.

name.of.Indian.tribe among-to IS-go-SF-INP
'I'm going (to live) among the Mawayana people.'
(b) Yi-che-ka ki-wc-e-si.

3-among-to IS-go-SF-INP
'I'm going (to live) among them.'
15.3 Phrases of noun modifying noun. Again I include pronouns along with
nouns. There are no adjectives in Wai Wai. Only nouns and a few pronouns modify
nouns.
15.3.1 Continuous noun phrases. There are a few pronouns that occur immedi-
ately before nouns without intervening pause or word. The pronoun points out or
distinguishes the noun from other items (321, 322). These noun phrases are brack-
eted below.
Wai Wai 85
(321) [Anarf ewto] po-na kayka.

another.one village on-to let's.go
'Let's go to another village.'
(322) [Ero kaamo] po k-mok-ya-si.

that day on IS-come-SF-INP
º will come on that day.'
I postulate ñßçß 'NEG' as a noun since it may be separated from its head noun by
either of the particles komo (326), maki (327), or ro (328). Also it does not undergo
morphophonemic reduction to the form -hni as it would if it were a suffix But it
always has a noun or pronoun as its head word, and thus constitutes a continuous
noun or pronoun phrase. It indicates negation of the identity of the object or person.
It occurs commonly in equative clauses (323) and in pronoun phrases. In such
phrases it may occur as the subject of any verb (324) or as the object of a transitive
verb (325). See sect. 12.4 for more examples of this word.
(323) Yaymo pin mikro.

eagle NEG 3PRO
"That's not an eagle.'
(324) Ow pin ki-wtom-o.

1PRO NEG IS-go-TP
'It was not I who went.'
(325) Ero ñßç-tho ee-ko.

3PRO NEG-DEV bring-2IMP
'Bring any old thing.'
(326) A-kayaritomo-n komo pin ow.

2-chief-POSN COLL NEG 1PRO
º am not your chief.'
(327) Ow mak pin ki-wink-o.

1PRO just NEG IS-sleep-TP
'It was not only I who went to sleep.'
(328) Poxu-m-ra n-0-a.-s o-wya ah-ne ro

good.tasting-POSN-NEG 3-be-SF-INP 1-to eat-AG TIME
pin kaxi.
NEG because.of.being
º don't like it because I'm not used to eating it.'
86 Hawkins
15.3.2 Discontinuous noun phrases. Nouns may also modify other nouns or noun
phrases in a discontinuous sequence. In clauses having finite verbs the head noun
and the modifying noun are often in a discontinuous sequence, being separated by
the verb, and possibly also by postpositional phrases or adverbs related to the verb.
Pause (indicated by comma) may also break the continuity of a noun phrase.
An example of such modifying nouns in a discontinuous sequence is seen in
possession indicators of certain nouns. With such nouns possession is not indicated
by affixes to the name of the item, but by generic nouns which name categories of
possession and take possessor prefixes. These generic nouns are most often in a
discontinuous sequence. Possession of domestic animals, items of food, drink and
shooting arms, is expressed in this way. The two nouns may occur in either order.
(329) Oy-oku xe w-0-a-si waaro.

IPOSR-animal wanting IS-be-SF-INP green.parrot
º want a green parrot for a pet.'
(330) Tuxma xe w-0-a-si o-n-ah-rl

banana wanting IS-be-SF-INP IPOSR-NOMZR-eat-POSR
º want a banana to eat.'
(331) Nexamro wok-ru ar-ko yeemutu.

3PRO drink-POSN cany-2IMP starch.drink
'Carry starch drink for them to drink.'
Nouns of explanation, expansion, or limitation are common in Wai Wai and are
used to modify either a subject or object in verbal clauses. Often these nouns are
derived from verb stems or adverb stems. At times verb stems are adverbialized and
then nominalized. Such derivational processes are fully described in sects. 15.4, 23.4
and 23.5, but I give some examples here. The modifying nouns may be juxtaposed
either after the verb (332) or before the verb (333). When the nouns are adjacent to
each other they are separated by pause, as indicated by the commas in the same two
examples. The modifying noun may modify the subject of a clause when the subject
follows the verb (332) or when it precedes the verb (334). Or it may modify the
object of a transitive verb (335). The modifying noun may function as a relative
clause (336). There may be 2 modifying nouns modifying the verb object (337). The
modifying noun may modify the possessor of a noun phrase (338). Occasionally the
normal modifying noun is dislocated to a position before the verb and even before
the interrogative subject (339). In this same example a quotative clause functions as
a second modifying nominal which modifies the first nominalized clause. Wai Wai
speakers may pile up modifying nouns quite a bit. Usually each one modifies the
first nominal, which is the head of the phrase.
(332) N-#-a-yi rma k-ewkukma-ne komo

3S-be-SF-UNP still 1 + 2-confuse-NOMZR+AG COLL
Wai Wai 87
wara-y, ki-mtapota-ri komo.

like-NOMZR 1+ 2POSR-words-POSN COLL
'There is still that which confuses us, our words.'
(333) Ahce na poko oy-eh-topo-nho, [wara mak]

what maybe about lPOSR-be-NOMZR +CIRC-PAST careless
oy-eh-topo-nho w-ahsi-pink-e-tik-e-si
IPOSR-be-NOMZR + CIRC-PAST 1 S-hold-REV-SF-finish-SF-INP
tak a-mah-yaw rma.

change 2-after-when immediately
'All sorts of my former ways, my former ways of carelessness, I will
abandon after you are gone.'
(334) Anarf ti 0-x-a-kne hara Tapi mumu-ru.

another.one 3RES 3S-be-SF-UP in.turn David's son-POSN
'David had another son.'
(335) On wara-y ti-mi-hr eh-co-ko aw-oh

this like-NOMZR 3-give-NEG be-COLL-2IMP 2POSR-animal
komo o-wya.
COLL 1-to
'Don't give this sort of your domestic animals to me.'
(336) Kifwa-ni rma tit-wMyak-e-si,

good-NOMZR even 1 + 2S-despise-SF-INP
k-wakre-ne-nhM rma.
1 + 2-be.kind.to-AG-PAST even
'We despise even good people, even those who have been kind to us.'
(337) Apapa mak ni-htino-mexp-e-kne yi-n-ekatim-ri,

daddy only 3S-know-CAUS-SF-UP 3-NOMZR-tell-NOMZR + POSN
k-n-enta-rf komo oroto-no.

H-2-NOMZR-hear-NOMZR+POSN COLL now-NOMZR
'It was only daddy who showed him what he should tell for us to hear.'
(338) Tooto komo wayh-topo c-enta-ce,

people COLL die-NOMZR+CIRC l+2S-hear-IP
88 Hawkins
k-poyino-nhM komo.
1 + 2POSR-fellow.tribesman-PAST COLL
'We heard of the death of some people, our own tribespeople.'
(339) Noro y-ehna-cho-nho ahce n^-a-y, okwe

3PRO GEN-fail-NOMZR+CIRC-PAST what 3S-be-SF-UNP alas
camki on poko Wr0-a-y ha-m, n-ex-pe,

ignorant 3PRO about IS-be-SF + UP IRES-evidently 3S-be-3MP
ka-cho-nho?
say-NOMZR + CIRC-PAST
'What is there that he cannot do, about which he says, Alas, apparently
I don't know how to do it, let it be?'
Discontinuous noun phrases occur in equative clauses of description. The two

nuclei of the clause are usually the noun predicate and a pronoun subject in that
order. A second noun follows the subject and modifies the predicate.
(340) Kafpamxan mikro kari-ti.

young.man 3PRO strong-NOMZR
'He's a young man, he's strong.'
The pronouns ero or noro occur as the predicate of some equative clauses. Thus the
clause has two pronouns as its nuclei. Such a clause always refers back to the action of
the previous sentence. In such a construction a nominalized verb or modifier often
occurs after the pronoun subject and modifies the initial pronoun ero or noro.
(341) (Quotation), 0-k-e-xe. Ero rma min kayaritomo

3S-say-SF-INP that REF 3PRO chief
wMhyaka-cho.
despise-NOMZR+ CIRC
'They say this,.. . That talk is despiteful of the chief
15.4 Nominalizations. Following I list all the suffixes to verb stems that occur to
indicate that the resulting forms are nouns. I assume that these suffixes indicate
nominalization, though all of them have an additional meaning. I include notes about
their occurrence with other classes of words. For the phonological variation of some
of these affixes see sect. 22.6.
(i) -ri Nominalization of possessed action. This suffix indicates nominalization of

possessed action without any indication of the time of possession. Verb stems having
this suffix may take any of the personal prefixes to indicate the possessor of the
Wai Wai 89
action (sect. 23.4.5.1). If the verb stem is transitive the personal prefix refers to the
object of the action; with intransitive verb stems it refers to the subject of the action.
With transitive verbs the subject or doer of the action, when expressed, is expressed
by the ergative form, consisting of a personal prefix plus the postpositional suffix
-wya, or by a free form plus the postposition ya. In any of the above situations,
where the personal prefix can occur it may be replaced by a free form. When a free
form object of the action occurs before a transitive verb stem beginning with a
vowel the verb stem takes the genitive prefix y- (351). Forms having this suffix -ri
may occur as the direct object of the verbs 'to hear'(342) and 'to see'(343). They
occur most often as the object of postpositions as in (344) through (351). They also
rarely occur in an expression without a finite verb as something of an exclamation
(352).
(342) A-mok-rt w-enta.

2-come-NOMZR + POSN 1 S-hear + TP
º heard you coming.'
(343) Noro mok-rf w-enw-o.

3PRO come-NOMZR+ POSN IS-see-TP
º saw him coming.'
(344) Íß-rwo-n-a-kne ti-wMyaka-ri poyero.

3S-anger-POSN-SF-UP REFPOS-slander-NOMZR + POSN because.of
'He got angry because of his being slandered.'
(345) Yohno tit-mok-o k-akro-no-ma-ri

fast l+2S-come-TP 1+2-with-NOMZR-VBZR-NOMZR + POSN
ke yi-wya.
because 3-to/by
'We came fast because he helped us.'
(346) o-mok-ii ke
l-come-NOMZR+POSN because
'because of my coming.'
(347) 0-epirka-ri pona

3-fall-NOMZR + POSN for.fear.of
'for fear of his falling'
(348) 0-epirka-ri wara w-een-a-si.

3-fall-NOMZR + POSN like 1 S-see-SF-INP
'It looks to me like it might fall.'
90 Hawkins
(349) 0-ackoroka-ii yopo

3-wash-NOMZR + POSN more.than
'more than can be washed'
(350) 0-ah-ii ro ya
3-eat-NOMZR + POSN often to/because
'because of eating it often'
(351) K-poka kica paayu y-ackoroka-éß ke.

IS-tired + TP disgust dishes GEN-wash-NOMZR+POSN because
º am tired from washing dishes.'
(352) Tan k-exi-rf ro.

here 1+2-be-NOMZR+POSN permanently
'We will be here permanently!'
(ii) -ni- . . . -n/-tho/-thiri Object resulting from an action. This set of affixes occurs
only with transitive verbs and the resulting form refers to an item which receives the
action indicated by the verb stem. This is a possessed form which occurs with a
personal possession prefix or a free form possessor that refers to the underlying
subject of the action. The possession does not refer to the resulting item but to the
action done to that item. Forms with these affixes seem to occur in any syntactic
function where other nouns occur, but their most common use is as a modifier of
another noun, functioning like a relative clause (354, 355). In the examples below
they occur as the object of a postposition (353) and as modifiers of the predicate
nominal of an equative clause (354), and of the object of a transitive verb (355). The
suffix -Þ indicates present or future possession of the action (353). The variant forms
-tho/-thM indicate past tense possession and alternate as follows: -tho occurs when
the form has a first person singular prefix, and also when the third person possessor
of the action is indicated by a free form (355). The suffix -thiri occurs elsewhere
(354).
(353) A-n-ah-ri xe m^-a-y?

2-NOMZR-eat-POSN DESID 2S-be-SF-UNP
'Do you want something to eat?'
cf. Ah-ko.
(eat-2EVIP)
'Eat it.'
(354) On ha waywi a-n-afma-thM.

3PRO IRES arrow 2-NOMZR-throw/drop-PPOSN
'Here is the arrow you dropped.'
Wai Wai 91
cf. Afma-ki.
(throw/drop-2IMP)
'Throw it.'
(355) Yaypi amna n-eeki apapa n-wo-tho.

tapir 1 + 3PRO 3S-bring + TP daddy NOMZR-shoot-PPOSN
'We brought a tapir which daddy shot.'
cf. wo-hra
(shoot-NEG)
'not shooting'
(iii) -hto Negation of the action. This suffix is rarely used except with the two verb
stems given below. I have no examples of it occurring with a transitive verb. It
nominalizes and negativizes the verb stem and is obligatorily followed by the
possession suffix -ri. It occurs with free form possessor indicators or with personal
prefix markers of possessors. Tense is not indicated by this suffix. See also sect.
12.5.
(356) noro moku-hto-ii ke

3PRO come-NEG + NOMZR-POSN because
'because of his not coming'
(357) tan aw-exi-hto-ri ke

here 2POSR-be-NEG + NOMZR-POSN because
'because of your not being here'
(iv) -topo/-cho Circumstances of the action. There is free variation of the two forms
of this suffix with most verb stems. The meaning of the suffix is very broad. It
includes instrument of the action (358, 360), place of the action (359), time of the
action (361), story of the action (362), and instructions about the action (363). Just
like suffix (i) above, this suffix co-occurs with personal possessor prefixes with
intransitive verb stems to indicate the subject of the verb stem (362) and with
transitive verb stems to indicate the object (363). It also occurs preceded by a free
form noun or pronoun and without a personal prefix to indicate the same possessor
functions. The genitive indicator y- also occurs with the same paramaters as it does
with the suffix -ri (361). The suffix -nhof-nhiri indicating past tense may occur
following this suffix (362).
(358) Yawaka xe w^-a-si mararf

axe wanting IS-be-SF-INP field
92 Hawkins
y-ama-cho o-wya.
GEN-cut.down-NOMZR + CIRC 1-to/by
º want an axe with which to cut down a field.'
(359) Et-afma-no ri-topo tan.

DETRANS-throw-NOMZR make-NOMZR +CIRC this
"This is the place where they fought.' (lit.: . . . where they do the fight-
ing.)
(360) Karita mewre-cho ee-ko.

paper write-NOMZR+CIRC bring-2IMP
'Bring me a pencil.'
(361) Marari y-ama-cho me tak n-0-a.-si.

field GEN-cutdown-NOMZR+CIRC ADVZR now 3S-be-SF-INP
'It is time to cut a field.'
(362) O-wto-topo-nho w-ekatim-ya-si.

1 -go-NOMZR + CIRC-PAST 1 S-tell-SF-INP
º will tell the story of my trip.'
(363) Aw-aki-re-topo tan w-ekatim-ya-s a-wya.

2-wise-CAUS-NOMZR + CIRC this IS-tell-SF-ENP 2-to
º am telling you how to act wisely.' (lit.: . . . how to make you wise.)
(v) -xapu Object that has received or performed action in the past with enduring
results. I label this suffix perfect aspect indicator (PERF). See sects. 5.4 and 18.2(i)
and (ii) for full discussion and examples of this suffix.
(vi) -yem Associate. This suffix occurs with the possessor prefixes and can occur
with the detransitivizing prefix (365, 368). It also occurs with two generic nouns
woosi (366) and kiin (367) to indicate an associate of the same sex. This suffix also
occurs with the past tense suffix -nho/-nhiri (368).
(364) aw-exi-yem komo

2POSR-be-NOMZR + ASS COLL
'your fellow beings'
(365) aw-es-emani-yem
2POSR-DETRANS-play-NOMZR+ASS
'your playmate'
Wai Wai 93
(366) a-wosi-yem komo

2POSR-female-ASS COLL
'your fellow women'
(367) M-kM-yem komo

l + 2POSR-male-ASS COLL
Our fellow men'
(368) aw-es-emam-yemi-nhM
2POSR-DETRANS-play-NOMZR+ASS-PAST
'your former playmate'
(vii) -tamci Payment for work. This suffix is somewhat rare. It occurs only with
transitive verbs (369) or with the copula (370). The combination of verb stem plus
the suffix -topo ((iv) above) following the word epetho/epethiri 'payment' is more
common (371).
(369) miimo c-ii-tamci

house 3-make-payment
'payment for making a house'
(370) noro y-akro-no me oy-eh-tamci

3PRO GEN-with-NOMZR ADVZR 1-be-payment
'my payment for helping him'
(371) miimo c-ii-topo y-epe-tho

house 3-make-NOMZR + CIRC GEN-payment-PAST
'payment for making a house'
(viii) -xan Subject of recent action. This suffix is only used with a few verbs as far
as my records show.
(372) ewru-xan
be.born-NOMZR+ RECENT
'a newborn baby'
(373) moh-xan kaxi ka

come-NOMZR +RECENT because.of.being for.now
'because he is one who has only recently come'
(374) Ec-i-xan rnikro.

DETRANS-make-NOMZR+RECENT 3PRO
'He has just been elected (made chief).'
94 Hawkins
(ix) -ne Doer/agent of the action. This suffix occurs only with transitive verb stems.
It co-occurs with the personal prefixes which indicate the possessor as the
underlying object of the action (375). When a verb having this suffix is preceded by
a free form possessor, there is usually no prefix on the nominalized verb form (376).
But when one of the ten verbs having the prefix if- occurs with a free form possessor
this prefix occurs (377). When the free form possessor immediately precedes a
nominalized verb stem beginning with a vowel the verb stem takes the y- genitive
prefix (378). When the nominalized form occurs with the prefix yi-, this prefix may
either remain or be elided, if it is immediately preceded by a free form object (379
a,b). This suffix -ne also may be followed by the past tense suffix -nho/-nhiri to
indicate past action, that is, action which in the mind of the speaker occurred long
before or which has little effect in the present (380). These forms not only indicate
one who does the action, but they often carry the meaning of ability to do the action
(381).
(375) K-wakre-ne mikro.

1 + 2-be.kind-NOMZR+AG 3PRO
'He is one who is kind to us.'
(376) Wooto wo-ne mikro.

wild.game shoot-NOMZR + AG 3PRO
'He can really shoot wild game.'
/•^^7^\ /í*· · · /í
(377) mumo ci-i-ne
house 3-make-NOMZR+AG
One who can make a house'
(378) awci y-aa-ne

back.pack GEN-carry-NOMZR+AG
One carrying a back pack'
(379) (a) oy-uhre yi-wMma-ne

1 POSR-weapon 3-ruin-NOMZR + AG
One who ruins my gun'
(b) oy-uhre wMhma-ne

1 POSR-weapon ruin-NOMZR + AG
One who ruins my gun'
(380) Ekatim-ra n-0-a-y aa-ne-nhM.

tell-NEG 3S-be-SF-UNP carry-NOMZR+AG-PAST
'The one who took it is not telling about it.'
Wai Wai 95
(381) Paapa c-ii-ne mikro.

Brazil.mitbread 3-make-NOMZR + AG 3PRO
'She is one who can make Brazil nut bread.'
(x) -no Unspecified personal doers or receivers of action. This suffix with
intransitive verbs indicates the underlying subject of the action (382), and with
transitive verbs indicates the underlying object of the action (383). It usually is used
of groups of people. Nominalized verbs with this suffix are nearly always followed
by a form of the verb ciri 'make.'
(382) To-no ri-ri w-een-a-si.

go-people + NOMZR make-NOMZR IS-see-SF-INP
º am watching the people going.'
(383) Aa-no ni-if-a-kne.

take-people + NOMZR 3S-make-SF-UP
'He took the people.'
(384) anik-no ri-topo

call-people + NOMZR make-CIRC
'an instrument for calling people (bell)'
(385) [Wara hak] k-e-xe yaake exi-no ke.

hubbub say-SF-INP many be-people + NOMZR because
'The people are making a hubbub because there are many.'
(xi) -hni Nominalized negation. This suffix again displays a difference in meaning
when occurring with intransitive verbs and with transitive verbs. In the former case
it means one who does not do the action, hi the latter case it means the one who
does not receive the action. This form occurs in any of the five clause types
presented in sect. 1. For the morphophonemic changes see sects. 22.6.1(i), and
22.6.5.
(386) Ahowoka-n me mak eh-co-ko.

disheartened-NEG +NOMZR ADVZR just be-COLL-2IMP
'Don't be ones who are discouraged.'
(387) Anmi-n mm toopu.

lift.up-NEG +NOMZR 3PRO rock
'That rock cannot be lifted.'
(388) C-iri-hni c-ii-ne mikro.

GENL-put/make-NEG + NOMZR 3-put/make-AG 3PRO
'He makes that which cannot be made.'
96 Hawkins
(xii) -Si Nominalization before the postposition xe. The verb stem has no overt form
of suffix in this construction. But the word xe functions as a postposition and thus
must be preceded by a noun or pronoun. Thus I postulate -j^nominalizing suffix. The
phrase including xe is collectivized, when appropriate, with the collective indicator
word so. The phrase is almost always followed by the copula. The verb stem also
occurs with personal possessor prefixes. If the verb stem is intransitive the prefix
refers to the one to do the desired action. If the verb stem is transitive the prefix
refers to the one to receive the desired action. The verb stem may occur with the
detransitivizing prefix also (391). The same construction occurs before the
nominalized form of xe, which is xati (392).
(389) T-moku^0i xe ti n-0-a-y.

REFPOS-come-NOMZR DESID 3RES 3S-be-SF-UNP
'He says he wants to come.'
(390) Aw-enta-0 xe w-#-a-si.

2-hear-NOMZR DESID IS-be-SF-DSfP
º want to ask you a question (hear you).'
(391) Oy-es-ekatrnrH0i xe w-a-0-si.

1-DETRANS-tell-NOMZR DESID IS-be-SF-INP
º want to tell what happened to me.'
(392) T-mokud0i xati komo mak

REFPOS-come-NOMZR DESID + NOMZR COLL only
0-moh-cow-pe
3-come-COLL-3IMP
'Let only those come who want to come.'
For the derivation of nouns from adverbs and postpositions, see sects. 23.4.3 and
23.4.4.
16 Pronouns
16.1 Free pronoun forms. There is variation in pronouns to indicate number, and
animate and inanimate categories.
Wai Wai 97
FREE FORM PERSONAL PRONOUNS
ANIMATE INANIMATE
Person Non-collective Collective
1 owi
1+2 kiiwi Mwyam
1+3 amna
2 amoro amyamro
ANAPHORIC PRONOUNS
3 noro nexamro ero
DEICTIC PRONOUNS
3 remote miki/mikro mikyam mini

3 not far moro
3 near moso moxam on, tan
The upper first four rows of personal pronouns listed above are not so common
in Wai Wai as they are in English, since in Wai Wai personal prefixes are very
common. The free form pronouns are most often used when the person spoken to or
about is considered special or distinctive from others of a group.
(393) To-hra m-0-a-y amoro?

go-NEG 2s-be-SF-UNP 2PRO
'Are you not going to go?' (There were others who were going.)
(394) Ow xa wi-tw-e-si.
1PRO DEF IS-shoot-SF-MP
º am the one who will shoot him.' (Others had tried to shoot the bird
and had missed.)
The 1-1-2 pronoun has a non-collective form kuwi and a collective form kswyam. The
non-collective form indicates that only the speaker and hearer are involved in an action
(395). The collective form indicates that there is more than one hearer (397). The non-
collective form may also function as an indefinite pronoun meaning, 'people in general,'
which, of course, would involve the speaker and the hearer(s) (396).
(395) Kiiw mak kayka.

1+2PRO only let's:go
'Let's go, just you and I.'
98 Hawkins
(396) Awom-ra t-0-a-si kiiw ka-yi ro

rise.up-NEG 1 + 2S-be-SF-INP 1 + 2PRO high-from very
k-epirka-che.
1+2-fall-after
¢ person does not rise again after falling from very high.'
(397) Ahce poko tH0i-a-tu kiwyam

what occupied:with 1 + 2S-be-SF-UNP + COLL 1+2PRO + COLL
tan-to-no komo?
here-at-NOMZR COLL
'What shall all we who live here do?'
The pronoun amna indicates that the speaker and one or more persons other than
the hearer are involved in an action. This pronoun has no collective form. It may
occur with a transitive verb having a collective suffix, but only when amna functions
as the object and the subject is collective. Possibly the component of collectivity is
ruled out from use with this pronoun because the hearer is excluded by definition.
As the subject of finite verbs this pronoun most commonly occurs before the verb
(398) but may occur after it also (399). As indicator of the possessor of an object it
always occurs before the possessed noun (400).
(398) Pahxaxa amna 0-c-e-si.

tomorrow 1 + 3PRO 3S-go-SF-INP
Tomorrow we (excluding addressee) will go.'
(399) Kafpe-ra n-0-a-s amna.

strong-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP 1+3PRO
'We (excluding addressee) are weak.'
(400) Amna krapa-n tan.

1 + 3PRO + POSR bow-POSN 3PRO
'This is our (exclusive of addressee) bow.'
The pronouns noro and ero refer back to a previously identified person or thing,
usually to one identified in a previous sentence (401, 402). They are usually non-de-
ictic (401, 402), but when the speaker is pointing out something very excitedly he
may use these pronouns (403). But even in such usage it is likely that the speaker is
referring to a person or animal which is very much in the mind of both speaker and
hearer because of earlier emphatic reference. These two pronouns are very common
in Wai Wai.
Wai Wai 99
(401) Noro y-eh-topo-nho rma w-ekatim-ya-s aw-ya

3PRO GEN-be-NOMZR + CIRC -PAST REF IS-tell-SF-INP 2-to
º will tell his story to you (about a previously introduced person).'
(402) Ero wara w-eexi.

that like IS-be
"That's how I was (that's what happened to me).'
(403) Noro miya.

3PRO to.there
'There he goes (game to shoot)!'
The pronouns of the deictic list are also used as the subject or predicate of
equative clauses. In most such clauses the predicate occurs before the subject, which
is a pronoun (see sect. 2.2 for examples). When the order is reversed and the
pronoun is the predicate of the equative clause, it has an emphatic deictic value
(404-^05).
(404) Mkro ÷ßñÌ.

3PRO + far howler.monkey
'There is a howler monkey!'
(405) Moso koso.

3PRO + near deer
'Here is a deer!'
When the deictic pronouns are used as the subject of equative clauses, they also
indicate that a distinction is made between one near the speaker and one near the
listener or far from both. But the main idea of such clauses is emphatic description
of the subject.
(406) Paapa y-ayi-ne mik a-pi-ci?

brazilnut.bread GEN-bake-AG 3PRO + far 2POSR-wife-POSN
'Can your wife bake brazil nut bread?' (Subject near hearer).
(407) Ka-ne ro moso.

do-AG many.times 3PRO + near
'She is a pro at doing it.' (Subject near speaker).
There is an increasing mixing of the 2 near deictic pronouns moso and orii. Moso
is used quite often by some speakers for both animate and inanimate. But the norm
still seems to be the distinction given in the table above.
Oni and tan have the same meaning and in some cases may be used interchange-
ably. Oni is used more for tangible objects, and tan, besides being used for such
100 Hawkins
objects, is also used in the introduction of discourses to refer to the subject of the
discourse (409). Occasionally in formal speech both of them are used together (410).
Tan, besides being a pronoun, is also a locative adverbial meaning 'here.'
(408) On ha a-nah-ri.
3PRO IRES 2POSR-food-POSN
"This is your food.'
(409) Amna 0-to-topo-nho tan w-ekatim-ya-si a-wya.

1 + 3PRO 3-go-NOMZR-PAST this IS-tell-SF-INP 2-to
º will tell this to you, the story of our trip.'
(410) Noro n-mewre-tho tan on.

3PRO NOMZR-write-PAST 3PRO 3PRO
"This is what he wrote.'
More study is needed on the difference between mini and moro. It is possible that the
former is used more often for objects (411) and the latter more often for concepts (412).
(411) Mini re a-kuywa-n.

3PRO FRUS 2POSR-hammock-POSN
"That is your hammock.' (Frustration because the boy was in the
wrong hammock.)
(412) Kayaritomo wMhyaka-cho moro a-mtapo-ta-cho-nhM.

chief slander-NOMZR 3PRO 2POSR-talk-VSF-NOMZR-PAST
'You slandered the chief by what you said.'
16.2 There are three question words which function like pronouns and thus may
be considered to be pronouns. They are onoke 'who?', ahce 'what?', and ati 'which?'
Question words usually occur as the first word of the sentence or clause of which
they are a part. They also occur as a complete response expression. They occur as
the predicate of equative clauses (413), as the object of postposition phrases (417),
as the object of transitive verbs (414), and as the subject of transitive verbs (415)
and intransitive verbs (416).
(413) Onok mikro?

who 3PRO
'Who is that?'
(414) Ati m-aaf-a?

which 2S-carry-SF + UNP
'Which one will you carry?'
Wai Wai 101
(415) Onoke n-aaf-a on?

who 3S-carry-SF + UNP this
'Who will cany this?'
(416) Onok 0-mok-o?

who 3S-come-TP
'Who came?'
(417) Ahce poko

what busy .with 2S-be-SF + UNP
'What are you doing?'
16.3 There are also pronoun phrases which function as indefinite pronouns.
There are two types of these phrases. These are illustrated below and each such
phrase is bracketed. The first type includes a question word and the particle na
'POTENTIAL' plus at times the particle so 'COLL' and/or a postposition. The
meanings of these phrases are 'anyone/whoever,' 'anything/whatever,' or 'any-
where/wherever,' and at least one of these constructions contains a negative word
which results in the meaning 'nothing' (422). Such an indefinite phrase can also
indicate uncertainty or lack of knowledge (418), (419), and (423). I bracket these
phrases to show that the separate words do not have separate meanings.
(418) [Onok na] 0-mok-o, yi-htinopi-ra w-0-a-si.

whoever 3S-come-TP 3-know-NEG IS-be-SF-INP
'Whoever came, I don't know it.'
(419) [Ahce na] n-eeki.

whatever 3 S -bring -I- TP
'Whatever did he bring?'
(420) [Ahto so na] aw-exi-taw erasi-r es-ko.

wherever 2 -be -when fear-NEG be-2IMP
'Wherever you may be, don't be afraid.'
(421) [Ahce na poko] aw-exi-taw twer es-ko.

Whatever occupied with 2-be-if/when careful be-2IMP
'Whatever you do, be careful.'
(422) [Ahce wa so na] exi-hra w-0-a-s.

anything be-NEG IS-be-SF-INP
'Nothing special is happening to me.'
102 Hawkins
(423) [Ahce ke na] w-atp-e.

with.whatever 1 S-pierce-SF + UNP
º don't know with what I can pierce it.'
The other type of pronoun phrase which functions as an indefinite pronoun

consists of either of the third person deictic pronouns which indicate a position
removed from the speaker, plus the RHYTHM CARRIER ha, plus the particle k(i)
EXACT MEASUREMENT (which I join as one word to avoid having a separate
word of one letter). The meanings are 'all sorts of things' or 'anybody.'
(424) [Min hak] mak n-eeki.

all sorts.of.things just 3S-bring4-TP
'He brought all sorts of things.'
(425) [Mik hak] ya kas-ko.

anybody to say-2IMP
'Say it to anybody.'
The suffix -no also indicates unspecified personal doers or receivers of action.. It
is discussed in sect. 15.4(x). The suffix -nano indicates the unspecified possessor of
a few nouns. It is discussed in sect. 23.4.5.1(xii).
16.4 Honorific. There are no gender or class distinctions indicated by Wai Wai
pronouns. There is one relationship distinction practised by some of the older people,
that is, men address their male relatives by marriage using the collective forms even
when they are speaking to one person. It is, apparently, an honorific device bom of
fear that the man's in-laws might take away his wife if he didn't treat them in this
special way.
(426) Ahcemaw mi-moh-cow amyamro?

when 2S-come-COLL + TP 2PRO + COLL
'When did you come?' (one person)
16.5 Pronominal prefixes. Subject, object and possessor prefixes are described in
sects. 23.3.2; 23.3.3; and 23.4.5.1.
Only postpositions occur in Wai Wai. There are no prepositions. A postpositional

phrase consists of either a noun phrase followed by a postposition or of a postposi-
tion with a pronominal prefix. The postposition phrase may also include one or more
particles. Such particles mostly occur following the postposition. Only the particles
Wai Wai 103
komo 'collective' and ro 'permanently/much' occur between the free form noun and
its postposition.
17.1 Space-indicating postpositions
Static Place Motion To Motion From Motion By/Through
'at, on' po pona poy pori

'in, with' yaw/hyaw yaka/hyaka yay/hyay yari/hyari
'in' (liquid) kwaw kwaka kway —
'among' chew cheka chey cheri
'by, at' to na nixa/enexa —
'above' epoy epona — epori
There are simple postpositions and those receiving suffixes to indicate static time
or place or motion to, from, or by a place. The second set in the table above
(yaw/hyaw 'in, with') has alternating stems. The first stems occur when there is a
free form object, and the second stems occur when there is a personal prefix. Most
of the forms listed here take any of the possessor prefixes, but the third set kwaw,
'in a liquid' only occurs with the third person non-reflexive prefixes. Dashes indicate
we have no record of a postposition indicating that meaning.
(427) Marari po wasi. º am in the field.'

Marari pona kiwcesi. º am going to the field.'
Marari poy kmoko. º came from the field.'
Marari pori kiwcesi. º will go through the field.'
Anarf kaamo po kiwcesi. º will go on another day.'
In the following set (428) the postposition yaw has an idiomatic meaning when
the free form noun or pronoun or when the prefix refers to a person. It means that
the one person is living with the other person.
(428) Kanawa yaw nay. 'He is in the canoe.'

Kanawa yaka esenkaki. 'Get into the canoe.'
Kanawa yay nihto. 'He got out of the canoe.'
Taam yaw kenmayasi. º am living with my uncle.'
Ahyaka kmokyas amne. º will come to your house later.'
Yihyay mohxapu ow. º have come from his house.'
Ahyari kmokyasi. º will come by your house (on my way).'
(429) Tuuna kwaw nas oponon. 'My clothes are in the water.'
Yukwaka wafma. º threw it into the water.'
Kati kwaka cirko. 'Put it in the oil.'
104 Hawkins
(430) Wapishana chew nay. 'He is among the Wapishana people.'

Wapishana cheka kiwcesi. º am going to the Wapishana people.'
Wapishana chey kmoko. º came from the Wapishana people.'
Wapishana cheri kiwcesi. º will go through Wapishana country/people.'
The to set has several variations with complete stem changes. The form to 'by,
at' does not take personal prefixes. It does take the prefix ii- which serves to refer
to the place where a second or a third person is (iito 'in that place where you are or
he/it is.') The stem-changed form na 'to' takes the first person prefix oo- (pona 'to
where I am'), as well as the prefix ii- (Una 'to where you are or he/it is'). Neither
of these postpositions takes the second person prefix or the 1+2 person prefix. Also
they are never preceded by the 1 + 3 pronoun amna. The forms indicating motion
from a place take no prefix. Rather the stem changes to nixa when it occurs with a
free form noun object. The stem also changes to enexa when it occurs with no free
form object. It means 'from that same place,' and I consider this an adverb (sect.
20).
(431) Weewe yeh to nay. 'It is by the tree trunk.'

Iito men nay toopu. 'Be careful, a rock is there (in the place I
described).'
Etafmano ritoponho na 'Let's go to the place where the wrestling
kayka. match took place.'
lina kmokyas awenso. º will come there to see you.'
Oona amok ha amne. 'Come here later.'
Enexa mimoko? 'Did you come from there?'
Ero wa nas esama yaw 'That's how it is in the path all the way from
ewto nixa ro. the village.'
(432) Awepoy nasi. 'It is above you.'

Epona nhe arniaki. 'Shoot more above it.'
Miimo yepori wafma. º threw it over the house.'
There are other postpositions which relate to place and space but which do not
take motion-indicating suffixes.
(433) akro 'with' Kiwcesi Ewka yakro. º am going with Elka.'

Awakro kmokyas. º will come with you.'
(434) ka 'to get' Tuuna ka kmoko. º came to get water.'

Aaka kmoko. º came to get you.'
(435) wece 'toward, Noro wece enko. 'Look toward him.'

to get' Owece nafma. 'He threw it in my direction.'
Awece kmoko. º came to get you.'
Wai Wai 105
17.2 Non-space/time indicating postpositions. There are also words that function
as postpositions which indicate nothing of position in space or time at all. All of the
following postpositions may occur with the negative suffix -hra except (446) ya/
-wya. They all may occur with nominalizing suffixes also, these are quite irregular.
(436) xe 'wanting/loving' (see sect. 18.3.6)

Tuuna xe was owokru. º want some water to drink.'
Aaxe wasi. º want (love) you.'
(437) me adverbializer (nominalized form is men (v) below)
This form I usually write as a separate word because it occurs with prefixes (ii)
& (iii) and suffixes (iv) & (v). Where it is used very commonly with certain words
I have been in the habit of writing it as a suffix to those words (vi).
(i) Wai Wai me wasi. º have become a Wai Wai.'

(ii) Oome mihtmopu? 'Did you know it was I?'
(iii) lime tan nay? 'Is it finished as it should be?'
(iv) Oomera nas owetho. 'My stomach doesn't feel right.'
(v) Opici men mikro. 'She is my wife-to-be.'
(vi) Anarme nasi. 'It is different.' (anari Other' + me)
(438) wa/wara 'like'

Kamara wara kesi kopi. 'It roars like a jaguar!'
Oowara may. 'You are like me.'
(439) ke 'with, by means of

The negativized form of this postposition uses the postposition (440) be-
low as its stem but retains the meaning of (439).
Waywi ke witwo. º shot it with an arrow.'
Takronoy nas ooke. 'He has me for a partner.'
(He is partnered by me.)
Kacoko yawaka kenehra rma. 'Do it without an axe.'
(440) kene 'having lots (of something)'

Yirniti kene nasi kica. 'It has salt in it (and thus tastes bad).'
Masah kene nay iito. 'There are mosquitoes in that place.'
(441) mexe 'very desirable'

Omin mexe nas okre. º would like this very much for my
house.' (The house is very desirable to
me.)
Oomexe nasi. º like her very much.' ( She is very
desirable to me.)
106 Hawkins
(442) poko This postposition has a positional meaning 'stuck to' (i), or
'holding on to'(ii). But it also has psychological meanings (iii),
(iv), (v).
(i) Mapata poko twoko. 'Nail it to the house post.'

(ii) Peen poko etahsiko. 'Catch hold of the bushes.'
(iii) Apoko keserepokesi. º am surprised at you.'
(iv) Ciino poko nirwonmo. 'She got angry at her husband.'
(v) Opoko mmtapowasi. 'He is talking about me.'
(443) pona This postposition, in addition to the locative meaning in the

Table in sect. 17.1, has various other meanings when it
co-occurs with certain words:
Noro pona weenasi oyepemacho. º trust in him to pay me.'
Noro pona weenasi. º blame him.'
Noro pona amoro kasko. 'You do it next after him.'
(444) ponaro 'mindful of

Timxikri ponaro nay. 'She is mindful of her child.'
(445) wero 'in sight of

Wanawa fie two Ewka wero. 'Ewka saw Wanawa shoot himself
(Wanawa shot himself in sight of Ewka.)
(446) ya/-wya 'to, by'
The first form ya occurs when there is no prefix (447). Other

wise -wya occurs (448). It takes the nominalizing suffix -n to
indicate possession (449). It also occurs with the suffix -ro to
indicate 'through' (450). Without a suffix it is also used as the
subject indicator of an ergative construction, with the meaning
'by' (451).
(447) Opici ya wrm. º gave it to my wife.'
(448) Ero wa wiikekne yiwya. "That's what I said to him.'
(449) Awyan tan ha. 'This is yours.'
(450) Metata yaro newom. 'He entered through the door.'
(451) Yawaka xe wasi marari yamacho owya. º want an axe with which I
can cut a field (with which a
field may be cut by me).'
Wai Wai 107
17.3 Postpositions formed from nouns. There are suffixes added to noun stems to
derive postpositions and to give a more specific indication of place. Most of the
noun stems indicate parts of the body. For some of the stems no noun is known
(456), but they have the form of postpositions formed from nouns. Thus I assume
that in years past there were nouns that are no longer used, while the postpositions
formed from them are still used. See sect. 23.6.1.1 for fuller details of the morphol-
ogy.
(452) Kanawa mapi-ta-w erema-ki.

canoe end-LOC-in sit-2FMP
'Sit in the end of the canoe.'
cf. 0-mapi-ri 'his seat' (of his body)
(453) Kaapu y-ereta-w tak n^0i-a-si kaamo.

sky GEN-center-in now 3S-be-SF-INP sun
'The sun is in the middle of the sky.'
cf. oy-ereta-éÀ 'the upper part of my abdomen'
(454) Õß-ropota-yi-no-nhM mikro.

3-abdomen/womb-from-NOMZR-PAST 3PRO
'He came from her womb (her child).'
cf. o-ropota-rf 'my abdomen'
(455) A-mka-y en-ko. cf. o-mka-ii 'my back'

2-upper.back-from see-2IMP
'Look behind you.'
Kawaru mka-w k-mok-o.

horse upper, back-on IS -come -TP
º came on horseback.'
(456) Murno maka-taka w-iiii.

house (unknown stem)-to IS-put + TP
º put it under the house.'
(457) Mapata kanah-taka rma n-iirf.

house.post head-onto exactly 3S-put + TP
'He put it on top of the house post.'
cf. kanaswe 'head'
There are a few nouns that take different suffixes to derive postpositions, hi the set
below these suffixes are in italics.
108 Hawkins
(458) A-mit-wo k-enma-ya-sl

2-base-near IS-dawn-SF-INP
º will live near you (your house).'
O-nnt-koso c-ir-ko a-mi-n.

1-base-to.near 3-put-2MP 2POSR-house-POSN
'Build your house near me (my house).'
(459) ßÀñß meret-wo n^-a-y.

mountain horn-at 3S-be-SF-UNP
'He is on top of the mountain.'
ßßñß meret-koso amna 0-mok-o.

mountain horn-to .near 1 + 3 S 3 S-come-TP
'We came to the top of the mountain.'
Mfimo mereti-ra ki-hto.

house horn-from IS-come.down + TP
º came down from the top of the house.'
(460) Kahxi ret-wo amna n-enori-w.

rapids upper.part-at 1 + 3S 3S-sink-TP
'We sank upstream from the rapids.'
¾ú-Tct-koso nhe ar-ko.

3-upper.part-toward more take-2IMP
'Take it farther upstream.'
(461) Yi-mka-w akri-ko.

3-upper.back-on.to put.up-2IMP
'Put it up on his back.'
17.4 Other observations about postpositions. There is another irregularly formed

postposition meaning 'not knowing' or 'forgetful of.' It occurs as an adverb with the
adverbializing prefix but with no suffix (462), and it also occurs as a postposition
related to a free form noun or having a pronominal prefix (463).
(462) T-wenekarf w-eexi okwe.

ADVZR-not.knowing IS-be + TP alas
º did not know it alas.'
(463) O-wenekarf 0-mok-o.

1-not.knowing 3S-come-TP
º did not know when he came.' (He came without my knowing.)
Wai Wai 109
Postpositions also occur with the same prefix that we label as detransitivizer when
it occurs with verbs. For the allomorphs of this prefix see sect. 23.2.5. It cannot, of
course, function as detransitivizer with postpositions since they do not refer to
actions at all. Its meaning with postpositions is clearly reciprocal. When this prefix
occurs it may have a group of people as referent. Yet it never occurs with the
collective indicator so.
(464) Eti-xe eh-co-ko.

RECIP-love be-COLL-2IMP
'Love each other.'
(465) Et-po-na enl-hra c-ex-po-re n-0-a-si.

RECIPon-to look-NEG ADVZR-be-good-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INP
'It is good not to look to/depend on each other.'
Postposition phrases may also include various particles. I have not made a study
of all the possible positions of the particles, but I list a few below. The particles or
particle phrases are bracketed.
(466) Tuuna ka [cma re] k-mok-o.

water to.get OPP FRUS IS-come-TP
º came to get water but can't get any.'
(467) O-hyaw [roro] 0-mok-o.

1-in straight.along 3S-come-TP
'He came straight at me.'
(468) li-to [rma] n-0-a-s okwe.

3-at still 3S-be-SF-INP alas
'It is still there alas.'
(469) Kuripara ke [ro mak] okoyi n-etapa.

metal piece with extremely snake 3S-hit + TP
'He struck the snake with a metal tool!'
Collectivity of the objects of postpositions is indicated by the particle homo if the

object is a free form noun (470). This particle occurs between the noun and the
postposition. If the object is a prefix then collectivity is indicated by the particle so,
which follows the postposition (471).
(470) Ewka komo yaw n-0-a-xe.

man's.name COLL living.with 3S-be-SF-INP + COLL
'They are staying with Ewka and his people.'
110 Hawkins
(471) Kl-chew so tak n-0-a-si noro.

1+2-among COLL now 3S-be-IS-INP 3PRO
'He is living among us now.'
At least one particle has been observed to occur between a postposition and the
collectivizer of its object, that is, the particle roro.
(472) C-eepata-w roro so rma 0-c-e-tkefie.

REFPOS-face-in along COLL still 3S-go-SF-UP + COLL
"They went straight forward (along in front of their faces).'
18 Verb and verb phrase structure
18.1 Tense, number and emotional involvement. Tense and number marked on
verbs are necessarily presented together as each suffix indicates both tense and
number. Also, tense and emotional involvement of the speaker are closely related in
Wai Wai. They are marked by suffixes. These suffixes are not affected by which
personal prefix occurs with the verb. I here present these two categories together, as
well as the component of number, which is marked by suffixes or by a particle. The
complete paradigm sets for number are listed in sect. 18.4.2.
18.1.1 Past tenses
18.1.1.1 Today past tense. The today past tense is used for any action that has
occurred on the day the speaker is speaking. It is quite rigid in its use. It does not
depend on the attitude of the speaker.
(i) Non-collective: -#/-o/-w/-u
(473) M-aama-0?
2S-cut.down-TP + NCOLL
'Did you cut it down?'
(474) Oroto mak k-mok-o.

now just lS-come-TP +NCOLL
º came just now.'
(475) Kumixi fti-mi-u.

sack 3S-tie-TP +NCOLL
º tied the sack.'
Wai Wai 111
(476) K-emahci-w
IS-run-TP+NCOLL
º ran.'
(ii) Collective: Subject -cow; Object -cow followed by particle so.
(477) Maraii n-ama-tika-cow?

field 3S-cut.down-fmish-TP + COLL
'Did they finish cutting the field?'
(478) M-ama-cow?
2S-cut.down-TP + COLL
'Did you all cut it down?'

l+2O-see-TP + COLL COLL duck
'The duck saw us.'
Involved/uninvolved aspect of tense. The form of the other tenses, both past and
non-past, depends on the attitude of the speaker, that is, how emotionally involved
he is with what he is saying. Thus we label two categories, involved aspect and
uninvolved aspect. We give examples of them here along with the tenses associated
with them. The involved and uninvolved past tenses refer to any time in the past
prior to the day of the utterance.
18.1.1.2 Involved past tense
(i) Non-collective: -ye/-y/-e
(480) Mararf w-ama-ye.

field 1 S-cut.down-IP + NCOLL
º cut a field.'
(481) Okoyi n-etapa-y.

snake 3 S-strike-EP + NCOLL
'He struck the snake.'
(482) Tuuna mak w-eer-e.

water just IS -drink-IP + NCOLL
º just drank water.'
112 Hawkins
(ii) Collective: Subject -ce; Object -ce followed by particle so
(483) Kokonoro 0-moh-ce.

yesterday 3S-come-IP + COLL
"They came yesterday.'
(484) Kifwanhe aw-a-ce so ha-m.

well 20-take-IP + COLL COLL RHY-DEDUCT
'They took you (COLL) well (in a good manner).'
18.1.1.3 Uninvolved past tense. There is a stem formative suffix which has four
allomorphs, -e/-ya/-wa/-a, and occurs in the uninvolved past tense, the uninvolved
and the involved non-past tenses, and in the adverbialized verb form indicating
conditional or contemporaneous action. For a further description of the alternation
of these allomorphs see sect. 23.2.1. The allomorphs -wa and -a have the meaning
of verbalization of nouns that results in verb stem formation. There are other suffixes
which have the same two meanings of verbalization of nouns plus verb stem
formation. (See sect. 18.2 (iv).) To distinguish between these two sets of allomorphs
I label the first set (-e/-ya) stem formative (SF). The other set of allomorphs (-wa/-a)
I label verbalizing stem formative (VSF). The variation in tense and number is
indicated by other suffixes.
(i) Non-collective: -kne
(485) Exi-hra 0-x-a-kne t-wo-so-m.

be-NEG 3S-be-SF-UP + NCOLL ADVZR-shoot-ADVZR-NOMZR
'There was no game to shoot.' (Said about a hunting trip the previous
day.)
(486) Pahxa o-marari-n w-am-e-kne.

long.ago IPOSR-field-POSN IS-cut.down-SF-UP + NCOLL
º cut my field long ago.'
(ii) Collective: -tkene
(487) Caruma pen komo 0-wayih-tik-e -tkene okwe.

Tamma deceased COLL 3S-die-finish-SF-UP + COLL alas
"The Taruma people all died out alas.'
18.1.2 Nonpast tenses. In Wai Wai, action performed in the present is marked
exactly the same way as action that is to be performed in the future. There is no
difference in the verb. Therefore, I label these forms as one tense and call them
nonpast tense (after Derbyshire 1985:96, who labels these forms as such for the
Hixkaryana language, which is related to Wai Wai.) Future action is often distin-
Wai Wai 113
guished from present action by future time words, such as amne 'later/ Both the
involved non-past suffixes and the uninvolved non-past suffixes always follow one
of the allomorphs of the verb stem formative suffix mentioned above.
18.1.2.1 Involved nonpast tense. This tense is normally used in expressions of

nonpast action that the speaker has feelings about. For expressing wishes, or anger,
or definite purpose, or for any of his feelings about nonpast action in which he is
emotionally involved, this tense is used.
(i) Non-collective: -si
(488) Yart k-mok-ya-s amne.

in.your.direction IS-come-SF-INP + NCOLL later
º will come your way later.'
(489) O-mi-n w-iif-a-si.

IPOSR-house-POSN 1 S-put/make-SF-INP + NCOLL
º am building my house.'
(ii) Collective: -xe
(490) M-epirk-e-xe men okwe.

2S-fall-SF-INP + COLL MON alas
'You all are liable to fall.'
18.1.2.2 Uninvolved nonpast tense. The uninvolved nonpast tense is always used
for questions in present/future time, and in phrases containing the particles indicating
speaker's attitude: ti, mi or na (see sect. 21.3). It is also commonly used when
speaking of distant places or persons. The suffixes indicating this tense always occur
following the stem formative suffix and carry the components of uninvolved nonpast
tense and number.
(i) Non-collective: -y/-0This tense indicator is -j^with every verb except the copula,
in which case it is -y.
(491) Meye n-0-a-y aw-oku-thM.

far.away 3S-be-SF-UNP +NCOLL 2POSR-animal-PAST
'Your animal is far away.'
(492) li-na mu-c-e^0?

3-to 2S-go-SF-UNP +NCOLL
'Are you going there?'
114 Hawkins
(493) Tuuna na 0-mok-ya-0.

rain maybe 3S-come-SF-UNP+NCOLL
'It may rain.'
(ii) Collective: -tu
(494) Ahto n-0-a-tu pawana komo?

where 3S-be-SF-UNP + COLL visitor COLL
'Where are the visitors?'
(495) Pahxaxa tt 0-mok-ya-tu.

tomorrow 3RES 3S-come-SF-UNP + COLL
"They say they will come tomorrow.'
18.2 Aspect
(i) The present perfect aspect of verbs indicates that an action occurred in the past
with effects that have endured. This aspect is indicated by the suffix -xapu. This
suffix nominalizes the verb stem. The resulting form is a non-possessed
nominalization which does not have a personal prefix. With transitive verb stems it
is the underlying receiver of the action that is the focus of the nominalization (496),
and with intransitive stems the underlying doer of the action is in focus (497). Thus
it is another construction that reflects the ergative characteristic of Wai Wai
nominalizations. This nominalized form often modifies the subject or object of the
verb, as in example (496). See sect. 5.4 for further discussion and examples of this
suffix.
(496) ft-esk-e-si tak yawaka i-yoh-to-xapu.

3S-bite-SF-INP now axe GENL-tooth-VBZR-PERF
'The axe that has been sharpened now cuts well/
(497) Emaraka-xapu mak ameh-co-ko.

drop-PERF only pick.up-COLL-IMP
'Just pick up that which has dropped.'
(ii) The past perfect aspect of verbs indicates that the action occurred in the past with
effects that continued for a while but then ceased. This aspect is indicated by the
same suffix -xapu plus the suffix -nhM. See sect. 23.4.5. l(xi) for -nhiri 'PAST'.
(498) Eyeh-xapu-nhM cma re moso tu-smu-y

bathe-PERF-PAST OPP FRUS 3PRO ADVZR-dirt-ADVZR
Wai Wai 115
n-0-a-s hara kica.

3S-be-SF-INP again disgust
"This one who had taken a bath is dirty again (disgust).'
(iii) Continuous, habitual, or repeated action is usually expressed by a finite verb in

the appropriate tense plus the particle roro (499, 500). This meaning is sometimes
enhanced by the addition of the adverb emapona before the particle roro (499).
Certain nominalized verb forms indicate a similar aspect when followed by the
particle ro (501). See sect. 21.1 for these particles.
(499) Emapona roro noro n-amoto-ya-si okwe.

often repeatedly he 3S-sick-SF-INP alas
'He gets sick over and over again.'
(500) 0-Mok-ya-si roro moso

3S-come-SF-INP repeatedly 3PRO
ti-nah-ii y-apon-so.
REFPOS-food-POSN GEN-ask.for-PM
"This one comes repeatedly to ask for food.'
(501) Wooku c-ii-ne ro moso.

drink 3-make-AG often 3PRO.
'This one is a pro at making drinks (does it often).'
(iv) Ingressive action is indicated by the suffixes -\va, -ta, -mam, -pam, which are
described in sect.s 23.2.1 and 23.2.2 as verb stem formative suffixes which derive
verbs from nouns. The resulting forms are intransitive verbs. One or the other of
these suffixes remains in place throughout all tenses and derivations. The
meaning is 'to become an owner of,' 'to become a producer of or 'to experience
any change in circumstances.' The particle taki 'change of state' sometimes
accompanies such verbs and adds to the idea of ingression or change of state
(502).
(502) N-ew-ta tak xapari xik-ii.

3S-eyes-VSF + INGR + TP CHANGE dog child-POSN
"The puppy's eyes are now open (he got eyes).'
(503) Cewne ro mak ku-sunti-n-wa-si ii-to.

one time only IS-sunday/week-POSN-VSF + INGR-INP 3-at
º will spend just one week there.'
116 Hawkins
(504) Pof-mam-ye xapari xik-rf.

large-VSF-IP dog child-POSN
"The pup grew large.'
(505) Cerere-pam-ya-kne tak katayari.

brittle-VSF-SF-UP CHANGE leaves
"The leaves became brittle.'
(v) The verb stem -tihka may mean 'finish,' 'increasingly' or 'very much.' It occurs
alone as a transitive verb (506) or it may be compounded with another verb stem
(507). The compounded verb is either transitive (507) or intransitive (508),
according to the transitiveness or intransitiveness of the verb stem to which -tihka is
added.
(506) Ni-tihka-cow tak? Nhnk, ni-tihka-cow.

3S-fmish-TP + COLL CHANGE yes 3S-fmish-TP + COLL
'Did they finish it?' 'Yes, they finished it.'
(507) Maraii n-ama-tika-cow.

field 3S-cut.down-finish-TP + COLL
"They finished cutting down (trees) in the field.'
(508) Ni-mtapo-c-e-tik-e-si rikomo.

3S-talk-VSF-SF-completely-SF-INP child
'The child talks on and on (very much).'
Note: The c ' VSF' in (508) is what remains of the suffix -ta after the a is replaced
by the stem formative suffix -e, the lit being replaced by Id according to the
palatalization rule (sect. 22.6.3).
(509) Umawa m-etapa-tika-cow?

fish.poison 2S-beat-finish-TP + COLL
'Did you all finish beating the fish poison?'
(vi) Cessation of action. The suffix indicating cessation of action is

-hka/-ponka/-hoka/-mnoka. This suffix occurs with only a few intransitive stems, but
with a larger number of transitive stems. The resulting forms remain unchanged as
to their transitiveness or intransitiveness. The allomorph -mnoka occurs only with the
nominalized form of the postposition xe (513).
(510) 0-moku-hka-y tak kanawa okwe.

3S-come-CESS-IP change airplane alas
"The airplane stopped coming alas.'
Wai Wai 117
(511) K-ex-ponk-e-si tak okwe.

IS-be-CESS-SF-INP CHANGE alas
º will die (cease to exist) alas.'
(512) Xapari yi-m-hoka-kl

dog 3-tie-CESS-2IMP
'Untie the dog (make him cease to be tied).'
(513) T-poyino komo xati-mnoka-fie mikro.

REFPOS-fellow COLL love + NOMZR-CESS-AG 3PRO
'He is one who stops loving his fellow tribesmen.'
(vii) Loss. The suffix -ka occurs with nouns to derive verb stems, and it indicates
the loss of an inner state (514), loss of an item (515), or loss of a food (516) or
animal (517). It may be more exact to say that it indicates cessation of possession
of the item. The resulting forms are transitive verbs and thus in the active voice
imply that the loss had an outside cause. The same suffix often occurs in the
reflexive/passive type of construction, that is, with the detransitivizing prefix (516,
517). It is used where the cause is unknown or where one is speaking carefully to
avoid blaming someone.
(514) Ow m-ahwo-k-e-si.
1PRO 2S-joy-LOSS-SF-INP
'You are making me sad (taking away my joy).'
(515) O-ehyu-n-ka-cow okwe.

10-transportation-POSN-LOSS-TP + COLL alas
"They took away my means of transportation alas.'
(516) Amna n-eti-na-k-e-s okwe.

1 + 3PRO 3S-DETRANS-food-LOSS-SF-INP alas
'We are getting to be without food alas.'
(517) K-et-oh-ka.
1 S-DETRANS-animal-LOSS + TP
º lost my pet.'
18.3 Modality. Certain types of modality relating to emotional involvement are

closely linked with tense and are dealt with in sect. 18.1. Interrogative and impera-
tive modes are described in sects. 10 and 11. Other modes are now described.
118 Hawkins
18.3.1 Conditional expressions
(i) Single conditions. There are two suffixes added to verb stems which are used in
conditional expressions: -taw 'while' or 'if,' and -ehe 'after' or 'if. The resulting
forms are adverbials. See sect. 14.2 for description of these forms and further
examples. Verb stems with these suffixes are very common.
(518) A-mtapo-wa-taw noro y-akro ow ekatim-ko yi-wya.

2-talk-VSF-if 3PRO GEN-with 1PRO tell-2IMP 3-to
'If you talk to him tell him about me.'
(519) Tan oy-exi-taw oy-epefa-n w-ehce-m-e-si.

here 1-be-while IPOSR-sore-POSN IS -medicine -VBZR-SF-INP
'While I am here I will put medicine on my sore.'
(520) Kaamo y-awom-che fihe a-mo-k ha.

sun GEN-rise-after somewhat 2S-come-2IMP IRES
'Come after the sun rises somewhat.'
(ii) Multiple conditions for any result are expressed differently from a single
condition. They do not occur with all the conditions having the suffix -taw 'if, but
with the stem formative suffix in a finite verb form for each condition. This finite
verb is in the uninvolved nonpast mode, and usually co-occurs with the particle na
'UNCER.' A summary of the conditions is then given using the copula with -taw
once only in the protasis, which is then followed by the apodosis.
(521) Kaf-pe na nuti-a-tu, karita

strong-ADVZR UNCER 2S-be-SF-UNP + COLL book
y-eni-ne me marha na m-0-a-tu,

GEN-see-AG ADVZR also UNCER 2S-be-SF-UNP + COLL
a-marari-n komo pinin yaw-ra na

2POSR-field-POSN COLL deep.feeling in-NEG UNCER
m-#-a-tu, ero wa aw-exi-taw so

2S-be-SF-UNP + COLL that like 2-be-if COLL
a-moh-co-ko tooto che-ka.

2IMP-come-COLL-2IMP people among-to
'You may be strong, maybe you can read books, maybe you are not
too sad to leave your field, if you are that way, come to the other peo-
ple.'
Wai Wai 119
18.3.2 Contrary-to-fact expressions. These expressions are also subordinate

clauses based on the adverbial phrases of verb stem plus suffix -taw 'if There are
usually two verb stems with this suffix in each such expression. The first verb stem
may be that of any verb, the second verb stem is always a form of ka/kas 'say/do.'
This in turn is obligatorily followed by the particle sequence ha re, or re alone. If
the apodosis refers to a possible present or future action the verb is in the involved
non-past tense (522). If the apodosis refers to the past the nominalized verb forms
are used (523). The collective suffix, if applicable, is -ce preceding the possession
suffix (523).
(522) Oy-uhre exi-taw k-e-taw re

IPOSR-shooting.instrument be-if say/do-SF-if FRUS
wi-tw-e-si.
IS-shoot-SF-INP
'If I had my gun I would shoot it.'
(523) li-to aw-exi-taw so k-e-taw ha re

3-at 2-be-if COLL say-SF-if RHY FRUS
aw-etapa-ce-ri oko.
2-hit-COLL-NOMZR + CONTRAF pain
'If you all had been there, it would have struck you.'
18.3.3 Debitive mode. This mode is expressed by verbs with the affix set tf-. ..
-po-re, which is described in sect. 11.5.
18.3.4 Potential mode. This mode is expressed by the uninvolved non-past tense.
The component of potentiality may be heightened by the addition of the particle na
'UNCER'. The brackets mark off an idiomatic phrase.
(524) To-hra w^0i-a-si, caaca wayh-ya.

go-NEG IS-be-SF-MP granny die-SF + UNP
º will not go, granny might die.'
(525) [Apo ha na], kanawa na mok-ya.

who.knows airplane UNCER come-SF -(- ÃÍÑ
º don't know, the airplane might come.'
18.3.5 Potentially opposite mode. Expressions of this mode occur only in the past
tenses. The meaning is that something bad might have happened but did not happen
because of something protective that occurred. The particle cma ¼ÑÑ' not followed
by another particle, indicates this mode when the verb is in one of the past tenses.
120 Hawkins
(526) Sakmo cma n-ahsi.

soap OPP 3S-catch + TP
'It was good that he caught the soap.' (It was very slippery; he might
not have caught it.)
18.3.6 Desiderative mode. One way of expressing this mode is with the particle
cma "WISH, OPPOSITE POSSIBILITY', which is fully described in sect. 21.3 (xv).
A second way this mode is expressed is by using a nominalized verb plus the
postposition xe 'wanting' (sect. 17.2), followed by the copula (527). The verb is
nominalized by a zero suffix. This nominalized verb and postposition constitute a
postposition phrase, which is functionally equivalent to a subordinate clause. Cma +
re may occur with the subordinate desiderative clause to augment its force (528).
(527) Ow-to-0 xe w^0-a-s anim-so.

IPOSR-go-NOMZR want IS-be-SF-INP to.fish-PM
º want to go fishing.'
(528) O-moku-0 xe cma re w-0-a-s aw-akro.

IPOSR-come-NOMZR want OPP FRUS IS-be-SF-INP 2-with
º would like to come with you.'
18.3.7 Monitory mode. This mode issues a warning or notice of an important

matter. This is expressed by a verb in either the uninvolved (529) or the involved
non-past tense (530) (sect. 18.1), plus the particle men 'MON'. This same particle
can also occur with verbs in the imperative mode (531).
(529) li-to men n-0-a-y toopu eepu raka-taw.

3-at MON 3S-be-SF-UNP rocks river middle-in
'Be careful, there are rocks in the middle of the river.'
(530) Tan men Wr0-a-s kokmam-so ro.

here MON IS-be-SF-INP sunset-ADVZR until
º will surely be here until sunset.'
(531) li-to men ow momoh-ko.

3-at MON 1PRO wait.for-2IMP
'Be sure to wait for me there.'
18.4 Person, number, gender. Gender is not marked in verbs or in pronouns.
18.4.1 Person. The persons of the subject and the direct object are marked in the
verb prefix. Each object prefix is a composite form that marks both third person
subject and first or second person object, or first person subject and second person
object. Collective number is marked by the verb suffix for the subject and by both
Wai Wai 121
the verb suffix and following particle so for the direct object. The 1 + 3 subject has
two markers: the 1 + 3 person free pronoun amna, and the third person subject prefix
to the verb. The 1 + 3 object is marked by the pronoun amna only. There is never a
collective indicator for the 1 + 3 person. The paradigm of the person-marking subject
prefixes in the finite verb is shown in sect. 23.3.2, and that of object prefixes in sect.
23.3.3.
18.4.2 Number
18.4.2.1 Collective and non-collective suffixes. These suffixes also indicate tense
and occur with verbs only. The suffixes listed here have been presented with
examples in sect. 18.1; here I present them together in 3 lists.
LIST 1
NON-COLLECTIVE COLLECTIVE
Involved nonpast tense -si -xe
Uninvolved nonpast tense -0/-y -tu
Today past tense -0/-w/-o -cow
Involved past tense -ye/-y/-e -ce
Uninvolved past tense -kne -tkene
The collective suffixes of List 1 always refer to the person of the subject when
they occur as the only marker of collective number. When the person of the object
is collective, the same set of suffixes occurs, with the addition of the particle so
'COLL'. (See 18.4.2.2 below and sect. 21.1(v)).Verbs with 1 + 2 subjects or objects
use the non-collective suffixes if only two people (speaker and hearer) are involved
(532, 534), and the collective suffixes if more than two are involved (533, 535).
(532) Ci-mi-ya-si
1 + 2S-tie-SF-INP + NCOLL
'We (you and I) will tie it.'
(533) Ci-mi-ya-xe
1 + 2S-tie-SF-INP + COLL
'We (all of us) will tie it.'
(534) K-een-a-s
1 + 2O-see-SF-INP + NCOLL
'He sees us (you and me)!'
(535) K-een-a-xe so
1 + 2O-see-SF-INP + COLL COLL
'He sees all of us.'
122 Hawkins
Here I list the first and third person imperative and hortative suffixes which
indicate person and collectivity or non-collectivity. These suffixes have been pre-
sented with examples in sects. 11.1 and 11.2.
LIST 2
1st person imperative -si
1+2 person imperative -ri -ceri
3rd person imperative -pe -cowpe
1st imperative of going -tan
'Let's go.' (kayka) -0 -tko
Here I list the second person imperative forms according to collectivity or non-
collectivity and according to motion or non-motion.
LISTS
2nd person imperative -ko/-ki -coko
2nd imperative of going -ta -tatko
2nd imperative of coming -tamko -tamcoko
The suffixes of List 3 co-occur in consonant-initial intransitive verbs with the prefix
a-, apparently indicating 2 person subject (536). Imperative of motion suffixes are
displayed in (537) and (538).
(536) (a) A-wrata-ki.

2S-cry-2IMP
'Cry.'
(b) A-wrata-coko
2S-cry-COLL
'You (COLL) cry.'
(537) (a) Eh-ta.

bring-2IMPMOT + NCOLL
'Go bring it.'
(b) Eh-tatko
bring-2IMPMOT + COLL
'You all go bring it.'
(538) (a) En-tamko

see-2IMPMOT + NCOLL
'Come see it.'
Wai Wai 123
(b) En-tamcoko
see-2IMPMOT + COLL
'You all come see it.'
(539) (a) Kayka en-so.

let's.go + NCOLL see-PM
'Let's go see it.'
(b) Kayka-tko en-so.

let's.go-COLL see-PM
'Let us all go see it.'
18.4.2.2 Collective object particle. Collectivity of the object of transitive verbs is

indicated by the particle so immediately following the verb. This is the case for all
tenses.

l + 2O-see-TP + COLL COLL duck.
"The duck saw us.'
(541) Aw-etap-e-tkene so weewe?

2O-hit-SF-UP + COLL COLL tree
'Did the tree hit you (plural)?'
The collective particle so does not occur with any forms in List 2 (sect. 18.4.2.1).
18.5 Voice. This has been dealt with in sects. 4, 5 and 6 and 23.2.3-5.
18.6 Nonfinite verb forms. The only nonfinite verbal forms are the derived nomi-
nals (described in sect. 15.4) and derived adverbials (described in sect. 23.5.1).
18.7 Incorporation. Names of parts of the body are often incorporated into the
verb. Many of such compound forms have to do with suffering or some sort of
calamity (542, 543, 544).
(542) K-e-kana-katapa.
1 S-DETRANS-head-hit + TP
º hit my head.'
(543) K-e-hre-xwo.
1 S-DETRANS-lower.leg-break + TP
º broke my leg.'
124 Hawkins
(544) Oy-ew-kraxi oko.

lO-eye-stick.into + TP ouch
'It stuck into my eye ouch!'
(545) ft-es-ewan-kari-c-e-si
3S-DETRANS-chest-strong-VBZR-SF-DSTP
'He is getting up his courage (strengthening his chest).'
(546) Es-ew-y-ahru-ko.
DETRANS-eyes-GEN-close-2IMP
'Close your eyes.'
There is one verb stem that can be incorporated into any other verb stem to make
a compound verb, that is, the stem -tihka 'to finish doing it,' 'to become complete'.
This is treated in sect. 18.2(v).
There are a few other cases of compound forms, where the nucleus consists of
either two nouns (547), or a noun and a postposition (548). In these cases a verb can
be formed by the addition of a verbalizing suffix.
(547) Es-ewna-cu-ka-poro w^-a-si.

DETRANS-nose-redness-VBZR + REV-almost 1 S-be-SF-ÃÍÑ
'My nose has almost lost its red color.'
(548) Amna n-es-enho-yaka-m-e-si.

1 + 3PRO SS-DETRANS-former.position-into-VBZR-SF-INP
'We are taking turns, one after the other.'
18.8 Auxiliary verb system. There are no true auxiliary verb stems in Wai Wai.
There is, however, one group of two verb stems in which the second, which is
always the copula, seems to function as an auxiliary verb. The first word of such a
group is a verb stem plus the negative suffix which derives an adverb (sect. 23.5.1.1
(ii)). The two words are closely related since the copula carries the affixes indicating
tense, mode, person and number, which are normally carried by the verb that
expresses the action. Also, when the copular form begins with a vowel, as in the
imperative mode, the final vowel of the negativized verb is obligatorily elided (550).
(549) To-hra w^0-a-si.

go-NEG + ADVZR 1 S-be-SF-ÃÍÑ
º will not go.'
(550) To-hr es-ko.

go-NEG be-2IMP
'Don't go.'
Wai Wai 125
There are no adjectives or adjectival phrases in Wai Wai. Nouns modify nouns.
There are, however, two or three pronouns which can modify nouns. (See sect.
15.3.1.)
I list a number of the non-derived adverbs here:
(551) emapona 'repeatedly'

pahnoke 'near'
kaw 'tall, high, long'
tuupe 'with head bowed down'
cewru 'facing (a certain direction)'
yohno 'quickly'
yamoro 'slowly'
ceypu 'hard'
eftexa 'from there' (see sect. 17.1)
mehxa On the other side'
xehxa On this side'
tayxa 'this many, this way'
mooxe 'far away'
meye 'far away'
osopo 'doubled thickness'
piiri 'upright'
pataw 'straight'
cewne One'
asaki 'two'
osorwaw 'three'
yaake 'several'
camki 'ignorant'
crmiki 'bitter'
Adverbs derived from nouns and verbs are more numerous. A good sampling of
these is given in sect. 23.5.
20.1 Adverbs usually modify verbs, or function as the complement of the copula.
They may consist of one adverb alone, or they may occur with one or more particles.
Very often adverbs occur sentence initially (552, 553, 554).
126 Hawkins
(552) Ahwo-ra w-0-a.-si.

joy-NEG + ADVZR IS-be-SF-INP
º am not happy. (I am sad.)'
(553) Ahwo-ra ro mak w^-a-si.

joy-NEG + ADVZR very just IS-be-SF-INP
º am very sad.'
(554) Ehcopo 0-x-a-kne noro y-apo-ii.

unequal 3S-be-SF-UP 3PRO GEN-arm-POSN
'His arms were unequal (in length).'
Adverb phrases also modify verbs other than the copula.
(555) Kafpe ahsi-ko.

strong/firmly hold-2IMP
'Hold on tight.'

see-CAUS-NEG take-2IMP
'Take it without showing it.'
Adverbs are often modified by postpositional phrases.
(557) Kaf-pe eh-co-ko aw-et-apicka-cho

strong-ADVZR be-COLL-2IMP 2POSR-DETRANS-work-CIRC
komo poko.
COLL occupied.with
'Do your work with strength.' (Lit.: Be strong in doing your work.)
20.2 Adverbs derived from verbs often occur with a derived adverb to make an
adverb phrase. Such adverb phrases constitute subordinate clauses. They occur either
before the verb (558) or after it (559).
(558) Kaf-pe oy-exi-taw k-mok-ya-si.

strong-ADVZR 1-be-ADVZR + if IS-come-SF-INP
'If I am well I will come.'
(559) Eseresma-co-ko ka kweykwey ka-cho-me

eat-COLL-2IMP now paddle do-NOMZR+CIRC-ADVZR
Wai Wai 127
kaf-pe.
strong-ADVZR
'Eat now in order to paddle with strength.'
The suffix -aw follows the negative nominalizing suffix -pM to derive an adver-
bial form. The meaning is that an action occurs prior to another action. Such a form
occurs with either a preceding noun or pronoun (560) or a person-marking prefix
(561).
(560) Pahxa 0-x-a-kne noro amna

long.ago 3S-be-SF-UP he 1 + 3PRO
moku-hn-aw.
come -NOMZR+NEG -ADVZR+when
'He lived long ago, before we came.'
(561) Tan 0-x-a-tkene

here 3S-be-SF-UP + COLL
oy-ewru-n-aw ka.
1 -be.born-NOMZR+NEG-ADVZR+when TEMP
'They lived here before I was born.'
There is one postposition which takes the same form and appears to be in the
same class as that described in the previous paragraph. Yet the stem seems not to be
that of a verb but that of the noun meaning -ari- 'contents.' It is a little hard to make
that meaning fit its use with these affixes.
(562) li-to wi-x-a-kne noro

3-at IS-be-SF-UP 3PRO
y-arf-n-aw.
GEN-contents-NOMZR+NEG-ADVZR + when
º was there in his absence (when he was not contained in that place).'
20.3 Adverbializer me. The postposition me seems to function as an adverbializ-

ing suffix in a few words, but it more commonly functions as a postposition (563,
564). (Postpositional phrases function syntactically just like adverbs.) It can occur
with a prefix (565) and with a nominalizing suffix (566). Its primary meaning seems
to be adverbialization of the preceding noun. But it also includes the meaning of
ingression into having an attribute or relationship (566, 567). It also has other
meanings demonstrated in examples (564, 565). (See also sect. 17.2.)
128 Hawkins
(563) WaiWai me exi-hra w-0-a-si, WaiWai wara

tribe.name ADVZR be-NEG IS-be-SF-INP tribe.name like
tko
NT IS-be-SF-INP
º am not a Wai Wai, but I am like a Wai Wai.'
(564) O-mok-rf me ero wa çßß-ka-y o-wya.

1-come-NOMZR ADVZR + time that like 3S-say-IP 1-to
'Just as I was coming he said it to me.'
(565) Oo-me-ra n-0-a-s o-wetho.

1-ADVZR-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP IPOSR-stomach
'My stomach is not normal (not really me).'
(566) yi-pi-ci me-n

3POSR-wife-POSN ADVZR-NOMZR
'the one who is to become his wife'
(567) Noro ni-if-a-tkene kayaritomo me.

3PRO 3S-make-SF-UP chief ADVZR
'They made him to be the chief
20.4 Collective indicator. (See sects. 18.4.2.2 and 21.1(v).) The particle so indi-
cates collectivity with adverbs. Note that, in the following examples, collectivity is
indicated by the free form subject plus the collective particle homo (568), with the
tense-number suffix to the copula, and with the particle so after the adverb (568,
569). Distribution of items throughout all the members of a group is also indicated
by the same particle so following the adverb and following the indirect object (570).
(568) Kafpe-ra so n-0-a-xe o-poyino komo.

strong-NEG COLL 3S-be-SF-INP + COLL IPOSR-relative COLL
'All of my relatives are sick.'
(569) Tu-smu-y so nr0-a-xe.

ADVZR-dirt-ADVZR COLL 3S-be-SF-INP + COLL
"They are all dirty.'
(570) Cewne so ti-m-ko yi-wya so.

one COLL 3-give-2IMP 3-to COLL
'Give one to each of them. '
For a list of adverbializing affixes see sect. 23.5.1.

Wai Wai 129
Particles
21 Particles
Particles (except taa, see sect. 21.2(i)) follow words of any class other than the
ideophone. They never occur in isolation. I have examples of three particles that
occur occasionally with nominalizing suffixes: roro, maki, and ki. See sects. 21.1(ix)
and 21.2(viii and ix). In each case the focus of the nominalization is the adverb or
postposition which precedes the particle. Particles are not derived from any other
class of words. They may be divided into four classes according to their function:
modifying particles, discourse particles, involvement particles, and interjections.
21.1 Modifying particles. These particles are all closely related to the word that
precedes them. These also tend to occur alone in the phrase without any other
particle.
(i) pen is normally used only of persons. It means they are either dead, permanently
gone from the speaker, or injured.
(571) o-nocwa-n pen

IPOSR-mother-POSN dead
'my dead mother'
(572) [Ahto na] n-0-a-y Raatu pen?

wherever 3S-be-SF-UNP Rod gone
'Who knows where Rod (a friend) is?
(573) Tuuna n-ekama

rain 3S-to.receive.something.undesirable 4- TP
oy-akno pen.
IPOSR-brother pity
'My poor brother caught a lot of rain.'
(ii) pen also means 'a large group' of any item. It is often used in exclamations with
no verb at all.
(574) Peen pen.

bushes/weeds lots.of
What a lot of bushes and weeds!'
(iii) homo 'COLLECTIVE' refers usually to complete groups of people. It is not

used for a group of animals or inanimate objects (576-577). But it can refer to
130 Hawkins
categories of people, animals, or inanimate objects when a list of such categories is

recited (578). It occurs also following a person's name who is the leader of the
group. It is a device for identifying the group (579).
(575) rikomo komo

children group
'a group of children'
(576) Mefpora [ro mak] 0-mok-o pofiko.

many very much 3S-come-TP wild.hogs
'Many wild hogs came.'
(577) Yaake n-0-a-si noro mariya-n.

several 3S-be-SF-INP 3PRO knives-POSN
'He has several knives.'
(578) weewe komo, toopu komo, paaka komo, kamara komo

trees group rocks group cattle group wildcats group
'trees, rocks, cattle, wildcats'
(579) Ahcemaw 0-c-e-tu Ewka komo?

when 3S-go-SF-UNP man's.name COLL
'When will Elka and his group go?'
The word komo also is closely attached to the noun it modifies, as in the above
examples. But there are three particles, pen, pin, and ro that occasionally occur
between it and the noun komo modifies.
(580) k-porin pen komo

1 + 2POSR-ancestor deceased COLL
Our ancestors'
(581) aw-akno pin komo

2POSR-brother NEG COLL
'not your brothers'
(582) Amna nu-kukno-m-e-si ti-n-aii-ri

1 + 3S 3S-point.out-VBZR-SF-INP REFPOS-NOMZR-carry-POSN
ro komo.
DISTRIBUTION COLL
'We will point out the loads for each one of us to carry.'
Wai Wai 131
(It should be noted in this example that the word komo does not refer to the
subject of the verb, as amna is never modified by a collective. Komo refers to the
multiple categories of items to be carried.)
(iv) mko 'COLLECTIVE' refers to inanimate objects. It seems to be a loan word

from the Katwena language, and is not used by all the Wai Wai.
(583) ewto mko

villages group
'a group of villages'
(v) so 'COLLECTIVE' refers to objects of transitive verbs when those objects are
indicated by personal prefixes (584). It does not occur when the object of the verb
is a free form (585). It also occurs with objects of postpositions (586), or with
adverbs (587) to indicate collectivity of the referents.
(584) K-akro-no-m-e-xe so.

l S + 2O-with-NOMZR-VBZR-SF-INP COLL
º will help you all.'
(585) Nexamro w-akro-no-m-e-sl

3PRO + COLL IS-with-NOMZR-VBZR-SF-INP
º will help them.'
(586) Ero wara wli-k-e-s a-wya so.

that like IS-say-SF-INP 2-to COLL
'That's what I will say to you all.'
(587) Kafpe so n^0-a-xe o-mxik-ri komo.

well COLL 3S-be-SF-INP IPOSR-child-POSN COLL
'My children are all well.'
(vi) ciki 'DIMINUTIVE, ENDEARMENT' refers to people, animals, or inanimate

items.
(588) o-mxik-ii ciki

IPOSR-child-POSN dear/little
'my dear little child'
(589) o-nah-ii ciki

IPOSR-food-POSN little.bit
'a little bit of food for me to eat'
132 Hawkins
(vii) ymo 'ENORMOUS, AWESOME' In the word okoymo 'anaconda snake' the
letters ymo are not a particle but a part of the noun. Yet the meaning of the particle
evidently stands out in that part of the word.
(590) xapari ymo 'big dog'
(591) tuuna ymo 'big water, ocean'
(viii) ro 'PERMANENTLY, THROUGHOUT AN EXTENT OF TIME' This

particle has a rather wide scope of meanings. The examples below illustrate this.
(592) A-wya-ni ro me ahsi-ko.

2-to-POSSN permanently ADVZR take-IMP
'Take it as your own permanently.'
(593) Sahsa poko c-eh-ce-éß ki-hyaw so

saw use 1 + 2S-be-COLL-l + 2IMP 1+2-with COLL
exi-taw ro.
be -ADVZR + while as . long, as
'Let's use the saw as long as we have it.'
(594) Õß-hsa-ki xukrape c-eh-so ro.

3-dilute-2IMP watery ADVZR-be-ADVZR until
'Dilute it until it is watery.'
(595) Ahce ka-cho ero wa n-0-a-y? Noro ro

what do/say-NOMZR that like 3S-be-SF-UNP 3PRO permanent
mak.
just
'Why is he that way. It is just his nature.'
(ix) roro 'CONTTNUATTVE,' 'REPETITIVE' This particle is one of three particles

which occur with a nominalizing suffix (599). I list it as a particle rather than a
suffix because it occurs in various types of phrases. It occurs following verbs,
adverbs and postpositions as other particles do.
(596) li-to roro

3-at CONREP 3S-be-SF-INP
'He is there all the time.'
Wai Wai 133
(597) Mok-ya-si roro kamara kapikara wapa-rf.

come-SF-INP CONREP wildcat chickens killer-POSN
"The wildcat comes again and again and kills chickens.'
(598) Ero wara n^-a-xe 0-epam-thM miya roro.

that like 3-be-SF-INP 3POSR-increase-PAST away.off CONREP
'His descendants will be like that on and on.'
(599) Ero wara n^-a-xe miya roro-no komo.

that like 3S-be-SF-INP away.off CONREP-NOMZR COLL
"That's the way people who live from now on will be.'
21.2 Discourse particles. These particles occur following any part of speech and
refer more to the whole clause or sentence than to the head word they follow.
(i) tea 'Assent,' 'discourse introducer'. This particle is always followed by pause. It
is the one particle that occurs expression initially and never occurs in any other
position.
(600) Taa, ki-wc-e ha-m.

all.right IS-go-SF-f UNP RHY-DEDUCT
'All right, I will go.'
(601) Taa, on wara wii-k-e-s a-wya so.

all.right this like IS-say/do-SF-INP 2-to COLL
'All right, this is what I will say to you all.'
(ii) ha 'Athematic focus'. It seems to occur only in narrative discourse. It is

discussed also in sect. 13.5. It indicates that some information is being added to the
narration which is not a part of the main action of the discourse. It might be
translated, 'In passing note this.' It normally occurs at the end of the clause. Thus it
divides the clause that precedes from the clause that follows. It is mutually exclusive
with taki. (see (iv) below). But there are two homophones of this particle ha, either
of which may occur with taki. One is described below (iii), and the other in sect.
(602) Tiriyo komo 0-moh-ce Kwaamara po-y,

name.of.tribe COLL 3S-come-IP name.of.place at-from
42 yakenon moh-ce ha.

42 number come -IP AF
¢ group of Trios came from Kwamala, 42 of them came.'
134 Hawkins
(iii) ha 'Rhythm carrier'. At times another ha occurs which seems to have no

meaning at all. But the Wai Wai rhythm patterns (involving long vowels, short
vowels, lost vowels and consonants) have led me to this meaning for some uses of
ha. It occurs commonly at the end of sentences (603) or it may be followed by one
of these particles, mi, ki, ti, ke, re and wa (604, 605). It is never followed by any
word except a particle.
(603) Moso ti n-ekatim-ya a-n-eni-thM

3PRO 3RES 3S-tell-SF + UNP 2POSR-NOMZR-see-POSN + PAST
ha.
RHY
'This man says he will tell what you have seen.'
(604) Kapikara 0-pah ha-m.

chickens 3S-spilled + TP RHY-DEDUCT
'Evidently the chickens spill it.'
(605) asak ha-k-no

two RHY-exactly-NOMZR
'exactly two'
(iv) taki 'thematic focus, change'. This particle is the opposite of the particle ha
'athematic focus'. Taki indicates thematic focus, that is, it focuses attention on the
next occurrence in the main line of action of narrative discourse. It seems not to be
used with this meaning in any other type of discourse. This particle also calls
attention to any change of state or action (606).
(606) Pahki to-hra 0-x-a-kfie amna. Oroto tak

long-time go-NEG 3S-be-SF-UP 1 + 3PRO now for.a.change
amna 0-c-e-s hara

1 + 3PRO 3S-go-SF-INP again
'We haven't gone for a long time. Now we're going again.'
(v) ka/kapu 'now,' 'for a limited time'. The longer form seems to be decreasing in
use, but either form may be used.
(607) To-hra ka w^-a-si. Amne mak ki-wc-e-si.

go-NEG fornow IS-be-SF-INP later just IS-go-SF-ENP
º will not go now. I will just go later.'
Wai Wai 135
(608) T-wo-co-ko ka.

3O-shoot-COLL-2IMP right.now
'Shoot it right now (before it escapes).'
(vi) cokori 'first in sequence'. An indication that this word is a particle and not an
adverb is that it never occurs expression initially. It often occurs in conjunction with
the particle ka described above.
(609) On cokori ka w-aaf-a-si o-pi-ci ya-ka.

this first for.now IS-take-SF-MP IPOSR-wife-POSN to-MOT
º will first take this to my wife.'
(vii) kati Opposite interrogation'. See sect. 10.4.
(610) Mii-c-e amoro? To-hra kati m-0-a-y?

2S-go-SF + UNP 2PRO go-NEG OPPINT 2S-be-SF-UNP
'Are you going? Or are you not going?'
(viii) maki 'limit of action or number','metaphor'. It can indicate that the preceding
noun or verb is a metaphor (614, 615). One of its meanings is 'just so much.' My
assumption is that etymologic ally the particle was simply ma and that the particle ki
(see (ix) below) was added later to form one word. It is one of the three particles
that occur with nominalizing suffixes (612). The nominalized form reverts to the
original stem, producing the form man.
(611) Asak mak ee-ko.

two just bring-2IMP
'Just bring a few.'
(612) Asak ma-ç me tak n-eh-tik-e-xe.

two just-NOMZR ADVZR CHANGE 3S-be-COMPL-SF-INP
'They will become just a few (diminish in number).'
(613) Amne mak ki-wc-e-si.

later only IS-go-SF-INP
º will just go later.'
(614) N-awsi-na-si xa, toopu mak.

3S-be.heavy-SF-INP very rock just
'It is very heavy, just a rock.'
(615) K-wayp-o mak.

IS-die-TP just
º just died (sound asleep).'
136 Hawkins
(ix) ki 'exact measurement'. It can occur with a nominalizing suffix. For a clear
indication of the meaning compare examples (616 a,b).
(616) (a) asak ha-k-no

two RHY-EXACT-NOMZR
'exactly two (no more)'
(b) asak mak

two just
'just a few'
(617) roowo poko ha-k-no komo

earth full.extent RHY-EXACT-NOMZR COLL
'all the people on the earth (on the full extent of the earth)'
(618) Tayxa ki ee-ko.

this.many EXACT bring-2IMP
'Bring just this many.'
(x) nhe 'comparative degree'. It may be translated 'somewhat' or 'more'.
(619) Wara nhe tak w^0-a-si.

well more/somewhat CHANGE IS-be-SF-INP
º am somewhat better (better than I was).'
(xi) rma 'continuative'(620), 'reflexive'(621), 'close proximity' (622), 'contrary to

expectations'(623). This particle is very common in Wai Wai speech. Its basic
meaning is 'still' or 'yet.' The other meanings seem to grow out of this meaning.
When proximity is indicated, it may be proximity either in space or time.
(620) li-to rma nd0i-a-si.

3-at still 3S-be-SF-INP
'It is still there.'
(621) Owi rma ki-wc-e-si.

1PRO self IS-go-SF-INP
º myself will go.'
(622) A-mah-yaka rma k-mok-o.

2-end-to PROX IS-come-TP
º came just after you had left.'
Wai Wai 137
(623) On wara rma k-mok-o.

this like CONEX IS-come-TT
º came just as I am (without any tools or weapons).'
(xii) re 'frustrative' (624), 'somewhat' (626). In its meaning of frustration it is used

in most contrary-to-fact expressions (625). It is often preceded by ha 'rhythm
carrier' (625-626).
(624) W-eporf re, eni-hra rma w-eexi.

IS-look-for+TT FRUS see-NEG still IS-be + TP
º looked for it but still I did not find it.'
(625) li-to oy-exi-taw k-e-taw ha re wi-tw-e-si.

3-at IPOSR-be-if do-SF-if RHY FRUS 1 S-shoot-SF-ESfP
'If I were there I would shoot it.'
(626) Cewne wi-x-a-kne kokonoro ha re.

alone IS-be-SF-UP evening RHY somewhat
º was alone rather recently.'
(xiii) reha 'contrast' (627), 'distinctiveness' (628)
(627) Noro c-e-si. Owi reha to-hra.

3PRO go-SF-INP 1PRO CON go-NEG
'He is going, I am not going.'
(628) Pawru y-eh-topo-nho reha tan on.

Paul GEN-be-NOMZR+CIRC-PAST DIST this this
"This is the story of Paul.'
(xiv) xa 'uniqueness' (629), 'superlative degree' (630). In its meaning of uniqueness

this particle sometimes amounts to the definite article 'the' in English. It seems these
two meanings are related.
(629) Ow xa wi-tw-e-si.
1PRO UN IS-shoot-SF-INP
º am the one to shoot it.'
(630) Kifwanhe xa n-0-a-s okre.

good very 3S-be-SF-INP delight
'It is very good.'
138 Hawkins
(xv) hara 'in turn' (631), 'back again' (632), 'argument' (633)
(631) Amoro hara kas-ko.

2PRO in.turn do-2IMP
'It is your turn to do it.'
(632) Êß-wc-e-s hara.

IS-go-SF-INP back.again
º am going back home.'
(633) Ka-hra w-eexi. Ìúú-ka hara re.

say-NEG IS-be + TP 2S-say + TP ARG FRUS
º didn't say it. You sure did say it.'
(xvi) makirha 'in turn'. I do not know any difference between the meaning of this
particle and the first meaning of hara.
(634) Amoro makirha kweykwey kas-ko.

2PRO in.turn paddle do-2IMP
'You take a turn at paddling.'
(xvii) thakwa 'unchangeable'(635), 'nature'(636)
(635) Cewne thakwa mapata n-ek-ya-si.

alone UNC house.posts 3S-bring-SF-INP
'He has to bring his house posts alone (no one else to help him).'
(636) [Ahce ka-cho] ero wa n-0-a-y? Noro ro thakwa.

why that like 3S-be-SF-UNP 3PRO PERM nature
'Why is he that way? It is his nature.'
(xviii) marha 'also'
(637) li-to oy-exi-taw marari w-acpok-ya-si,

3-at IPOSR-be-when field 1 S-cut.underbrush-SF-INP
w-am-e-si marha.
lS-fell.trees-SF-ÃÍÑ also
'While I am there I will cut underbrush for a field, I will also fell the
trees.'
(638) Ow marha k-mok-ya-si.

1PRO also lS-come-SF-ÃÍÑ
º am coming also.'
Wai Wai 139
(xix) meero 'beyond expectations'. This particle may be translated 'even'. There is
a slight difference of meaning between this particle and the particle rma in its
meaning of 'contrary to expectations' (cf. (639) and (623)).
(639) Yaake 0-c-e-xe. Ow meero ki-wc-e-si.

several 3S-go-SF-INP 1PRO even lS-go-SF-ÃÍÑ
'Several are going. Even I am going.'
21.3 Particles indicating the attitude of the speaker. A noteworthy item of syn-
tax is that the particles na, ma, ti, and mi, when occurring with a nonpast verb only,
occur with the uninvolved forms of that verb.
(i) ti '3rd person responsibility'. The speaker uses this particle when he is reporting
the words of another. He may be reporting an action told by another person or he
may be reporting an opinion or a command of another person. He may be explaining
what another person has just said, but in such a case the ti is preceded by the verb
form kee 'he says.' I have been assured by Wai Wai speakers that the use of this
particle does not necessarily cast doubt on what they are reporting. Most of the
occurrences probably have the meaning of 'hearsay,' that is, mere reporting. But
when a person is carrying a message or delivering a command from another person,
the same particle is used with a somewhat different meaning. º am not responsible
for what I am reporting,' is the meaning that becomes clear at times (641).
Occasionally, when a person explains to another person what someone in the present
company has just said for all to hear, the verb 'to say' is used followed by ti. If it
were only hearsay reporting, that verb would be sufficient to indicate that. But the
ti is often added, with the clear sense of 'It is not I who said this.'
(640) Ponko ti 0-wo-cow.

wild.pigs 3RES 3S-shoot-TP + COLL
º heard they shot wild pigs.'
(641) A-mo-k ha ti Coy.

2S-come-2IMP RHY 3RES girl's.name
'Joy, she says, Come.'
(642) K-e-kar-ka kica, kee ti.

IS-DETRANS-strong-LOSS + TP disgust he.says 3RES
'He is saying he got very weak.'
(ii) ha '1st person responsibility'. A component of this particle is at times emphasis

and the voice of the speaker may be raised. But the very common use of it with the
first person pronoun and in sentences where the speaker is clearly giving his own
opinion makes it clear that the main component of this particle is first person
responsibility for what he is saying. This particle is often found in equative clauses,
140 Hawkins
but it is also found in verbal clauses. At times this ha may not be used when a person
is narrating an event in an unemotional manner. But when emotion is aroused it very
often occurs. This particle ha occurs with more stress than either of the other two
particles ha (see sect. 21.2 (ii) and (iii)).
(643) Kmam ow ha.

Bob 1PRO IRES
º am Bob.'
(644) Minto n-0-a-s ha ponko pen

there.(medium.far) 3S-be-SF-INP IRES wild.pigs lots
'Lots of wild pigs are there (I saw them).'
(iii) mi 'evidently, agreement'. The basic idea of this particle seems to be: I am led
to believe something because of the evidence or because of the words of another
person. It is also used in expressions of obedience to commands. This particle nearly
always cooccurs with the rhythm carrier particle ha, but the meaning of mi is
unchanged. By morphophonemic rules the vowel of the mi is lost, leaving only one
letter to the particle. We then join the two particles to avoid writing a one letter
word.
(645) Kapikara 0-pah ha-m.

chickens 3S-spill + TP RHY-evidently
'Evidently the chickens spilled it (com).'
(646) Marari po-na kayka-tko. Taa, ero wa ha-m.

field on-to let's.go-COLL OK that like RHY-agree
'Let's all go to the field. All right, I agree.'
(iv) na 'potential', 'uncertainty'. Potentiality in many cases is in the mind of the

speaker, that is, he judges something to be potential. In some cases, of course, his
judgment may be wrong, the action may not be potential at all. This particle can also
have interrogative force incorporated into the idea of potentiality.
(647) Pahxaxa na c-epatak-e-tu ewto po-na.

tomorrow POT 1 +2S-arrive-SF-COLL + UNP village in-to
'Maybe we will arrive at the village tomorrow.'
(648) Ìß-mok-ya ha na amna y-akro?

2S-come-SF + UNP RHY POT 1 + 3 GEN-with
'Will you possibly come with us?
Wai Wai 141
(649) [Ahce kacho] ha na 0-wayp-o.

why RHY UNCER 3S-die-TP
º do not know why he died.'
(v) ma 'surprise'. At times there seems to be a slight element of interrogation

expressed along with surprise. Yet I have not felt that interrogation is the main
thought and thus have not written a question mark following the sentence which
includes it.
(650) Ero wa ma 0-x-a-kne taam pen.

that like SUR 3S-be-SF-UP uncle deceased
'Is that how my late uncle was.'
(651) Aywa-ra rma ma m-eh-xe ke.

sweep-NEG still SUR 2S-be-IP IGNORANCE
'I'm surprised, you have not yet swept it.'
(vi) ke 'ignorance, instruction, correction'. The speaker may believe his hearer is
stupid or that he himself was not very wise. The instruction or correction one gives
another often includes this particle. These words of wisdom often carry with them a
note of some condescension in the speaker's voice. This particle often occurs in the
same clause with either the particle ma (651, 652), or the particle w/(653), or it may
occur alone without other particles (654).
(652) Ero wa ma n-0-a-y ke xapari.

that like SUR 3S-be-SF-UNP IGNORANCE dogs
'Is that the way dogs are.'
(653) Ero wa ha-m ke.

that like RHY-agree INSTRUCTION
º agree with you (you have instructed me correctly).'
(654) On wara c-ir-po-re n-0-a-y ke.

this like ADVZR-fix-good-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-UNP CORRECTION
"This is the right way to fix it.'
(vii) men 'warning, urgency'. As with all warnings, this particle carries the urgency
for the listener to take careful note of what he is telling him. The speaker may be
warning of a danger or merely pressing his desire for some action upon the listener,
or he may be considering some danger to himself. The sequence of particles ha and
men, which is quite common, reinforces the meaning of first person responsibility
for an expression containing this ha. This is further supported by the fact that I have
never heard men in the same phrase with ti.
142 Hawkins
(655) Oy-ey-a cik men okwe.

10-scold-SF + UNP DIMIN MON alas
'She might scold little me alas.'
(656) A-mo-k ha men amne.

2S-come-2IMP IRES MON later
'Be sure to come sometime later.'
(viii) wa/wara 'intention,' 'plan,' 'readiness'. It should be noted that the two
allomorphs of this particle are homophonous with the two allomorphs of the
postposition meaning 'like' (sect. 17.2).
(657) A-mo-ko yohno. K-mok-ya-si wara.

2S-come-2IMP soon IS-come-SF-INP INTENT
'Come soon.' º intend to come.'
(658) Aw-akro rma wa k-wayh-ya-si.

2-with even ready 1 S-die-SF-INP
º am ready to die with you.'
(ix) tko/matko 'new thought'. The particle may indicate a thought that is new to the
listener or to the speaker himself. The speaker may be even trying to recall
something he has heard in the past, that is, a new recollection of an old thought.
Sometimes the insertion of a new thought into a conversation between two or more
people may sound like a contrasting thought, and sometimes it is so. But the main
idea of the particle is not contrast but newness.
(659) TT-to-so-m komo exi-hra n-0-a-s okwe.

ADVZR-go-ADVZR-NOMZR COLL be-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP alas.
Ow xa matko ki-wc-e-si.
1PRO UN NT IS-go-SF-INP
'There is no one who will go. I will go (had not thought of going be-
fore).'
(660) Atararo tko 0-moh-cow pawana komo?

how.many NT 3S-come-TP + COLL visitors COLL
'Let me think, how many visitors came?'
(x) ta 'reaffirmation of past action'. Such reaffirmation of an action is used when it

seems that the stated action may never have occurred. Note again the particle
sequence of ha 'IRES' and ta. I believe I have never heard ta used without ha
preceding it.
Wai Wai 143
(661) Oo-na w-ir ha ta.

here-to IS-put + TP IRES reaffirmation
'I'm sure I put it here (but it is not here now).'
(xi) xe 'examine for proof. When the speaker is sure of something he has said, he
may use an expression with this particle. It means roughly, 'Go see for yourself that
I am right.'
(662) Asaki yaypi n-eh-cow okyo. En-ta xe.

two tapir 3S-bring-COLL + TP SUR see-2IMPMOT for.proof
"They brought two tapirs, wow! Go see for yourself
(663) Ti-yo-ke [ro mak] n-0-&-si yawaka,

ADVZR-teeth-ADVZR very 3S-be-SF-INP axe
ape-ko xe.
feel-2IMP for.proof
"The axe is very sharp. Feel it for proof.'
(xii) yka 'inquiry'. It indicates that the speaker does not know how a matter is and
seeks to find out. This particle most commonly occurs following the verb 'to see.'
(664) 0-Moh-cow pawana komo?

3S-come-TP + COLL visitor COLL
'Did visitors come?'
[Apo ha na.] En-ta yka.

who knows see-2IMPMOT inquiry
º don't know.' 'Go find out.'
(xiii) kfa 'spite,' 'worthlessness'
(665) Tani kfa n^-a-y?

here worthless 3S-be-SF-UNP
'Shall we leave it here as a worthless thing?'
(666) Aa-xe-ra kfa men w^-a-si.

2-like-NEG spite MON IS-be-SF-INP
º sure do not like you at all.'
(xiv) kyam 'supposition,' 'unimportance'. It indicates that what the speaker is saying
is said on the spur of the moment and unpremeditated, or that the results of an action
are small.
144 Hawkins
(667) Onoke waano n-aaf-a oroto? Ow kyam.

who songs 3S-lead-SF + UNP today 1PRO supposition
'Who will lead the songs today? I suppose I will.'
(668) O-mi-n w-iif-a-si wahra-y

IPOSR-house-POSN IS-make-SF-INP small-NOMZR
kyam mak.
unimportance only
º will build my house, just a small one.'
(xv) cma 'wish,' Opposite possibility'. When occurring without another particle in
the phrase, it indicates a wish for the opposite circumstance, which may be only
implied (669), or gratitude that the opposite circumstance did not occur. This particle
followed by the particle re 'frustrative' and a verb in the involved nonpast tense is
used to say 'please' (671). The idea is that if you please you will do what I say, but
if not it will be OK. This particle pair is never accompanied by an imperative form
of the verb. The particle cma, either alone or followed by re, and having the meaning
of Opposite possibility', can occur following a verb in any tense (670), (672).
(669) Amoro cma t-ur-ke mr0-a-si.

2PRO wish ADVZR-bread-ADVZR 2S-be-SF-INP
'You have bread to eat (I wish I did).'
(670) Moso cma n-ece-hto.

3PRO OPP 3S-support-VBZR+TP
"This one held it up (otherwise it would have fallen).'
(671) Pahxaxa [cma re] mi-mok-ya-si o-kanawa-ii xih-so.

tomorrow please 2S-come-SF-INP IPOSR-canoe-POSN drag-PM
'Please come tomorrow to drag my canoe.'
(672) Tu-wuhre-ke cma re 0-x-a-kne. T-wo-hra

ADVZR-weapon-ADVZR OPP FRUS 3S-be-SF-UP 3-shoot-NEG
rma 0-x-a-kne okwe.

still 3S-be-SF-UP alas
'He had a gun, but he still did not shoot it.'
(xvi) mexe 'contradiction'
(673) Anmi-ra mexe m-0-a-si.

lift-NEG contradiction 2S-be-SF-INP
'You cannot lift it (you're too weak).'
Wai Wai 145
(xvii) nero 'boasting'
(674) Owi reha nero kifwafthe w^0i-a-si.

1PRO CON boasting good IS-be-SF-INP
º am better than others.'
(xviii) yu 'failure,' 'near failure'. The vowel of this particle is often dropped. When
it is, I write it as a suffix to the previous word to avoid a one-letter word. This
particle is often followed by the particle re 'frustrative'.
(675) ÁéÀ-hra c-ex ha-y okwe.

carry-NEG l+2S-be + TP RHY-failure alas
'Alas, we could not carry it.'
(676) ßúñÀ amna n-awnuk-ye thakwa yu re.

mountain 1 + 3S 3S-climb-IP UNC near.failure FRUS
'We finally succeeded in climbing the mountain.'
21.4 Particle pairs. Besides the particle sequences mentioned in paragraphs above,
there are certain particles that often occur in pairs and result in a special meaning
that might not be evident from the sum of the two meanings. I have already
mentioned the particles cma + re as being a special pair. A list of other pairs
follows:
xa hara - 'again'
(Alt. form of above pair xara)
ro maki - 'extremely'
xa marha = 'in the same way'
Illustrations of most of these pairs have appeared in the examples given above.
21.5 Interjections. Interjections are also particles in that they are not inflected. But
they are different from the preceding particles in that they may occur alone or
expression initially. In this way they are similar to ideophones. But interjections are
different from ideophones in that, although members of either class may be followed
by a form of the verb ka/kas 'do/say', following interjections this verb means 'say'
and following ideophones it often means 'do.' Also interjections express feelings,
whereas ideophones express actions.
(i) okre 'delight'. Intonation is an important part of this word to distinguish it from
the homophonous form described in the next paragraph. This word has a low tone
on the first syllable and a mid to high tone on the final syllable.
(677) Oy-oti xe wd0i-a-s okre.

IPOSR-meat DESID IS-be-SF-INP delight
º really want some meat to eat.'
146 Hawkins
(678) Okre, kifwa-n aafiapotu.

delight good-NOMZR belt
'What a beautiful belt!'
(ii) okre 'doubt'. This particle has low intonation on both syllables.
(679) Yaypi wi-two asaki. Okre.

tapir IS-shoot + TP two doubt
º shot two tapirs.' º don't believe you.'
(iii) kica 'disgust, discomfort'
(680) T-amo-smu-y wd0-a-si kica.

ADVZR-hands-dirt-ADVZR IS-be-SF-INP disgust
'My hands are very dirty.'
(681) Tuuna mok-ya-si kica.

rain come-SF-INP DISCOMFORT
'It's raining (and I'm getting very wet).'
(iv) okwe 'loss,' 'endearment'
(682) Okwe, Ewka y-uhre-tho w-afma okwe

Alas, man's.name GEN-weapon-PAST+POSN IS-drop + TP LOSS
kahxi che-ka.
rapids among-to
'Alas, I dropped Ewka's gun into the rapids, alas.'
(683) Ti-yo-ke cik n-0-a-si okwe.

ADVZR-teeth-ADVZR DIMIN 3S-be-SF-INP endearment
'The dear little one has teeth.'
(v) oko/aka 'deep pain'. The word oko may occur alone or in a sentence. The word
aka which refers to the same kind of pain is only a one-word cry. It never occurs in
a sentence. The meaning of the two seems to be identical.
(684) O-htipi-ii Þ-erew-a-s oko.

IPOSR-head-POSN 3S-hurt-SF-INP PAIN
º have a bad headache.'
(vi) oco/aca 'burning pain,' 'brilliant light'. Here again the first word may occur
alone or in a sentence while the second only occurs alone. The meanings of these
two are approximately the same, although the first word here has the broader
Wai Wai 147
meaning indicating either burning pain or brilliant light. The second indicates only
a burning pain.
(685) Ocoro n-0-a-si kaamo oco.

hot 3S-be-SF-INP sun PAIN
"The sun is very hot.'
(686) Nfikro okomo oco.

3PRO wasps PAIN
'Be careful, there are wasps.'
(687) ft-ett-yo oco rikomo ciki.

3S-DETRANS-scald + TP PAIN child DIMIN
"The child scalded himself
(vii) kopi 'fear,' 'weird actions or words'
(688) Ihih 0-k-e-si kopi kamara.

growl 3S-say-SF-INP FEAR jaguar
"The jaguar growling makes me afraid.'
(689) Ahce wa nn0-a-y kopi?

what like 2S-be-SF-UNP weird
'What are you doing, you're weird?'
(viii) kn 'awe'
(690) Kit, kamara ymo k-een-a-xe so.

awe jaguar giant 1 + 2O-look-SF-INP COLL
'Wow, a big jaguar is looking at us.'
(ix) kuu 'remembering something forgotten'
(691) Kuu, meye [ro mak] o-mariya-n

oh, I remember faraway very.much IPOSR-knife-POSN
wi-nom okwe.
IS-leave + TP alas
Oh, I left my knife very far away alas.'
148 Hawkins
Phonology
22 Phonology
The phonemes are listed in sect. 22.1 and 22.2. The orthographic symbol used
throughout this paper is given first. This is followed by the corresponding standard
phonetic representation when this differs significantly from the orthographic symbol,
except for r and f, which do not correspond closely with any standard phonetic
symbol).
22.1 Vowels. There are six vowels in Wai Wai.
lil is a high front unrounded vowel. It has no significant variants.
/e/ is a mid front unrounded vowel. It has no significant variants.
l\] [i] is a high central unrounded vowel. It has no significant variants.
/u/ is a high back vowel and is rounded. It has no significant variants.
lot is a mid back vowel and is rounded. It has the central unrounded [Ë] allophone
following the alveopalatal consonants Id and /x/.
[c/\mota] comota 'forest'

[oyamoxAXAn] oyamoxoxon 'my fingernail'
/a/ is a low front unrounded vowel. It has the less open and less low allophone
[a;] when it is short and when it is preceded by /y/ or Id and followed by /w/, /m/,
or /s/.
[kanaawa ya?w] kanawa yaw 'in the canoe'

[yajwaaka] yawaka 'axe'
[yasmaata] yamata 'box'
[kmokyassi] kmokyasi º am coming'
[nenahcaesi] nenahcasi 'It will run out (be insufficient).'
Vowel length, written as double vowels, is described in sect. 22.4.
22.2 Consonants. There are fourteen consonants. For purposes of description we

divide them into two groups, alveolar and alveopalatal consonants are one group.
Wai Wai 149
They are /t/, /s/, /x/, Id, /n/, /ft/, /r/, /f/, and /y/. I call these the Tense group, since
the articulation of each one is more tense than those of the next group.
The rest of the consonants make up the other group. They are /k/, /m/, /p/, /w/, and
/h/. I call these the Relaxed group. Generally speaking, relaxed consonants form
clusters with tense consonants and with other relaxed consonants much more than
tense consonants do with other tense consonants.
/t/ is a voiceless unaspirated alveolar stop, as the /t/ in Portuguese. It clusters in

word-medial position before and after each of the relaxed consonants and before /y/.
/s/ is a voiceless alveolar grooved fricative, as the /ss/ in Portuguese. In word-medial

position it clusters before and after each of the relaxed consonants except /p/. It does
not cluster at all with any of the other tense consonants.
/x/ [j] is a voiceless alveopalatal grooved fricative, as /x/ in Portuguese. It clusters

word medially before and after all the relaxed consonants, but not with any of the
tense consonants.
Id [tf] is a voiceless unaspirated alveopalatal affricate. It clusters word medially

before all the relaxed consonants and after the same consonants except /k/ and /p/.
/n/ is an alveolar nasal continuant, as /n/ in Portuguese. It clusters word medially

before each of the relaxed consonants and after each of them except /p/. It also
clusters before /t/, /s/, and Id of the tense consonants but not after them. It has an
allophone [d] following /k/.
[ekdari] eknari - 'crotch (of a tree)', [oyekdu] oyeknu - 'my hip'
/n/ [n] is an alveopalatal nasal continuant as /nh/ in Portuguese. It clusters word

medially before the relaxed consonants /k/, /p/, /h/ and /w/ and after /m/, /w/, and
/h/. It does not cluster with any of the other tense consonants.
/r/ is an alveolar with popped lateral release. It is somewhat similar to /!/ in

Portuguese except that the release is not gradual but popped. It clusters in
word-medial position before all the relaxed consonants and after all of them except
/p/. It does not cluster with any of the tense consonants.
/f/ is formed with the blade of the tongue and is an alveopalatal with popped lateral
release. It clusters in word-medial position before all the relaxed consonants except
/h/ and after all of the same consonants except /p/.
150 Hawkins
lyl is a high front semivowel, the same as a quick /i/ in Portuguese. It clusters in
word-medial position before any relaxed consonant and after all the same consonants
except /p/. It does not cluster with any of the tense consonants.
The following are the relaxed consonants:
/k/ is a voiceless unaspirated velar stop, as the Id in 'casa' in Portuguese. It clusters

word medially before the other consonants except before /t/, /h/, /c/, /x/, and /s/. In
word-medial position it occurs following all the other consonants except /p/ and /f/.
/m/ is a bilabial nasal continuant as /m/ in Portuguese. In word-medial position it

clusters before and after most other consonants, but following /k/ or /t/ its allophone
[b] occurs.
[ekbaki] ekmaki 'twist it'

[apikboko] apikmoko 'crush it'
[watba] watma 'club'
/p/ [p] is a bilabial voiceless fricative. There is no exactly similar sound in

Portuguese, though it sounds somewhat similar to /f/. It clusters before /r/ and before
lyl when the cluster is preceded by /u/. It clusters after any other consonant except
that with some speakers it is replaced by /h/ after /m/.
[apupra] not eating it

[wapupya] wild banana plant
[atpoko] pierce it.
[yispora] not making him cry
[timpore] or [timhore] good to give it
/w/ is a high back semivowel, the same as a quick /u/ in Portuguese. It clusters
before any other consonant and after any other consonant except for /m/, /p/, or lyl.
/h/ is a central unarticulated aspiration. It clusters before all the other consonants and
after the consonants /t/, /n/, /c/, /r/ and /m/. It does not occur word initially except
in free variation with zero before vowel-initial words and in the particle ha.
There are no long consonants in Wai Wai.

Examples of all word-initial consonant clusters are given in 22.3 below.
22.3 Syllables. There are five syllable patterns in Wai Wai, V, CV, CVC, CCV,
and CCVC. Examples follow in the first syllable of each of the following words:
Wai Wai 151
(692) V a-pa 'daddy'

CV ye-me 'mama'
CVC yim-ta-r 'his mouth'
CCV kma-xmi-ta 'I am over full of food.'
CCVC kway-hya-s º will die.'
The syllable division presented here is based on the phonemes which occur in
word-final position. All vowels occur in word-final position and also the consonants
/m, /n/, /w/ and /y/. No other consonants occur word finally. Thus the phonemes that
occur word finally can be expected to occur in syllable-final position also. All other
consonants are put with the vowel following them.
There are only four triple consonant clusters in Wai Wai. They are -nth-, -mth-,
-mch-, and -yhy-. It can be seen that they all include /h/ and none of them occur at word
boundaries. In slow speech all three of these clusters have unstable vowels after the first
consonant (included in parentheses). In normal speech those vowels are not heard.
(693) anen(i)thiri 'that which you saw'

perem(u)thM 'a tree branch that has been cut off
pofmam(i)che 'after he grows up'
way(i)hyasi 'He is dying.'
There are nine consonant clusters involving /k/ that occur word initially:
(694) kwahsi 'mandioca squeezer'

krapa 'bow'
kmariyan Our knives'
knenithiri 'that which we saw'
knariri 'that which we will carry'
kfa 'despise as worthless'
kpari Our grandchild'
kyamatan Our box'
tkaritan 'his own book' (This sometimes occurs as tikaritan.)
There are three consonant clusters beginning with /x/ that occur word initally:
(695) xpaari 'sting ray'

xwaraxwarape 'having many fine holes'
xmaari 'grater board'
There are several other consonant clusters occurring word initially. Of these the
first two (in 696) do not occur following pause. The third only occurs following
pause in the ideophone cmow 'kiss'.
152 Hawkins
(696) rma 'still, yet'

mko 'collectivity of inanimate objects'
cma Opposite situation possible'
tmaxmitaxi 'in a state of having one's stomach painfully full'
twarawan 'his own trading partner'
tpapakye 'flat'
22.4 Long vowels. A prominent feature of Wai Wai speech is vowel length. Long
vowels usually occur only in repeating CV patterns. They occur only in the first or
second syllables of words. They do not occur adjacent to consonant clusters except
in the one word taamci 'uncle'. When the first vowel of the word is long it is written
as a double vowel. When the second vowel of the word is long it is not written as
long, since it is predictable in that position. It is normal for the Wai Wai in CV
patterns to pronounce the first vowel of a word as short and the second vowel as
long. There is only one long vowel per word.
There are quite a few monosyllabic words in Wai Wai. But I know of only three
that have long vowels. They are all particles:
(697) Taa Assent, Paragraph Intro

Kuu Remembering Something Forgotten
KSi Awe
As for two-syllable words with the CVCV pattern the first syllable is usually long
but not always. Thus we write double vowels where the vowel has length (698). The
second vowel in such words is never long. Example (699) shows some two-syllable
words of CVCV pattern without long vowels.
(698) mfimo 'house'

saama 'flint rock'
kaamo 'sun'
nuuni 'moon'
(699) kati Oil, fat'

mutu 'a species of bird'
yari 'in your direction'
apa 'daddy'
Following are words of three or more syllables with normal length on the second
syllable:
Wai Wai 153
(700) written
[mawaaxa] man's name Mawaxa
[okoomo] 'wasp' okomo
[yemeeme] 'mama' yememe
[tamaatama] 'butterfly' tamatama
[kiriicici] 'glass beads' kiricici
[akaanakatapa] 'He hit you on the head.' akanakatapa
Some three syllable words, however, that have a basic CV repeating pattern occur
with length on the first vowel. We then write that vowel as a double vowel.
(701) Maanata man's name

eepota 'Go threaten it with a stick.' (in contrast with epota 'Go
search for it.')
ciixapu 'that which has been placed, made'
When postpositions take a one-syllable prefix resulting in VCV + or CVCV +
pattern, that prefix, which is normally short, becomes long at times, and thus it is
written with overt length, since it is unpredictable.
(702) o- + po = oopo 'striking me'

a- + ka = aaka 'in order to fetch you'
ki- + ka = knka 'in order to fetch us'
yi- + xe = yiixe 'wanting it, him, her'
i- + to = iito 'in that place'
But there are at least two postpositions of two short syllables each which take
prefixes producing a VCVCV pattern and the vowel of the second syllable becomes
long as is normal, and is thus not written.
(703) o- + pona = [opoona) opona 'my turn'

a- + poko = [apooko] apoko 'stuck to you'
There are, however, at least two postpositions having two syllables that do not
follow the previous rule. When they receive a prefix the prefix becomes long.
(704) o- + xati = ooxat One who wants, loves me'

o- + mexe = oomexe 'desirable to me'
The word xati One who desires' may receive a verbalizing suffix and verb
suffixes in addition to the personal prefix. In such forms the personal prefix remains
long.
154 Hawkins
(705) Oo-xati-mnok-e-si.
10-one. who.desires-CESS-SF-IN?
'He will stop loving me.'
When, however, nouns and verbs receive personal prefixes resulting in a

CVCV+ or VCV + pattern, the prefix remains short (706). If the second syllable of
the stem had a long vowel in its unprefixed form, it now becomes short, and the first
vowel of the stem becomes long. Long vowels do not occur after the second syllable
of the word (707, 708).
(706) [Aw-aaii] Await?

2O-carry + TP
'Did it choke you (carry you away)?'
(707) [o-pooyi-no] opoyino (The unprefixed word is [poyiino].

IPOSR-fellow.tribesman-NOMZR
'my fellow tribesman'
(708) [kanaawa] 'canoe'

[akaanawart] akanawari 'your canoe'
When the personal prefix loses its vowel and thus does not constitute a separate
syllable, the vowel length remains on the second syllable of the stem.
(709) [k-poyii-no] kpoyino

l + 2POSR-fellow tribesman-NOMZR
Our fellow tribesman'
When two-syllable words which have no long vowels are followed by certain
particles, the last syllable of the first word becomes long. Phonologically, they act
as one word in which the second syllable is long according to the normal pattern.
(710) Pira. [Piraa ha] (Written Pira ha.)

'No.' 'No, I say.'
(711) 0-Moko-O. [0-Mok-oo ti] (Written Moko ti)

3S-come-TP 3S-come-TP 3RES
'He came.' 'He came, they say.'
(712) mini [minii re] (Written mini re)

thatone that, one CON
'that one' 'that one (contrast)'
Wai Wai 155
22.5 Word stress. The word stress on two-syllable words in Wai Wai normally
occurs on the last syllable of the word.
(713) pi'ra 'no'

Mo'ko. 'He came.'
mTki 'that one (far)'
kra'pa 'bow'
sTpi 'to get dark'
aa'ka 'to fetch you'
But if such words are followed by certain particles (I am not sure if the rule holds
for all particles or not), not only does length develop on the last syllable of the first
word, but the stress moves from the first word to the particle. The first word then
has no stress at all.
(714) [Piraa'ha] Pira ha. 'No, I say.'
(715) [Mokoo 'ti] Moko li. "They say he came.'
(716) [mini re] mini re 'that one (not another one)'
In nouns or adverbs having three syllables and having a CV pattern stress

normally occurs on the last syllable. If they have four syllables, the stress falls on
the penultimate syllable. In either case stress falls on the syllable following the
syllable having the long vowel.
(717) o-ko-'mo 'wasp'
(718) ta-ma-'ta-ma 'butterfly'
(719) o-co-'ro 'hot'
(720) xa-ma-'pe 'pale'
(721) pu-ru-'pu-rpe 'floating'
In finite verbs and in words derived from verb stems the stress occurs usually on
the penultimate or final syllable. First, we give examples with stress on the penulti-
mate:
(722) Tarn 'wa-si. º am here.'
(723) Ki-mta-po-'wa-si. º will talk, am talking.'

156 Hawkins
(724) yi-mta-po-'ta-ra wasi. º will not talk.'
(725) o-ye-ta-pi-'cka-cho 'my time of working'
(726) o-ye-ta-pi-cka-'to-po 'my time of working' (alternate form)
Next, we give examples of verbal words with stress on the final syllable. More
study is needed to define the rules of such stress.
(727) to-'hra 'not going'
(728) Ke-re-'ma. º sat down.'
(729) E-to-'ko. 'Go.'
(730) Man-'mo? 'Did you catch any (fish)?'
(731) Ke-ta-pi-'cka. º worked.'
(732) Ke-ta-pi-'cka-y. º worked.'
Finally, we give examples of verbal words with stress on the antepenultimate

syllable. The only examples we have of stress in this position occur with verbs in
the uninvolved past tense collective number.
(733) ne-re-'me-tke-fte. "They all sat down.' (UP)
(734) Mo-'kya-tke-ne. 'They all came.' (UP)
22.6 Morphophonemic processes
22.6.1 Vowel loss. For convenience of description I have categorized the phonemes
of Wai Wai as follows:
Stable Vowels: e, o, and a

Usually Stable Vowel: i
Unstable Vowels: ß and u
Relaxed Consonants: k, m, p, w, and h
Tense Consonants: t, s, x, c, n, n, r, f, and y
(i) Unstable vowels are lost in word-final position after the nasal consonants /n/
(735) and /m/ (736) unless the word is followed by a word beginning with a
consonant cluster (737).
Wai Wai 157
(735) noro pin ñßçß > pin

3PRO NEG
'not he/him'
(736) Kuum min ha Kuumu > Kuum

a.palm.fruit 3PRO IRES
º say that's palm fruit.'
(737) Kuumu rma min.

a.palm.fruit itself 3PRO
'It really is palm fruit.'
(ii) Unstable vowels are also lost from morpheme-final position when occurring
between /k/ and a morpheme beginning with a single continuant consonant (738,
739) other than /s/ (740), unless that consonant is followed by another unstable
vowel (741, 742). Unstable vowels in morpheme-final position are never lost before
a consonant cluster (743).
(738) Ki- + mata + -0 = Kmata. º got wet.'
(739) Ki- -I- pohci + -w = Kpohciw. º missed you.'
(740) ki- + saya + n = kisayan Our dresses'
(741) Ki- + winiki + -o = Kiwinko. º went to sleep.'
(742) ku- + mumu + -ru komo = kumumuru komo Our sons'
(743) ki- mxiki + -ri = kimxikri Our children'
(iii) Unstable vowels are lost from a morpheme when it occurs before a vowel-initial
morpheme.
(744) Wi- -f ahka 4- -0 = Wahka. º broke it (pottery, glass).'
(745) Ni- + ono + -0 = Noono. 'He ate it (meat).'
(746) Ti- + erema + -ce + -ii = Ceremacert 'Let's all sit down.'
(747) Manmi + -o = Manmo? 'Did you catch any (fish)?'
(748) Naponuku + -o = Naponko. 'He asked for, bought it.'

158 Hawkins
(iv) Unstable vowels are also lost from word-medial syllables at morpheme
boundaries under any of the following types of environments:
(a) They are lost between a relaxed consonant and a tense consonant in either
order. See examples below; also (747-748) above.
(749) Ekposi + -ko = Ekposko. 'Spin it (thread).'
(750) Art + -ko = Arko. 'Carry it.'
(751) Titi- + wato + -0 = Titwato. 'We passed by it.'
(752) Akpotu + -ko = Akpotko. 'Butcher it (meat).'
(b) They are lost between two unclustered relaxed consonants.
(753) Nawomu + -pe = Nawomhe. 'Let him arise.'
(754) newku + -wa = newkwa. 'It is seeping out (liquid).'
(c) They are lost when /n/, /m/ or /p/ is followed by /t/, /s/, Id, or /y/.
(755) Eni + -ta = Enta. 'Go find it.'
(756) Eni + -so = Enso kiwcesi. º will go find it.'
(757) Eni + -cow = iSiencow. "They found it.'
(758) Eni + -ya = fteena. 'He sees it.'
(759) Pofmami + -ya = Pofmamya. 'He is growing.'
(760) Eyepu + -so > Eyepso > Eyehso Eyehso kiwcesi. º am going to
take a bath.' (For change of/p/ to /h/ see sect. 22.6.4.)
(d) They are lost between unclustered /r/, /t/, /s/ and /x/, and /y/. (For loss of /y/
and for change of/r/ to /f/ see sect. 22.6.9.)
(761) Waaii + -ya = Waafa? 'Shall I carry it?'
(762) Mekposi + -ya = Mekposa? 'Will you spin it (thread)?'
(e) They are lost from the utterance-final position when they are unstressed and
when they follow an unclustered nasal consonant.
Wai Wai 159
(763) Nawomu > Nawom. 'He rose up.'
(764) oyehyunu > oyehyun 'my bridge, transportation'
(765) kuumu > kuum 'a species of palm tree'
(f) Unclustered III, which is normally stable, is lost from a stem-final position
between an alveopalatal consonant and lyl or /k/.
(766) Oyamokraxi + -ya = Oyamokraxiya > Oyamokraxa

'It might stick in my hand.'
(767) Kitaci + -ya = Kitaciya > Kitacya > Kitaca > Kitahca
º might get lost.' (For insertion of /h/ see sect. 22.6.9.)
(768) Etaci + -ko = etaciko > etacko. 'Call his name.'
I have not labeled Id and lol unstable because they are rarely lost. Yet they are
lost in certain situations described in the next two paragraphs.
(v) Word-final /e/ is lost from the suffix -pe before the suffix -no, and it is also lost
from the word onoke before words beginning with a vowel or with an unclustered
consonant other than /t/, Id, /r/, or /x/. It is also lost from the involved past tense
singular suffix -ye when it is preceded in the word by more than two syllables or by
a consonant cluster.
(769) panape + -no > panahno 'shallow one, thin one' (Id is lost and /p/
changes to /h/. (See sect. 22.6.4.)
(770) kawawape -I- -no > kawawano 'sour one' (Id is lost and /p/ changes
to /h/ and then is lost. (See sect. 22.6.5 for loss of /h/.)
(771) Onoke tomo? 'Who went away?' (Id not lost)
(772) Onoke krapan on? 'Whose bow is this?' (Id not lost)
(773) Onok mariyan tan? 'Whose knife is this?' (Id is lost)
(774) Onok yoku mikro? 'Whose animal is that?' (Id is lost)
(775) Wi-mi-ye.
IS-tie-IP
º tied it.'
160 Hawkins
(776) W-afma-y.
IS-throw-IP
º threw it.'
(777) ft-erema-y.
3S-sit-IP
'He sat down.'
(vi) Word-final /o/ is lost from the word kofpo when the suffix -no is added, and is
also lost from the word-final position in the four other words mentioned below when
they are followed by the particle ha.
(778) etoko + ha > etok ha 'go'
(779) tomo + ha > torn ha 'he went'
(780) amoko + ha > amok ha 'come'
(781) eeko + ha > ek ha 'bring it.'
22.6.2 Harmonizing of /i/. Morpheme-final til is replaced by /u/ before a syllable

containing /u/ or in a syllable after /u/. It is replaced by lit before a syllable
containing /i/ unless a consonant cluster other than one containing /h/ intervenes.
(782) Mi- + puru > Mupuru? 'Did you roast it?'
(783) Ki- 4- wunwasi > Kuwuftwasi. 'lam lazy.'
(784) omumu + -ri > omumuru 'my son'
(785) Õß- + miko > Yimiko. Tie it.'
(786) Wi- + hxik > Wihxik. º dragged it.'
22.6.3 Palatalization. The consonants /t/ and /n/ are replaced by Id and /Þ/ respec-
tively when they occur before /i/, /e/, or /y/.
(787) Ti- + irko > Cirko.

'Fix, make it.' (The prefix-final /i/ drops by vowel loss. Then the lit is
replaced by Id by palatalization.)
(788) TTti- + ifa > Cicifa?

'Shall we fix, make it?' (The final l\l of titi- is lost. Then the /t/ oc-
curs before HI of the stem and becomes Id by palatalization. Then
Wai Wai 161
the IM before that is replaced by /i/ by vowel harmony. Then the /t/ be-
fore that is replaced by Id by palatalization.)
(789) Ni- + eni + -ye > fteefte.

'He saw it.' (The IM of the prefix is lost by vowel loss. Then the /n/ of
the prefix becomes /n/ by palatalization. Also the IM of the stem is lost
by vowel loss. Then the /n/ of the stem also becomes /ft/ by palataliza-
tion.)
22.6.4 Reduction of /k/ and /p/ to /h/. The consonant /k/ is replaced by /h/ before
a morpheme beginning with /t/, /k/, /s/, or Id (790-793). The consonant /p/ is usually
replaced by /h/ when it becomes part of a consonant cluster (794—796).
(790) Eki + -ta = Ekita > Ekta > Ehta.

'Go get it.'
(791) Momoku + -ko = Momokuko > Momokko > Momohko.

'Wait for it.'
(792) Wameki + -si = Wamekisi > Wameksi > Wamehsi.

'Let me pick it up.'
(793) Maftiki + -cow = Manikfcow > Manikcow > Manihcow?

'Did you all call him?'
(794) Wapu + yasi = Wapuyasi > Wapyasi > Wahyasi.

º will eat it.' (First, the /u/ is lost by vowel loss. Then /p/ is reduced
to/h/.)
(795) panape + -no = panapeno > panapno > panahno

¢ shallow, thin one'
(796) Nawomu + -pe = Nawomupe > Nawompe > Nawomhe.

'Let him rise up.'
22.6.5 Loss of /h/. When /h/ occurs at morpheme boundaries the /h/ is usually lost
if it is preceded in the word by more than two syllables (797), by a long vowel
(798), by a consonant cluster (799-802), or by the letter /m/ (804). /h/ is also lost
from stem-medial positions when it is preceded in the word by a long vowel (805).
(797) Apomriki + -ko = ApomriMko > Apomrikko> Apomrihko >

Apomriko 'Spin it.'
162 Hawkins
(798) Eemipu + -ko = Eemipuko > Eemipko > Eemihko > Eemiko
'Patch it.'
(799) Wamnonopu + yasi > Wamnonopyas > Wamnonohyasi >

Wamnonoyasi º am making lumps, balls, bricks.'
(800) xwaraxwarape + -no = xwaraxwarapeno > xwaraxwarapno >

xwaraxwarahno > xwaraxwarano 'a thing with tiny holes in it such as
a screen or vail.'
(801) cukmape 4- -no = cukmapeno > cukmapno > cukmahno >

cukmano 'a soft thing'
(802) akri 4- -hra = akrihra > akrira 'not putting it up'
(803) erema + -hra = eremahra > eremara 'not sitting down'
(804) perem + hra = peremhra > peremra 'not swimming'
(805) Wi- + ii + tihka = Wiiitihka > Wiitihka > Wiitika º finished mak-
ing it.'
22.6.6 Loss of prefix tf-. The prefix ii-. marking adverbialization of a verb (sect.
23.5.1.1) or noun (sect. 23.5.1.2) is lost before word-initial /k/ and before the stems
cemaro,. 'lie,' and sahsa 'saw', and the resulting forms have zero prefix. But the
prefix ti- meaning third person reflexive possessor (sect. 4.1) is not lost in a similar
environment (811-813).
(806) ti- + korokaxi > 0-korokaxi

'washed'
(807) ti- + kararakaxmu > 0-kararakaxmu

One to be split'
(808) ti- + kotoporem > 0-kotoporem

One that smells good'
(809) ti- + cemarontaxmu > 0-cemarontaxmu

One who tells lies'
(810) ti- + sahsamaxmu > 0-sahsamaxmu

One to be sawn'
Wai Wai 163
(811) ti- + kanawart naarf > Tikanawari naaii.

'He took his own canoe.'
(812) ti- + cemaron > Ticemaron yafmara xakne.

¹â did not throw away his lying.'
(813) ti- 4- sahsan > Tisahsan nahsiye.

'He got a saw to be his own.'
22.6.7 Loss of the word-final syllable η from verb stems. Verb stems that have
ri as their final syllable lose that syllable before a suffix that begins with an
unclustered tense consonant, except before the tense consonant lyl (814—816).
(814) art-hra aa-co-ko aa-ta

carry-NEC carry-COLL-2IMP carry-IMPMOT
'not carrying it' 'You all carry it.' 'Go carry it.'
art + -ya-taw = artyataw > aryataw > aaf-a-taw

carry-SF-when
'while carrying it'
(815) epor-ko epo-ne epo-rt-che

look.for-2IMP look.for-AG look.for-SF-after
'Look for it.' One who looks for it' 'after looking for it.'
(816) yu-pur-ko yu-pu-xapu

3 -roast-2IMP GENL-roast-NOMZR + PERF
'Roast it.' One that has been roasted'
22.6.8 Change of /u/ and l\l to their respective semivowels. The vowels /u/ and
/i/ remain vowels when they are stressed, and when they are followed by a word
beginning with a consonant cluster. Unstressed, and occurring after other vowels,
they are changed to semivowels. The stress patterns vary, as is shown below, and
that affects the form of these two vowels. The vowel Í remains the same before /t/
(820). These vowels are changed to semivowels in other positions.
(817) Wo'u. º took it out.'
(818) Wow'ya? 'Shall I take it out?'
(819) Ey'ko. 'Scold him.'
(820) Ei'ta. 'Go scold him.'

164 Hawkins
(821) Kew'rew. º laughed.'
(822) Newre'u rma. 'He laughed in spite of everything.'
(823) Wimi'u. «I tied it/
(824) Wimiw "ha. º say I tied it.'
22.6.9 Loss of /y/ and insertion of /h/. When a morpheme beginning with lyl oc-
curs following Id, /n/, /r/, or /s/ the lyl is lost. In such cases the /r/ and /n/ are
replaced by the palatalized forms /f/ (825) and /nV (826). When a long vowel should
normally occur before Id the vowel remains short and /h/ is inserted before the Id
(828-829).
(825) Weerf + -ya >Weerya >Weefya >Weefa?

'Shall I drink it?'
(826) Weeni + -ya > Weenya > Weenya > Weena?

'Shall I look at it?'
(827) Mekposi + -ya > Mekposya > Mekposa?

'Will you spin it?'
(828) Kemici + -ye > Kemicye > Kemice > Kemihce.

º submerged.'
(829) enati + -ye > Nenatye > Nenacye > Nenace > Nenahce.
'It ran out, finished.'
22.6.10 Replacing of /u/ by l\l. Verb stems which end with the syllable pu occur
with the /u/ replaced by N when followed by the allomorph -ra of the suffix -hra
'NEGATIVE + ADVERBIALIZER,' and the allomorph -n of the suffix -hni 'NEGA-
TIVE + NOMINALIZER.'
(830) waypu + -ra > waypura > waypira

'not dying'
(831) eyepu + -ra > eyepura > eyepfra

'not bathing'
(832) enmapu + -ra > enmapura > enmapira

'not dawning'
Wai Wai 165
(833) waypu + -n > waypun > waypin

One that is not dead, one that does not die'
Morphology
23 Morphology
Some of the morphemes have been described elsewhere in this paper and some
lists have been given. I will here seek to discuss the morphemes that have not been
previously discussed or that have only been partially discussed.
23.1 Verb stem variations. There are a few verbs that have variant stems beyond
the range of morphological rules. We list these here.
(834) Eni-hra w^0-a-sl W-enw-o.

see-NEG IS-be-SF-INP IS-see-TP
º do not see it.' º saw it.'
(835) wo-hra Wi-two.

shoot-NEG IS-shoot + TP
'not shooting it' º shot it.'
(836) to-hra Ki-wtom-o. o-wto-che

go-NEG IS-go-TP 1 -go-after
'not going' º went.' 'after I went'
Eto-ko.
to-2EMP
'Go.'
(837) Ka-hra w-eexi. Kas-ko.

say/do-NEG IS-be + TP say/do-2IMP
º did not say it.' 'Say it.'
(838) Eyam-ko. Eyamos-ka-ki.

cover/hide-2IMP cover/hide-REV-2IMP
'Cover/hide it.' 'Uncover it.'
There are several verbs which have stem variation depending on transitiveness or
intransitiveness:
166 Hawkins
(839) yi-hto-ra enihto-ra

GENL-descend-NEG let.down-NEG
'not descending' 'not letting it down'
(840) yi-wrata-ra yi-spe-ra

GENL-cry-NEG 3-cause, to. cry-NEG
'not crying' 'not causing him to cry'
(841) K-epataka. W-enemhataka.

IS-go.out + TP 1 S-let.him.go.out + TP
º went out.' º let him go out.'
(842) Awom-ko. Anim-ko.

rise.up-2IMP lift.it.up-2IMP
'Stand up' 'Lift it up'
(843) Ewom-ko Eremun-ko

enter-2IMP put.it.inside-2IMP
'Go inside.' 'Put it inside.'
(844) K-eyepu Ôßñß-hr es-ko.

IS-bathe + TP bathe-NEG be-2IMP
º took a bath.' 'Don't bathe him.'
(845) K-eseresma. W-erewus-ma.

lS-have:a:meal + TP IS-food-VBZR+TP
º had a meal.' º fed them.'
(846) Ki-wc-e-si. W-enep-e-si.

IS-go-SF-INP 1 S-let.go/send-SF-MP
º am going.' º will let him go.'
There is one verb stem that may be either transitive or intransitive according to
the context (847). Another verb stem may be either positive or negative according
to the context (848).
(847) K-ahwo-ka (IS-happy-REV + TP) º became unhappy'or

(1 + 2O-happy-REV + TP) 'He made us unhappy.'
(848) Metata ew-ka-k. (door eye-REV-2IMP) 'Lock the door' or

(door eye-REV-2IMP) 'Unlock the door.'
The stem of the copula is, of course, the most varied stem in the language. I list
its variant forms here:
Wai Wai 167
(849) exi-hra (be-NEG) 'not being'

es-ko (be-2IMP) 'be'
eh-topo (be-CIRC) 'circumstances of being'
n-0-a-s (3S-be-SF-INP) 'he is'
0-x-a-kne (3S-be-SF-UP) 'he was'
n-eexi (3S-be + TP) 'he was'
23.2 Verb stem formative and derivational affixes
23.2.1 Stem formative suffix. The meaning of this suffix and its variation according
to tense or derivation has already been presented in sect. 18.1.1.3. I discuss here the
alternation of its allomorphs more fully. The allomorphs are -e/-ya/-wa/-a. The first two
allomorphs are non-derivational, that is, only stem formative. The final two allomorphs
are both stem formative and derivational, deriving nouns into verb stems.
(i) Allomorph -e occurs on verb stems that end with /a/, /o/ or /e/ and it replaces the
/a/, /o/ or /e/.
(850) (a) W-aama.

IS -cut. down + TP
º cut it down.'
(b) W-aam-e?
1 S-cut.down-SF + UNP
'Shall I cut it down?'
(851) (a) li-na ki-wto-y.

3-to IS-go-IP
º went to that place.'
(b) li-na ki-wc-e?

3-to IS-go-SF + UNP
'Shall I go there?'
(852) (a) Enepe-ko.

send-2IMP
'Send him.'
(b) W-enep-e-si.
IS-send-SF-INP
º will send him.'
(ii) Allomorph -a occurs with a limited number of noun stems which occur with the
possession suffix -n. I label the suffix -a as the stem formative suffix, but it also
168 Hawkins
seems to function as the derivational suffix deriving the nouns into verbs. To
demonstrate this I give the underived noun form with its possession indicator
following each verbal example.
(853) N-awsi-n-a-si. awsi-n

3S-weight-POSN-VSF-INP weight-POSN
'It is heavy.' 'its weight'
(854) Ni-si-n-a-si. yi-si-n

3S-smoke-POSN-VSF-INP 3POSR-smoke-POSN
'It is smoking.' 'its smoke'
(855) K-roma-n-a-si. o-roma-n

1 S-hunger-POSN-VSF-INP IPOSR-hunger-POSN
º am hungry.' 'my hunger'
(856) Ni-rwo-n-a-si yi-rwo-n

3S-anger-POSN-VSF-INP 3POSR-anger-POSN
'He is angry.' 'his anger'
(iii) The copula also takes the allomorph -a as a stem formative (857). hi such cases
the stem of the copula is zero or the one phoneme /x/. This suffix, which is
derivational with all other verbs, is not derivational with the copula. When the
copula occurs with the adverbializing suffix -taw 'if/when,' the stem formative suffix
which is normal for this construction does not occur (858).
(857) w^-a-s (IS-be-SF-INP) º am/will be'

n-0-a-y (3S-be-SF-UNP) 'he is/will be'
0-x-a-kne (3S-be-SF-UP) 'he was'
(858) exi-taw (be-ADVZR+if/when) 'if he is'
(iv) Allomorph -wa occurs mostly on noun stems. It serves the double function of
deriving a verb stem from a noun stem, as well as being a stem formative for a set
of tense suffixes. It also usually has the meaning of ingressive action, or change of
state (sect. 18.2(iv)), but in (859) that meaning is difficult to see. Allomorph -wa
occurs following the possession suffix -n with nouns which take that suffix (859,
860). Noun stems that occur with other possession suffixes take the suffix -wa
without any possession indicator before it (861, 862). The examples marked (b) are
the underived nouns showing their possession indicating suffixes.
(859) (a) K-warawa-n-wa-si.

1 S-trading.partner-POSN-VSF-INP
º am buying/trading.'
Wai Wai 169
(b) o-warawa-n
1 POSR-trading.partner-POSN
'my trading partner'
(860) (a) K-epefa-n-wa-kne.

1 S-sickness-POSN-VSF + INGR-INP
º got sick.'
(b) aw-epera-n
2POSR-sickness-POSN
'your sickness'
(861) (a) N-ee-wa-si xapari xik-rl

3S-eyes-VSF + INGR-INP dog child-POSN
"The pup's eyes are opening.'
(b) oy-ew-ru
IPOSR-eyes-POSN
'my eyes'
(862) (a) Ni-pi-wa-si.

3S-wife-VSF + INGR-INP
'He will get married.'
(b) noro pi-ci

3PRO wife-POSN
'his wife'
(v) Allomorph -ya occurs with all other stems (863-866). In (865) the /y/ of this
suffix does not appear because it coalesces with the /r/ of the stem to become /f/
according to the rule in sect. 22.6.9. This allomorph does not have the components
of ingressive action or derivation. But it occurs following certain derivational
suffixes (864, 866). It is thus an outer layer stem formative suffix.
(863) K-mok-ya-si.
IS-come-SF-INP
º will come.'
(864) 0-Pof-mam-ya-si.
3S-large-INGR+VSF-SF-INP
'He is growing.'
170 Hawkins
(865) W-aaf-a-kne.
IS-cany-SF-UP
º carried it.'
(866) Ki-hya-pam-ya-si.
1 S-shame-INGR+VSF-SF-INP
º am ashamed.'
23.2.2 Derivational stem formative suffixes. There are other derivational suffixes
besides -wa discussed in the previous paragraph. These discussed below derive other
word classes into intransitive verbs.
(i) The two verbalizing suffixes mentioned above (864, 866) derive verbs from
nouns (867, 868), or from adverbs (870-871). They are similar in form. They are the
suffixes -mam and -pam. They also have the meaning of ingressive action related to
the noun root (sect. 18.2(iv)). It can be translated 'become' or any similar word.
(867) Ki-tit-mam.
IS-still-VSF + INGR + TP
º became still (made no answer).'
(Tit seems to be a noun in the word tit-pe (stillness- ADVZR) 'calm
(wind)'
(868) Ku-wun-pam.
1 S-laziness-VSF + INGR + TP
º got lazy.'
(869) 0-Cey-pam.
3S-hardness?-VSF + INGR + TP
'It got hard.'
(870) 0-Pof-mam-ye.
3S-large-VSF + INGR-IP
'It grew large.'
(871) 0-Cerere-pam-ya-kne.
3S-brittle-VSF 4- INGR-SF-UP
'It became brittle.'
(ii) Several verbs that occur with the stem formative suffix -a in certain forms occur
with -n, which seems to be a possession indicator before that stem formative suffix.
But in other forms of the same verb root there is considerable variation in what seem
to be merely verbalizing stem formatives. There are three such forms: -m, -nm, or
mm.
Wai Wai 171
(872) K-pere-n-a-si. (IS-swim-POSN-VBZR+SF-INP) º am swimming.'

pere-m-ra (swim-VSF-NEG) 'not swimming.'
0-Pere-nim-ye. (3S-swim-VSF-IP) 'He swam.'
0-Pere-nm-o. (3S-swim-VSF-TP) 'He swam today.'
T-pere-mm-po-re. (ADVZR-swim-VSF-good-ADVZR) 'good to swim'
o-pere-nimi-che (1-swim-VBZR-after) 'after I swim'
(873) N-enepa-n-a-si. (3S-steal-POSN-VBZR + SF-INP) 'He is stealing.'

N-enepa-mm-ye (3S-steal-VBZR+SF-IP) 'He stole earlier.'
N-enepa-nm-o. (3S-steal-VBZR+SF-TP) 'He stole today.'
enepa-m-ra (steal-VBZR-NEG) 'not stealing'
0-enepa-mm-topo (3S-steal-VBZR-NOMZR + CIRC) '(something)
concerning his
stealing'
(iii) Verb stems that occur with the stem formative suffix -wa in certain forms (sect.
23.2.1(iv)) occur with the verb stem formative suffix -ta in all other forms. Most of
these suffixes are added to nouns, but in one case the stem formative suffixes are
added to variants of the noun stems, as in the verb 'to talk.' In the noun iapoia/talk'
these verbalizing and stem formative suffixes replace the last syllable of the noun
(874). Nouns which take the possession suffix -n also take it before the suffix -ta as
well as before the suffix -wa (875). Nouns which occur with other
possession-indicating suffixes drop the possession indicator before taking the
ingressive verbalizing suffixes (874, 876). Some verbs occurring with these suffixes
have the meaning of ingressive action (876). But in others this meaning is hard to
find, as in the verb 'talk' displayed below (874).
(874) tapota 'talk'

o-mtapoia-ri (IPOSR-talk-POSN) 'my words,
language.'
Ki-mtapo-wa-si. (1 S-talk-VSF-INP) º am talking.'
yi-mtapo-wa-taw (3-talk-VSF-ADVZR +while) 'if/while he is
talking
Ki-mtapo-ta. (1 S-talk-VSF + TP) º talked
(today).'
yi-mtapo-ta-ra (GENL-talk-VSF-NEG) 'not talking'
yi-mtapo-ta-che (3-talk-VSF-ADVZR +after) 'after he talked'
172 Hawkins
(875) o-warawa-n (IPOSR-trade-POSN) 'my trading

partner'
K-warawa-n-wa-si. (1 S-buy-POSN-VSF-INP) º am buying
something.'
K-warawa-n-ta. (1 S-buy-POSN-VSF -I- TP) º bought
something
today.'
warawa-n -ta-ra (buy-POSN-VSF-NEG) 'not buying'
ï -warawa-n-wa-taw (1 -buy-POSN-VSF-ADVZR) 'while I was
buying things'
o-\varawa-n-ta-che (1 -buy-POSN-VSF-after) 'after I bought
things'
(876) oy-ew-ru (IPOSR-eye-POSN) 'my eye'

Xapari xikri n-ee-wa-si. (dog child 3S-eyes- "The pup's eyes
VSF + INGR-INP) are opening.'
Xapari xikri n-ew-ta. (dog child "The pup's eyes
3S-eyes-VSF + INGR+TP) opened.'
(iv) A limited number of verb stems occur with stem formative suffix set -wa and
-timi instead of the set -wa and -ta discussed in the previous paragraph. All these
variant forms have the double function of stem formative and verb derivational
suffix indicating ingression. The suffix -timi when preceded and followed by a vowel
is shortened to -tm.
(877) K-woso-wa-si. (IS-dream-VSF + INGR-INP) º dream.'

K-\voso-tm-o. (IS-dream-VSF + INGR-TP) º dreamed
(today).'
o-woso-tim-topo (IPOSR-dream-VSF + INGR-CIRC) 'my dream'
K-woso-tim-ye (lS-dream-VSF + iNGR-ÃÑ) º dreamed
(before today).'
o-woso-timi-che (IPOSR-dream-VSF + INGR-ADVZR) 'after I
dreamed.'
(878) M-eras-wa? (2S-afraid-VSF + INGR + UNP) 'Are you

afraid?'
M-erah-tim ? (2S-afraid-VSF + INGR + TP) 'Were you
afraid (today)?'
K-emahci-w oy-erah-tim-ri ke.

IS-run-TP l-afraid-VSF + INGR-NOMZR because
º ran because I was afraid.'
Wai Wai 173
There is one verb that occurs with the suffix set -wa and -im with the same
components of meaning and same positions as the sets described above. Note that in
the first example below with the suffix -wa the /w/ of the suffix is elided following
the /w/ of the verb stem.
(879) N-erew-a-s oko.

3S-hurt-VSF + INGR-rNP ÑÁÃÍ
'It hurts!'
N-erew-im-ye cf. erew-ru

3S-hurt-VSF + INGR-rP hurt-POSN
'It hurt (before today.' 'his pain'
23.2.3 Other stem formative suffixes to nouns. There are five verb formative
suffixes occurring with nouns which seem to have a causative meaning. The result-
ing verb stems are all transitive.
(i) The suffix -ma
(880) Ow akro-no-ma-ki. cf. akro-no

1O with-NMZR-VBZR-2IMP with-NMZR
'Help me.' 'helper, companion'
(881) Ow epe-ma-ki cf. epe-thiri

1PRO pay-VBZR-2IMP pay-PAST + POSN
'Pay me.' 'payment'
(ii) The suffix -hto (for loss of initial h in (882), see sect.22.6.5)
(882) K-es-epefa-n-to. cf. epefa

1 S-DETRANS-injury-POSN-VBZR + TP
º hurt myself 'injury'
(883) I-yo-hto-ko cf. i-yo-ii

3-edge/tooth-VBZR-2IMP 3POSR-edge/tooth-POSN
'Sharpen it.' 'his tooth'
(iii) The suffix -ka
(884) I-yor-ka-ki cf. tT-yoii-re

3-sound-VBZR-2IMP ADVZR-sound-ADVZR
'Make it sound.' 'making a sound'
174 Hawkins
(885) Erem-ka-r es-ko. cf. erem

spell-VBZR-NEG be-2IMP
'Don't cast a spell/curse on him.' 'spell, curse'
(iv) The suffix -pa
(886) Wok-pa-kl cf. wooku

drink-VBZR-2IMP
'Give him a drink.' 'drink'
(887) Man-pa-ki. cf. maani

black.resin-VBZR-2IMP
'Rub black resin on it.' 'black resin'
(v) The suffix -pe
(888) Ayi-n-pe-ko. cf. wooto y-ayi-n

pepper-POSN-VBZR-2IMP meat GEN-pepper-POSN
'Add pepper to it.' 'pepper for meat'
(889) yi-si-n-pe-ko cf. yt-si-n

3-smoke-POSN-VBZR-2IMP 3POSR-smoke-POSN
'Send smoke to them.' 'its smoke'
23.2.4 Causation-indicating suffixes to verbs. Following are the suffixes occur-

ring on intransitive verb stems to indicate causation: -re, -nmeki, -meki, -nopu, and
-ka. The resulting forms are transitive.
There are two causation-indicating suffixes occurring with transitive verb stems:
-po and -mexpo. The resulting forms remain transitive. The causation indicating
suffixes to verbs are discussed in sect. 6.
23.2.5 Detransitivizing prefix. The detransitivizing prefix occurs on transitive

verbs, whether they are formed from basically transitive stems or derived transitive
stems. The resulting forms are intransitive. This prefix occurs between the subject
prefix, if any, and the verb stem. The functions of this prefix are discussed in sects.
4 and 5. There are six variant forms and I list them with examples below:
(i) Allomorph es- occurs with stems beginning with /e/ followed by a consonant
other than /x/ or Id.
(890) K-es-ehce-m-e-si.
1 S-DETRANS-medicine-VBZR-SF-INP
º am putting medicine on myself
Wai Wai 175
(ii) Allomorph ex- occurs with stems beginning with /ex/.
(891) K-ex-exewmik-ya-sl
1 S-DETRANS-choke-SF-INP
º am choking myself. '
(iii) Allomorph ec- occurs with stems beginning with /ec/.
(892) Ec-eceto-ko.
DETRANS-hold:steady-2IMP
'Steady yourself.'
(iv) Allomorph et- occurs with stems beginning with /a/, lot, /i/, or with a consonant
followed by l\l or /u/, or with a stem that takes the prefix t- '3' or 'GENL' (sect.
(893) K-et-ama oko.

IS-DETRANS-slash + TP PAIN
º slashed myself. '
(894) ft-et-on-e-si.
3S-DETRANS-eat-SF-INP
'It gets worn (is eaten).'
(895) ft-et-wMma.
3S-DETRANS-ruin + TP
'It was ruined. '
(896) ft-et-puru.
3S-DETRANS-roast + TP
'It is (became) roasted.'
(897) ft-et-iyo oco. cf. Ti-yo-ko.

3S-DETRANS-scald + TP PAIN 3-scald-2IMP
'She scalded herself 'Scald it.'
(v) Allomorph ese- occurs with a few verb stems.
(898) K-ese-htmo-ya-si kapu.

1 S-DETRANS-know-SF-INP for.the.time.being
º will think about it for now.'
176 Hawkins
(899) N-ese-wakr-e-si.
3S-DETRANS-be.kind.to-SF-INP
'He is being kind to himself (buying lots of goods).'
(vi) Allomorph e- occurs with all other consonant-initial stems.
(900) N-e-hkoto.
3S-DETRANS-cut.in.two + TT
'It got cut in two.'
(901) N-e-macaka.
3S-DETRANS-push.over + TP
'It fell (got pushed) over.'
23.3 Verb inflection affixes
23.3.1 Imperative affixes
23.3.1.1 Second person imperative affixes. These are listed in sect. 18.4.2.1.
They are discussed in sect. 11. Two items of morphophonemic variation remain to
be mentioned: the second person static imperative suffix -ki occurs with stems that
end with /a/ (902). The form -ko occurs with all other stems. Intransitive verbs that
begin with a consonant take the second person subject prefix a- (907) except the
verb stem to 'go' (908) which takes an alternate stem in the second person impera-
tive forms. Some consonant-initial transitive verb stems take the GENERAL PRE-
FIX, functioning as a third person object marker (905). (See sect. 23.4.5.1 (ii) for
the variant forms and the phonological conditioning factors of the GENERAL
PREFIX.) Other consonant-initial transitive stems (e.g., 904) and all vowel-initial
transitive stems (903) have no prefix, but reference to third person object is still part
of the meaning of the transitive stems.
(902) Erema-ki.
sit-2EMP
'Be seated.'
(903) 0-en-ko
3O-see-2IMP
'Look at it.'
(904) 0-mam-to-co-ko.
3O-circumference-VBZR-COLL-2IMP
'Surround him.'
Wai Wai 177
(905) Õß-hkoto-ko.
3O-cut.in.two-2IMP
'Cut it in two.'
(906) Ero yi-hkoto-ko.

3PRO 3O-cut.in.two-2IMP
'Cut that in two.'
(907) A-mo-ko
2IMP-come-2IMP
'Come.'
(908) Eto-ko. cf. to-hra

go-2IMP go-NEG
'Go.' 'not going'
23.3.1.2 First and third person imperative affixes. Subject prefixes occur on
first and third person imperative verbs, and they are the same as on first and third
person finite verbs (909, 910). The collective-indicating suffix on verbs having a
third person subject is the same as for collective-indicating suffixes on finite verbs
(911). I have no record of object prefixes occurring on first or third person impera-
tive verbs. There are different first and third person imperative-marking suffixes for
such verbs, and the prefix and suffix always agree in person. (See sect. 18.4.2.1 (List
2) for suffixes and sects. 11.1.2 and 11.1.3 for other examples.)
(909) Oy-anme [ro mak] w-eh-si.

1-orders.of very.much lS-be-ÉÃÌÑ
'Let me do just what I want to do.'
(910) li-to wa n-ex-pe.

3-at on.purpose 3S-be-3IMP
'Let it stay there where it is supposed to be.'
(911) Rikomo komo ka 0-to-cow-pe.

child COLL now 3S-go-COLL-3IMP
'Let the children go first.'
Hortative (1 + 2S) suffixes are given in sect. 18.4.2.1 (List 2) and are described
and illustrated in sect. 11.2.
23.3.2 Verb subject prefixes have been referred to several times. Below I present
a table of these prefixes, followed by a description of the morphologically deter-
mined alternation. For morphophonemic alternation see sect. 22.6.1(iii), 22.6.2 and
22.6.3.
178 Hawkins
Finite Verb Subject Prefixes

Person Transitive Intransitive
2 m(i)- m(i)-
3 ç(ß)-/0- ç(ß)/0-
1+2 t(l)-/tit(i)- t(i)/tit(i)-
1+3 (amna + n(i)/0-) (amna + n(i)/0-)
The transitive set of subject prefixes given above occurs only when the object is
third person. For all other object persons the transitive set of object prefixes occurs
(see sect. 23.3.3 below).
(i) The above two columns of prefixes are indentical except that the 1 person prefix
for transitive verbs is wi-/0- (912), while that for intransitive verbs is ld-/0- (913).
In this group of examples I illustrate all the subject prefixes except the 1 + 2 prefixes
which are described in (ii) below.
(912) W-aaf-a-si.
IS-carry-SF-INP
º will carry it. '
(913) K-erem-e-sL
IS-sit-SF-INP
º will sit down.'
(914) Mi-hkoto?
2S-cut.in.two + TP
'Did you cut it in two?'
(915) M-epirk-e-si.
2S-fall-SF-INP
'You will fall.'
(916) N-on-e-si.
3S-eat(meat)-SF-INP
'He is eating it (meat).'
(917) Ni-wmk-o.
3S-sleep-TP
'He went to sleep.'
Wai Wai 179
(918) Amna nu-puru.

1 + 3PRO 3S-roast + TP
'We (excl.) roasted it.'
(919) Amna 0-c-e-si.

1 + 3PRO 3S-go-SF-INP
'We (excl.) will go.'
(ii) Of the two forms of the 1+2 person prefix, tit(i)- occurs before stems that begin
with a single consonant (926), and before all stems that in other forms occur with
the prefix tf-GENL (928) and (929). (See sect. 23.4.5.l(ii) for verbs which take the
tf-GENL prefix; and sect. 22.6.3 for palatalization of/t/ to Id.) The form t(i)- º +2'
occurs before all other stems.
(920) Marart t-ama-ce-ii.

field 1 + 2-cut.down-COLL-HORT
'Let's cut a field.'
(921) Ti-htino-ya-si amne.

1 + 2S-know-SF-INP later
'We will know it later.'
(922) Rikomo tu-kuknon-ka-ii

child 1+2-picture-VBZR-HORT
'Let's take a picture of the child.'
(923) C-erema-rf ka.

1 + 2S-sit.down-HORT now
'Let's sit down for now.'
(924) C-imi-ya-si.
l + 2S-tie-SF-INP
'We are tying it.'
(925) Ti-hc-e?
l + 2S-go-SF-l-UNP
'Shall we go?'
(926) Tayxa tit-mok-o.

this.way 1 + 2S-come-TP
'We came this way.'
180 Hawkins
(927) Ôú-mtapo-ta-ce-rf
l + 2S-talk-VBZR-COLL-HORT
'Let us talk.'
(928) Tit-on-e-si.
1 + 2S-eat(meat)-SF-INP
'We are eating it.'
(929) Tani kfa titi-nom-ya?

here worthless 1 + 2S-leave-SF + UNP
'Shall we leave the worthless thing here?"
(930) Tit-wo-rl
l+2S-shoot-HORT
Let's shoot it.'
(931) Titi-m-ya yi-wya?

l + 2S-give-SF + UNP 3-to
'Shall we give it to him?'
(932) Titi-raka-ce-rl
1 + 2S-split-COLL-HORT
'Let's split it.'
(933) Cici-f-a-si.
1 + 2S-put/fix-SF-INP
'We are fixing it.'
23.3.3 Verb object prefixes occur with transitive verbs. Almost the same set of
prefixes occurs as possessor prefixes with nouns, and with possessed nominalized
and some adverbialized forms that are derived from verbs (sects. 23.4.5.1 and
23.5.1). The set is also used to indicate person of the object of postpositions (sect.
17). The set consists of:
Verb Object Prefixes

Person With vowel-initial stems With consonant-initial stems
1 oy- o-
2 aw- a-
3 0- 0-; also the general prefix yi-, i-, ti-
in certain constructions
1+2 k- ki-
1+3 — —
Wai Wai 181
The above set of object prefixes occurs only when the subject is third person or
1+3 person. When the subject is first person and the object second person, the
prefix is k-M- (the same form as 1 + 2O when the subject is third person, see table
above). The free form amna is the only marker of 1 + 3 object.
(934) Oy-etapa moso.

3S+lO-hit + TP 3PRO
'He hit me.'
(935) A-wakre-w moso.

3S + 20-be.kind.to-TP 3PRO
'He was kind to you.'
(936) Amna aw-akro-no-ma.

1 + 3PRO 20-with-NOMZR-VBZR+TP
'We helped you.'
(937) isT^-etap-e-si.
3S-30-hit-SF-INP
'He will hit him.'
(938) K-een-a-si.
lS + 2O-see-SF-INP
º see you.'

l + 2O-see-COLL + TP COLL duck
"The duck saw us.'
(940) Amna m-een-a?

1 + 3O 2S-see-SF + UNP
'Do you see us?'
(941) Amna n-een-a?

1 + 3O 3S-see-SF + UNP
'Does he see us?'
In the case of the second person subject acting on the first person object the
object is indicated by the appropriate free form pronoun: owi T, and knwi º +2',
or kiwyam '1+2 COLLECTIVE'.
(942) Ow m-etapa oko.

1PRO 2S-hit + TP ouch
'You hit me.'
182 Hawkins
(943) Kiw mi-hyapam-no-ya-si kopi.

1 + 2PRO 2S-shame-CAUS-SF-INP shame
'You are putting us to shame.'
The set of prefixes which I have called the "general prefix" functioning as a third
person object marker occurs on transitive imperative verbs when the phonological
conditions are met for those prefixes (944-945). Otherwise there is no overt form of
prefix for third person object. A third person possessor prefix that is identical to this
general prefix occurs quite commonly with non-derived nouns and with nominalized
verb stems. For a discussion of this see sect. 23.4.5.1.
(944) O-wehto-éß yi-raka-ki.

IPOSR-firewood-POSN 3O-split-2IMP
'Cut firewood for me.'
(945) Êß-mi-n c-ir-ko.

1 + 2POSR-house-POSN 3O-make/put-2IMP
'Make a house for us.'
Consonant-initial intransitive imperative verbs have the subject prefix a- '2' (the
same form as the second person object prefix described above).
(946) Enma-poro men a-paka-co-ko.

dawn-almost MON 2-awake-COLL-2IMP
'Be sure to wake up before dawn.'
23.4 Noun morphology
23.4.1 Noun stem variation. There are at least six nouns that have variant stems
beyond the range of the morphological rules.
(947) rmtmo o-mi-n ki-mi-n

'house' IPOSR-house-POSN 1 + 2POSR-house-POSN
'my house' Our house'
(948) yi-son o/a/yi-nocwa-n

3POSR-mother l/2/3POSR-mother-POSN
'his/her/its mother' 'my/your/his mother'
(949) aa-mo yi-im ki-im

2POSR-father 3POSR-father 1 + 2POSR-father
'your father' 'his/her father' Our father'
Wai Wai 183
(950) aa-fio oy-ino i-ino

2POSR-husband IPOSR-husband SPOSR-husband
'your husband' 'my husband' 'her husband'
noro niyo or noro y-ino

3PRO husband 3PRO GEN-husband
'her husband' 'her husband'
(951) o-mxik-rt cf. noro xik-rf

IPOSR-child-POSN 3PRO child-POSN
'my child' 'his child'
(952) yi-hcipi-rf cf. kooso pi-cho

3POSR-skin-POSN deer skin-POSN
'his skin' 'deer skin'
23.4.2 Noun stem formation from verb stems. There are 12 processes of nomi-
nalization which are fully described in sect. 15.4.
23.4.3 Derivation of nouns from adverbs
(i) The suffix ~mu/-m derives nouns from adverbialized verb stems and from many
adverbialized noun stems. Forms with this suffix refer to persons or items that have
the attribute indicated (953, 954), or that are doing or receiving the action indicated.
If the root of the word is an intransitive verb, the referent is doing the action (955).
If the root is transitive, the referent is receiving the action (956). The longer variant
of the suffix occurs when preceded in the word by a consonant (955), or when
followed by a word beginning with a consonant cluster (957). The shorter variant
occurs elsewhere. Verb stems that are nominalized with this suffix also may occur
with the past tense indicator -nhiri 'PAST', which in this construction never occurs
with the -nho variant (958). (See sect. 23.4.5. l(xi).)
(953) ti-kpo-re-m
ADVZR-sweet-ADVZR-NOMZR
'a sweet one'
(954) ti-swa-ye-m
ADVZR-blue-ADVZR-NOMZR
'a blue one'
(955) c-erema-x-mu
ADVZR-sit-ADVZR-NOMZR
One who is seated'
184 Hawkins
(956) t-aa-so-m
ADVZR-take-ADVZR-NOMZR
One that is to be taken'
(957) C-enepa-n-e-mu rma mikro.

ADVZR-steal-POSN-ADVZR-NOMZR still 3PRO
'But he still is a thief
(958) c-enepa-n-e-mu-nhM
ADVZR-steal-POSN-ADVZR-NOMZR-PAST
One who has been a thief
(ii) The suffix -no derives nouns from various underived adverbs. This suffix has no
variant forms and is suffixed to the otherwise unaffixed stem. See sect. 22.6.1(v) for
the phonological changes in the syllable pe when followed by the suffix -no. It
should be noted that this is a different suffix from the suffix -no which nominalizes
verbs with the meaning of unspecified object. See sect. 15.4(x) for a discussion of
that suffix.
(959) cirniki cimik-no

'bitter' 'a bitter one'
(960) cukmape cukma-no

'soft' 'a soft one'
(961) kaw kaw-no

'tall/long' 'a tall/long one'
(iii) The suffix -n derives nouns from a few adverbs:
(962) ececoka ececoka-n

'having two edges' One having two edges'
(963) anarmerpa anarmerpa-n

Of different kinds' 'those of different kinds'
(964) enexa enexa-n

'from there' One who is from there'
(965) katpa-pe katpa-n

'bright with daylight' 'daylight'
(iv) There are a few adverbial words that are based on noun forms and thus do not
take nominalizing suffixes. The basic noun form may be adverbialized with a suffix
Wai Wai 185
(966) or with the adverbializing postposition me (967-968) (for the postposition me,
see sect. 17.2).
(966) kifwan kifwan-he

'a good one' 'good'
(967) porin porin me

'a large one' 'large'
(968) kicici-tho kicic-me

'a bad one' 'bad'
(v) There are three adverbs which take irregular nominalizing suffixes:
(969) ceypu ceypu-ru

'hard' 'a hard one'
(970) kaf-pe kari-ti

'strong' 'a strong one'
(971) wahra wahra-y

'small' 'a small one'
23.4.4 Derivation of nouns from postpositions
(i) Postpositions that end with lol or /w/ are nominalized by the suffix -no, as with
some underived adverbs (sect. 23.4.3(ii)).
(972) miimo ya-w-no

house in-in-NOMZR
'the one in the house'
(973) mararf po-no

field in-NOMZR
'the one in the field'
(974) Wapixana che-w-no

name.of.tribe among-in-NOMZR
One living among the Wapishanas'
(975) yi-ret-wo-no
3-upstream-at-NOMZR
'the one that is upstream'
186 Hawkins
(ii) Some postpositions are nominalized by the suffix -n.
(976) a-wya-n
2-to-NOMZR
One that belongs to you'
(977) Aa-ka-n komo owi

2-to.get-NOMZR COLL 1PRO
º (came) to get you all.'
(978) Po-na-n amoro.

at-to-NOMZR 2PRO
'You are next.'
(979) O-pi-ci me-n mikro.

IPOSR-wife-POSN ADVZR-NOMZR 3PRO
'She is my fiance.'
(980) Ti-im y-ew-ke-n mikro.

REFPOS-father GEN-eyes-having-NOMZR 3PRO
'He has his father's face.'
(981) O-mariya-n ti-m-ko a-wto-che-n.

IPOSR-knife-POSN 3O-give-2IMP 2-go-after-NOMZR
'Give me a knife, thing to use after you go away.'
(iii) Other postpositions are nominalized by irregular suffixes.
(982) peen kene peen kefiari

'having lots of weeds' 'place having lots of weeds'
(983) ero wara ero waray

'like that' One like that'
(984) ero xe ero xati

'wanting that' One who wants that'
Wai Wai 187
23.4.5 Noun inflection
23.4.5.1 Inflection for possession
Possessor Prefixes
1 Person oy-/o-
1 + 2 Person k(i)-
2 Person aw-/a-
3 Person 0-/i-/yi-/ti- (see (ii) below)
3 Person reflexive t(i)-
Free form possessor + vowel-initial possessed item: y- 'GEN'
(i) Possessors are indicated by prefixes listed above in the following examples:
(985) oy-amo-rf o-pana-rf o-hta-rf

IPOSR-hand-POSN IPOSR-ear-POSN IPOSR-foot-POSN
'my hand' 'my ear' 'my foot'
(986) aw-ew-ru a-kanawa-ii a-mta-rf

2POSR-eyes-POSN 2POSR-canoe-POSN 2POSR-mouth-POSN
'your eyes' 'your canoe' 'your mouth'
(987) k-ew-ru ki-kanawa-rf

1 + 2POSR-eyes-POSN 1 + 2POSR-canoe-POSN
Our eyes' our canoe
kT-mxik-ii k-mariya-n
l+2POSR-child-POSN l+2POSR-knife-POSN
Our child' Our knife'
(988) ti-mxik-ri t-mariya-n

REFPOS-child-POSN REFPOS-knife-POSN
'his own child' 'his own knife'
(989) 0-amo-ii pawxi y-apo-rf

3POSR-hand-POSN wild.turkey GEN-wing.feather-POSN
'his hand' 'wild turkey's wing feathers'
The third person 0- variant occurs with stem-initial vowels (989). Examples and
discussion of third person variants /-, yi- and ti- are given in (ii) below.
Transitive verb stems that have been derived into nouns take the same possessor
prefixes to express the underlying object (990) or, in the construction described in
sect. 15.4(ii), the underlying subject (353, 354). Intransitive stems take the same set
of prefixes to express the underlying subject (992). These prefixes include the third
188 Hawkins
person reflexive prefix (991). With the exception of the one transitive verb nominali-
zation noted above, underlying subjects of nouns derived from transitive verb stems
are expressed with the postposition form -wya 'by' (993). See also sect. 15.4.
(990) Aw-akro-no-ma-0 xe ti n-0-a-y.

2-with-NOMZR-VBZR-NOMZR wanting 3RES 3S-be-SF-UNP
'He says he wants to help you.'
(991) Ahwo-ra n-J0-a-y ti-mtapo-ta-cho-nhM poko.

happy-NEG 3S-be-SF-UNP REFPOS-words-VBZR-CIRC-PAST about
'He is not happy about what he said.'
(992) Tawake wd0i-a-si a-mok-ri ke.

happy IS-be-SF-INP 2S-come-POSN because.of
º am happy because you came.'
(993) Oy-aki-reH0i xe w-0-a-s a-wya.

1-wise-CAUS-NOMZR DESID IS-be-SF-INP 2-by
º would like for you to instruct me.'
(ii) The third person prefix forms /-, yi- and ti- have a more general usage, when no
third person is involved. (See below for the discussion of the GENERAL PREFIX
and the phonological conditioning factors which determine the use of these forms.)
As third person possessor marker, they occur with underived possessed nouns only
when there is no free form possessor (994-997).
(994) yi-nakwa-rT wayawaya nakwa-rf

3POSR-landing-POSN otter river.landing-POSN
'his river landing' 'the otter's river landing'
(995) yi-krapa-n taam krapa-n

3-bow-POSN uncle bow-POSN
'his bow' 'uncle's bow'
(996) i-yo-rf kamara yo-ri

3POSR-tooth-POSN wildcat tooth-POSN
'his tooth' 'a wildcat's tooth'
(997) yu-mu-n xeere mu-n

3POSR-tuber-POSN manioc tuber-POSN
'its tuber' 'a manioc tuber'
This prefix also occurs on derived possessed nouns (1001) and with nominalized
postpositions when they are not preceded by a free form possessor (1000). With
Wai Wai 189
nominalized verb stems preceded by a free form possessor there is alternation;

sometimes this suffix occurs and sometimes it does not. With certain stems there
seems to be free alternation (998, 999) and with other stems it occurs regularly even
with a free form possessor (1002). The alternate prefix ti- usually occurs on the 10
verb stems listed below when they are nominalized or adverbialized and when they
are not preceded by a free form possessor (1003), but in some cases it also occurs
when following a free form possessor (1004).
(998) Oy-uhre wMhma-ne mikro.

IPOSR-weapon ruin-NOMZR + AG 3PRO
'He is the one who ruins my gun.'
or: Oy-uhre yt-wMma-ne mikro

IPOSR-weapon 3-ruin-NOMZR 3PRO
'He is the one who ruins my gun.'
(999) paari pu-topo

sweet.potatoes roast-NOMZR+CIRC
'instrument to roast sweet potatoes'
or: paari yu-pu-topo

sweet.potatoes 3-roast-NOMZR
'instrument to roast sweet potatoes'
(1000) Yi-chew-no komo me wT-x-a-kne, parankari komo

3-among-NOMZR COLL ADVZR IS-be-SF-UP white.man COLL
chew-no me.
among-NOMZR ADVZR
º lived among them, among the white people.'
(1001) I-yo-hra n-0-a-s o-mariya-n. Kuwikuwi

GENL-tooth-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP IPOSR-knife-POSN file
xe w-0-a-si i-yo-hto-topo.
DESID lS-be-SF-ÃÍÑ 3-tooth-VBZR-NOMZR + CIRC
'My knife is dull. I want a file with which to sharpen it.'
(1002) xifko yi-htino-ne komo

stars 3-know-AG COLL
'people who know the stars'
(1003) Siiko kene w^-a-si. Piini ee-ko

burrowing.flea having IS-be-SF-INP pin bring-2IMP
190 Hawkins
t-ow-topo.
3-take.out-CIRC
º have a burrowing flea (in my foot). Bring me a pin with which to
take it out.'
(1004) Kuum t-ow-so ki-wc-e-si.

palm.fruit 3-take.out-PM IS-go-SF-INP
º am going to take out palm fruit.'
The non-third person uses of yi- and i-, and the phonological configurations of the
stems that constrain their use, are now described. In these usages the forms are
glossed 'GENL'. There are ten verbs (listed below) in which the prefix ti- replaces
yi-/i-, in both the third person and non-third person usages. This set of 'GENL'
prefixes co-occurs with the nominalizing suffixes -xapu and -hni on transitive stems
of the configuration mentioned above.
(1005) Yi-hkoto-xapu ee-ko

GENL-cut.in.two-NOMZR+PERF bring-2IMP
'Bring one that has been cut in two.'
(1006) I-yo-hto-xapu ee-ko.

GENL-tooth-VBZR-NOMZR+PERF bring-2IMP
'Bring the one that has been sharpened.'
(1007) C-iri-hni min ha.

GENL-make/fix-NOMZR + NEG 3PRO IRES
'It is one that has not been fixed.'
(1008) Ti-pi-hni mikro.

GENL-bathe-NOMZR+NEG 3PRO
'He is the one who has not been bathed.'
The same set of prefixes occurs in the following constructions:
(a) as a third person marker, with transitive stems in the second person imperative
mode:
(1009) C-ir-ko 'Fix it.'
(1010) Ero yi-hkoto-ko 'Cut that in two.'
(b) as a third person marker, with transitive stems in the adverbial negative
construction:
Wai Wai 191
(1011) Ôú-mi-hra wasi º will not give it.'
(1012) Yi-wMma-ra esko 'Don't ruin it.'
(c) as the GENERAL prefix, with intransitive stems in the adverbial negative
construction:
(1013) Yi-wrata-ra 'not crying'
(1014) Yi-krfpi-ra 'not hesitating'
(d) as the GENERAL prefix, with intransitive stems in the purpose of motion
construction:
(1015) ÕÀ-wm-so kiwcesi º am going to sleep.'
The configurations of the stems that take this prefix are as follows: yi- occurs
before stems that begin with a consonant cluster (1016), or that begin with a single
consonant followed by /i/ or /u/ (1017, 1018), or that begin with a tense consonant
(1019). i- occurs with stems that begin with /y/ (1020). ti- occurs with the 10 verb
stems listed below (1021). The same parameters hold for both underived noun stems
and derived noun stems. See sect. 22.6 for phonological variation of this prefix.
(1016) Yi-krapa-m-ni ow.

GENL-bow-POSN-NEG 1PRO
º have no bow.'
(1017) Õß-min-thM n-e-macak-e-kne okwe.

3-house-PAST 3S-DETRANS-push.down-SF-UP alas
'Alas, his house fell down.'
(1018) Yu-mumu-ru mikro.

3-son-POSN 3PRO
"That is his son.'
(1019) Õß-n-ah-ii mm.

3-NOMZR-food-POSN 3PRO
"That is his food.'
(1020) I-yo-éß ka J0f-mohka-xi.

3-tooth-POSN now 3 S-pull, out-1 IMP
'Let me pull out his tooth.'
192 Hawkins
(1021) Mumo c-ii-ne ro ntikro.

house 3-make-AG PERM 3PRO
'He is a pro at building houses.'
(Following are the 10 verb stems that take the prefix t(i)- '3' or 'GENL': (see
sect. 22.6.3 for the palatization rule.)
(1022) c-ir-ko (3-fix-2IMP) 'Fix it.'

ti-nom-ra (3-leave-NEG) 'not leaving it'
ti-mi-hra (3-give-NEG) 'not giving it'
c-ih-ko (3-grate-2IMP) 'grate it'
ti-pi-hra (3-bathe-NEG) 'not bathing him.'
t-oh-ko (3-eat {bread}-2IMP) 'Eat it (bread).'
t-ono-ko (3-eat {meat}-2IMP) 'Eat it (meat).'
ti-yo-hra (3-boil-NEG) 'not boiling it'
t-wo-ko (3-shoot-2IMP) 'Shoot it.'
t-ow-ko (3-take out-2IMP) Take it out.'
Following are some examples of these same stems in the indicative mode to show
that they take the normal prefixes in such cases.
(1023) wi-if-a-si (IS-fix-SF-INP) º will fix it.'

k-nom-ya-si (lS + 2O-leave-SF-UNP) º will leave you.'
çÀ-m-ye (3S-give-EP) 'He gave it.'
\vi-k-ya-si (IS-grate-SF-INP) º will grate it.'
titi'h-ya (1 + 2S-bathe-SF + UNP) 'Shall we bathe him?'
n-ok-ya-si (3S-eat(bread)-SF-INP) 'He is eating it (bread).'
m-oon-e (2S-eat(meat)-SF + UNP) 'Will you eat it?'
wi-y-e-si (lS-boil-SF-ÃÍÑ) º will boil it.'
aa-wo (2S-shoot + TP) 'Did he shoot you?'
tit-ow-ya (1 + 2S-take out-SF + UNP) 'Shall we take it out?'
(iii) The genitive prefix y- occurs between a free form third person possessor noun
and the possessed noun when the possessed noun begins with a vowel. The same
prefix also occurs with vowel-initial postpositions when they are preceded by a free
form object.
(1024) caaca y-efpo-ri 0-efpo-ri

granny GEN-baking.plate-POSN 3POSR-baking.plate-POSN
'granny's baking plate' 'his baking.plate'
Wai Wai 193
(1025) Ewka y-akno mikro. 0-akno

man's.name GEN-brother 3PRO 3POSR-brother
"That man is Ewka's brother.' 'his brother'
(1026) Noro y-ew-ru n-ere-wa. 0-ew-ru

3PRON GEN-eye-POSN 3S-hurt-VSF 3POSR-eye-POSN
'His eye hurts.' 'his eye'
(1027) Apapa y-akro 0-mok-o. 0-akro

father GEN-with 3S-come-TP 3-with
'He came with father.' 'with him'
(1028) Weewe y-apomyaw erema-ki. 0-apomyaw

tree GEN-under sit.down-2IMP 3-under
'Sit down under the tree.' 'under it'
The same prefix y- is also added to derived transitive verb stems which begin
with a vowel when they are preceded by a free form possessor that refers to the
underlying object. In the case of derived intransitive verb stems that begin with a
vowel this prefix refers to the underlying free form subject. See sect. 15.2 for
examples.
There is another position in which -y- occurs as an infix, and that is where two
noun stems, the first of which refers to a body part, are incorporated into one word
and the second stem begins with a vowel. This use of -y- seems similar to the
genitive prefix described above. Therefore, I give it the same label. The resulting
form may be simply a compound noun (1029), or it may be verbalized (1031, 1032),
renominalized from the verb stem (1030), or adverbialized (1033).
(1029) ta-y-ereki yi-mta-ri

mouth-GEN-sore (3-mouth-POSN)
'mouth sore' 'his mouth'
(1030) ew-y-ahwo-re-cho
eye-GEN-happiness-CAUS-CIRC
'a means of comforting someone'
(1031) Onoke miimo pe-y-ece-c-e-kne?

who house forehead-GEN-support-VBZR-SF-UP
'Who braced the front of the house?'
(1032) Es-ew-y-ahru-ko.
DETRANS-eyes-GEN-close-2IMP
'Close your eyes.'
194 Hawkins
(1033) ti-pimi-y-ewax-ke
ADVZR-neck-GEN-stiflhess-ADVZR
'having a stiff neck'
(iv) With many nouns present possession is indicated by the suffix -rf, -ru. I list just
a few examples of this suffix here:
oyewnari 'my nose' awesaman 'your path'

oropotari 'my abdomen' anakwari 'your river landing'
oyori 'my tooth' atutumru 'your bowl'
ahruru 'its cover' kwehtori Our(l + 2)fire'

ewtari 'its hole' kimxikri Our(l + 2)child'
wayahru 'his paddle' amna wokru Our(l + 3) drink'
(v) A small number of nouns take the suffix -ti to indicate possession.
(1035) kati 'its fat' ka-hra 'without fat'

osoti 'his name' oso-hra 'without a name'
yimsoti 'his hair queue' mnso 'hair queue'
mosutu 'its handle' mosu-hra 'without a handle'
(vi) Another small group of nouns takes the suffix -ci to indicate possession.
(1036) yihpoci 'his hair' yihpo-ra 'without hair'

yipici 'his wife' yipi-hra 'without a wife'
yimici 'its tie' yimi-hra 'without a tie'
(vii) I have recorded 23 possessed nouns which are not overtly marked with a
possession-indicating suffix in the positive form. Most of these do not take a
possession-indicating suffix in the negative form. The last in the list below does take
a possession indicator (-m-) in the negative form. I list a few of these here:
(1037) oyexe 'my throat'

exe-hra 'without a voice (throat)'
yupme 'its eggs'

kapikara pwne 'hen eggs'
opefi 'my thigh'

peti-hra 'without a (good) thigh'
awam 'your blanket'

Wai Wai 195
amu-hra 'without a blanket'
kakno Our(l +2) brother'

akno-m-ra 'without a brother'
(viii) A large group of nouns takes the suffix -rii to indicate possession. Any
possessible loan word taken into the language takes this suffix to indicate possession.
(1038) omariya-n 'my knife'

amarari-n 'your field'
okrapa-ni rma 'still my bow'
oxapika-n 'my hat' (probably a loan word from Portuguese)
(ix) Negation of possession and identity is described in sects. 12.3 and 12.4.
(x) Categories of possession. A considerable number of nouns do not occur with

possessor-marking prefixes or possession-indicating suffixes. Possession of many of
these items is indicated by the name of the category to which they belong. These
category words take the possessor prefixes and some of them take a possession-
indicating suffix (o-wok-ru IPOSR-drink-POSN 'my drink'), (yi-nah-ri
3POSR-food-POSN 'his food') (1039). All of them take possession-indicating
suffixes in the negative forms (1040). I list most of these categories here.
(1039) oy-oku xapari 'my animal, dog'

aw-oti yaypi 'your meat, tapir'
iy-uru cuure 'his bread, manioc bread'
ku-uhre waywT Our weapons, arrows'
o-wok-ru kurayi 'my drink, curay'
yi-nahri paari 'his vegetable food, sweet potatoes'
k-nati-ri Our non-cassava crops'
o-ypo-ri 'my crop of cassava plants'
a-neme-ri 'your special tasty food'
(1040) Iy-oku-m-ra wast (GENL-animal-POSN-NEG) º have no pet.'

Iy-oti-m-ra wasi. (GENL-meat-POSN-NEG) º have no meat.'
Iy-uru-m-ra wast (GENL-bread-POSN-NEG) º have no bread.'
Iy-uhre-m-ra wasi. (GENL-weapon-POSN-NEG) º have no weapon.'
Woku-m-ra wasi. (drink-POSN-NEG) º have no drink.'
Yi-napu-m-ra wasi. (GENL-veg. food-POSN-NEG) º have no vegetable
food.'
In the examples in (1040), the iy- prefix appears to be another variant of the yi-
'GENL' prefix. In all the cases I have observed it occurs before stem-initial ï or u.
196 Hawkins
(xi) -nho/-nhin 'Past tense indicator on nominalized verbs'. This suffix indicates past
tense on most nominalized verbs, on all nominalized postpositions, and on all
nominalized adverbs. It occurs with five of the derived forms described in sect. 15.4:
-xapu, -yem, -ne, -hrii, and -topof-cho. There are two meanings for this past tense
suffix on nouns derived from verbs. It indicates change of action or state (1045,
1046), or it indicates action performed in the distant past (1041-1044). There is
variation among speakers as to what one may feel is the distant past. There is
morphologically conditioned variation between the different forms of this suffix as
follows: -nho occurs when the word has a first person singular prefix (1041) or a
free form possessor (1042), -nhiri occurs in all other cases.
(1041) oy-es-emani-yemi-nho
IPOSR-DETRANS-play-ASS-PAST
'the one I formerly played with.'
(1042) ft-ekaf-ka-y tak Ewka y-aa-fie-nho.

3S-strong-REV-IP change man's.name GEN-take-AG-PAST
'The one who took Ewka became weak.'
(1043) Tooto pen y-et-afma-topo-nho tan.

people dead GEN-DETRANS-throw-CIRC-PAST this
'This is the place of the people who are now dead.'
(1044) Noro rma aw-es-emani-yemi-nhM.

3PRO still 2POSR-DETRANS-play-ASS-PAST
'He is the one you used to play with.'
(1045) Karpe tak wdft-a-si amoto-xapu-nhM.

strong change IS-be-SF-INP sick-NOMZR + PERF-PAST
º am strong now after having been sick.'
(1046) ft-ek hara aa-ne-nhM.

3S-bring + TP back.again take-AG-PAST
'The one who took it brought it back again.'
The suffix -nho/-nhiri also indicates past possession on a few nouns which
describe a relationship. It indicates that the relationship has ceased.
(1047) o-h-ci-nho (IPOSR-wife-POSN-PAST) 'my former wife'

noro 0-ci-nho (3PRON wife-POSN-PAST) 'his former wife'
yi-h-ci-nhM (3POSR-wife-POSN-PAST) 'his former wife'
(1048) i-yimi-nhiri (3POSR-father-PAST) 'the father of him, the

deceased'
Wai Wai 197
(1049) 0-akno-nhM (3POSR-brother-PAST) 'the brother of him, the

deceased'
(1050) a-kayaritomo-ni-nhM komo

2POSR-chief-POSN-PAST COLL
'the one who was your chief
(1051) a-poyino-nhM komo

2POSR-relative-PAST COLL
'your deceased relative'
A past state of existence of underived nouns can also be indicated by this same
suffix.
(1052) Tooto-nhtrf amna n-een-e.

person-PAST 1 + 3PRO 3S-see-IP
'We saw someone who had been a person (who had been an Indian).'
The suffix -thof-thin occurs on the majority of possessible nouns to indicate past
possession. Nouns that take the present possession suffix -ri lose this suffix before
this past possession indicator. Nouns that take the possession indicator -rii retain this
suffix before the past possession indicator. For this reason I do not label the syllable
ri of the allomorph -thin as a distinct possession indicator. The morphologically
conditioned variation of this suffix is exactly the same as for the suffix -nho/-nhiri
described above.
(1053) 0-apo-thM Yaypi y-apo-ri

3POSR-front.leg-PAST + POSN tapir GEN-front.leg-POSN
'its front leg (cut off)' 'the tapir's front leg'
(1054) o-kanawa-tho o-kanawa-ri

lPOSR-canoe-PAST + POSN IPOSR-canoe-POSN
'my former canoe' 'my canoe'
(1055) o-krapa-n-tho o-krapa-n

IPOSR-bow-POSN-PAST IPOSR-bow-POSN
'my former bow' 'my bow'
(1056) a-mariya-n-thM a-mariya-n

2POSR-knife-POSN-PAST 2POSR-knife-POSN
'your former knife' 'your knife'
(xii) The suffix -nano indicates unspecified possessor on a very few nouns. It only
refers to persons other than the speaker or hearer. There is one noun which takes the
198 Hawkins
suffix -no to indicate the same thing. I have no record of either of these suffixes
being used in the past tense.
(1057) Pi-nano poko-hr es-ko.

wife-UNSP + POSN occupied.with-NEG be-2IMP
'Don't have an affair with someone else's wife.'
(1058) Ok-no wo-hr es-ko.

animal-UNSP + POSN shoot-NEG be-2IMP
'Don't shoot someone else's animal.'
23.4.5.2 Other noun inflections
(i) Devaluation and endearment. The suffix -tho occurs with unprefixed noun stems
and indicates low estimated value of the item if the item is impersonal (1059). Old
age is implied in many cases. If the noun refers to a person, especially to a relative,
the same suffix indicates endearment (1060).
(1059) kicici-tho (bad one-DEV) 'a very bad one'

mnmo-tho (house-old and bad) 'an old and bad house'
kanawa-tho (canoe-old and bad) 'an old and bad canoe'
mariya-tho (knife-old and worthless) 'an old and bad knife'
(1060) apapa-tho (dad-dear) 'dear daddy'

yememe-tho (mama-dear) 'dear mama'
o-pi-ci-tho (1 POSR-wife-POSN-dear) 'my dear wife'
Yakuta-tho (boy's name-dear) 'dear Yakuta'
(ii) Diminutive indicator. The suffix -ci occurs on nouns and indicates that the item
is small. A noun with this suffix may be used as an apellation for a person. Such a
noun may be followed by the adverbializer me as a description of a person or item.
This suffix has a counterpart, the particle ciki, which has the same meaning plus the
component of endearment. The suffix and the particle do not occur together in the
same phrase.
(1061) parakwe-ci 'small drinking bowl'

e\vna-ci 'little nose (apellation)'
amta-ci me 'small width, narrow'
omxikri ciki 'my dear little child'
Wai Wai 199
23.5 Adverb morphology
23.5.1 Derivation of adverbs
23.5.1.1 Derivation of adverbs from verb stems
(i) The affix set ti-. . . -so/-xi averbializes verb stems. The suffix variant -xi
normally occurs following stem-final /a/ (1062) and -so follows all other stems
(1063). There are a few stems which occur with -so following the phoneme /a/
(1064). The underlying stem of such verbs ends with pu, which is lost through the
morphophonemic processes of vowel loss, conversion of /p/ to /h/ and loss of /h/.
See sects. 22.6.1, 22.6.4, and 22.6.5.
(1062) T-ama-xi n-0-a-s on weewe.

ADVZR-slash-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INP 3PRO tree
"This tree is slashed.'
(1063) T-apih-so w-een-a-s on.

ADVZR-step.on-ADVZR lS-see-SF-ÃÍÑ this
'It looks to me like this has been stepped on.'
(1064) T-akpa-so n-0-a-si tuuna y-epu.

ADVZR-separate-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INP water GEN-tmnk
'The river is divided.'
(1065) Tan w-0-a-si t-wayih-so ro.

here IS-be-SF-INP ADVZR-die-ADVZR until
º will stay here until I die.'
A variation of the above forms occurs when the verb root begins with Id, /s/, /t/,
or /k/. In such cases the prefix is elided but the suffixes are unchanged. The
adverbialized forms rarely occur, the renominalized forms occurring much more
often. Therefore, I list only the renominalized forms below. The nominalizing
suffixes are discussed in sect. 23.4.3(i). The same elision of prefix rule holds for all
the adverbialized forms described below, whether formed from noun roots or verb
roots.
(1066) cemaro-n-ta-x-mu o-cemaro-n

lie-POSN-VBZR-ADVZR-NOMZR 1 POSR-lie-POSN
'a liar' 'my lying'
200 Hawkins
(1067) sahsa-ma-x-mu o-sahsa-n

saw-VBZR-ADVZR-NOMZR IPOSR-saw-POSN
'logs to be sawn' 'my saw'
(1068) tawa-re-so-m (No known noun root)

smear-CAUS + VBZR-ADVZR-NOMZR
One to be smeared with something'
(1069) koroka-x-mu koroka

wash-ADVZR-NOMZR VERB ROOT
'the ones to be washed' 'wash'
(ii) The suffix -hra is the negative adverbializer of verb stems (1070, 1071). Before
the imperative of the copula the /a/ of the suffix is regularly lost (1072). See sect.
12.1, and also 22.6.5 for loss of initial /h/ when the suffix follows certain
configurations.
(1070) Eki-hra w-eexi.

bring-NEG + ADVZR IS-be + TP
º did not bring it.'
(1071) Waypi-ra 0-x-a-kne.

die-NEG + ADVZR 3S-be-SF-UP
'He did not die.'
(1072) Ewre-r es-ko.

laugh-NEG + ADVZR be-2IMP
'Don't laugh.'
(iii) A set of three affixes, ti-. . . -po + -re, indicates obligation to do an action, or
that the speaker feels it would be good to do an action. (See also sect. 11.5.) (Cf.
the same set of affixes with noun stems, sect. 23.5.1.2(xv)). These affixes occur on
either transitive (1073) or intransitive (1074) verb stems. The resulting form is an
adverbial and may be followed by the copula, in the third person singular form, or
the verb eni 'see' (1073) or the verb enta 'hear'. The copula varies in tense
according to the time of the obligation and the mood of the speaker. The
nominalization of the adverbialized forms are heard only occasionally (1075).
(1073) T-atka-po-re w-een-a-si marari.

ADVZR-clean.of.weeds-good-ADVZR IS-see-SF-INP field
º believe the field should have the weeds cleaned out of it.'
Wai Wai 201
(1074) Ôú-to-po-re n-0-a-si.

ADVZR-go-good-ADVZR 3s-be-SF-INP
'It would be good to go.'
(1075) C-enta-po-re-m okre.

ADVZR-hear-good-ADVZR-NOMZR delight
'How beautiful to hear!'
Negativization of this obligation construction is described in sect. 11.5. But there

is another use of this affix set which includes both positive and negative construc-
tions. These constructions do not refer to obligation but to good or bad feelings.
They occur only on the copula. The positive form is the same as that with the other
verb stems shown above (1077, 1079). The negative forms take the adverbializing
negative suffix -ra or the nominalizing negative suffix -n with the unprefixed stem
(1076, 1078). The suffix -re ADVZR is lost before both of these negativizers.
(1076) Ex-po-ra wH0f-a-si tan.

be-good-NEG + ADVZR IS-be-SF-INP here
º am bored here.'
(1077) C-ex-po-re w-0-a-si tan.

ADVZR-be-good-ADVZR IS-be-SF-INP here
º am contented here.'
(1078) ex-po-n komo

be-good-NEG + NOMZR COLL
'the ones who are bored'
(1079) c-ex-po-re-m komo

ADVZR-be-good-ADVZR-NOMZR COLL
'the contented ones'
Another negativized form of this adverbial includes the full set of affixes, both
the prefix and the two suffixes, and the negative adverbializer suffix is then added.
The meaning includes personal feelings, as the above constructions do. I have
recorded this on only the two verbs given below, and in each case the adverbial is
followed by the positive finite form of the same verb.
(1080) C-enta-po-re-ra w-enc-e-si.

ADVZR-hear-good-ADVZR-NEG IS-hear-SF-ENP
º don't like to hear that.'
202 Hawkins
(1081) C-en-po-re-ra w-een-a-si.

ADVZR-see-good-ADVZR-NEG 1 S-see-SF-INP
º don't like to see that.'
(iv) The suffix -poro indicates that an action is about to be done. It should be noted
that this form does not include the adverbializer prefix ti- which most derived
adverbs take. I have no record of this suffix with transitive verbs.
(1082) Enof-poro n-0-a-si kanawa.

sink-almost + ADVZR SS-be-SF-INP canoe
"The canoe is about to sink.'
(1083) Enma-poro kayka-tko.

dawn-almost + ADVZR let's.go-COLL
'Let us all go just before dawn.'
(1084) Mok-poro tak n-0-a-sl

come-almost+ ADVZR CHANGE 3S-be-SF-INP
'It (airplane) is about to come.'
(v) The affix set ti-. .. -ro indicates that the action occurred repeatedly or
continually during the time another action was occurring. I have only heard this
adverbial used as the adjunct of verbs of coming or going. It is clear that the prefix
is the adverbializer and the suffix carries lexical meaning, that is, time of the action.
We may say that the suffix also carries the component of adverbialization to
conform to other adverbializing affix sets.
(1085) Mehxa k-mok-o t-arani-ro.

from.far IS-come-TP ADVZR-catch.fish-ADVZR + time
º came from far, catching fish as I came.'
(1086) TT-titmam-ro ki-wc-e-si.

ADVZR-stop-ADVZR + time IS-go-SF-INP
º will go, stopping occasionally as I go.'
(vi) The suffix -so/-xi indicates action that is the purpose or goal of going or coming.
The allomorph -xi occurs following stems ending with /a/ (1087). The allomorph -so
occurs with all other stems. Verb stems having the purpose of motion suffix occur
either before or after the head verb (1088), but they most commonly occur before
the head verb. The adverbializing prefix never occurs with these forms. Possessor
and genitive prefixes occur with transitive stems, and the general prefix with
intransitive stems (1087, 1090, 1091).
Wai Wai 203
(1087) Maraii y-ama-xi ki-wc-e-si.

field GEN-cut.down-PM IS-go-SF-MP
º am going to cut a field.'
(1088) Eyeh-so mii-c-e? or Miice eyehso?

bathe-PM 2S-go-UNP
'Are you going to take a bath?'
(1089) Enma-so ki-wc-e-si. Verb Stem: enmapu

dawn-PM IS-go-SF-INP dawn
º am going to dawn (spend several nights in the forest).'
(1090) Aw-akro-no-ma-xi k-mok-ya-s amne.
2POSR-with-NOMZR-VBZR-PM IS-come-SF-INP later
'Later I will come to help you.'
(1091) Yi-win-so ki-wc-e-si.

GENL-sleep-PM IS-go-SF-INP
º am going (away) to sleep.'
(vii) The suffix -tome/-chome indicates that the action is the purpose or goal of
another action. There is free variation between the variants of this suffix following
many verb stems (1093), but with a few verb stems, including the copula, there is
no variation (1092, 1095). Possessor-marking prefixes occur with verb stems having
this suffix (see sect. 23.4.5.1). See sect. 15.4(iv) for the similar forms -cho/-topo
'CIRC' which function as nominalizing suffixes.
(1092) Rikomo akri-ko yi-wm-tome.

child put.up-2IMP 3POSR-sleep-PURP
'Put the child in the hammock so he can go to sleep.'
(1093) Katpa-n-a-w amna ni-winik-ya-si

outdoors-NOMZR-LOC-in 1 + 3PRO 3S-sleep-SF-FNP
pahxaxaro amna paka-chome/tome.

early .morning 1 + 3PRO awake-PURP
'We sleep outdoors in order to wake up very early.'
(1094) Kanaperi po k-enma-ya-si wooto y-en-tome.

stand on lS-to.dawn-SF-ÃÍÑ wild.game GEN-see-PURP
º will remain on the stand until dawn to see wild game.'
(1095) O-karita-n w-ermono-ya-si mata-hr

IPOSR-book-POSN IS-put.under.cover-SF-INP get.wet-NEG
204 Hawkins
eh-tome.
be-PURP
º will put my book under cover so it won't get wet.'
(1096) Cuure enka-ki ki-wto-tome.

manioc.bread put.into-2IMP 1 + 2POSR-go-PURP
'Put the bread in (sack) in order for us to go.'
(1097) Rikomo wano-ma-ki pahki yi-win-tome.

child song-VBZR-2IMP long-time 3POSR-sleep-PURP
'Sing to the child so he will sleep a long time.'
(viii) The suffixes -taw and -ehe. Adverbials formed by these suffixes are fully
discussed in sect. 14.2.
23.5.1.2 Derivation of adverbs from noun stems and renominalization of the

same. A large number of adverbs are derived from noun stems. Noun stems that
occur with one derivational affix or affix set do not occur with any other derivational
affixes. I have not discovered a rule by which to predict which suffix will occur with
which noun stem. I can merely list them and give examples. In the examples below
the adverbializing affixes are first shown, and then followed by the basic noun
forms. Following that, examples of the renominalizing suffixes are given in each
paragraph for the sake of comparison. The meaning of the adverbializing affixes is
that the referent has the attribute expressed by the noun stem.
(i) The affix set ti-. . . -re.
Adverbialization:
(1098) c-erew-re 'painful' cf. erewru 'its pain'

cu-cu-re 'red/yellow' cf. yucuru 'its redness'
tu-wunu-re 'lazy' cf. wuunu 'laziness'
ti-kpo-re 'sweet' cf. yikpori 'its sweetness'
kamxuk-re 'bloody' cf. kamxukru 'his blood'
(Note variation in and loss of prefix ti- according to morphophonemic rules. See
sects. 22.6.2, 22.6.3, and 22.6.6.)
Nominalization
(1099) c-erew-re-m (ADVZR-pain-ADVZR-NOMZR) 'a painful one'

cu-cu-re-m (ADVZR-redness-ADVZR-NOMZR) 'a red one'
Wai Wai 205
(ii) The affix set / / - . . . -ye/-y. The allomorph -ye occurs when it is preceded in the
word by only two CV syllables and is not preceded by a word-medial consonant
cluster, or when the word is followed by a word beginning with a consonant cluster,
or by the nominalizing suffix -m.
Adverbialization:
(1100) ci-cwi-y 'black' cf. yicwin 'its blackness'

tu-smu-ye 'dirty' cf. yusmun 'its dirt'
t-pono-ye 'clothed' cf. ponon 'his clothes'
ti-mi-ye
ß,Ë ,Ë
'housed' cf. yimin 'his house'

tu-smu-ye rma 'still dirty'
Nominalization:
(1101) ci-cwi-ye-m (ADVZR-blackness-ADVZR-NOMZR) 'a black one'

tu-smu-ye-m (ADVZR-dirt-ADVZR-NOMZR) 'a dirty one'
(iii) The affix set ti-... -n + -ye is a variation of the previous affix set. I interpret
the suffix -n as the possession indicator (see sect. 23.2.1(ii)). The /y/ of the following
suffix coalesces with the /-n/ to form /-n/, and thus the /y/ does not appear. However,
the adverbialized form only rarely occurs. The forms that are nominalized from the
adverbialized forms are very much more common. Therefore, I list only those in the
examples below:
Adverbializaton plus Nominalization:
(1102) t-awsi-n-e-m awsi-re-ko

ADVZR-weight-POSN-ADVZR-NOMZR weight-CAUS-2IMP
One that is heavy' 'Weight it down'
(1103) t-maya-n-e-m
ADVZR-wildness-POSN-ADVZR-NOMZR
One that is wild' (No noun root known for this word.)
(1104) c-enepa-n-e-m enepa me kas-ko

ADVZR-stealth-POSN-ADVZR-NOMZR stealth ADVZR say/do-2IMP
'a thief 'Do it secretly.'
(1105) ti-rwo-n-e-m rfiwo-xe

ADVZR-anger-POSN-ADVZR-NOMZR anger-ADVZR
One who is angry' 'angry'
206 Hawkins
(iv) The affix set ti-. .. -ke has the same meaning as the previous sets.
Adverbialization:
(1106) t-pot-ke 'pointed' cf. poturu 'its point'

tu-hme-ke 'having eggs' cf. yuhme 'its eggs'
c-epethi-ke 'costly' cf. epethiri 'its payment'
t-ar-ke 'pregnant' ct. yanri 'its contents'
Nominalization:
(1107) c-epethi-ke-m
ADVZR-payment-ADVZR-NOMZR
'a costly one'
t-ar-ke-m
ADVZR-pregnant-ADVZR-NOMZR
'a pregnant woman'
(v) The affix set ti-. .. -pe has the same meaning as the previous sets. I have only
two adverbs of this set recorded.
Adverbialization:
(1108) ti-kris-pe 'having a rash' cf. kirisi 'a rash'

t-macka-pe 'leaning' no related noun known
Nominalization: (Only one known)
(1109) t-macka-no (ADVZR-leaning-NOMZR) One that is leaning'
(vi) The suffix -pe occurs without a prefix on several stems. They are apparently not
noun stems, since they take nominalizing suffixes. But I have included them along
with noun stems, thinking possibly they were either nouns or particles at some time
in history. See sect. 22.6.4-5 for the reduction of /p/ to /h/ and loss of /h/ in ex.
(1111).
Adverbialization:
(1110) pana-pe 'thin, shallow'

cukma-pe 'soft'
xwaraxwara-pe 'with many tiny holes'
kwacakwaca-pe 'spotted'
poror-pe 'numb'
Wai Wai 207
pupya-pe 'sloped downhill'

won-pe 'causing people to itch'
Nominalization:
(1111) pana-hno (thin, shallow-NOMZR) 'a thin, shallow one'

cukma-no (soft-NOMZR) 'a soft one'
(vii) The suffix -me also occurs without an accompanying prefix. Compare the
postposition me 'ADVZR' (sect. 17.2). I have postulated this syllable -me as a suffix
on a few nouns and one pronoun because it occurs very often with them and it is
pronounced without any intervening pause between so that it seems to be one word.
Adverbialization:
(1112) anar-me 'different' cf. anari 'another one'

kicic-me 'bad' cf. kicici 'a bad one'
weyun-me 'deep (water)' cf. weyun 'a deep place'
potur-me 'first in line' cf. potu-ru 'its point, the first in line'
Nominalization:
(1113) anar-me-n (another-ADVZR-NOMZR) One who is different'

(The other three examples do not occur with a nominalizing suffix, but
lose the suffix -me, leaving the original noun form.)
(viii) The affix set ti-. .. -xe also adverbializes noun stems.
Adverbialization:
(1114) ti-hpo-xe 'hairy' cf. yihpoci 'his hair'

c-etpo-xe 'having a beard' cf. etpoci 'his beard'
ti-krewe-xe 'slimy' cf. the form n-e-krewe-re-w
(3S-DETRANS-algae??-CAUS-TP) 'It got slimy.'
Nominalization:
(1115) ti-hpo-xe-m (ADVZR-hair-ADVZR-NOMZR) One that is hairy'

c-etpo-xe-m (ADVZR-beard-ADVZR-NOMZR) One that has a beard'
(ix) The affix set ti-. .. -we also adverbializes noun stems. I know of no pure nouns
with which to compare some of these stems. But there is a negativized form and a
verb form in which the basic stem functions like a noun stem by virtue of the
derivational suffixes that co-occur (see the first two examples in (1116)).
208 Hawkins
Adverbialization:
(1116) t-apes-we 'slick'

c-eket-we 'flexible'
tu-mut-we 'white'
cf. n-apesi-re (3S-slick-CAUS + UNP) 'It makes it slick.'

cf. eketu-m-ra (flexible-POSN-NEG) 'not flexible'
cf. yu-mutu-n (3POSR-white-POSN) 'its white spot'
Nominalization:
(1117) t-apes-we-m (ADVZR-slick-ADVZR-NOMZR) 'a slick one'

tu-mut-we-m (ADVZR-white-ADVZR-NOMZR) 'a white one'
(x) The suffix -ka\v adverbializes a few nouns, mostly parts of the body. (Cf. the
adverb kaw 'tall, high, long', sect. 20.) I postulate these examples as one compound
word rather than two separate words because in the third example in (1118) the
suffix of the noun is lost when followed by the adverb kaw.
Adverbialization:
(1118) apor-kaw 'having long arms' cf. apo-ri 'his arms'

ehyat-kaw 'being long' cf. ehyati 'his spine'
yihre-kaw 'having long legs' cf. yihrepu 'his legs'
Nominalization:
(1119) apor-ka\v-no (arm-long-NOMZR) One having long arms'

yi-hre-kaw-no (3-leg-long-NOMZR) One having long legs'
(xi) The affix set /-. .. -kaw adverbializes stems which are based on noun stems. The
meaning is 'stretched out/up.'
Adverbialization:
(1120) t-apo-rara-kaw cf. apo-ri 'his arms/wings'

'having arms/wings outstretched'
(1121) t-pana-caf-kaw cf. pana-ri 'his ears'

'having ears pricked up'
Wai Wai 209
(1122) ti-h-kaw cf. noro ñß-tho 'its skull'

'having head raised up'
Nominalization:
(1123) t-pana-caf-kaw-no
ADVZR-ears-?-long-NOMZR
One having long ears'
(1124) ti-h-kaw-no
ADVZR-head-high-NOMZR
One having his head raised'
(xii) The suffix -pene also derives adverbs from nouns. It indicates that a person or
animal possesses an item that is very large, or possesses a large quantity of an item.
It does not occur with the adverbializing prefix if-, but it does take the general prefix
yi- when the phonemic structure is right (sect. 23.4.5.1(ii)). Note that the
nominalizing suffix requires a change in the final vowel of the adverbializing suffix.
Adverbialization:
(1125) ew-pene 'having large eyes' cf. ew-ru 'his eyes'

yi-nah-pene 'having much food' cf. yi-nah-ri 'his food'
Nominalization:
(1126) ew-penan (eyes-large+ NOMZR) One having large eyes'

yi-nah-penan (GENL-food-large + NOMZR) One having much food'
(xiii) The suffix -ciciy/-ciciye indicates that a body part, or part of any item, is
prominent. These forms also occur without the u- adverbializing prefix. The longer
variant occurs before the nominalizing suffix.
Adverbialization:
(1127) ewna-ciciy 'having a prominent nose'

potu-ciciy 'having a prominent point'
Nominalization:
(1128) ewna-cici-ye-m (nose-prominent-ADVZR-NOMZR) One having a

prominent nose'
210 Hawkins
potu-cici-ye-m (point-prominent-ADVZR-NOMZR) One having a

prominent point'
(xiv) The possession-indicating suffix -m/-0 occurs before the negative-indicating

suffixes -hra and -hni in a number of words. The former derives adverbs from nouns.
The latter retains the stem in the noun word class. The /h/ of both these negative
suffixes is always lost following the -m variant. Usually the -m variant occurs
following stems that take the possession indicator -ni (exception (1129)). Other noun
stems take the zero variant. See also sect. 12.3.
(1129) Õú-napu-m-ra n^-a-y. o-nah-ri

GENL-food-POSN-NEG 3S-be-SF-UNP IPOSR-food-POSN
'He has no food.' 'my food'
(1130) Ato-m-ra Wr0-a-si oy-ato-n

cough-POSN-NEG IS-be-SF-INP IPOSR-cough-POSN
º am not coughing.' 'my cough'
(1131) Yi-mxiki^-ra 0-x-a-tkene o-mxik-rt

GENL-child-POSN-NEG 3S-be-SF-UP + COLL IPOSR-child-POSN
'They had no children.' 'my child'
(xv) The affix set ti-. .. -po + -re indicates that an item or person that one
possesses is good. (Cf. the same set of adverbializing suffixes with verb stems, sect.
23.5.1.1(iii). This form is often nominalized by the suffix -mu/-m.
(1132) Ci-pi-po-re n-0-a-si.

ADVZR-wife-good-ADVZR 3S-be-SF-INP
'He has a good (beautiful) wife.'
(1133) Ci-pi-po-re-m y-etapa-xi 0-c-e-xe.

ADVZR-wife-good-ADVZR-NOMZR GEN-club-PM 3S-go-SF-INP
'They are going to club those who have good (beautiful) wives.'
(1134) Ôú-mm-po-re m-0-a-s okre.

ADVZR-house-good-ADVZR 2S-be-SF-INP delight
'You have a nice house.'
(1135) Ti-min-po-re-mu rma ow.

ADVZR-house-good-ADVZR-NOMZR still 1PRO
º am one who still has a good house.'
Wai Wai 211
(xvi) The negative of the above forms is formed by the suffix set -po + -ra for the
adverbialized forms and by the suffix set -po + -n for the nominalized forms. It
should be noted that the possession suffix -n also occurs preceding these suffixes
with the set of nouns that take that suffix in the positive forms (1 1 36, 11 37). Nouns
that take the possession indicator -rf do not occur with a possession suffix before
this suffix (1138).
(1136) Pono-n-po-ra
clothes-POSN-good-NEG + ADVZR 1 S-be-SF-ÃÍÑ
º have clothes that are not good.'
(1137) Pono-n-po-n owi.

clothes-POSN-good-NEG + NOMZR 1PRO
º am the one who has clothes that are not good. '
o-pono-n
(IPOSR-clothes-POSN)
'my clothes'
(1138) Kanawa-po-ra w-0-a-s okwe.

canoe-good-NEG IS-be-SF-INP alas
'Alas, I have a bad canoe. '
o-kanawa-ri
(lPOSR<anoe-POSN)
'my canoe'
23.5.2 Other inflection of adverbs
(i) The suffix -hra occurs with the stem of a few underived adverbs and indicates
negation. The word class is not changed.
(1139) kaw-ra 'short, low' cf. kaw 'tall, high'

cimiki-ra 'not bitter' cf. cimiki 'bitter'
ceypu-ra 'not hard' cf. ceypu ' 'hard'
ecenari-ra 'not enough' cf. ecenari 'enough'
meye-hra 'not far' cf. meye 'far'
merpo-ra 'not few/many' cf. mefpo mak 'few'
The negativizing indicator -hra also occurs with derived adverbs and is added to
the basic noun stem of the derived adverb except in the word for 'strong' (1142).
212 Hawkins
(l 140) cu-cu-re (ADVZR-redness-ADVZR) 'red'

yu-cu-ru (3-redness-POSN) 'its redness'
yu-cu-hra (GENL-redness-NEG) 'not red' (not having redness)
(1141) ti-hpo-xe (ADVZR-hair-ADVZR) 'hairy'

yi-hpo-ci (3-hair-POSN) 'his hair'
yi-hpo-ra (GENL-hair-NEG) 'without hair'
(1142) kaf-pe (strength-ADVZR) 'strong'

kari-ti (strength-one possessing) 'strong one'
kar-pe-ra (strength-ADVZR-NEG) 'not strong'
Commonly, the negativization of adverbs is accomplished by using the opposite

adverb.
(1143) kirwanhe 'good' kicicme 'bad'

weyunme 'deep' panape 'shallow'
ceypu 'hard' cuhnape 'soft'
tupurukye 'fat' takporoso 'thin'
(ii) Collectivity of adverbs is indicated by the particle so. I have labelled this
indicator as a particle rather than a suffix because it occurs with transitive verbs,
with adverbs, and with postpositions.
(1144) Kaw so n-0-a-xe.

tall COLL 3S-be-SF-INP
"They all are tall.'
23.6 Postposition morphology. There are suffixes added to noun stems to derive
postpositions and to give a specific indication of place. Most of the noun stems
indicate parts of the body. I can find no way to predict which suffixes will occur
following which stem. See sect. 17.3 for syntactic functions of these postpositions. I
will list the noun here first for easy comparison:
(i) Nouns which take the suffixes -w, 'at, on' -ka, 'to' -ri 'along' and -y 'from':
(1145) pana-rf o-pana-w a-pana-ka

ear-POSN IPOSR-ear-at IPOSR-ear-to
'his ear' 'at my side' (my ear) 'to his side' (his ear)
(1146) ewto pota-rT ewto pota-w

village entrance-POSN village entrance-at
'the entrance to the village' 'at the entrance to the village'
Wai Wai 213
(1147) mota-rt mota-w mota-ka

shoulder-POSN shoulder-in shoulder-to
'his shoulder' On his shoulder' Onto his shoulder'
(1148) awxa-rt awxa-ri awxa-w

side-POSN side-along side-at
'its side' 'along its side' 'at its side'
(1149) a-mka-ri a-mka-y

2POSR-back-POSN 2POSR-back-from
'your back' 'behind you (from your back)'
(ii) Other nouns take the suffix -ta 'LOG' followed by the suffixes -w, -ka and -y. It
seems to me that the suffix -ta indicates location in general. It does not refer to
location in time when suffixed to nouns, as it does when suffixed to verb stems.
(1150) mapi-rf mapi-ta-w mapi-ta-ka

seat-POSN end-LOC-in end-LOC-to
'his seat' 'in its end' 'into the end' (of canoe,
etc.)
(1151) echM ecih-ta-w ecih-ta-ka

edge (of water) edge-LOC-at edge-LOC-to
'at the water's edge' 'to the water's edge'
(1152) ken ken-ta-w ken-ta-y

mouth (river) mouth-LOC-at mouth-LOC -from
'at the river's mouth' 'from the river's mouth'
There are two nouns which take the suffix -ta 'LOG' followed by two of the
specific location suffixes. One of these nouns takes the possession suffix before the
-ta suffix; in the other, the phoneme /n/ also occurs, but it is the nominalizing suffix
rather than the possession suffix. The derived forms are again adverbs.
(1153) kicici kicici-n-ta-w kicici-n-ta-ka

bad one bad one-POSN-LOC-in bad one-POSN-LOC-to
'in a closed place' 'to a closed place'
(1154) kifwan kifwa-n-ta-w kifwa-n-ta-ka

good one good-NOMZR-LOC-in good-NOMZR-LOC-to
'in a clear place' 'into a clear place'
214 Hawkins
(iii) There are a few nouns which take the suffix -a 'LOG' following the nominalizer
-n to indicate location in general. The -a is then followed by one of the same three
specific location suffixes -w, -ka and -y. These derived forms, however, are adverbs
rather than postpositions, since they do not co-occur with prefixes or noun objects.
I list them here because of their similarity to postpositions.
(1155) katpa-n katpa-n-a-w katpa-n-a-ka

daylight-NOMZR daylight-NOMZR-LOC-in daylight-NOMZR-LOC-to
'daylight' 'in the daylight' 'to the daylight'
(1156) awarpa-n awarpa-n-a-w awarpa-n-a-ka

dark-NOMZR dark-NOMZR-LOC-in dark-NOMZR-LOC-to
'darkness' 'in the dark' 'to the darkness, shade'
(iv) There are a few nouns that take different suffixes to derive postpositions. See
sect. 17.3 for examples of these.
Ideophones
24 Ideophones
Ideophones are vivid words. They are used to make stories and reports more
interesting. They are usually uninflected and often occur in isolation (1168-1169).
When occurring in isolation they are usually said with strong emphasis, almost like
an interjection. They are the only class of words in Wai Wai which are never
followed by the other classes of particles. Ideophones are used to indicate or
describe actions. They may be followed by the corresponding verb form (1161-
1163). Sometimes there is reduplication of a syllable within the ideophone (1169).
Ideophones often function as the object of the verb ka/kas- 'say, do' and thus are like
quotations (1157, 1164, 1166). They may be followed by the postposition wa/wara
which normally follows nouns (1159). Many of them are onomatopoeic, but others
have nothing to do with the sound of an action (1159, 1161, 1162, 1165, etc.).
Ideophones are usually expression initial. I have recorded 75 or 80 of these words.
There are probably a good many more. I list a few of them here.
(1157) Ktokto, ka-co-ko.

clap do-COLL-2IMP
'Clap your hands.'
Wai Wai 215
(1158) Cipicipi, 0-k-e-s.

drip 3S-do-SF-INP
'It is dripping.'
(1159) Cik wara y-imi-ko.

tight like 3O-tie-IMP
Tie it tightly.'
(1160) Kokra 0-k-e-si kapikara.

crow 3S-say-SF-INP rooster
"The rooster is crowing.'
(1161) Krow, 0-paraxka ro maki.

pierce 3S-stab + TP much just
'He really pierced him.'
(1162) Tow, 0-wayh-ye okwe.

die 3S-die-IP alas
'He died, alas!'
(1163) Kupruru, mooxe ni-hxiki.

drag far 3S-drag + TP
'He dragged it a long way.'
(1164) Panapana kas-ko.

rock(side.to.side) do-2IMP
'Rock it from side to side.'
(1165) Sara wii-ka esama ya-ka.

to.come.out.into.clearing IS-do + TP path in-to
º came out into the path.'
(1166) Turay çßú-ka kica.

slip.loose 3S-do + TP disgust
'Sad to say it slipped loose.'
(1167) Pukno, wara n-eexi.

lie.on.ground like 3S-be + TP
'He was lying on the ground.'
(1168) Powa.
full
'It got full.'
216 Hawkins
(1169) Kupruruniru.
to.go.in.a.line
'They went in a line.'
(1170) Say, say, say, say, kah ya-ka roro 0-c-e-kne.

up up up up sky in-to until 3S-go-SF-UP
'It went up, up, up, up into the sky.'
(1171) Saa, n-enmapu tak.

become.light 3S-dawn+TP then
'Dawn came. It got light.'
(1172) Sipi, n-es-eyka tak ramha.

become, dark 3S-DETRANS-extinguish + TP then lamp
'It got dark. The light went out.'
(1173) Knerere 0-k-e-si.

thunder 3S-do-SF-INP
'It is thundering'
(1174) Tere kas-ko.

set. down do-2IMP
'Set it down.'
(1175) Saka 0-k-e-si yu-kukno-n-ka-cho.

flash 3S-do-SF-INP GENL-picture-POSN-REV-NOMZR + CIRC
'The camera (machine which takes away pictures) flashes.'
(1176) Towsuru kas-ko.

swallow do-2IMP
'Swallow it.'
(1177) Sehrere, kopow.

slip splash
'He slipped and splashed into the water.'
There are a few ideophones which depart from a normal phonological rule of the
other word classes, that is, that the phoneme /t/ never occurs before the phoneme III.
(1178) Tantiri.
break (slender object)
'It broke.' (the stick)
Wai Wai 217
There are a few ideophones that take verbalizing suffixes such as those used to
verbalize nouns. This might tend to indicate that ideophones are basically nouns. But
I have only discovered three such verbalized ideophones. Thus I feel it best to leave
ideophones as a separate word class.
(1179) ft-e-coforo-ma. cofofo

3S-DETRANS-shatter-VBZR + TP
'It broke into many pieces.' 'shatter'
(1180) Cara-ma-ki. caracara

sprinkle-VBZR-2IMP
'Sprinkle it on it.' 'sprinkle on something'
(1181) Merur-ka-kJ oona. meruru

pour.out-VBZR-2IMP to.here
Tour it out here.' 'pour out' (grains)
218 Hawkins
Abbreviations
ADVZR adverbializer HORTMOT hortative of motion

ADVERS adversative IDEO ideophone
AF athematic focus IMP static imperative
AG agent, doer IMPMOT imperative of motion
ARG argument IO indirect object
ASS associate INGR ingressive
AUG augmentative INTENT intention, purpose, plan
CAUS causative INTERR interrogative
CESS cessative INP involved mode of
CHANGE change non-past tense
CIRC time, place or thing IO indirect object
associated with an IP involved mode of 'before
action, including any or today' past tense
all circumstances related LIM limiter
to the referents LOG locative
COLL collective LOSS loss of any object
COMPL completive MN modifying nominal
CON contrast MON monitory mode
CONEX contrary to expectations MOT motion
CONREP continuative/repetitive NCOLL non-collective
CONTRAF contrary to fact NEG negative
COP copula NOMZR nominalizer
DEB debitive mode NT new thought
DEDUCT deduction NOTE take careful note
DBF definite Ï or OBJ object
DESID desiderative OPP opposite possibility
DETRANS detransitivizer OPPINT opposite interrogation
DEV devaluation PAIN interjection of pain
DIMESi diminutive PAST past tense on nouns
DISAG disagreement PERF present or past perfect tense
DIST distinctiveness PERM permanence
ERG ergative ÑÐ¾ pity for person or animal
EXT extremely PM purpose of motion
EXACT exact measurement PPOSN past possession
FATE circumstances beyond POSN possession
human control POSR possessor
FRUS frustrative POT potential
GEN genitive case marker PPZR postpositionalizer
GENL general prefix PRO pronoun
HORT hortative
Wai Wai 219
PROOF proof that the speaker is UNP uninvolved mode of

correct non-past tense
PROX proximity UP uninvolved mode of
PURP purpose 'before today' past tense
REF reflexive of subject or object V verb
REFPOS reflexive of possession VSF verbalizing stem formative
RES responsibility for an // indicates single phonemes
expression {} phonetic sound of item as
REV reversative against written form
RHY rhythm carrier [] a group of words that
S subject function as a unit; in section
SF stem formative 22 it indicates phonetic
SG singular transcription
SMAM small amount of space or > 'becomes', indicating a
time morphophonemic change in
SUP superlative degree a word
SUR surprise Single quotation mark ( ' ) marks stress
TEMP temporary state on the following syllable.
¹ÌÅ for a period of time + indicates that another
TP today past tense component of meaning is
UN unique indicated by the same
UNC unchangeable morpheme.
UNCER uncertainty 1 first person
UNSP unspecified human object or 2 second person
possessor 3 third person
A component of meaning of a given morpheme may not be included in the
glosses if that component is not in focus.
220 Hawkins
References
Derbyshire, Desmond C.
1985 Hixkaryana and linguistic typology, Summer Institute of Linguistics
Publications in Linguistics 76 (Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics
and University of Texas at Arlington).
Hawkins, W. Neill
1952 A fonologia da lingua Uaiuai, Boletim 157, Emografia e Tupi-Guarani
25 (Säo Paulo: Universidade de Säo Paulo).
1962 A morfologia do substantivo na lingua Uaiuai, Publicaôes Avulsas 21,
Museu Nacional (Rio de Janeiro: Universidade do Brasil).
Hawkins, W. Neill, and Robert E. Hawkins
1953 "Verb inflections in Waiwai (Carib)," International Journal of Ameri-
can Linguistics 19:201-211.
Wai Wai 221
APPENDIX
WAI WAI TEXT
KERIYME PEN WAYHTOPONHO

The story of Kiriyme's death
Told by Forosha
(1) Taa, on wara mak ka xe w-0-a-s a-wya

all.right this like just say DESID IS-be-SF-INP 2-to
oy-akno, tan aw-exi-taw cuh-wa-ka-n komo

IPOSR-brother here 2-be-while grass(forest)-LOC-to-NOMZR COLL
0-c-e-tkene.
3S-go-SF-UP + COLL
'All right, this is what I will say to you my brother, while you were
here people went to the forest.'
(2) Ero wara 0-c-e-tkene a-weroro rma.

3PRO like 3S-go-SF-UP + COLL 2-in.view self
'That's how they went, you saw them yourself
(3) ftexamro-nhM 0-mok-ya-tkene hara.

3PRO +COLL-PAST 3S-come-SF-UP + COLL again
"They who went came back again.'
(4) Kifwanhe so rma 0-mok-ya-tkene.

good COLL CONREP 3S-come-SF-UP + COLL
'They were well when they came.'
(5) Yihci-éÀ me ka 0-mok-ya-kne KMyme.

begin-NOMZR ADVZR TEMP 3S-come-SF-UP KMyme.
'First, KMyme came.'
(6) Taa, pona [xa hara] Pooto tak 0-mok-ya-kne

all.right, next again man's.name next 3S-come-SF-UP
okomni nhe tak ha.

last somewhat next RHY
222 Hawkins
'All right, next Pooto came somewhat later.'
(7) Ero wara 0-mok-ya-tkene hara kirwanhe rma.

that like 3S-come-SF-UP + COLL again well CONREP
"That's how they returned, (they were) still well.'
(8) Taa, on wara tko wii-k-e-s oy-akno,

AlLright, this like NT IS-say-SF-INP IPOSR-brother
k-akno-nhM poko tak ha.

l+lPOSR-brother-PAST about next RHY
'All right, this is what I will say, my brother, about our deceased
brother.'
(9) On wara 0-x-a-kne KMyme pen, 0-wayh-ya-kne okwe

this like 3S-be-SF-UP man's.name deceased 3S-die-SF-UP alas
k-akno-nhM pen komo.

1 + 2POSR-brother-PAST deceased COLL
'This is what happened to our deceased brother, KMyme, our brother
died, alas!'
(10) [Ahce kacho] ha na? Camki xa w-0-a-s ow.

why RHY UNCER ignorant SUP IS-be-SF-INP 1PRO
'Why did he die? I do not know at all.'
(11) On wara 0-mok-ya-kne cuh-wa-w-no-nho,

this like 3S-come-SF-UP forest-LOC-in-NOMZR-PAST
0-moku-che n-enma-y, n-enma-y, n-okoh-wa-kne tak

3-come-after 3S-dawn-IP 3S-dawn-IP 3S-corpse-VSF-UP CHANGE
noro pen.
3PRO deceased
'This is how he was when he came from the forest, after he came, he
dawned (passed the night), he dawned, then he got sick (like a corpse).'
(12) Taa, amne n-ocoro-n-wa-kne ha na.

AlLright, later 3S-fever-POSN-VSF-UP RHY UNCER
'All right, later he developed a fever possibly.'
(13) Taa, yi-hta-rf poko 0-x-a-kfie ereki,

AlLright, 3POSR-feet-POSN on 3S-be-SF-UP sores
Wai Wai 223
0-amo-rf poko marha, 0-ew-ru kwaw marha.

3POSR-hands-POSN on also 3POSR-eyes-POSN in also
'All right, there were sores on his feet, also on his hands and in his
eyes.'
(14) 0-Ew-ru picho yay ha re,

3POSR-eyes-POSN lids under RHY somewhat
yaw 0-x-a-kne ha ti oko.

LOG + in 3S-be-SF-UP RHY 3RES PAIN
'Somewhat under his eyelids, he said it was in them, ouch.'
(15) Ero n-ahsi-ya-kne epefa noro pen.

3PRO 3S-catch-SF-UP disease 3PRO deceased
'He caught that disease (Lit.: The disease caught him).'
(16) Ero yi-nhM kaf-pe-ra 0-x-a-kne okwe

3PRO like-PAST strength-ADVZR-NEG 3S-be-SF-UP alas
enexa-nT-nho rma.
from.there-NOMZR-PAST PROX
'Afterwards he was weak (sick) alas right after he came back from
there.'
(17) Moh-xapu-nhM rma ero wa 0-x-a-kne okwe.

come-PERF-PAST PROX 3PRO like 3S-be-SF-UP alas
"That's how he was right after he came back.'
Amna y-akro cik n-es-enta-y yohno mak.

1 + 3PRO GEN-with little 3S-DETRANS-hear-IP quickly just.
'He discussed with us a little bit, just briefly.'
(18) Kaf-pe-ra men w-0-a-s oy-akno komo,

strength-ADVZR-NEG MON IS-be-SF-INP IPOSR-brother COLL
0-k-e-kne rma amna ya. Ahce okwe, 0-k-e-kne

3S-say-SF-UP CONEX 1+3PRO to what alas, 3S-say-SF-UP
amna.
1 + 3PRO
'"I sure am weak my brothers," he said to us. "Alas," we said.'
(19) [Ero ke] noro pen exi-hra tak n-0-a-s

therefore 3PRO deceased be-NEG CHANGE 3S-be-SF-INP
224 Hawkins
oroto amna y-akro-no-nho.

now 1 + 3PRO GEN-with-NOMZR-PAST
"Therefore, our late brother is no longer with us.'
(20) Amna n-et-akro-no-nk-e-kfte. tak

1 + 3PRO 3S-DETRANS-with-NOMZR-LOSS-SF-UP CHANGE
okwe.
alas
'We lost our helper alas.'
(21) [Ero ke] ahwo-ra rma na m-0-a-y

therefore happy-NEG CONEX maybe 2S-be-SF-UNP
noro pen y-ekaci-tho y-enc-e-taw.

3PRO deceased GEN-news-PAST GEN-hear-SF-when
"Therefore, maybe you are sad when you hear this news of him.'
(22) Poyino-nhM marha ahwo-ra n-0-a.-xe tan.

fellows-PAST also happy-NEG 3S-be-SF-INP here
'His fellow tribesmen here are also sad.'
(23) Taa, 0-akno-nhM komo, taa, yu-mumu-thiri

All.right, 3-brother-PAST COLL all.right 3-son-PAST
komo, yi-hci-nhM, emsi-thM komo cik marha, ahwo-ra

COLL 3-wife-PAST daughter-PAST COLL dear also happy-NEG
[ro mak] n-#-a-xe.

very much3S-be SF-INP
OK, his brothers, his sons, his wife, his daughters are also very sad.'
(24) Ero wa n-0-a-si noro pen wayh-topo-nho.

3PRO like 3S-be-SF-INP 3PRO deceased die-CIRC-PAST
"That's how he died.'
Warekena
Alexandra . Aikhenvald
Australian National University
Introduction
0.1 General data. Warekena belongs to the Northern subgroup of Maipuran1.

It is spoken in nine communities on the Xie river (a tributary of Upper Rio
Negro, Brazil) - Vila Nova, Campinas, Yuku, Nazar6, Kumati-cachoeira, Tonu,
Umaritiwa, Tokana, Anamoim - by a few dozen people, most of them over fifty
(see Map). All the speakers of Warekena are bilingual in Nheengatu (Lingua
Geral), and no longer use Warekena for everyday communication (in spite of its
having been their first language). Many of them also speak Spanish, Portuguese
and Baniwa of Ic,ana or Kurripako. The linguistic status of Warekena can be
characterized as a typical language death situation. Linguistically, Warekena of
Xie is a dialect of Baniwa of Guainia spoken in Venezuela. Minor dialectal
differences exist between different Warekena-speaking communities. Warekena
of Anamoim is closer to Baniwa of Guainia than are the dialects of other
communities of the Xie river. The communities upstream on the Xie river were
founded by Baniwa-speaking migrants from Venezuela in the early twentieth
century.
The present study is based on the materials collected during three fieldtrips
to the Upper Rio Negro region in 1991, 1994 and 1995 from speakers of three
communities: Nazaro, Anamoim, Campinas. My corpus contains approximately
200 pp. of texts, including traditional stories, life stories of the consultants, and
gospel stories volunteered by the consultants, besides word lists and transcripts
of conversations with consultants.
The Warekena language (phonologically: Wale:k£na) is also known by the
names Uarequena, Uerekena, Werikena, Warikena, Ariquena, Guarequena (see
Anonymous 1933: 29; Loukotka 1968: 132; Galväo 1979: 146; Payne 1991: 364).
The translation of the name is 'star people' (cf. waJi- 'star' in Baniwa of I9ana,
Tariana; -kena 'people' in names of clans in Baniwa of Igana from Proto-Maipuran
*kakin[thi] (Payne 1991); cf., among others, Bare khinene 'people').
There is strong evidence in favor of a fairly recent appearance of the present
day Warekena language on the Xie river which ousted the "old", or "real"
Warekena. The latter belongs to the I9ana-Vaupes subgroup of Northern Maipu-
ran. It is still spoken by several old people on the Xie river in Brazil and by
226 Aikhenvald
Locations of Warekena and some neighboring language

groups
COLOMBIA V
÷·
San Carlos
de Rio Negro
VENEZUELA
Santa Rosa de
Amanadona
Sao Gabriel
da Cachoeira
Tariana
East-Tucanoan
Warekena 227
around 338 people in the region of Guzman Blanco in Venezuela (Gonzalez-

Nanez 1970; Grimes 1996).
The presence of the Warekena was attested on the Igana river and on the
mouth of the Xie in 1759 (Briizzi 1977: 20-23). According to Wallace (1853),
Warekena lived on the Vaupes. The contacts between Warekena and Tariana are
reflected in myths and legends of the Tariana, according to which "cannibal"
Warekena used to be Tariana slaves, and accompanied the Tariana when the
latter moved from the region of the I$ana river to the Vaupes. Later, as the
result of some sort of "disagreement" with the Tariana, the Warekena were
expelled from the Vaupes and found refuge on the Xie.
There is, however, a certain discord in the existing literature concerning the
status, migrations and origins of the present-day Warekena and their language
in Brazil.
Koch-Griinberg (1911:38-39) points out that the "old" Warekena used to be
spoken on the rivers Igana and Xie. The first evidence of the speakers' migra-
tion to Venezuela (San Miguel, Tiriquin) and to upper Orinoco goes back to
Spruce, in 1854 (see Martius 1867:619) and Schomburgk in 1839 (see Schom-
burgk 1841). Warekenas had been displaced from their habitat several times
since late eighteenth century (see Aikhenvald and Amorim 1995), so that
Heute findet man Uarekona in spärlichen Resten hauptsächlich am
Guainia, wo sie die Dörfer Tomo und Guzman Blanco, das alte San
Miguel de Däbipe, bewohnen, ferner neben Bar6 in den Ortschaften
Tiriquin und am Atabapo in den Dörfern Baltazar und Corona. Man
begegnet ihnen auch noch am , in ihrer alten Heimat, wo aber sie
bereits mit Indianern von I$ana (Karutana) stark gemischt sind. [Now
just a few Warekenas are found mainly on the Guainia River, where
they live in the villages Tomo and Guzman Blanco, former San
Miguel de Däbipe, and also near Bare in the regions of Tiriquin and
in the villages of Baltazar and Corona on Atabapo. They are also still
found on the Xie river, their old homeland, where they are already
strongly mixed with the Indians of Igana (Karutana)](Koch-Griinberg
1911:39).
It is noteworthy that Koch-Griinberg says nothing about the presence of
today's Warekena - a dialect of Baniwa of Guainia - on the Xie river. This may
mean that the migration of Baniwa-speaking Warekena back to Xie must have
taken place later.
Nimuendaju (1982: 175-176) says:
Uarequona - Esta lingua estä hoje quase extinta, pois os poucos
sobreviventes desta tribo habitam esparsos na maioria em territorio
venezuelano, na Guainia (Gusman Blanco e vizinhangas) e adotaram
a lingua Baniua verdadeira [i.e., Baniwa of Guainia - A.A.] dessa
regiäo ou a castelhana. No rio Igana näo existe nenhum representante
228 Aikhenvald
e no rio ×ßÝ, sua patria primitiva, so habita uma famflia vinda ja da

Venezuela. Uarequ6na Ý um membro proprio da famflia Aruak. Ela
assemelha-se mais ao Carutana, mas n o Ý um dialeto do baniua do
I9ana." [Uarequena - This language is now almost extinct, since the
few survivors of this tribe mostly live scattered on the territory of
Venezuela (Guzman Blanco and vicinities) and took over the real
Baniwa language [i.e., Baniwa of Guainia - A.A.] of the region or
Spanish. There are no representatives of this tribe on the I$ana river,
and there is only one family which had come from Venezuela that
lives on Xie, their former home. Uarequena is a typical member of
the Arawak family. It is similar to Carutana, but is not a dialect of
Baniwa of Ic.ana].
Galv o (1979: 146) points out: "Uma lingua e tribo atualmente extinta 6 a
Warikena, antigamente localizada no Xie" [A language and tribe, Warikena,
formerly located on the Xie, is now extinct.]
It can be inferred from what has been said above that both Nimuendaju and
Galv o are referring to the presence of speakers of "old" Warekena on the Xie.
No mention of modern Warekena on the Xie is made (though it is not clear
which language is spoken by the only Warekena family from Venezuela men-
tioned by Nimuendaju).
A brief sketch of Warekena customs is given in a kind of "encyclopedia" for
Salesian catholic missions (Anonymous 1933). Warekena are reported to live on
the Igana and Xie rivers, and considered completely "civilized" speakers of
Nheengatu (Lingua Geral) and Portuguese.
Loukotka (1968) gives Guainia river (Vaupes territory of Colombia) as the
present day habitat of Warekenas, without mentioning their presence in Vene-
zuela or in Brazil.
The location of Warekena on the Xie is also pointed out in Rodrigues (1986)
and Voegelin and Voegelin (1977); no mention is made as to which one of the
two Warekena groups is discussed.
Br zzi (1961) provides a word-list in Warekena of Xie, along with other
languages of the Upper Rio Negro region. To my knowledge, this is the first
mention of the present day Warekena (and not the "old" Warekena) on the Xie.
It is evident that, unfortunately, the distinction between the two languages
which use the same name, Warekena, is not sufficiently followed in the existing
literature (Grimes 1996, Loukotka 1968, Rodrigues 1986, Voegelin and
Voegelin 1977), thus provoking a certain misunderstanding as far as the status
of Warekena is concerned. Though both Baniwa of Guainia (i.e., the present
Warekena of Xie) and the languages of the Igana-Vaupes subgroup (to which
the old Warekena belongs) are members of the Northern Maipuran branch, they
are very distant from each other and far from being mutually intelligible.
In accordance with the existing sources, the migration of Warekena from the
Xie river in Brazil to the adjacent regions of Venezuela started as early as the
Warekena 229
beginning of the last century. Towards the beginning of the twentieth century
the majority of Warekena had moved to Venezuela, where they switched to a
different language - Baniwa of Guainia. In spite of having changed their lan-
guage, these Warekena preserved their ethnic name and the story of their
origins from Xie. Some of them moved back to their "proto-home" on the Xie
river in the early 1920s.
The only previous work on Baniwa of Guainia (which displays minor dialec-
tal differences from Warekena of Xie) is: (a) short word lists in Cr6vaux et al.
(1882), Grasserie (1892), Civrieux and Lichy (1950); (b) a short grammatical
sketch in Grasserie (1892) and a little morphological data in Mosonyi (1968).
0.2 Typological characteristics. Similar to the vast majority of Maipuran lan-

guages, Warekena is head-marking, agglutinating, with a few elements of fu-
sion, mainly suffixing, with a few prefixes. Since it is a language in a language
death situation, there must be a huge degree of morphological reduction, which
accounts for the relative simplicity of its morphology as compared to Baniwa of
I9ana. Warekena shows great structural similarity to Bare (see Aikhenvald
1995a), which may be due to long-term contacts between these two languages.
1 Constituent order
The syntactically distinct clause types depend on the following classes of

predicates (following the terms of Dixon 1994): transitive (with two arguments: A
and O), intransitive active (with the only argument: Sa), intransitive stative (with
the only argument So), intransitive of state/condition (with the only argument Sio),
and verbless (sect. 7). As I show in sect. 18.4, the majority of predicates are
assigned to one class. There is a certain overlap between the class of transitive
verbs and intransitive, due to the existence of A = S and S = O ambitransitives (see
sect. 18.4.1). Intransitive verbs which denote state/condition may be treated as
intransitive stative, with a semantic difference explicated in sect. 18.4.1. The
unmarked constituent order in Warekena is AVO, VS0, SaV, Sj0V, illustrated below
(see sect. 22.4.5 on the syntactic function of the pausal marker -hv). Characteristics
of constituent order in subordinate clauses are described in sect. 14.2
AVO:
(1) wa-hä waji yutfia-ha ema
then-PAUS jaguar kill-PAUS tapir
'Then the jaguar killed the tapir.'
230 Aikhenvald
VS0:
(2) jupe-he Jiani-pe
many-PAUS child-PL
'Children are many.'
SaV:
(3) peya nu-yalitua wiyua
one Isg-brother die
One of my brothers dies.'
SioV:
(4) nu-yue mawaJi
Isg-for hungry
º am hungry (Lit.: For me-hungry).'
The placement of obliques and indirect objects is relatively free. In transitive

and intransitive active clauses and intransitive clauses of state/condition, indi-
rect objects tend to be placed immediately after the predicate, as illustrated in
(5) (transitive clause) and (6) (intransitive clause).
(5) nu-yutjm pijiwa mawaya

Isg-kill 2sg + from snake
º shall kill the snake from you.'
(6) ya-mia yue-pia-ha nima-ha e-pitfi

NEG-PERF for-NEG-PAUS 3pl + with-PAUS eat-OBJ.FOC
'He (the old man) had nothing to eat with them (his children).'
No oblique arguments were found in intransitive stative clauses. Locative

constituents tend to be placed at the end of a clause, as in (7).
(7) yue jupe-he Jiani-pe nawalewe-he

for.him many-PAUS child-PL village + LOG-PAUS
'He (the old man) has many children in his place.'
Demonstrative adverb ale 'so, thus' is always placed before the predicate,
e.g., (8). It behaves as an independent proclitic (see sect. 22.4.1) and may form
a single phonological word with the following predicate.
(8) ale-wayata
thus-speak
'Thus he spoke.'
Warekena 231
An oblique argument can follow the or S0 argument in the case of a

repetition for clarification, as in (9). The oblique argument always follows the
or S0 constituent (see (33) and examples in sect. 15.1).
(9) wa-hä yu-wiya-mia-hä i-jumiawa

then-PAUS 3sgf-die-PERF-PAUS 3sgf-wife + FEM
yu-wiya-mia-ha i-Jumiawa ijiwa

3sgf-die-PERF-PAUS 3sgf-wife + FEM from.him
'Then his wife died, his wife died from him.'
Usually a clause contains only one oblique argument or indirect object. In the
rare examples of two oblique arguments in one clause the locative one, as in
(10), or the temporal one, as in (11), always follows the other oblique.
(10) ni-weye-he ni-ja-palu ima-ha ima Diutsu enu-waba

3pl-want-PAUS 3pl-go-PURP with-PAUS with God sky-DIR
'They wanted to go with him, with God to heaven.'
(11) wa-Jia yuma umina-lu

then-live 3sgf+with long.time-EMPH
'And then he lived with her a long time.'
In verbless clauses, the locative or temporal oblique argument can occupy

clause-initial position if it is emphasized, as in (64) (sect. 7.1); otherwise it is
used clause-finally, as in (12):
(12) niya-ha nu-yanene-pe yaliwa

2pl-PAUS lsg-child-PL now
' "You are my children now" (said the witch to the abandoned children).'
Left dislocation of arguments into the pre-predicate position is discussed in sect. 9.1.
2 Parataxis
Juxtaposition of verbs linked by a non-final intonation is quite common. It must

be distinguished from serial verb constructions and repetition (see criteria in
sect. 9.3 and sect. 18.8).
(13) wa-nede-he yamadu wa-wene-he

then-lsg + perceive-PAUS Yamadu there-EL-PAUS
232 Aikhenvald
nu-miJiuta ijiwa
Isg-hide from.him
saw Yamadu (evil spirit), I hid from him.'
A serial verb construction and a simple verb can be juxtaposed:
(14) ni-yeleta nida-ha nida wiyua-mia-hä

3pl-arrive 3pl+perceive-PAUS 3pl +perceive die-PERF-PAUS
They (turtles) arrived to see, they saw him (the deer) dead.'
Juxtaposition of clauses is sometimes used instead of relativization:
(15) yaliwa wa-ja we-he eni malayu wiyua-mia-ha

now lpl-go Ipl + eat-PAUS DEM.PR deer die-PERF-PAUS
'Now let's eat the deer who died (lit.: the dead deer).'
(16) wa: Ja-mia-wa epuna-wa ema

then go-PERF-NONACC road-PERL tapir
epuna numa-wa ema Ja-wa

road mouth-PERL tapir go-NONACC
'Then he (the turtle) went after the tapir, he went by the road (by which)
the tapir went.'
Juxtaposition is sometimes used to indicate causal, temporal, or locative

relations between two clauses, especially when this relation is clear from the
context of the narrative.
(17) nu-yutsihi, ipeta-mia-na Jutî ipeta-na

Isg-kill + PAUS beat-PERF-lsg big beat-lsg
" will kill him (rabbit), (because) he beat me (much), he beat me
much" (said the jaguar).'
(18) kiüua namali, kulua payalu miajl wa-hä

drink people drink all blood then-PAUS
yutjla-ha namali i-yue-he tale balede

kill-PAUS people 3sgnf-for-PAUS tongue be.long
'(When) he (Evil spirit) sucks people, he sucks all the blood, so he kills
people, (because) he has a long tongue (lit.: to him a tongue, it is long).'
(19) wa yu-ma yue-he ya-pi-be-pia pi-yutj"ia

then 3sgf-say to-PAUS NEG-2sg-can-NEG 2sg-kill
Warekena 233
mawaya Jutfi-li yue-he syete ibu-hu

snake big-ADJ to-PAUS seven head-PAUS
Then she said to him, "You cannot kill the big snake, (because) he has
seven heads."'
(20) wa peya laguna ni-kulua-lji weni

then one lake 3pl-drink-REP water
paya:lu-ni kueji-nawi wall ni-kulua-ha weni

all-3pl game-PL where 3pl-drink-PAUS water
'There was a lake (where) all of them, the animals frequently drank
water, where they drank water.'
Juxtaposition is the most frequent way of coordinating noun phrases (see

sect. 8).
3 Ellipsis
3.1 Ellipsis in discourse. Warekena discourse is highly elliptical. Transitive

clauses with two full NPs as arguments are rare. Pivot restrictions and ellipsis
are considered in sect. 3.2.
The following arguments can be elided, if they are recoverable from the
previous text:
(i) indirect objects:
(21) wayata puatfi ya-pida-pia-na

speak monkey NEG-2sg + see-NEG-lsg
'The monkey spoke (to the jaguar), "Do not eat me".'
(ii) the second component of a serial verb construction:
(22) wa-atulapi-miM ya-mia-be-pia-wa

then-full-PERF + PAUS NEG-PERF-can-NEG-NONACC
'He (jaguar) is full, he cannot (eat) more.'
(23) daJina-mia ya-mia-be-pia-wa

faint-PERF NEG-PERF-can-NEG-NONACC
ya-mia-be-pia-wa malayu
NEG-PERF-can-NEG-NONACC deer
'He (deer) fainted, he could no more, the deer could (run) no more.'
234 Aikhenvald
(iii) part of a predicate of a verbless clause:
(24) peya-ha awakaiuna-ha

one-PAUS the.wild.one-PAUS
'Another one (evil spirit), (his name is) Awakaruna (lit.: the wild one).'
Usually, a participant is introduced with a noun phrase and wa-hä, wa 'pre-

sentative' (see sect. 9.2), and then referred to only by cross-referencing affixes,
unless the fuller form is needed for the sake of disambiguating the referent.
Usually, the participants are recoverable due to pivot restrictions within a
clause (see sect. 3.2). (25) illustrates the elliptic character of Warekena narra-
tive, fianipe 'children' has been introduced earlier, and so is referred to in (25)
by the 3pl cross-referencing prefix. Then wUubeJu '(male) child' (italic) has to
be reintroduced, since the narrative focuses on his actions, and then he is
referred to by a 0 cross-referencing prefix.
(25) ni-Ja-wa ni-ja-wa ate

3pl-go-NONACC 3spl-go-NONACC until
ni-yeleta-ha tawape tawape minaji uwa-ha wiJubeJu

3pl-come-PAUS jungle jungle on climb-PAUS child
uwa-ha atapi minaji atapi minaji-hi uwa-ha

climb-PAUS tree on tree on-PAUS climb-PAUS
eda-paJu daba-ha yapa uwa-ha

perceive-PURP where-PAUS mountain climb-PAUS
ya-eda-pia-ha beneji wa Juduna-ha

NEG-perceive-NEG-PAUS NEG + what then come.down-PAUS
Juduna wa ni-ja-tj"i-wa
come.down then 3pl-go-REP-NONACC
'They (the abandoned children) went until they arrived in the jungle.
The (male) child climbed on the tree to see where is the hill. He climbed
and saw nothing. Then he came down, he came down, they went again.'
3.2 Ellipsis and pivot restrictions. Warekena has a mixed pivot (Dixon 1994)
which combines the properties of an S/O and an S/A type. The Equi-NP deletion
in clause coordination (or predicate coordination: see sect. 8) tends to operate in
terms of an S/O pivot, if the two coreferential constituents are 3rd person singular
(both either feminine, or non-feminine), or both plural. There are no pivot restric-
tions for the 1st and 2nd person subject, as in (26). This can be accounted for by
the fact that a 1st or 2nd subject cannot be omitted, in the sense that it is
Warekena 235
obligatorily cross-referenced on the predicate anyway, unlike third person singular

subjects which often have a null realization (see sect. 18.4.1).
(26) wa-h wa-Jiani Jutfi-li

then-PAUS then-lake big-ADJ
wa-nu-ja nu-pie-he peya duwili JulJ'i-li nu-muduka

then-lsg-go Isg-find-PAUS one crocodile big-ADJ Isg-shoot
e-he nu-yutfiehe nu-Ja nu-weya-ha

DEM-PAUS Isg-kill + PAUS lsg-go Isg-want-PAUS
nu-yamaJa-wa ya:me-Ju wabupi numa-wa

Isg-hunt-NONACC far-EMPH spring mouth-PERL
'And then there was a big lake, I went, I found a big crocodile, I shot
and killed him, I went, I intended to hunt, far away by the mouth of a
spring.'
The S/O pivot can be illustrated with the following examples:
Ï of the first clause = S of the second clause:
(27) enami eda waji pala-mia

man perceive jaguar run-PERF
¢ man saw a jaguar and (jaguar) ran.'
(28) ema pauta-ha kulimalu ilike-na-mia-wa

tapir step-PAUS turtle bury-REFL-PERF-NONACC
'Tapir stepped on the turtle, and it (the turtle) sank (into the mud).'
Ï of the first clause = Ï of the second clause:
(29) nu-yutjia-li inamalu napi-palu-hi

Isg-kill-REL stingray Isg + take-PURP-PAUS
nu-mana-li-wa nu-pata-palu puli nu-we-he

Isg-bait-POSS-PERL Isg-get-PURP game Isg-leave-PAUS
piwape-he wabupi nu-we-he

shore-PAUS spring Isg-leave-PAUS
'When I killed the stingray to take it as bait, to get game, I left (it) on
the shore, I left.'
236 Aikhenvald
S of the first clause = of the second clause:
(30) wa-hä wayulu ema tsuwala abi:da wa-yutfia-palu

then-PAUS agouti tapir caititu pig Ipl-kill-PURP
'Here is all the game, agouti, tapir, caititu (kind of pig), pig, it is for us
to kill.'
(31) wa ma-kale-mia-hä ema waji mutfita-mia-ha

then NEG-breath-PERF-PAUS tapir jaguar bite -P ERF -PAUS
'Then the tapir grew tired, (and) the jaguar bit (him).'
The omission of the coreferential constituent is not obligatory, cf (115) and

(273). The coreferential constituents are not omitted when the identity of the
participants has to be emphasized.
(32) shows how the language tends to avoid Equi-NP deletion of A = S type
in coordination (cf. (27) above):
(32) enami eda-ha waji pala-mia enami

man perceive-PAUS jaguar run-PERF man
'The man saw a jaguar, and the man ran. '
S0 behaves similarly to Sa in the way it undergoes coreferential deletion (31).

The S/O pivot is also found in Bare (Aikhenvald 1995a). The pivot in Warekena
is mixed, because in a number of syntactic contexts, there are either no pivot
restrictions for coreferential deletion at all, or S/A pivot operates. The following
constructions operate in terms of S/A pivot in Warekena:
(i) purposive clauses (sect. 14.2), temporal clauses (sect. 14.4), locative clauses
(sect. 14.5);
(ii) serial verb constructions operate in terms of the same subject constraint
Among subordinate clauses, S = O coreferential deletion is obligatory only in

complement clauses (sect. 14.1) and coreferential relative clauses (sect. 14.3.1).
In the following constructions there appear to be no pivot restrictions at all:
(i) syntactic causatives (sect. 6);

(ii) non-coreferential relative (converbal) clauses (sect. 14.3.2).
In coordination, when the presentative conjunction wa (pausal wa-hä) is used,

S/A pivot operates in clause coordination. Thus, wa, wa-hä can be considered as
a kind of pivot-changing marker, e.g., Ai = S2 (18); Si=A2 (33):
Warekena 237
(33) wa-hä Ja wa neta-hä peya neyawa

then-PAUS go then ask-P AUS one woman
i-Jumiawa wa: apinaya-yu pane-waba

3sgf-wife + FEM then bring-3sgf house-DIR
'Then he went, then he asked another woman to be his wife, then he
brought her home.'
4 Reflexives, reciprocals, unspecified arguments
Reflexives, reciprocals, and other voice distinctions in Warekena are discussed

in sect. 18.5.
Warekena has the following ways of indicating impersonal arguments.
The fourth person prefix ba-/pa- 'impersonal' is used on prefixed verbs to

indicate a generalized, or impersonal A/Sa, as in the following examples. There
is no special marking for impersonal O/S0, since there is no corresponding
impersonal pronominal clitic.
(34) yanetua-pia-ha pa-ma-ha bitsa-ha

NEG + good-NEG-PAUS IMP-do-PAUS hammock-PAUS
kalana tepa-ba-mia-lehe
caranlpalm hard-AUG-PERF-ADJ + PAUS
'Caranä palm is not good to make hammock; (it) is too hard.'
Impersonal is often used in serial constructions of the modal type (sect. 18.8).
(35) ya-ba-be-pia-ha pa-ma-ha

NEG-IMP-can-NEG-PAUS IMP-do-PAUS
kalana-tua-li bitsa-ha
carana-made.of-ADJ hammock-PAUS
One cannot make a hammock of carana-palm.'
In serial constructions of modal type, if ba- is used on the first predicate, Ipl wa-
can be used on the second one, since the impersonal marking is often understood
as close to the first person, as is the case in many other Maipuran languages.
(36) ba-be-he wa-ma-ha bitsa-ha dumeje-tua-li

IMP-can-PAUS lpl-do-PAUS hammock-PAUS tucum-made.of-ADJ
One/we can make a hammock of tucum.'
238 Aikhenvald
Impersonal marking is often used with the verb eda 'perceive, see/hear,'
similarly to a negative existential (see sect. 12.3):
(37) ya-beda-pia-ha mina-liana pani-Ji

NEG-IMP + see-NEG-PAUS body-MASC house-NPOSS
The house owner was not there (lit.: was not to be seen).'
3rd person sgMASC can have an impersonal reference, as illustrated in (38)

below. The jaguar was looking for someone to do the cooking for her, and so
3sgMASC cross-referencing is used in the second clause, to indicate an
impersonal (indefinite) referent (see note 2):
(38) anetua nu-ja pima pi-pane-waba

good lsg-go 2sg + with 2sg-house-DIR
wala-paJu pe-pitj"i
cook-PURP 2sg + eat-OBJ.FOC
' "Good (said the rabbit), I shall go with you to your house, to cook your
food (as someone to cook your food)" (said the rabbit to the jaguar).'
Warekena has a number of morphologically S0 verbs, which refer to natural

phenomena, such as time, weather etc. and physical states. They may take
S0 = O clitics, and then a participant is implied. Otherwise, they behave as
zero-place, or impersonal predicates. (39), (41) and (42) show the use of yawa
'be late', fibuma '(spend) night', aJiwa 'wake up, be early' with a personal
argument (the verbs are in italic). The impersonal use of the same verbs is
illustrated in (40) and (43).
(39) wa yawa-mia-ni ni-tsima-mia-ha

then late-PERF-3pl 3pl-sleep-PERF-PAUS
'Then they were late, they slept.'
(40) wa ni-jia-wa ni-j"ia-wa ate yawa-mia

then 3pl-stay-NONACC 3pl-stay-NONACC until late-PERF
Then they stayed until it was late.'
(41) yawa-mia-ha fibuma:-mia-ni

late-PERF-PAUS night-PERF-3pl
'It was late, they spent the night.'
(42) aJi\va-mia-ni aJiwa-mia-ni

wake.up-PERF-3pl wake.up-PERF-3pl
They woke up, they woke up.'
Warekena 239
(43) yawa-mia-hä wa-hä, fibuma-mia-hä

late-PERF-PAUS then-PAUS night-PERF-PAUS
wa:, wa-hä aJiwa-mia-hä

then then-PAUS dawn-PERF-PAUS
'It was late then, it was night then, then it dawned.'
Intransitive verbs which refer to physical states usually do not take cross-ref-
erencing affixes, and can only be used impersonally:
(44) akawi-mia-ha nu-numewene

bubble-PERF-PAUS 1 sg-mouth + EL
was bubbling, bubble came out of my mouth'
(Lit.: 'It bubbled from my mouth).'
5 Passives
As will be shown in sect. 18.5, Warekena has no passive. Reflexive-reciprocal

derivation in -na can be sometimes used as agentless passive (see sect. 18.5.2);
however, this use may be the result of some sort of influence of Portuguese.
6 Causatives
Warekena has morphological causatives (see sect. 18.5.1) and syntactic

causatives discussed here. Syntactic causatives in Warekena are formed with
the help of verbs we 'to leave, to let', wanuta 'to order', ta 'give' and a second
verb. The A of we, wanuta or ta is cross-referenced on this verb, and the A or
Sa of the second verb is cross-referenced on the second verb4.
The difference between syntactic causatives and serial verb constructions is that,
in the syntactic causative construction, there is no same subject constraint (45-49);
both verbs can receive an independent aspectual marking (46); no other constitu-
ents may intervene between the verb of causation and the second verb, except
clitical pronouns (48). If a syntactic causative is formed on an intransitive verb,
the S constituent of the second verb is placed after the verb (48).
(45) wa-hä ni-we Jia-wa ba-buya yajapua

then-PAUS 3pl-leave stay-NONACC one-CL.TIME night
wa eta-mia-wa payalu wa-hä ni-we-mia-hä

then burn-PERF-NONACC all then-PAUS 3pl-let-PERF-PAUS
240 Aikhenvald
mawa-h aji
go.out-PAUS fire
"Then they (Yanomami) let it (a corpse) stay one night (in the fire), then all
is burnt, then they let the fire go out.'
(46) we-mia alita-mia waji

leave-PERF tie-PERF jaguar
'He (the rabbit) left the jaguar tied up.'
(47) wa-ja wa-we-he awini-ni weni

lpl-go Ipl-leave-PAUS cold-ADJ water
'Let's make the water cool.'
(48) wa-h we-mi-ni we-mi ni-Jia-wa Jiani-pe

then-PAUS leave-PERF-3pl leave-PERF 3pl-stay-NONACC child-PL
'Then he let them stay, his children.'
If a syntactic causative is formed on a transitive verb, and both arguments

are present in the surface structure, there are two possibilities of marking them:
(a) The order Vi-V2-O-(underlying) A, and no marking on either nominal

constituent:
(49) nu-ta-ha kulua weni nu-tani

Isg-give-PAUS drink water Isg-child
º gave water for my son to drink,'
or º made my son drink water.'
(b) The order Vi-V2-O-(underlying) A, and the A constituent is marked as an

indirect object by the preposition yue 'for, to':
(50) nu-ta-ha kulua weni nu-tani yue

Isg-give-PAUS drink water Isg-child for
º gave water for my son to drink,' or
º made my son drink water.'
Both orders seem to be in free variation, and are rather rare, since Warekena,
similarly to other Northern Maipuran languages, avoids expressing overtly two
arguments of a transitive verb in one clause. The underlying A is very fre-
quently omitted (51, 52).
(51) mi-Ja nu-yutfia Jiani-pe waji

lsg-go Isg-kill child-PL jaguar
Warekena 241
nu-wala-palu nu-ta-palu e-he Jiani-pe

Isg-cook-PURP Isg-give-PURP eat-PAUS child-PL
º am going to kill jaguar's children, by cooking (them), by giving the
children (to the jaguar) to eat the children (i.e., by letting the jaguar eat
her own children).'
(52) wa-h yalanawi wanuta ni-Ja ni-yanita enaba kavayu

then-PAUS white.man order 3pl-go 3pl-bring two horses
'Then the white man ordered (his soldiers) to bring two horses.'
In a syntactic causative, either verb can be a part of a serial verb construction:
(53) wa Ja we ni-yuluta-wa
then go leave 3pl-lie-NONACC
'He (deer) was going to leave them (turtles) to lie.'
(54) wa-h wanuta ni-Ja ni-muta ni-muta enami

then-PAUS order 3pl-go 3pl-call 3pl-call man
da:tj"ibule yutfia-li yujiwa mawaya

the.one.who kill-REL 3sgf+from snake
'Then he ordered them to go and call the one who killed the snake from her.'
Syntactic causatives can be formed with Sa verbs (45, 48), S0 verbs (47), and
transitive verbs (49), unlike morphological causatives which cannot be formed
on transitive verbs. The main semantic difference between syntactic and mor-
phological causatives of intransitive verbs is that the morphological causative
implies direct causation, and the syntactic causative implies indirect causation:
(55) nu-yapa-ta tjmu

Isg-enter-CAUS dog
º made the dog come in.'
(56) nu-we-he yapa-wa tjinu pani-jlwe

Isg-let-PAUS enter-NONACC dog house-NPOSS + LOC
º let the dog come into the house.'
An interesting property of syntactic causatives, which makes them different

from serial constructions and complement clauses, is the greater degree of
phonological cohesion between the second verb and its argument(s). In all the
examples of syntactic causatives, only the first verb can take a pausal form,
whereas the second verb never takes it and the stress on it is weakened; this is
not the case in serial constructions.
242 Aikhenvald
7 Copular clauses, including comparatives and equatives
7.1 Existential/locative and equational copular clauses. There is no special

copular verb in Warekena. Warekena uses verbless clauses to express the fol-
lowing meanings: existential/ locative and equational.
Positive locative/existential clauses may consist of just one word, as is the
case of the main clause in (57) (italic). They frequently contain the presentative
wa- (58). (58) is also an example of two juxtaposed verbless clauses. To
indicate the temporal/aspectual reference, aspectual clitics are used, and they
undergo attraction to the presentative wa 'then' (60, 63). In (60) the verbless
clause is part of a subordinate clause. Locative clauses may contain an indica-
tion of spatial or temporal location (61).
(57) alipe-he wali yulua a:tapi

thick .jungle-PAUS where fall tree
'It is thick jungle where the tree fell.'
(58) wa peya a:tapi peya a:tapi dilibe-li

then one tree one tree curved-ADJ
'Then there is a tree, a curved tree.'
(59) wa-ja-wa uyuba-lu ate wa-bitsika buapaniwe

lpl-go-NONACC slow-EMPH until Ipl-go mouth + LOG
wabupi buapani wabupi wa namali

spring mouth spring then people
'We went slowly until we went out to the mouth of a spring, and there
were people.'
(60) ni-yeleta-ha iwapi Jibuduli wali wa-mia-ha atapi

3pl-arrive-PAUS edge field where then-PERF-PAUS tree
'They arrived to the edge of a field where there are trees.'
(61) yaliwa e-ba-mia-lu

now DEM-AUG-PERF-EMPH
'Now it is finished, this is just that.' (a typical end of a narrative)
(62) yulua-wa a:tapi wa alipe alipe

fall-NONACC tree then thick.jungle thick.jungle
'The tree fell, and there is thick jungle.'
The verbless locative clauses can have the meaning of 'appearance' (63):
Warekena 243
(63) pi-Ja nufiwa wa-mia mawaya

2sg-go Isg + from then-PERF snake
'Go away from me, the snake sucuruju has appeared already.'
As is shown in sect. 12.3, Warekena has a special negative locative/existen-

tial predicate ya-beda-pia 'there is not' (NEG-IMP + perceive, see/hear-NEG),
i.e., with an impersonal form of eda 'perceive'.
(64) wani-M ya-beda-pia-ha umeni

here-PAUS NEG-IMP + perceive-NEG-PAUS snake
'There are no snakes here.'
An opposition between an affirmative and a negative locational clause is

illustrated with (65):
(65) ya-mia-beda-pia e-pi

NEG-PERF-IMP + perceive-NEG eat-OBJ.FOC
wa Jimapie-pe-mi ema
then bone-PL-PEJ tapir
There is no food, there are tapir's bones.'
Equational verbless clauses, also used for pointing, consist of two juxtaposed
NPs. The first of them occupies the subject slot, and the aspect clitics can occur
with it if the clause has a non-present reference. This is illustrated with the
following examples:
(66) teta wilubelu

DEM child
'This is a child.'
(67) waya-ha crenti

we-PAUS evangelical
'We are evangelicals.'
In (68), the first constituent occupies the predicate slot:
(68) wa-hä beneji wa-tse-li wani munduwe

then-PAUS NEG + what Ipl-know-REL here world + LOG
Our knowledge (what we know) is nothing here in the world.'
Attributive clauses have an S0 verb in the predicate slot. S0 verbs are itali-
cized in (69):
244 Aikhenvald
(69) crenti ya-aJe-pia crenti ya-afeni-piehe

evangelical NEG-so-NEG evangelical NEG-angry-NEG + PAUS
crenti afuru-ni payalu nima ni-jabine

crente happy-3pl all 3pl+with 3pl-family
'Evangelicals are not this way, they are all happy with their family.'
Comparatives are a subtype of attributive clauses. They can be formed in two

ways:
(i) by juxtaposing two attributive sentences:
(70) waji Jutfi puatfi pulapiami

jaguar big monkey thin
The jaguar is bigger than the monkey.'
(Lit.: Jaguar is big, monkey is thin.)
(ii) by using a serial verb construction:
(7la) wa-ja weda damaJi yutji-li pala-ha

lpl-go 1 pi + perceive who strong-ADJ run-PAUS
'Let's see who is stronger in running
(lit.: who is strong to run).'
Attributive clauses with the So predicate papeya 'similar, another' are used
to express similarity:
(71b) nu-tani papeya numa

Isg-child similar lsg-1-with
'My child is similar to me.'
7.2 Possessive clauses. Possessives sentences can be marked in three ways:
(a) possessive verb deka 'to have' is used when possession is in focus:
(72) neyawa ma-Ji tupe yu-deka tupe

woman make-REL mat 3sgf-have mat
'The woman made a mat, it is hers.'
(b) preposition -yue 'for, to' is the most frequent means:
(73) piji i-yue-he piji i-yue-he talu

tail 3sgnf-for-PAUS tail 3sgnf-for-PAUS tongue
Warekena 245
kulua-palu namali
suck-PURP people
'He (the Evil spirit) has a tail, he has a tongue to suck people.'
(74) wa-hä peya ete-ne yue Jupe-he jiani-pe

then-PAUS one old-MASC to many-PAUS child-PL
'There was an old man, he has many children.'
(c) double subject construction, when the possessor constituent is the topic of
the discourse. There are two types of double subject construction, illustrated
below. The one contains an attributive type clause, with an So predicate (75).
The other contains an existential (verbless) clause (76).
This construction is preferred with inalienably possessed nouns in the possessee

function. Cf. (75), which comes from a story about different types of evil spirits.
(75) biyuli balede i-yapa

evil.spirit be.long 3sgnf-nose
'Evil spirit called Biyuli has a long nose (Lit.: Biyuli, his nose is long).'
Clauses of the existential type are widely used in descriptions of animals:
(76) atfili ibu-hu ila-li

type.of.snake head-PAUS red-ADJ
'This type of snake has a red head (lit.: snake, red head).'
This type can also be used to express a part-whole relationship:
(77) eni kopu weni paniwe

DEM.PR glass water half + LOG
'This glass is half full of water' (lit.: this glass, water to the middle).'
8 Coordination
8.1 Coordination of NPs. Warekena usually has no special morphological

marking for coordinated NPs or coordinated modifiers, e.g., (78). Coordination
is characterized by a special enumerating intonation (rising of the last word of
each phrase, as in (79)) and, unlike repetition, no component except for the very
last one can take a pausal form:
(78) jutj"i-li niwe-li a:tapi

big-ADJ tall-ADJ tree
'a big and lofty tree'
246 Aikhenvald
(79) wa: ni-Jla-wa peya amuji-ami peya weni-ami

then 3pl-stay-NONACC one sun-AFF one water-AFF
'Then they stayed a summer and a winter.'
(80) tsiliüa kamitsa alake-na-wa

trousers shirt put.on-REFL-NONACC
'He put on trousers and shirt.'
Occasionally, the coordinating conjunction e (a loan from Portuguese) is used:
(81) i-Jumiawa e teletji Jiani-pe

3sgnf-wife + FEM and three child-PL
ni-ja-wa ni-Ja ni-tsunua-ha

3pl-go-NONACC 3pl-go 3pl-tear-PAUS
'His wife and three children went to tear (manioc).'
8.2 Clause coordination. There is no special device for marking clause or

verbal phrase coordination (see sect. 2 on parataxis), and it occurs mainly by
juxtaposition. The following examples (82, 83) illustrate coordination of two
final subordinate clauses by juxtaposition:
(82) piya-ha nu-yalitua pi-Ja pi-teluka a:tapi pi-ma-palu

you-PAUS Isg-brother 2sg-go 2sg-cut tree 2sg-do-PURP
walya wa-kawyu-ta-palu wa-du:le

smoking.grid Ipl-smoke-CAUS-PURP Ipl-prey
'You, brother, go and cut tree to make a smoking grid, to smoke our
stock.'
(83) nuya-ha epi eni-hi peya wa-yalitua wa-ja

I-PAUS with DEM.PR-PAUS one Ipl-brother 1 pi-go
wa-tana-hä wa-tana-hä wa-du:Je wa-butsuka-palu

Ipl-cook-PAUS Ipl-cook-PAUS Ipl-prey Ipl-take-PURP
wa-yanta-palu tjiapi wa-kawyu-ta-palu

Ipl-take-PURP belly Ipl-smoke-CAUS-PURP
shall go with one of our brothers to treat the game to take the insides,
to smoke (them).'
A juxtaposition of two verbless existential/locative clauses is illustrated in (84):

Warekena 247
(84) wani- wa-hä jupe kueji

here-PAUS then-PAUS much game
wa-wayidu ema payalu kueji wa-hä

then-agouti tapir all game then-PAUS
'Here is much game, there is agouti, tapir, all the game.'
A juxtaposition of several main clauses is illustrated below:
(85) nu-pie-he duwili nu-muduka e-he

Isg-fmd-PAUS crocodile Isg-kill DEM-PAUS
nu-yutjm e-he wa-nu-Ja-wa wabupi numa-wa

Isg-kill DEM-PAUS then-lsg-go-NONACC spring mouth-PERL
found a crocodile, I killed him, I killed him and went by the mouth of
the spring.'
The adversative relationship between two clauses is occasionally marked

with the help of a loan conjunction ma 'but' (Portuguese mäs):
(86) wa-hä papeya namali ni-weya

then-PAUS some people 3pl-want
ma Jupe namaJi ya-ni-weya-piehe

but many people NEG-3pl-want-NEG + PAUS
'Then some people wanted (Jesus Christ), but many people did not.'
9 Pragmatic and discourse characteristics
9.1 Discourse organization. Warekena discourse is highly elliptical (see sect.

3). Future topic of the narrative is introduced in the first sentence in or S
function, or as a copula complement of a presentative wa-hä 'then'. A newly
introduced topic in Sfo (87) or in Sa (88) function occupies a preverbal position.
(87) comes from a story which resembles the story of Hansel and Gretel.
(87) wa-hä peya ete-ne yue Jupe-he Jiani-pe

'There was an old man, he had (lit.: to him) many children.'
(88) is the beginning of the story about traditional burials of Warekenas.

248 Aikhenvald
(88) peya nu-yalitua wiyua

one Isg-brother die
One of my brothers dies.'
The participants of a story can be introduced in an oblique function:
(89) yaliwa nu-ja nu-tsina isturia-ne

now lsg-go Isg-tell story-POSS
kulimalu epi ema waji

turtle with tapir jaguar
'Now I will tell a story about a turtle with a tapir and a jaguar.'
When a topically established participant has to be reintroduced, for the sake

of identification of referents, A is usually reintroduced in preverbal position,
and S and O in postverbal position. This is illustrated by sentences from a
continuation of (89):
A:
(90) wa-ha waji weya yutjia-ha ema
then-PAUS jaguar want kill-PAUS tapir
'Then the jaguar wanted to kill the tapir.'
S:
(91) wa: pala-mia-ha ema
then run-PERF-PAUS tapir
'Then the tapir was running.'
O:
(92) wa: pala-mia ema pauta-ha napitu kulimalu
then run-PERF tapir step-PAUS back turtle
ilike-na-mia-wa
be.buried-REFL-PERF-NONACC
'Then the tapir was running, he stepped on the turtle's back, and (it) was
buried.'
A constituent which is either topicalized or becomes a new focus of attention

undergoes left dislocation. A dislocated constituent is separated from the rest of
a clause by a pause, as is Yamado below. (93) is the beginning of a story about
different kinds of evil spirits. It contains preverbal fronting of a subject
(yamadu: italicized) accompanied by a pause, and of a direct object in the last
clause (italicized).
Warekena 249
(93) Wa-hä teletj"i biyiüi. Peya-hä, ijina-hä

then-PAUS three evil.spirit one-PAUS his.name-PAUS
yamadu. Peya, ijina-hä biynli. Peya-hä, awakaluna-hä.

Yamado one his.name-PAUS Biyuli one-PAUS Awakaruna-PAUS
Yamadu, ya-be-pia-hä eda namali. Eda-li-bena namali

Yamado NEG-can-NEG-PAUS see person see-REL-WHEN person
yutjm-hä, afeni-hi yamadu. PayaJu enami-nawi payaJu

kill-PAUS angry-PAUS Yamado all man-PL all
neyawa-nawi payaJu wiJubeJu-pe payaJu tfinu

woman-PL all child-PL all dog
ya-be-pia-wa eda beneji.

NEG-can-NEG-NONACC see NEG + what
'There are three kinds of evil spirits. The name of one is Yamado, the
name of another is Biyuli, the name of another is Awakaruna. Yamado,
he cannot see a person, when he sees a person, he kills (him). Yamado
is angry. All men, all women, all children, all dogs, he cannot see any
(of them).'
(94) comes from the story similar to the one about Hansel and Gretel. A snake
had come up to the boy (already a grown-up man); man is the topic and left-dislo-
cated:
(94) eya enami, yue peya matseta

DEM man to one knife
'The man, he had a knife.'
When a left-dislocated constituent occupies a peripheral role, it is marked for

peripheral case (see sect. 15.1):
(95) nu-mina-wa-ha, bitfika myaji

Isg-body-PERL-PAUS go.out blood
'My body is covered with blood (Lit.: By my body, blood goes out).'
Warekena narratives are repetitive (sect. 9.3). Repetition is frequently used

to convey the duration of an action. Left dislocation is widely used in repeti-
tions. (96) is a typical example. Left-dislocated constituents are italicized.
(96) wa: ni-Ja-mia-wa tenepu numa-wa,

then 3pl-go-PERF-NONACC road mouth-PERL
250 Aikhenvald
tenepu numa-wa, ni-Ja-wa ya:me-lu, tawapetfi-waba-ha,

road mouth-PERL 3pl-go-NONACC far-EMPH jungle-DER-P AUS
ya:me, ni-Ja-wa
far 3pl-go-NONACC
'Then they(the old man and his children) went by the road, by the road,
they went, far into the jungle, far, they went.'
9.2 Presentative wa(-hä). Presentative wa(-hä) is used in a number of func-

tions, and is very frequent in narratives; it is seldom used in conversations. It
usually occupies sentence-initial position (see below for an exception). The
properties of wa as an independent clitic are discussed in sect. 22.4.1.
wa(-hä) is used to start a narrative, introducing the theme of the future narrative:
(97) wa-hä teletj"i biyuli

then-PAUS three evil.spirit
'There are three evil spirits.'
wa(-hä) is used to introduce a new participant of some importance for the

future narrative, as in (98), or a new and important characteristic of a partici-
pant just introduced, as in (99).
(98) wa-peya tsuludawa udjudelnami wanuta-ha ja yanita weni

then-one soldier ugly order-PAUS go take water
'Then (there was) an ugly soldier, (the white man) ordered him to go and
bring water.'
(99) wa neyawa yu-yuleta-mia-wa yuwaba yuluami,

then woman 3sgf-return-PERF-NONACC towards 3sgf+father
wa-yuiuami yalanawi, yalanawi yuluami

then-3sgf+father white.man white.man 3sgf + father
'Then the woman returned to her father, her father is a white man, her
father is a white man.'
wa(-hä) can be used to mark the important result of an action, as in (100), which
follows the description of how the two dogs and a man with a knife were
attacking the snake (from the same story as (99)).
(100) wa ni-yutfia-mia-ha mawaya JutJ"i-li

then 3pl-kill-PERF-PAUS snake big-ADJ
'So they (the dogs) killed the big snake.'
Warekena 251
wa('hä) can be used to mark an unexpected and important action, as in (101);

or to attract the hearer's attention to the sequencing of actions (102).
(101) akune nedehe te wa-hä Ja-mia-wa

fear 1 sg +see + PAUS until then-PAUS go-PERF-NONACC
ya-eda-pia-na
NEG-see-NEG-lsg
am afraid of him (the evil spirit) until when he has gone, he did not
see me.'
(102) wa: yeleta-mia-hä wali ema wa Jupe kuluwitu

then arrive-PERF-PAUS where tapir then many vulture
Then (the turtle) arrived where the tapir was, then (there were) many
vultures.'
When wa(-hä) is used to resume a completed stretch of the text, it can appear
in a sentence-final position. This occurs frequently in repetition.
(103) kulimalu nupa-mia-wa wali yutsia ema

turtle arrive-PERF-NONACC where kill tapir
nupa-mia-ha kulimalu wali yutsia ema yeleta-mia-ha

arrive-PERF-PAUS turtle where kill tapir arrive-PERF-PAUS
kulimalu wa-hä
turtle then-PAUS
'Turtle arrived to where (he) killed the tapir, turtle arrived to where
(he) killed the tapir, so the turtle arrived.'
9.3 Repetition in discourse. Warekena discourse is highly repetitive. When

two verbs are repeated, the subject (A or S) is usually not repeated:
(104) kulimalu ya-be-pia Ja-wa

turtle NEG-can-NEG go-NONACC
ya-be-pia Ja-wa alebuta-wa

NEG-can-NEG go-NONACC quickly-NON AC C
'The turtle could not go, he could not go quickly.'
Repetition has several discourse functions. One of these is clarification, for

the sake of more accuracy:
252 Aikhenvald
(105) wa ni-yutfia ema ni-yutfia peya ema peya malayu

then 3pl-kill tapir 3pl-kill one tapir one deer
Then they killed a tapir, they killed a tapir and a deer.'
(106) wa-tsapia-mia wa:Ji napitu-hu napitu ema

then-jump-PERF jaguar back-PAUS back tapir
'Then the jaguar jumped on its back, on the tapir's back.'
Verb phrases or other items may be repeated to emphasize the prolonged

character of the action/state:
(107) wa ni-Ja-tfi-wa ni-J'a-tJ'i-wa ni-ja-wa

then 3pl-go-REP-NONACC 3pl-go-REP-NONACC 3pl-go-NONACC
yam:e-lu yanre-Iu ni-Ja-wa

far-EMPH far-EMPH 3pl-go-NONACC
'Then they (the abandoned children) went again, they went again, they
went far, far they went.'
(108) yawaputa kulimalu yame yame

answer turtle far far
Turtle answered very far away.'
Clauses are frequently repeated to emphasize the gravity of the situation.

(109) is a continuation of (107):
(109) ya-mia-ni-tse-pia daba nepuna-hä

NEG-PERF-3pl-know-NEG where 3pl+road-PAUS
ya-mia-ni-tse-pia daba-ha nepuna-ha

NEG-PERF-3pl-know-NEG where-PAUS 3pl + road-PAUS
ni-Ja-tfi-wa yame-he ya:me ni-ja-wa

3pl-go-REP-NONACC far-PAUS far 3pl-go-NONACC
They (the abandoned children) did not know where their road is, they
did not know where their road is, they went again far, far they went.'
Repetition in Warekena has the following grammatical and phonological

properties.
In repetition of verbs, aspectual clitics and affixes usually appear on every verb,
if the prolonged character of an action is emphasized, as in (107) above and (110):
Warekena 253
(110) wa-tjmia-mia-hä tj"ima-mia-hä atulapi-miehe

then-sleep-PERF-PAUS sleep-PERF-PAUS full-PERF + PAUS
'Then he (Jaguar) slept, he slept (for a long time), he was full.'
Clitics -wa 'non-accomplished' and -mia 'perfective' appear also on one of

the repeated phrases, if the repetition is done for clarification (111)-(116).
(111) eputa-wa juduna-ha yapi-tj"i-waba

wake.up-NONACC go.down-PAUS ground-AFF-DIR
Ja-wa ja-mia-tfi-wa
go-NONACC go-PERF-REP-NONACC
'He (the jaguar) woke up, and came down (the tree); he started going,
he went again.'
(112) wa-wayata yalitua ete-ne-Ju ete-ne-li

then-speak brother old-MASC-EMPH old-MASC-ADJ
Then spoke the really older, the older brother.'
(113) ma-kale-miehe ema-tî ema

NEG-breath-PERF + PAUS cry-REP cry
'He (the deer) was tired, he cried again, he cried.'
(114) wa-hä wa-tsima-mia-ha ate aJiwa-tsi

then-PAUS 1 pi-sleep-PERF-PAUS until dawn-REP
aliwa-mia-wi wa wa-Ja-mia-wa
dawn-PERF-lpl then lpl-go-PERF-NONACC
'Then we slept until it dawned, it dawned on us, then we went.'
Phonologically, the repeated phrases are independent. The following tendencies

can be observed with respect to the way pausal forms are used in repetition.
Usually, if the repetition is used to mark a prolonged character of the action, the
first occurrence of the verb has no pausal marking, and the second (and third etc.,
if it is the case) has. In (115), repetition of the first clause means that the jaguar
bit the tapir several times; the repetition of jump means that the tapir was jumping
away repeatedly, and the repetition of "follow" means the emphasis of the action:
(115) wa mutj"ita-mia ema ibu-petfi, mutfita-mia-ha ema

then bite-PERF tapir head-LOC bite-PERF-PAUS tapir
ibu-petfi, wa tsapia ema tsapia-ha tsapia-hä waji

head-LOC then jump tapir jump-PAUS jump-PAUS jaguar
254 Aikhenvald
tsipina-hä tsipina ema

follow-PAUS follow tapir
'He (jaguar) bit the tapir on the head; bit the tapir on the head, then the
tapir jumped, jumped, jumped, the jaguar was (really) following, follow-
ing the tapir.'
In the repetition for clarification, or elaboration, the pausal form is used on

the first occurrence of the item, e.g., (106) above and (116).
(116) uwa-ha ya-eda-pia-ha beneji wa

climb-PAUS NEG-perceive-NEG-PAUS NEG+what then
Juduna-ha Juduna wa ni-ja-tj"i-wa

come.down-PAUS come.down then 3pl-go-REP-NONACC
ni-ja-tfi-wa ni-ja-wa yam:e-lu

3pl-go-REP-NONACC 3pl-go-NONACC far-EMPH
'He (the abandoned boy) climbed and saw nothing; then he came down;
he came down, they went again, they went again, they went far.'
In (117) the repetition of ema-tfi-wa and ema is used to indicate the prolonged
action. The pausal form is used on the last occurrence ema 'he cried', to sum
up what was happening.
(117) wa-hä ema-tfi-wa ema-tfi-wa

then-PAUS cry-REP-NONACC cry-REP-NONACC
ema-ha ema ema-ha

cry-PAUS cry cry-PAUS
'Then he(deer) cried again, cried again, cried, cried, cried.'
9.4 Cleft construction, left and right dislocation. Warekena uses a number of
different devices to mark discourse prominence. Among them is the positioning
of verbal aspectual markers, which depends on the focus of the narrative (see
sect. 18.8.1), and cross-referencing, which is used to signal the cleft construc-
tion (also see sect. 18.4.2). The most frequently used devices are left dislocation
and cleft construction. Left dislocation of a constituent is used to attract the
hearer's attention. The left dislocated constituent may take a pausal form and is
followed by a pause:
(118) eya-ha, awakaluna, yajene-pia e-he

DEM-PAUS Awakaruna NEC + angry-NEG DEM-PAUS
'This (one), Awakaruna, he is not angry.'
Warekena 255
A left dislocated constituent can be repeated in the clause, and then the left
dislocation is used as a kind of a stronger reminder, as is the case with tsinu
'dog(s)' in (119).
(119) wa: ni-ja-mia-tsi-wa wa-wene. Teta tsinu,

then 3pl-go-PERF-REP-NONACC then-EL DEM dog
ni-api-mia-ha tsinu
3pl-take-PERF-PAUS dog
'Then they (the abandoned children) went again. The dog(s), they took
the dogs.'
Warekena has a cleft construction characterized by: (i) left dislocation of the
subject; (ii) -Ji 'relative' marker on the verb; (iii) suppression of A/Sa cross-refer-
encing prefixes on the verb. A cleft construction is used to mark subject (A/Sa) in
a contrastive focus. Independent personal pronouns most often occur in this func-
tion. No other constituent can be inserted between the subject and the verb, as
shown in (120), where the cross-referencing prefix of 2nd person sg is absent from
the verb -tse- 'to know', since the subject piya 'you' is topicalized and fronted. The
left-dislocated subject can attract the aspectual clitics, as is the case in (120).
(120) yaliwa piya-mia-ha, tse-Ji ijalema-ha

now you-PERF-PAUS know-REL how-PAUS
pi-ma-ha nepi wa-jabine

2sg-do-PAUS 3pl + with Ipl-family
'Now it is you who knows what you will do with the family.'
(121) wa-hä enami, yutj"ia-li mawaya

then-PAUS man kill-REL snake
'This is the man who killed the snake.'
(122) malieli, yutfia-li wiyua-li iyu

shaman kill-REL die-NOM with
'It is the shaman who kills with poison.'
Left-dislocation of the subject marked with the help of a personal pronoun

can co-occur with right-dislocation for clarification, if the referent of the per-
sonal pronoun may not be clear from the previous narrative:
(123) eni-hl epalu yutjia-li mawaya eni enami

DEM.PR-PAUS he kill-REL snake DEM.PR man
'It is this one who killed the snake, this man (did).'
256 Aikhenvald
The use of S0/O enclitics for cross-referencing an antitopicalized constituent

is discussed in sect. 18.4.2. Negation (see sect. 12) can go either on the left-dis-
located constituent, or on the verb, depending on the semantics. In (124), the
identity of the subject (T) is negated, and in (125) the action is negated.
(124) ya-nuya-pia, ma-li

NEG-I-NEG do-REL
'It was not me who did it'.
(125) Afonsu, ya-li nupa-pia-ha

Afonso NEG-REL come-NEG-PAUS
'It is Afonso who did not come.'
Several cleft constructions can follow each other in a text:
(126) ya-e-pia yutjia-li mawaya peya enami yutfia-li mawaya

NEG-DEM-NEG kill-REL snake one man kill-REL snake
'It was not he who killed a snake, it was another man who killed a snake.'
(127) follows (126). It shows the optional character of the pausal form:
(127) ya-e-pia-ha yutjla-li mawaya

NEG-DEM-NEG-PAUS kill-REL snake
'It was not he who killed a snake.'
In conversations, there are a few examples of left-dislocation of a locative

constituent. The locative case-marking is then omitted:
(128) eni atapi nu-jia-li-wa-ha

DEM:PR tree Isg-sit-REL-NONACC-PAUS
'This bench (lit.: tree), I am sitting (on).'
The subject in cleft constructions can be occasionally shifted to the right:
(129) wa: ma-li, wilubelu-pe, ya:wa-mia-ha

then say-REL child-PL afternoon-PERF-PAUS
'Then it was the children who spoke, in the afternoon.'
Relative marker -Ji is also used in interrogative clauses and complement

clauses, where it does not trigger suppression of cross-referencing markers (see
sects. 10, 14).
Thus, the contrastive focus of the A/Sa constituent in Warekena is associated
with suppression of cross-referencing prefixes.
Warekena 257
Cross-referencing enclitics can co-occur with a full NP in O/S0 function,

when the latter undergoes a right-dislocation (see sect. 18.4.2; Aikhenvald
1995b). Both (130) and (131) come from the story about the abandoned chil-
dren. The brother had killed a huge snake, and saved the life of a white man's
daughter; the white man summoned his daughter to ask her who had killed the
snake. Tani 'his child (daughter)' is right-dislocated in a clarifying function,
something referred to as an 'antitopic'.
(130) wa-hä muta-yu yalanawi muta-yu tani yata-palu-yu

then-PAUS call-3sgf white.man call-3sgf child ask-PURP-3sgf
'Then the white man called her, he called her, his daughter, to ask her
(who had killed the snake).'
The cross-referencing S0 enclitic also occurs when the S0 constituent is

left-dislocated. Thus, both left- and right-dislocated constituents are treated as
not properly belonging to the clause.
(131) wa namali, ya Jupe-ni

then people DEM many-3pl
Then the people, they were many.'
The neutral sentence, where namaJi 'people' is part of the main predication,
would be:
(132) wa jupe namali

then many people
'Then there were many people.'
9.5 Emphatic -Ju
9.5.1 Emphasis. The clitic -Ju is used to mark a very strong emphasis. It can
occur on any word class.
-Ju on a verb may mean intensifying the action expressed by the verb. It can
be used with an S0 verb, as in (133); an Sa verb as in (134); a transitive verb as
in (135). In (134) 'emphatic' means shall indeed go'. This example comes
from the story about the abandoned children; the sister expressed her definite
decision to go and see the witch.
(133) wani ni-Ja ni-wayata-ta ate umina-ma-mia-Ju

here 3pl-go 3pl-speak-RED until long.time-DEL-PERF-EMPH
yajapua
night
'Here they went to talk until it was late at night.'
258 Aikhenvald
(134) nu-Ja nu-Ja-lu pima ya-pajia-ha

lsg-go lsg-go-EMPH 2sg + with NEG-FUT-PAUS
nu-yenita-pia-ha nu-Ja-lu pima neda-palu

Isg-laugh-NEG-PAUS lsg-go-EMPH 2sg + with Isg + perceive-PURP
º shall indeed go with you, I shall not laugh, I shall go with you for me
to see (her).'
If -Ju occurs on a verb, as in (135), it follows the aspectual clitic -mia.
(135) waya-ne tjma ni-yue-he jutji-lu

speak-POSS tell 3pl-for-PAUS much-EMPH
waya-ne Diutsu ijialema-ha wa-Jia-wa wani-hi

speak-POSS God how-PAUS Ipl-live-NONACC here-PAUS
munduwe-he payalu iji wa-ni-tse-mia-lu

world+ LOC-PAUS all what then-3pl-know-PERF-EMPH
ni-tse-mia-h waya-ne Diutsu ni-tse-mia-h

3pl-know-PERF-PAUS speak-POSS God 3pl-know-PERF-PAUS
waya-ne Diutsu peya-pe peya-pe enami tse-mia-lu

speak-POSS God one-PL one-PL person know-PERF-EMPH
waya-ne Diutsu neyawa peya-pe tse-mia-lu

speak-POSS God woman one-PL know-PERF-EMPH
waya-ne Diutsu
speak-POSS God
'He (Jesus Christ) told them the word of God, really much, how we live
here in the world, all what they really knew, they knew of the word of
God, they knew the word of God, some (of them), some men really knew
the word of God, some women really knew the word of God.'
In serial verb constructions, -Ju goes on the first component:
(136) yaliwa wa-maya-lu wa-tjmia pima pi-paniwe

now lpl-want-ÅÌÑÇ Ipl-sleep 2sg + with 2sg-house+LOC
'Now we very much want to sleep in your house.'
-Ju can have a meaning which is close to perfective:

Warekena 259
(137) wa-hä wa-ma-lu inapa-wa istoria

then-PAUS 1 pi-tell-EMPH finish-NONACC story
'Then we really told (the story), the story is over.'
-Ju can occur on a nominal modifier, as in (138), (139), and it can co-occur
with -Ji 'relativizer/adjectivizer', in which case it precedes -Ji:
(138) wa ni-wende wa-yue-he aweni-mia aweni-hi

then 3pl-sell lpl-to-PAUS dear-PERF dear-PAUS
ni-wende wa-yue-he wa waya-ha ya-wa-yue-pia-ha Jutfi

3pl-sell lpl-to-PAUS then we-PAUS NEG-lpl-to-NEG-PAUS big
palata wa-wenita-palu aweni-ba-mia-lu-li

money Ipl-buy-PURP dear-AUG-PERF-EMPH-ADJ
aweni-ba-mia-li-hl ya-mia wa-be-pia

dear-AUG-PERF-ADJ-PAUS NEG-PERF Ipl-can-NEG
wa-wenita-wa
Ipl-buy-NONACC
'Then they (rich white people) sell (things) to us, it is expensive, they
sell to us expensively, and we do not have much money to buy very
expensive (things), we cannot buy very expensive (things).'
(139) ube-ma-lu-pajia peya-Ju atapi

all-DEL-EMPH-FUT one-EMPH tree
' "Only one single tree (very one) (will not fall)," (said the rabbit to
the jaguar).'
(140) enaba-Ju-ni ni-ya:ya-ha

two-EMPH-3pl 3pl-cry-PAUS
'Then they cried, just the two of them.'
-Ju can go on an adverbial modifier, and it can be repeated twice.
(141) ube-ma-Ju-lu nu-tfina-Ii teta

all-DEL-EMPH-EMPH Isg-tell-REL this
'Now I have told all (Lit.: My telling is just only this).'
(142) wa: ni-tfita-mia-hä jutfi-lu

then 3pl-fat-PERF-PAUS big-EMPH
'Then they (the abandoned children) became very fat.'
260 Aikhenvald
In repetition, forms with -Ju and without it can follow each other:
(143) Ja-wa yame:-lu yame: Ja-wa ema

go-NONACC far-EMPH far go-NONACC tapir
'The tapir went really far, he went far.'
-Ju can be used with presentative wa:
(144) mutj"ita-pi umeni pule-li puie-li umeni

bite-2sg snake green-ADJ green-ADJ snake
wa-Ju umeni eta ya-yue-pia pina-ji

then-EMPH snake DEM:DIST NEG-to-NEG cure-NOM
'If a green snake, a green snake bites you, just then (in this case) there
is no antidote.'
-Ju can be used on a locative constituent. (145) comes from a text given by
the speaker in response to my insistent questions about whether his family
originated from the Xie, or they had come from Venezuela. The use of -Ju bears
a distinct nuance of contrast:
(145) nuluami weneji-wene wiyua-ha wenejiwe-lu

lsg +father Xie-EL die-PAUS Xie + LOC-EMPH
nu-juluami weneji-mina-li yu-wiyua-ha wenejiwe-lu

Isg-mother Xie-body-REL 3sgf-die-PAUS Xie + LOC-EMPH
'My father is from Xie, he died exactly on Xie, my mother is from Xie,
she died exactly on Xie.'
The following example illustrates the clitic character of -Ju, since it under-
goes attraction to the negative proclitic ya- (see sect. 22.4.1):
(146) ya-Ju jutfi-piehe

NEG-EMPH big-NEG + PAUS
'biggish, not excessively big'
9.5.2 Cleft constructions. -Ju can be used on a clefted constituent. This kind of
cleft means emphasis 'just and only' (unlike cleft with relative forms in -Ji, which
implies contrastive focus). The cross-referencing prefixes are then suppressed from
the predicate, but the relative -Ji marking on the verb is not used:
Warekena 261
(147) piya-mia-lu-pajia tse-he ijalema pi-wala-ha

you-PERF-EMPH-FUT know-PAUS how 2sg-cook-PAUS
' "You are just the one who knows how to cook," (said the jaguar to the
rabbit, after she employed him as a cook).'
(148) nuya-Ju we-he yulua-ha

I-EMPH let-PAUS fall-PAUS
'It is just me who let (the child) fall down.'
(149) nuya-lu tujaua

I-EMPH tuchaua
º am the chief
10 Interrogatives
Warekena has no special segmental marker for polar (yes/no) questions. They
are marked with a special rising intonation, and the verb occupies the
sentence-initial position:
(150) aJiwa-pi?
a wake-2 sg
'Are you awake?' (a morning greeting)
(151) ya-nupa-pia-ha pi-yue-he mawaya?

NEG-come-NEG-PAUS 2sg-to-PAUS snake
'Did the snake not come to you?'
In content questions, the question word (interrogative pronoun; see sect. 16)
occupies the sentence-initial position. Relative -Ji marks the predicate when the
question constituent is the subject (//>' 'what, who', damaM 'who, which one'),
or the object (ifi 'what'), in the same way that it does for subject or object
relativization (sect. 14.3).
(152) ifi ma-li ni-kanatu?

who do-REL DEM:PR-basket
'Who made this basket?'
(153) ifi pi-yutfia-li?

what 2sg-kill-REL
'What did you kill?'
262 Aikhenvald
(154) ifi pi-puleta-li?

what 2sg-cry-REL
'What is it with you?' (Lit.: What are you crying?)
Interrogative existential clauses follow the general principles of organization

of copular clauses:
(155) iji teta?

what this
'What is this?'
(156) iji pijina?

what 2sg + name
'What is your name?'
The relative form -Ji can occur with the predicate of a complement clause
which contains an oblique question to the subject constituent:
(157) wa-Ja wa-pala-ha ma yue kulimalu

lpl-go Ipl-run-PAUS say to turtle
weda-paiu damali yutj"i-li pala-ha

Ipl + see-PURP who strong-ADJ run-PAUS
' "Let's run", he (the deer) said to the turtle, "to see who is stronger in
running".'
In other questions, no relative form is used:
(158) wa: ma ni-yue-he da-wene ni-nupa?

then say 3pl-to-PAUS where-EL 2pl-come
'Then he said to them, "From where did you come?" '
(159) wa-ni-ma-ha yue namali-nawi anetua

then-3pl-say-PAUS for people-PL good
pi-atseta-wi wa-tse-palu weda daba Jia-wa

2sg-teach-lpl Ipl-know-PURP Ipl + see where live-NONACC
weluami Diutsu
1 pi + father God
'Then the people said to him (Jesus Christ), "Good, teach us, we want
to know where our father God lives".'
Warekena 263
11 Imperatives
Imperative in Warekena is most frequently the verb stem without aspectual or

modal marking. There are both imperatives of transitive, Sa and So verbs, as
illustrated below in (160) - (162) respectively. No imperatives of Sio verbs are
attested. In imperative sentences, the predicate occupies the first place.
(160) piya-ha nu-yalitua pi-Ja pi-teluka a:tapi

you-PAUS Isg-brother 2sg-go 2sg-cut tree
'You, brother, go and cut tree!'
(161) ni-Jia nu-pie-he wani-hi

2pl-stay 1 sg-find-PAUS here-PAUS
'You stay here, for me to find (you) here!'
(162) manuma-pi
be. silent-2sg
'Be silent!'
Aspect marker -wa 'unaccomplished, continuative action' can be used in

commands with an inchoative meaning (163, 166).
(163) pi-manuta-wa
2sg-stop-NONACC
'Stop (start stopping)!'
Second person imperatives are the most frequent ones; the examples of third
person imperatives are shown below. The predicate is in the clause-initial
position. It can take an aspectual clitic, e.g., -yaJu 'yet'.
(164) wa-Jia yaliwa weluami

then-live now 1 pi + father
'Then long live our father!'
(165) wa-Jia-yaJu anetua-li

then-live-YET good-ADJ
'Let all stay well!'
A serial construction with a motion verb -fa 'go' can be used in a cohortative
sense:
(166) wa-ja-wa ni-nawale-waba wa wa-hä wa-Ja

lpl-go-NONACC 3pl-village-DIR then then-PAUS Ipl-go
264 Aikhenvald
watseta-ni ni-tse-paiu daba jia-wa Diutsu

lpl + teach-3pl 3pl-know-PURP where stay-NONACC God
'Let's go to their village, then let's teach them where God is.'
12 Negation
12.1 Predicative negation. Usually predicative negation is expressed by the pro-

clitic ya-, which immediately precedes the verb, and enclitic -pia. The proclitic ya-
attracts the clitics, e.g., aspectual -mia 'perfective', -pafia 'future', -paJu 'pur-
posive', -Ji 'relative, cleft' (see sect. 18). The proclitic ya- precedes the prefixes.
The following examples illustrate predicative negation: transitive verb in (167)-
(169), Sa in (169)-(170), S0 in (171)-(172), and Sio in (173H174).
(167) ya-mia ni-piepe wabupi

NEG-PERF 3pl-fmd + NEG spring
'They did not find a spring.'
(168) awakaluna-ha, awakaluna ya-yutfia-pia namali

Awakaruna-PAUS Awakaruna NEG-kill-NEG people
(169) kunehu ya-nupa-pia-ha ya-nupa-pia

rabbit NEG-come-NEG-PAUS NEG-come-NEG
kunehu wa-hä ya-kulua-pia weni wa-hä

rabbit then-PAUS NEG-drink-NEG water then-PAUS
'The rabbit did not come, the rabbit did not come, he does not drink
water there.'
(170) ya-pajia yulua-pia-ni atapi

NEG-FUT fall-NEG-DEM:PR tree
Only this tree will not fall.'
(171) wa: ya-atulapi-pehe ya-atulapi-pehe waji

then NEG-full-NEG +PAUS NEG-full-NEG + PAUS jaguar
'Then the jaguar was not full, was not full.'
(172) ya-mia-ha yutfi-pia-yu yu-ma-palu matsuka

NEG-PERF-PAUS strong-NEG-3sgf 3sgf-do-PURP flour
'She (my wife) is not strong enough to make flour.'
(173) ya-wa-yue-pia neyupa wa-neyupa-palu

NEG-lpl-to-NEG paddle+ NOM Ipl-paddle-PURP
'We had no (real) paddle, for us to paddle.'
Warekena 265
(174) ya-mia yue-pia-hä nima-hä e-pitj"i

'He had little to eat.'
In equative clauses (sect. 7), the negation ya-. . . -pia occurs on the predicate:
(175) eni nu-tjma-li ni-yue-he ya-nu-waya-ne-pia

DEM:PR Isg-tell-REL 2pl-to-PAUS NEG-lsg-tell-POSS-NEG
'This what I am telling you is not my word.'
Occasionally, the proclitic ya- can be omitted, especially in repetition:
(176) pi-alita-na (ya-)nu-weya-pia-hä nu-wiyua

2sg-tie-lsg NEG-lsg-want-NEG-PAUS Isg-die
'Tie me, I don't want to die (said the jaguar to the rabbit).'
In syntactic causatives and serial verb constructions, there is only one nega-
tion, which goes on the first component and negates the whole verbal phrase,
e.g., (177) (syntactic causative), (178) (serial verb construction). This is one of
the criteria for analyzing serial verb constructions as one predicate (sect. 8.8.1).
(177) ya-mia ni-we-pia-ha pe-he pi-tsumeni

NEG-PERF 3pl-let-NEG-PAUS 2sg + eat-PAUS 2sg-food
'They do not let you eat your food any more (or, they let you not eat
your food any more).'
(178) yamadu ya-be-pia-ha eda namali

Yamadu NEG-can-NEG-PAUS perceive people
'Yamado cannot see people.'
12.2 Emphatic negation (negation in cleft). In cleft constructions, the nega-

tion occurs on the left-dislocated constituent, e.g., (179), from the story about
the abandoned children. The woman saved by the boy from the snake insists that
it was not the ugly soldier who killed the snake:
(179) ya-e-pia-ha yutfia-li mawaya

NEG-DEM-NEG-PAUS kill-REL snake
peya enami yutfia-li nujiwa mawaya ya-tsuludawa-pia-ha

one man kill-REL Isg + from snake NEG-soldier-NEG-PAUS
266 Aikhenvald
yutjia-li mawaya
kill-REL snake
'It was not he who killed a snake, another man killed the snake from me,
it was not the soldier who killed a snake.'
The sentential negation (sect. 12.5) can be used for more emphasis, cf. (180)
from the same story:
(180) ya-hä tsiüudawa udjudelnami yutfia-li mawaya

NEG-PAUS soldier ugly kill-REL snake
'It was not the ugly soldier who killed a snake.'
12.3 Negative existential, beda (ba- 'impersonal' + -eda 'perceive, see/hear') is

used as a negative existential (see sect. 7.1 on copular clauses) with the negative
ya-. . . -pia. Then it takes one NP in the function of a copular complement.
(181) ya-beda-pia wabupi wa-kulua-palu weni

NEG-IMP + perceive-NEG spring Ipl-drink-PURP water
'There is no spring for us to drink water.'
(182) ya-mia-beda-pia-ha a:mani yaliwa

NEG-PERF-IMP + perceive-NEG-PAUS sap now
'Now there is no sap any more.'
(183) ya-beda-pia-ha mina-liana pani-j!

NEG-IMP + perceive-NEG-PAUS body-MASC house-NPOSS
'The owner of the house was not there.'
(184) ya-mia-beda-pia e-pitfi

NEG-PERF-IMP + perceive-NEG eat-OBJ.FOC
'There is nothing left to eat (for him).'
12.4 Non-predicative negation: other negative words. Benefi (bena-ifi) is

used as a negative pronoun, 'nothing, nobody', only if the sentence contains a
negative predicate. Benefi can be used as a noun (185,186) or as a modifier
(187). Very often it is used to recapitulate, as in (93, 190). It is pronounced as
benaifi in a very slow register, as in (188). Benefi can have animate (188) or
inanimate reference (185).
(185) uwa-ha ya-eda-pia-ha beneji

climb-PAUS NEG-see-NEG-PAUS NEG + what
'He (the abandoned boy) climbed and saw nothing.'
Warekena 267
(186) ya-wa-tse-pia beneji

NEG-lpl-know-NEG NEG + what
'We don't know anything.'
(187) nu-Jla-wa-ha yele-mia-na ya-neda-pia

Isg-stay-NONACC-PAUS tired-PERF-lsg NEG-lsg + see-NEG
benejl mawaya
NEG + what snake
º stayed (there), I got tired, I did not see any snake.'
(188) weluami Diutsu ya-depresia-pia-ha bena-iji

1 pi + father God NEG-despise-NEG-PAUS NEG-what
iji weya-Ji-M walamatfie walamatfiehe

what want-REL-PAUS save save + PAUS
Our father God does not despise anybody who wants to be saved.'
Negative particle ne is used for emphatic negation; it is preposed to the

negated noun phrase, and the verb is negated. A series of nouns preceded by ne
is usually followed by a recapitulating benefi 'nothing, nobody'. This particle
may be borrowed from Portuguese nem 'neither . . . nor'; however, a negative
particle with a nasal alveolar n is also present in the neighbouring Northern
Maipuran languages, e.g., Bare ne, Baniwa name.
(189) ya-nu-yue-pia ne ka:ka ne-matsuka

NEG-lsg-to-NEG NEG manioc.bread NEG-flour
bena-iji nu-yue-he
NEG-what lsg-to-PAUS
º did not have either manioc bread or flour, I had nothing.'
(190) ya-nupa-pia ne enami ne neyawa beneji

NEG-come-NEG NEG man NEG woman NEG + what
'Neither man nor woman came, nobody.'
Warekena also has a negative prefix ma, which is not productive, and is
attested in the following cases: two S0 verbs ma-kale 'be out of breath, breath-
less', ma-numa (NEG-mouth) 'to be silent, mouthless', and one Sa verb ma-kuta
'disappear' (cf. Tariana -kuda 'appear, put on light', ma-kuda 'disappear, switch
off light').
268 Aikhenvald
(191) wa ma-kale-mia-ha ema

then NEG-breath-PERF-PAUS tapir
'Then the tapir was out of breath.'
Possibly, this is the same prefix which appears in the preventive (warning)
mood marker ma-tse 'lest', discussed in sect. 18.3.
12.5 Sentential negation. Negative word yahä 'no' etymologically is a pausal

form of the negative proclitic ya- (sect. 22.4.1). It is used as a negative answer:
(192) yawaputa waji ya-hä pi-alita-na dabana-wa

answer jaguar NEG-PAUS 2sg-tie-lsg first-PERL
pi-alita-na nu-weya-pia-ha nu-wiyua

2sg-tie-lsg Isg-want-NEG-PAUS Isg-die
'The jaguar answered, "No, you tie me first, I don't want to die".'
(193) yawaputa kuiimalu yaliwa ya-hä

answer turtle now NEG-PAUS
yaliwa ya-hä ya-wa-Ja-pia wa-pala

now NEG-PAUS NEG-lpl-go-NEG Ipl-run
'The turtle answered, "Not now, now no, we will not run".'
If the question contains a negation, the negative answer contains a negative

yahä:
(194) ya-nupa-pia-hä pi-yue-he mawaya

wa yu-ma-hä ya-hä
then 3sgf-say-PAUS NEG-PAUS
' "Did the snake not come?" (asked the father). Then she said, "No (it
did not)." '
Yahä can be used as a recapitulating word in texts, especially in repetition.

(195) comes from the story about various kinds of evil spirits, and it follows the
description of how an evil spirit called Yamado does not kill people, he only
frightens them. (196) comes from the same text. The variants yahä and yehe are
discussed in sect. 22.4.5.
(195) ya-hä ya-yutj"ia-pia namali

NEG-PAUS NEG-kill-NEG people
'No, he does not kill people.'
Warekena 269
(196) eya-hä ale-he eya-hä awakaluna

DEM-PAUS so-PAUS DEM-PAUS Awakaruna
y aJene -pi a yehe

NEG +angry-NEG NEG + PAUS
'Such is Awakaruna. He is not angry, no.'
12.6 Prohibition (negative command). Negative command is expressed by the

construction: personal form of the verb -eda 'perceive, see/hear' 4- the verb +
-pia. The verb 'to perceive' is used here as an auxiliary verb (see sect. 18.8.2):
(197) yawaputa kunehu pida pi-yutfia-pia-na

answer rabbit 2sg 4-perceive 2sg-kill-NEG-lsg
The rabbit answered (the jaguar), "Don't kill me".'
(198) neda ne-pia-na

2pl +perceive 2pl + eat-NEG-lsg
'Don't you (pi) eat me.'
In emphatic commands, negative proclitic ya- can be used on the negated verb:
(199) wayata puatfi ya-pida-pe-pia-na

speak monkey NEG-2sg + perceive-2sg + eat-NEG-lsg
'The monkey said to the jaguar, "Please, do not eat me!" '
13 Anaphora
The most frequent form of anaphora is the omission of a noun phrase, which is
retrievable from the context and the pivot restrictions (sect. 3). The A/Sa and
O/So cross-referencing markers have anaphoric functions.
(200) wa ni-ja ni-yeluta nepuna-ha maJayu maJayu

then 3pl-go 3pl-clear 3p + road-PAUS deer deer
kulimalu wa ni-yeluta nepuna-ha ya:me-lu

turtle then 3pl-clear 3pl + road-PAUS far-EMPH
'Then they went to clear the road, deer and turtle, then they cleared their
road a long way.'
Demonstrative and third person pronouns also can have anaphoric functions:
270 Aikhenvald
(201) eni-M epalu yutjia-li mawaya eni enami

DEM.PR-PAUS he kill-REL snake DEM.PR man
'This is the man who killed the snake, this man.'
(202) eya-h§ ale-he

DEM-PAUS so-PAUS
'He is this way.'
As is shown in sect. 18.4.2, when the A/Sa constituent is focused and omitted
from the surface structure, the cross-referencing prefix /- '3sgnf is used
anaphorically.
Warekena has the following types of subordinate clauses:
(i) complement clauses (sect. 14.1).

Complement clauses occupy the Ï slot of a verbal argument. The predicate
does not have any special marker. The Ï complement clause immediately
follows the predicate of the main clause,
(ii) purposive clauses (sect. 14.2).
The predicate of purposive clauses takes purposive mood -paJu. Purposive
clauses usually follow the main clause,
(iii) relative clauses (sect. 14.3).
Warekena has two types of relative clause: a coreferential type (sect. 14.3.1)
and a non-coreferential, or converbal, type (sect. 14.3.2). The predicate of a
relative clause has relativizer -Ji. A coreferential relative clause usually comes
immediately after the coreferential NP it qualifies. A converbal relative clause
can occupy any position in the clause,
(iv) temporal clauses (sect. 14.4).
The predicate of a temporal clause is marked by the clitic -Ji-bena. The
subordinate clause has a temporal meaning and can be either pre- or postposed
to the main clause, with an accompanying change in meaning,
(v) locative clauses (sect. 14.5).
The predicate of a locative subordinate clause has no special marker. Loca-
tive clauses are introduced with a subordinator waJi 'where', followed by the
predicate of the subordinate clause. An S/A pivot operates in coreferential
deletion,
(vi) terminative clauses (sect. 14.6).
The predicate of a terminative subordinate clause has no special marker.
Terminative clauses are introduced with a subordinator ate 'until, up to', fol-
lowed by the predicate of the subordinate clause. The coreferential deletion
operates in terms of an S/O pivot.
Warekena 271
(vii) oblique questions (sect. 14.7).

Oblique questions usually follow the predicate of the main clause, like com-
plement clauses. Unlike the latter, they contain an interrogative pronoun in
clause-initial position.
14.1 Complement clauses. In Warekena, complement clauses can only occupy

the Ï slot. The most frequent type of complement clauses are with verbs of
perception, verbs of wanting, and verbs of letting/permitting. The main differ-
ence between serial verb constructions and complement clauses is that in the
latter there is no same subject constraint, and each predicate can have its own
aspect marking. A complement clause can be occasionally introduced with
aJema 'how' (587).The constituent order in the complement clause is free.
Consider examples below (complement clauses are marked with [ ]).
(203) eda [yuluta-wa]

see lie-NONACC
'He (turtle) saw him lie (deer).'
(204) wa-ja weda [wiyua-mia-ni malayu]

lpl-go Ipl + see die-PERF-DEM.PR deer
'Let us go and see how the deer died.'
(205) eda ibu mawaya [yuluta-wa] ibu-mi mawaya

see head snake lie-NONACC head-PEJ snake
'He saw heads of the snake, which were lying down, the (cut) heads of
the snake.'
(206) ya-nu-weya-pia [pe-na]

NEG-lsg-want-NEC 2sg + eat-lsg
º don't want you to eat me.'
(207) nu-meta-h tjmu [yapa-wa pani-Jiwe]

Isg-forbid-PAUS dog enter-NONACC house-NPOSS + LOC
º forbid the dog to enter the house.'
The predicate of a complement clause can be a serial verb construction:
(208) neda [i-tapa-ha kejuka wabupi]

Isg + see 3sgnf-go-PAUS cross spring
º saw him go across the spring.'
The A constituent of the main clause may follow the complement clause.
272 Aikhenvald
(209) wa-hä eda [yu-puwini] yuluami

then-PAUS see [3sgf-arrive] 3sgf+ father
'Then her father saw her coming.'
A subordinate clause in S function is treated as a headless relative clause,

and the predicate has -Ji marker (sect. 14.3):
(210) wa-tse-li wa-hä beneji wa-tse-li wani

Ipl-know-REL then-PAUS NEG + what Ipl-know-REL here
munduwe
world + LOG
Our knowledge is nothing here in the world.'
14.2 Purposive clauses. Purposive clauses are characterized by the predicate

in purposive mood (sect. 18.3). They usually follow the main clause (see
examples in sect. 18.3 and below), coreferential Equi-NP deletion operates in
terms of an S/A pivot. There can be several consecutive final clauses. They may
be subordinated, as in (211), or coordinated, as in (212):
(211) nu-ja nu-yutj"ia jiani-pe waji

lsg-go Isg-kill child-PL jaguar
nu-wala-palu nu-ta-palu e-he Jiani-pe

Isg-cook-PURP Isg-give-PURP eat-PAUS child-PL
shall kill jaguar's child to cook, to give her the children to eat'.
(212) ni-weya idolu ni-weya idolu-nawi ni-ma-palu festa payaJu

3pl-want idol 3pl-want idol-PL 3pl-do-PURP feast all
ifi ni-ma-palu ni-tama-palu ni-kulua-palu yalaki

what 3pl-do-PURP 3pl-dance-PURP 3pl-drink-PURP vodka
'They (non-evangelicals) want idols, they want idols to do feasts, all
they (want) to do, to dance, to drink vodka.'
Coreferential NP deletion operating with an S/A pivot is illustrated with (213):
(213) wa Ja jia-wa waji

then go sit-NONACC jaguar
ulunia-palu ema yutjia-palihi

wait-PURP tapir kill-PURP + PAUS
'The jaguar was going to sit there to wait for the tapir to kill (him).'
Warekena 273
-paJu is often used to mark a complement clause after an imperative:
(214) pi-ja pi-yanta nu-yue nu-Jiani-pe

2sg-go 2sg-take lsg-to lsg-child-PL
nu-ta-palu ni-kulua tjmi

Isg-give-PURP 3pl-drink breast
'Go and bring my children to me, for me to give them my breast.'
14.3 Relative clauses
14.3.1 Coreferential relative clauses. A coreferential relative clause usually

comes immediately after the coreferential NP it qualifies. Clitic -Ji marks the
predicate of a relative clause. It is the same -Ji which is used on stative verbs as
an adjectivizer (sect. 15). Only S (Sa, S0, Sj0) and Ï constituents can be relativized.
Common arguments between the complement clause and the main clause can be:
main clause complement clause

S S
O S
Ï Ï
Locative S
Instrumental O
The coreferential constituent can be the S of the main clause and the S of the
relative clause. This type is comparatively rare. In (215) the shared constituent
is the Sio of the main clause and the Sa of the relative clause. The predicate -yue
'to, for; to belong' is of an Si0 type.
(215) eya enami yue peya matseta Juî-li

DEM man to one knife big-ADJ
enaba tjmu [ayuza-li-hi]

two dog help-REL-PAUS
'The man has a big knife (lit.: to him a big knife) (and) two dogs which
are being helpful.'
The coreferential constituent can be the Ï of the main clause and the S of the
relative clause. It is S0 in (216) and (217):
(216) ni:da yujana niwaba [u:le:-Ji u:Je:-Ji]

3pl +perceive voice high + LOG sound-REL sound-REL
'They heard (perceived the voice) (of a cup) high up.'
274 Aikhenvald
(217) nu-beda-da-h mitji [ula-mia-li-hi]

Isg-try-RED-PAUS meat soft-PERF-REL-PAUS
º am trying the meat (several times) to see if it is soft (lit.: meat which
is soft).'
The coreferential constituent is the Ï of the main clause and the Sa of the
embedded relative clause in (218) and (219):
(218) ale ni-ma yue-he wa-weya weda-ha

thus 3pl-say to.him-PAUS Ipl-want Ipl + see-PAUS
weluami [jia-li enu-waba-ha]

lpl +father stay-REL sky-DIR-PAUS
'So they said to him, we want to see our father who lives in the sky.'
(219) wa-h ni-ma-ha jutj"i aji ni-wepehe aji-waba

then-PAUS 3pl-do-PAUS big fire 3pl -throw -l- P AUS fire-DER
ni-yalitua-mia-h [wiyua-mia-li]
3pl-brother-PERF-PAUS die-PERF-REL
'Then they make much fire, they throw him into the fire, their brother
who died.'
The coreferential constituent can be the only constituent of a verbless main

clause and the Ï of the relative clause:
(220) wa abi:da [abida yutjia-li] nuluami

then pig pig kill-REL lsg +father
wepa-miehe tawape-tfiwe ya-mia-be-pia a:pi

leave-PERF + PAUS jungle-LOG? + LOG NEG-PERF-can-NEG take
'And the pig, the pig he killed, my father left (it) in the jungle, he could
not take (it).'
(221) may also be interpreted as an equative clause with a headless relative

clause as a predicate:
(221) eni kansau [kanita-li] nuluami-mine

DEM:PR song sing-REL lsg + father-DEC:nf
'This song is the one sung by my father.'
The coreferential constituent can be in the Ï function in both clauses. This

is the most frequent type in my corpus.
Warekena 275
(222) wa-ja weda-hä [nu-yanata-li]

lpl-go Ipl + see-PAUS Isg-write-REL
'Let's go and see what I wrote.'
(223) wa: bida eni papera-je-mi

then 2sg + see DEM:PR paper-PIECE-PEJ
eni [wa-nuta-li] nu-yue-he diutsu

DEM.PR then-send-REL lsg-to-PAUS God
' "See this piece of paper which the (traditional) god sent to me?" (said
the rabbit to the jaguar).'
(224) nu-Ja nu-kanita-ha [kanita-li nuluami-mine]

lsg-go Isg-sing-PAUS song-REL lsg + father -DEC :nf
shall sing a song which my father sang.'
(225) is very often used in a kind of a story-final speech formula. It is

unusual in that the predicate of the main clause follows the subordinate clause.
(225) ube-ma-lu [nu-tjma-li] nu-tjma

all-DEL-EMPH Isg-tell-REL Isg-tell
'Here ends the story (Lit.: I told all I had to tell).'
Relative clauses are frequently used as attributes. Adjectival modifiers in

Warekena are coreferential relative clauses in an attributive function, with
relative forms of stative (S0) in (226) and yue 'to, for' in (227, 228):
(226) atapi niwe-li jutfi-li

tree high-REL big-REL
'a high and big tree (or, a tree which is high and big)'
(227) yalanawi yue-li jutfi deka-Ji

white.man for-REL much have-NOM
'a rich white man, a white man who has (lit.: to whom) many belong-
ings'
(228) enami yue-li jutj"i nenituana

man to-REL much liver
'a courageous man (lit.: to whom much liver)'
Relative clauses may also be used headlessly (see sect. 15.4 on the headless
use of modifiers). In negative clauses, -Ji is attracted to the negative proclitic
ya-, in agreement with the clitic character of -Ji.
276 Aikhenvald
(229) ya-li-be-pia
NEG-REL-can-NEG
'a weakling, a coward (lit.: the one who cannot (do things)'
Relative verbal forms are close to object nominalization when used

headlessly:
(230) Ja pie-he peya ni-yanata-li-mi

go fmd-PAUS one 3pl-write-REL-PERF
ni-yanata-li yalanawi-nawi peya papela

3pl-write-REL white-PL one paper
'Then (the rabbit) found a written one, written by white men, a paper.'
Headless uses of -Ji relative forms are also considered in sect. 18.6. (231) is
frequently used at the end of stories.
(231) eni-hi nu-tjma-li ube-ma-mia-lu teta-ha

DEM.PR-PAUS Isg-tell-REL all-DEL-PERF-EMPH DEM-PAUS
This is all I tell (Lit.: This is my telling, only that it is).'
The coreferent NP may be a locative constituent of the main clause and of

the relative clause, as in (232).
(232) uwa-ha minaji-ta ata:pi yulute-li-wa

climb-PAUS on-DEM:DIST tree lie-REL-NONACC
'He (jaguar) climbed on the tree where (on which) he lay.'
In this case the subordinate clause may be introduced by the locative subor-
dinate conjunction waJi 'where':
(233) wa-yuleta-mia-wa ja-wa uwa-ha

then-come-PERF-NONACC go-NONACC climb-PAUS
minajl atapi wali yulute-li-wa wa yuluta-wa

on tree where lie-REL-NONACC then lie-NONACC
'Then he (the jaguar) went and climbed on a tree where he lay, and he
was lying there.'
In a few cases, the predicate of a relative clause of this type has a case
marker, as in (234). It is not a locative subordinate clause, since the predicate
of locative subordinate clauses (see sect. 14.5) is not marked with -Ji.
Warekena 277
(234) wani pani-Ji nu-Jia-liwe-he

here house-NPOSS lsg-live-REL +LOG-PAUS
'Here is the house in which I live.'
The coreferent NP may be an instrumental constituent of the main clause and

the Ï of the relative clause, as in (235). The personal cross-referencing can be
omitted, when the A of the embedded clause is either not important, or is
understood from the context. A postposition (e.g., an instrumental in (235))
always follows the relative clause.
(235) wa-wa-ja-mia-wa wa-wene-ta-ha

then-lpl-go-PERF-NONACC then-from-DEM:DIST-PAUS
mulupewe-mia-ha peya neyupa miyapa-li ima

canoe+ LOC-PERF-PAUS one paddle borrow-REL with
mina-liana pani-Ji
body-MASC house-NPOSS
'Then we went away from there on the boat (and with) a paddle bor-
rowed from the owner of the house.'
Interrogative pronouns can be used as relative pronouns in relative clauses

when preceded by payalu 'all'. They then provide a restrictive meaning to "all"
(236-239). The only example of a relative-like use of an interrogative pronoun
da:tfibuJe 'who' following its head (enami 'man') is (54). The use of interroga-
tive pronouns in relative clauses may be influenced by Portuguese.
(236) payaJu ij! ni-ma-li Diutsu ya-weya-pia ale-teta-ha

all what 3pl-do-REL God NEG-want-NEG so-DEM-PAUS
'Whatever they are doing, God does not like (it) this way.'
(237) nu-Ja nu-tsina-ha payalu ij! wa-patata-li wa-h

lsg-go Isg-tell-PAUS all what Ipl-work-REL then-PAUS
º shall tell all, whatever we then worked.'
(238) atseta-mia-ni payalu enami atseta

teach-PERF-3pl all man teach
neyawa payalu ifi damali weya-li

woman all what who want-REL
'He taught them, all the men, taught all the women, (all) who wanted (to
learn).'
278 Aikhenvald
(239) payalu iji weda-li wani-hl ma:-pifi

all what Ipl + see-REL here-PAUS do-OBJ.FOC
nuluami Diutsu
lsg + father God
'All we see is the creation of my father, God.'
14.3.2 Non-coreferential (converbal) clauses. Converbal clauses usually refer

to an action which precedes (240, 241) or accompanies (242) the action of the
main clause. The predicate of a converbal clause is marked by the relativizer
-Ji. Converbal clauses can either precede or follow the main clause. There
appear to be no pivot restrictions.
(240) [nuluami wanuta-li] nu-nupa wani-M

lsg + father order-REL Isg-come here-PAUS
'After my father having ordered, I came here.'
(241) [peya ema peya malayu ni-yutfia-li]

one tapir one deer 3pl-kill-REL
wani ni-yuleta-mia-wa
here 3pl-return-PERF-NONACC
'Having killed one tapir and one deer, they returned here.'
(242) wa ni-Ja-mia-ha ni-yeleta-ha yu-yuwaba-ha

then 3pl-go-PERF-PAUS 3pl-arrive-PAUS 3 s gf-to wards-P AU S
etyawa [yu-puii-tsu-mata ilika-li payalu yu-puli-M]

old + FEM 3sgf-eye-?-skin close-REL all 3sgf-eye-PAUS
'Then they went, they arrived at the old woman, her eyelid closing her
whole eye.'
(243) is an example of a converbal clause with an Si0 predicate:
(243) [ne ka:ka ne-matsuka bena-iji

NEG manioc.bread NEG-flour NEG-what
nu-yue-li] ya-mia-yutjl-pia-na
lsg-to-REL NEG-PERF-strong-NEG-lsg
'Having no manioc bread, no flour, nothing, I am not strong.'
The predicate of a converbal clause can have an aspect marker -wa, which
follows -Ji:
Warekena 279
(244) wani pe-pitj"i [pi-ja-li-wa]

here 2sg + eat-OBJ.FOC 2sg-go-REL-NONACC
'Here is the food for you to eat while you are going.'
Converbal clauses may be used to emphasize the action expressed by the verb
in the main clause:
(245) wa-hä wayata [ma-Ji] yu-yue-he mawelite

then-PAUS speak say-REL 3sgf-to-PAUS sister
'Then he (the brother) spoke, saying to his sister.'
A converbal clause may have a concessional meaning:
(246) [papeya namali nu-yue-he ma-li]

other person lsg-to-PAUS say-REL
ya-yue-pia pina-Ji
NEG-to-NEG cure-NOM
'Whatever another person may say to me, there is no antidote (against
snake bite).'
A converbal clause can contain a purposive clause (247, 248).
(247) [nu-yutj'ia-le inamaiu napi-palu-M

Isg-kill-REL stingray Isg + take-PURP-PAUS
nu-mana-li-wa nu-pata-palu puli]

Isg-bait-POSS-PERL Isg-get-PURP game
'when I killed the stingray to take (it) as bait, to get game'
(248) [wa-nuta-li-wa wa-yutJia-paJu kueji] yaliwa

then-call-REL-NONACC Ipl-kill-PURP game now
wa-yutjia-mia-ha wa-yutfia-mia-ha jutjl-lu

Ipl-kill-PERF-PAUS Ipl-kill-PERF-PAUS big-EMPH
'He (our cousin) having ordered to kill the game, now we killed (game),
we killed a lot'.
14.4 Temporal clauses. The predicate of a temporal clause is marked with the
clitic -Ji-bena (see sect. 18.6.2). Coreferential deletion operates in terms of an
S/A pivot. The order of subordinate and main clause depends on the meaning of
the predicate of the subordinate verb. When the subordinate clause is postposed
to the main, the action of the subordinate clause precedes the action of the main
280 Aikhenvald
clause (249-253). When the subordinate clause is preposed, it has a temporal

meaning, and indicates a simultaneous state or action, as in (254) and (255).
(249) ne-he payalu aya-Ji kawyu-Ji matsuka

3pl + eat-PAUS all lack-NOM smoke-NOM flour
ne-he payalu ni-bitfika-li-bena-mia-ha

3pl + eat-PAUS all 3sg-go.out-REL-when-PERF-PAUS
ukapi-wene-he
room-EL-PAUS
'They (the menstruating girls) eat all, smoked meat, flour, manioc bread,
they eat all, as soon as/after they come out of their room (ritual seclu-
sion).'
(250) eni kansau kanita-Ji nuluami-mine

DEM.PR song sing-REL Isg + father-DEC.nf
ni-kompleta-li-bena ni-akayu-ne neye-pe

3pl-complete-REL-when 3pl-year-PL woman-PL
'This is the song my late father sang after women came of age (lit.:
completed their years).'
(251) ale neda benamitfi ni-wiyua-li-bena-ha

thus 3pl + see long.ago 3pl-die-REL-when-PAUS
yanumami-nawi
Yanomami-PL
'So they did (performed) long ago, after Yanomami people had died.'
A postposed subordinate clause marked with -Ji-bena can have a causal

nuance of meaning:
(252) nu-yubua-hä yame:-lu ja bitfika jibuduliwe

Isg-dig-PAUS far-EMPH go go.out field + LOG
nu-mitfiyuta-palu-pajia ijiwa waji nu-yutfia-li-bena-hä

Isg-hide/escape-PURP-FUT from jaguar Isg-kill-REL-when-PAUS
jiani-pe
child-PL
' "I am digging (a hole) far away, it will go out far away, for me to
escape from the jaguar, after/because I killed her children," (said the
rabbit).'
Warekena 281
(253) ni-Ja ni-tsunua-hä a:Ji ni-ma-palu

3pl-go 3pl-tear-PAUS manioc 3pl-make-PURP
ka:ka ne-pitji ni-ma-palu ka:ka

manioc.bread 3pl + eat-OBJ.FOC 3pl-make-PURP manioc.bread
matsuka jiweji ne-palu kawyu-Ji

manioc.flour tapioca 3pl + eat-PURP smoke-NOM
ni-yeleta-li-bena-ha nelima-pe
3pl-arrive-REL-when-PAUS cousin-PL
'They went to tear manioc to make manioc bread to eat, to make manioc
bread, manioc flour, tapioca to eat, smoked meat, after the cousins
come.'
(254) uwa-li-bena-ha namaii ya-be-pia-ha yutfie

climb-REL-when-PAUS people NEG-can-NEG-PAUS kill
'When (a person) climbs a tree, he (evil spirit) cannot kill (a person).'
(255) elita-li-bena-ha ya-bajaka-pia-ha

nibble-REL-when-PAUS NEG-tear-NEG-PAUS
'When he (evil spirit) nibbles (at cattle), he does not tear (it).'
The -Ji-bena construction is rarely used when the complement clause has an
inanimate S, and the main clause has an animate A/S. Then parataxis is used,
as in (256). An example of -Ji-bena is (257).
(256) niwe-mia amufi ni-Ja-tfi-wa tenepu numa-wa

high-PERF sun 3pl-go-REP-NONACC road mouth-PERL
'When the sun was high they went by the road.'
(257) ni-yeleta wa-hä meluIia-Ji-bena-ha amuji

3pl-arrive then-PAUS midday-REL-when-PAUS sun
They arrived after it was midday.'
-Ji-bena can be used with designations of time:
(258) wa-yue-he melikana yu-yeleta wa-nawaJewe-he

lpl-to-PAUS American 3sgf-come 1 pi-village + LOG-PAUS
wa-yue-he em 1950-li-bena em 1950 wa-hä yu-nupa

lpl-to-PAUS in 1950-REL-when in 1950 then-PAUS 3sgf-arrive
282 Aikhenvald
yu-tsina-h waya-ne Diutsu

3sgf-tell-PAUS say-POSS God
'The American (woman) arrived among us in our village in 1950, she
came to tell the word of God.'
14.5 Locative clauses. Locative subordinate clauses are expressed by the sub-
ordinating marker waJi 'where' (which etymologically may go back to \va
'presentative' and -Ji ' relativized). They can refer to either location or direc-
tion. Locative subordinate clauses follow the main clause, and the head is
usually omitted from the main clause. The constituent order is waJi V Sa (259,
260), waJi VS0 (261), waJi V Ï (262, 263), and waJi VOA (264). In coreferen-
tial deletion, an S/A pivot operates (263).
(259) wa yeleta-ha wali inapa-wa tenepu

then arrive-PAUS where finish-NONACC road
'Then he came to where the road finished.'
(260) peya puatfi nepuna-wa yeleta wali jia waji

one monkey 3pl + road-PERL arrive where stay jaguar
¢ monkey arrived at their road where the jaguar was staying.'
(261) yeleta-mia-ha wali mala-mia wabupi

arrive-PERF-PAUS where shallow-PERF spring
'He arrived where the spring is shallow.'
(262) peya laguna wali ni-kulua-ha weni

one lake where 3pl-drink-PAUS water
paya:lu kueji-nawi ni-kulua-ha weni

all game-PL 3 pi-drink-PAUS water
'(There is) a lake where all the animals drink water, they drink water.'
(263) kulimalu nupa-mia-wa wali yutsia ema

turtle amve-PERF-NONACC where kill tapir
'Turtle arrived to where (he) killed the tapir.'
(264) prontu-mia-ha wali yubua yatfipe kunehu

ready-PERF-PAUS where dig ground rabbit
'It is ready, where the rabbit was digging the ground.'
The A constituent of the locative clause can undergo left dislocation if it is

the focus of attention (sect. 9), and then it can be proposed to the predicate.
However, these cases are rare and very marked; their marked character is
Warekena 283
corroborated by the fact that they are found only in repetition, as in (265). The
left dislocated A constituent is italicized.
(265) peya tsemana Ja-wa iwapiwe wabupi

one week go-NONACC shore + LOG spring
te yeleta walu yutfia waji ema wali wafi yutfia ema

until arrive where kill jaguar tapir where jaguar kill tapir
'He went for a week on the shore of the spring until he arrived to where
the jaguar killed the tapir, to where the jaguar killed the tapir. '
In one case a coreferent locative constituent atapi 'tree' was not omitted from
the main clause:
(266) ube-ma-lu-pajia peya-lu atapi eni-M wali

all-DEL-EMPH-FUT one-EMPH tree DEM.PR-PAUS where
ulupe-tfi natj"ia-wa ya-pajia yulua-pia-ha

foot-LOC? Isg + stand-NONACC NEG-FUT fall-NEG-PAUS
Only one tree, the one near which I am (lit.: where at its foot I am) will
not fall.'
Wali may take a perlative case-marker -wa, as in (267). This example is also
unusual because the predicate of the locative clause precedes the subordinator
wali.
(267) wa-hä wa ni-teyata-mia-(ha)-yu

then-PAUS then 3pl-push-PERF-(PAUS)-3sgf
yu-yawaluta wali-wa-ha
3sgf-go.round where -PERL -PAUS
'Then they (the abandoned children) pushed her (the witch) where she
was going around (the pan with boiling water).'
14.6 Terminative clauses. Terminative clauses are marked with the loan sub-
ordinate conjunction ate, te 'until' (used with a temporal or spatial meaning).
They usually follow the main clause. Coreferential deletion in terminative
clauses functions in terms of an S/O pivot (268-271).
(268) Jmua-mia puatjl niwaba ate yuiua

throw-PERF monkey high + DIR until fall
'He(jaguar) threw the monkey high, until he (the monkey) fell.'
284 Aikhenvald
(269) ni-wapeta ni-ya:ma-te te pelu pelu jutj"i yama:-tji

3pl-arrange 3pl-bag-POSS until full full big bag-NOM
'Then they arranged the bag until it is full, a big bag is full.'
(270) e-mia pane ema ate inapa inapehe

eat-PERF liver tapir until finish finish + PAUS
Then he (jaguar) ate tapir's liver until it finished, finished.'
(271) wa-Jia waj! ate yele-mia

then-sit jaguar until tired-PERF
'The jaguar sat until he became tired. '
The Sa, So and Ï constituent always follows the predicate in a terminative

clause:
O:
(272) wani ni-mutjita-mehe ni-mutjlta-mehe
here 3 pi -bite -PERT + PAUS 3pl-bite-PERF + PAUS
ate ni-bujuka tfiapi

until 3pl-burst belly
'They (turtles) bit him (the tapir), until they burst his belly.'
S0:
(273) kunehu ipeta-ha waj! ate ya-mia-yutji-pie waji
rabbit beat-PAUS jaguar until NEG-PERF-strong-NEG jaguar
'The rabbit beat the jaguar until the jaguar had no more strength'.
(274) wa-jm-wa wa-Jia-wa ate niwe-mia-ha

then-stay-NONACC then-stay-NONACC until high -PERF -PAUS
amuji
sun
'Then he stayed until the sun was high.'
Sa:
(275) kunehu ipeta-mia ipeta ipeta ipeta ate dalina-mia waji
rabbit beat-PERF beat beat beat until faint-PERF jaguar
'The rabbit beat the jaguar until the jaguar fainted. '
(276) mutfita puatfi ate baJika-mia-wa a:ta

bite monkey until tear-PERF-NONACC rope
Warekena 285
wakwena-mia-wa wakwena-mia-wa
untie-PERF-NONACC untie-PERF-NONACC
'The monkey bit it (the rope) until the rope tore, it (the rope) got untied.'
A left-dislocated constituent which constitutes a focus of attention can be

placed in front of the predicate of a terminative clause. Such an example is
(277), in which the left-dislocated constituent Sa, mawaya 'snake'marked with
emphatic intonation, is italicized.
(277) wa-hä wa-Jia-wa yuma neyawa

then-PAUS then-stay-NONACC 3sgf+with woman
te mawaya Jutî-li nupa-mia-ha

until snake big-ADJ arrive-PERF-PAUS
'And so then he stayed with the woman until the big snake came.'
te, ate 'until, up to' can also be used as a preposition, possibly under Portu-
guese influence:
(278) wa-hä nuya crenti ate yaliwa nu-Jia-wa

then-PAUS I evangelical until now Isg-stay-NONACC
anetua-li
good-ADJ
'So I am evangelical, until now I live well.'
(279) ate wa nu-tîna-hä isturia-ne kunehu epi waji

until then Isg-tell-PAUS story-POSS rabbit with jaguar
'Up to here I tell the story of a rabbit with a jaguar.'
The sequence ate datfi can also be used to introduce terminative-locative

clauses (280, 281). It is very similar to ate waJi (see below).
(280) wa nu-ja nu-kanita-ha ate datfi nu-tse

then lsg-go Isg-sing-PAUS until where Isg-know
will sing until where I know (the song).'
(281) wa-hä wayata kulimalu yaliwa nu-Ja epuna-wa

then-PAUS speak turtle now lsg-go road-PERL
ema ate datji nu-pie-he nu-mutfita-palihi

tapir until where Isg-fmd-PAUS Isg-bite-PURP + PAUS
Then the turtle spoke, "I shall go by the tapir's road, until I find (him,
i.e., the tapir) to bite (him)".'
286 Aikhenvald
Terminative clauses may be preceded (282) or followed (283) by locative

clauses introduced by waM 'where'.
(282) ale wa-Jia-wa waya-ha

so Ipl-live-NONACC we-PAUS
waya wali wa-Jia-wa ate nu-tsina

we where Ipl-stay-NONACC until Isg-tell
'We lived this way where we are staying now, until the moment of my
speech.'
(283) wa-ja-wa yame:-lu ate wa-yeleta-mia-ha

lpl-go-NONACC far-EMPH until Ipl-arrive-PERF-PAUS
wali Jutfi-mia wabupi

where big-PERF spring
'We went far until we arrived (to the place) where the spring was big.'
Ate and waJi can co-occur forming a compound conjunction 'until where'.
(284) ninapa-wa kulimalu

3pl + fmish-NONACC turtle
ate wali inapa-mia-wa tenepu

until where finish-PERF-NONACC road
'The turtles were spread (lit.: the turtles were finishing) until where the
road ended.'
A locative clause may be embedded in a terminative clause:
(285) wa pala-ha ate yeleta-mia wabupi wali

then mn-PAUS until arrive-PERF spring where
tsapia-mia ema wabupi-waba-ha unita-palu

jump-PERF tapir spring-DIR-PAUS swim-PURP
Then he (jaguar) ran until he arrived at the spring, where the tapir
jumped, to swim into the spring.'
14.7 Oblique questions. Oblique questions (also sect. 16.5) are introduced
with the help of interrogative pronouns. They usually follow the main clause,
like complement clauses. The predicate has no special marker.
(286) peya namali Jupe-li ni-jia-wa mana Diutsu

other people many-REL 3pl-stay-NONACC near God
Warekena 287
nida-palu ijalema waya-ne

3pl + see how say-POSS
'Many other people stayed near God to see how his word was.'
(287) atapi minaji-M uwa-ha eda-palu daba-ha yapa

tree on-PAUS climb-PAUS see-PURP where-PAUS hill
'(The child) climbed on the tree to see where the hill is.'
(288) yaliwa nu-ja nu-tjma-ha

now lsg-go Isg-tell-PAUS
ijalema neda-ha eni-hl kiüupira

how Isg+perceive-PAUS DEM.PR-PAUS evil.spirit
'Now I shall tell how I saw the evil spirit.'
15.1 Marking for case. Similarly to the vast majority of Maipuran languages,
Warekena does not have any case marking on core constituents (i.e., A, S or
in terms of Dixon 1994), but has a number of cases used to mark peripheral
constituents. This is also characteristic for other Northern Maipuran languages
of the region, e.g., Bare, which is structurally very close to Warekena, and
Baniwa of Igana. Peripheral case markers usually occur on the head of posses-
sive, adpositional or adjectival NPs. Warekena has the following peripheral
cases.
Locative is marked with the suffix -iwe. Its locative meaning is illustrated
with (289, 290). (289) shows an opposition between elative and locative.
(289) Pedru nupa-ha venesuela-wene ma-ha

Pedro arrive-PAUS Venezuela-EL do-PAUS
pani-Ji wenejewe-he
house-NPOSS Xie +LOG-PAUS
'Pedro arrived from Venezuela (and) made a house on the Xie river.'
(290) datsi mutsita-pi umeni pi-apiwe-he

where bite-2sg snake 2sg-hand +LOG-PAUS
288 Aikhenvald
pi-teya minaji wa-Ju awini-ni

2sg-pee on then-EMPH cold-ADJ
'Where a snake bit you on your hand, pee on (it) where it feels cold.'
Locative case can mean direction and location:
(291) nu-nupa numewe tenepu

Isg-arrive mouth + LOG road
º arrived at the beginning of a road.'
Locative case can have causal meaning, as shown in (292), instrumental

meaning, as in (293), (294), and comitative meaning, as in (295).
(292) yu-wiyu-yua-ha neyawa yalakiwe

3sgf-faint-RED-PAUS woman whisky + LOG
¢ woman is drunk because of whisky.'
(293) atseta-ni waya-newe-he Diutsu

teach-3pl say-POSS + LOC-PAUS God
'He taught them with his word, God's.'
(294) nu-yanata-na-wa kerawiwe

1 sg-paint-REFL-NONACC achiote + LOG
º painted myself with achiote.'
(295) nu-wajata kafe leitiwe

Isg-mix coffee milk + LOG
º mixed coffee with milk.'
There is, possibly, another locative affix, -tfi/fi (on the variability of tf and J
in Warekena see sect. 22) On', which has restricted occurrence . It occurs with
body parts, e.g., nawa 'my leg', nawa-fi On my leg'; i-tfipaJa 'his foot', i-
tfipaJa-fi On his foot'; certain nouns referring to location, e.g., uJupe 'foot' (of
a mountain), fawape 'jungle', aJipeJi 'cerrado; dense jungle', and interrogative
da-tfi 'where?'. Possibly, this affix is also present in the adposition mina-fi On'
(290), cf. mina 'body'. These nouns, illustrated in (296)-(299), usually do not
take locative case suffix -iwe; tawape-ffiwe in (220) is an exception. Directional
case marker -waba and perlative/transformative case marker -wa can go either
on the noun stem, as in (297), or on the noun stem which contains -tfi, as in
(299). The occurrence of different vowels in two otherwise identical forms
containing -tfi + -wa in (299) is explained in sect. 22.4.5.
(296) ni-Ja-mia-wa yame-lu tawape-tji

3pl-go-PERF-NONACC far-EMPH jungle-LOC?
Warekena 289
tawape numa-wa ni-Ja-wa

jungle mouth-PERL 3pl-go-NONACC
'They went far in the jungle, they went by the edge of the jungle.'
(297) ni-yuleta-mia-ha ulupe-waba ya:pa

3pl-return-PERF-PAUS foot-DIR hill
'They (turtles) returned to the foot of a hill.'
(298) yaliwa wa-yeleta-mia-ha wani-M ulupe-î yapa

now Ipl-arrive-PERF-PAUS here-PAUS foot-LOC? hill
'Now we arrived here, at the foot of the hill.'
(299) wa nupa kulimalu yapa-wa

then come turtle hill-PERL
aJipe-li-tJ"i-wa-ha ya:me-lu
thick.jungle-NOM-LOC?-PERL-PAUS far-EMPH
tawape -tj"i -waba -ha alipe -li -tj"i -wehe

jungle-LOC7-DIR-P AUS thick. jungle-NOM-LOC7-PERL + PAUS
'Then the turtle came by a hill, by a thick jungle far into the jungle, by
thick jungle.'
It is difficult to decide about the synchronic status of the suffix -tfi/fi as a

location marker, in the context of language obsolescence.
Directional is marked with suffix -waba (300, 301).
(300) wa-nu-ja-tji-wa awipemi-waba-ha wabupi

then-lsg-go-REP-NONACC headwaters-DIR-PAUS spring
'And then I went on, towards the headwaters of a spring.'
(301) peya-ha pala:-ha anepili-waba peya pala:-ha ganu-waba

one-PAUS run-PAUS right-DIR one run-PAUS left-DIR
One (horse) ran to the right, the other one ran to the left.'
The difference between directional case and locative which combines direc-
tional and locative meaning, as in (291), is that the latter means 'go towards a
location and stay there', whereas the former means 'go towards a location'.
Elative is marked with suffix -wene. It means both 'from', as in (302), and
'from out of, as in (303).
290 Aikhenvald
(302) wa: ni-bajaka-mihi ni-yapi-M utsu-mi peya-ha

then 3pl-tear-PERF + PAUS 3pl-take-PAUS leg-PEJ one-PAUS
peya kawayu api ganu-wene-he peya utsu peya kavayu api-M

one horse take left-EL-PAUS one leg one horse take-PAUS
anepili-wene-he
right-EL-PAUS
'Then they tore him (the bad soldier) apart, one horse took one leg from
the left, another horse took another leg from the right.'
(303) kulimalu ya-be-pia bitsika yatsipe-wene

turtle NEG-can-NEG go.out ground-EL
The turtle could not come out of the ground.'
(304) wa-hä wepa Jutji aji numewene eta-ha

then-PAUS let big fire mouth + EL DEM:DIST-PAUS
yenapemi tfiapuli-wene wepa-ha Jutfi iJa-Ji

devil behind-EL let-PAUS big red-ADJ
'Then the devil let big fire come from out of his mouth and big red (fire)
from inside his behind.'
Occasionally the vowel a of the noun root becomes e before -wene 'elative',
as in numewene 'from the mouth', cf. numa 'mouth'. This phonological process
(see sect. 22.5) could indicate that the underlying form for the elative suffix is
-iwene. However, the form numa-wene 'from the mouth' and such forms as
wa-wene 'from there', da-wene 'from where?' indicate that -wene is the under-
lying form. The variation of numewene and numa-wene may be due to an
analogy with locative -iwe, cf. numewe (numa-iwe) 'in the mouth'.
Perlative/transformative is marked with suffix -wa. It has the following

meanings:
(a) With nouns denoting location -wa means 'along' with motion verbs and
'near, at' with stance and posture verbs (305, 306). With terminative motion
verbs, the -wa case means 'near' (307).
(305) pala-ha waji iwapi-wa wabupi

run-PAUS jaguar shore-PERL spring
awipemi-waba-ha wabupi
headwaters-DIR-PAUS spring
'The jaguar ran by the shore of the spring to the headwaters of the
spring.'
Warekena 291
(306) yaliwa nu-ja nu-we pi-yuluta-wa tenepu numa-wa

now lsg-go Isg-leave 2sg-lie-NONACC road mouth-PERL
'Now I shall leave you to lie near the mouth of the road.'
(307) ni-yeleta yapa-wa

3pl-arrive hill-PERL
'They (children) were coming near the hill.'
-Wa may also mean 'until' with a terminative verb, or a verb marked with
perfective aspect.
(308) wa ni-Jia-wa ni-tsipulya-ta-mia-ha ni-kawyu

then 3pl-sit-NONACC 3pl-turn-CAUS-PERF-PAUS 3pl-smoked.meat
pani-wa ya:japua
mid-PERL night
'Then they sat down to turn the smoked meat until midnight.'
(299) illustrates a combination of -tfi 'locative' and -wa 'perlative'.
(b) With time nouns, -wa means 'during, by'.
(309) yu-Ja-wa pepuji-wa

3sgf-go-NONACC day-PERL
'She traveled during the day.'
(c) Other meanings of -wa are: 'for' (310, 311); and 'as, in order to acquire a
quality of (312-314).
(310) nu-yutjia-wa inamaiu nu-mana-le-wa

Isg-kill-NONACC stingray Isg-bait-POSS-PERL
nu-pata-palu puli
Isg-get-PURP game
'Then I killed the stingray for my bait to get game.'
(311) na kaka yawaya-pe-li-wa

3pl + eat manioc.bread early-NOM-REL-PERL
'They eat manioc bread for breakfast.'
(312) wa ma yue kunehu nuya nu-weya peya enami

then say to rabbit I Isg-want one man
292 Aikhenvald
nu-yalitua-wa wala-palu nu-yue-he na-pitji

Isg-companion-PERL cook-PURP Isg-for-PAUS Isg + eat-OBJ.FOC
Then she (the jaguar) said to the rabbit, "I want a man as a companion
to cook food for me." '
(313) nalake-na-wa kosinera-wa

lsg +dress-Isg-NONACC cook-PERL
º dressed myself as a cook.'
-Wa case is used to mark the second argument (a copular complement) of

verbs of becoming, transforming, etc.
(314) maJieli weta-ta-wa enami yenapemi-wa

shaman transform-CAUS-NONACC man devil-PERL
The shaman transformed the man into an evil spirit.'
-Wa case is not used to mark essive constituents; the unmarked form of the
noun is used :
(315) patata teyatena mulupa

work guide+ AG canoe
'He works as a guide of a boat.'
Unlike neighbouring Northern Maipuran languages, Warekena does not have

double case marking. Unmarked forms of nouns which prototypically denote
location, e.g., wabupi 'spring', panifi 'house' can be used in the locative mean-
ing without any special marking (316). In (106) and (92) the unmarked form of
a body part, napitu 'back', is used in a directional or locative sense.
(316) bukukuli jia-wa pani-Ji

owl sit-NONACC house-NPOSS
'An owl sat on the house.'
panifi 'house' is used with the locative case marker when it has a more
specific meaning, as in (317), where panifiwe means 'at home'.
(317) nuya-ha nu-jia-wa wani-hT

I-PAUS Isg-stay-NONACC here-PAUS
pani-Jiwe nu-ja-palu-pajla-ha miyuli-waba

house-NPOSS + LOG lsg-go-PURP-FUT-PAUS garden-DIR
º shall stay at home to go to the garden'.
Warekena 293
Nouns unmarked for case can be used in the corresponding meaning if the
NP has already been marked with a case in the preceding clause (318), or if the
meaning is clear from the context e.g., i-fuumiawa 'his wife' in (319).
(318) wa-nupa-ha mana-wa ni-nupa-ha abida-nawi

then-arrive-PAUS near-PERL 3pl-arrive-PAUS pig-PL
ni-tapa-ha mana
3pl-walk-PAUS near
'Then they (pigs) arrived near him (the jaguar), the pigs arrived, they
walked near (him).'
(319) wa api-mia-yu i-Jumiawa pane-waba

then take-PERF-3sgf 3sgnf-spouse + f his.house-DIR
'Then he took her as his wife to his house.'
15.2 Possession (genitives), gender, classifiers and number
15.2.1 Possession (genitives). Similarly to other Northern Maipuran languages,

Warekena has an opposition between inalienably and alienably possessed nouns,
cross-referencing prefixes (see Table 1) are used to mark possessor on a noun.
As shown in sect. 18.4.1, cross-referencing prefixes are also used to cross-ref-
erence A and Sa on verbs, and cross-referencing enclitics cross-reference Ï and
So. The set of cross-referencing prefixes is identical for all nouns, all adposi-
tions and verbs, cross-referencing enclitics are used exclusively with verbs.
Table 1. Cross-referencing prefixes and enclitics

sg pi
prefixes enclitics prefixes enclitics
1 nu- -na wa- -wi
2 pi- -pi ni- -ni
3f yu- -yu ni- -ni
3nf 0/i- 0 ni- -ni
IMP ba-
Inalienable possession is marked by the possessive cross-referencing prefixes

(see examples below) without any suffixed marker of possession. Inalienably
possessed nouns have no unpossessed form. Inalienably possessed nouns consti-
tute a closed grammatical class, and include all body parts, e.g., pi-nenituana
(2sg-belly)'your belly', napi (Isg + hand) 'my hand'; 0-yufana (3sgnf-voice) 'his
voice, language, word', nu-yufana 'my voice, my language, my word'; all
kinship nouns, e.g., nu-fuJuami 'my mother'; 0-fabine 'his family, household',
nu-fabine 'my household'; 0-fiani 'his child', nu-fiani 'my child', and a few
other nouns; e.g., epuna 'road, path'. This is a very small class of items, all,
294 Aikhenvald
apparently, of Proto-Maipuran origin, most of which contain a fossilized deri-

vational affix; e.g., 0-ma:ka-pe 'his nest', nu-ma:ka-pe 'my nest', 0-fiyu-Ji,
0-fiJi 'his pan', nu-fiyuJi, nu-fiJi 'my pan'. (See also sect. 15.4.1.)
Alienable possession is marked by the possessive cross-referencing prefixes
and a suffixed marker of possession. Some of the alienably possessed nouns
have a non-possessed form. Alienably possessed nouns fall into three subclasses
(i-iii below) which are partly semantically motivated. They reflect definite
traces of Proto-Maipuran heritage (see Payne 1991). The distribution of alien-
ably possessed nouns in different groups may be explained (at least partly) as a
subcategorization device, similar to possessive classifiers (see Aikhenvald
1994-a), at least in the proto-language.
(i) Non-possessed form -/;, possessed -0.

This is a closed class, in the sense that no new members are accepted.
Deverbal nominalizations belong here, e.g., pina-fi 'medicine', nu-pina 'my
medicine'; nawaJe-fi 'village, community', nu-nawale 'my village'; tsumeni-fi
'lunch, food', nu-tsumeni 'my food'; deka-fi 'possession', nu-deka 'my posses-
sion, mine' (see sect. 15.4.1, on - as a marker of deverbal nominalizations);
and a few cultural items, e.g., enuna-ß 'wall', nenuna 'my wall'; tsawituJe-fi
'bow', nu-isawituJe 'my bow'; taJamaJe-fi 'a traditional head cover', nu-
taJamaJe 'my traditional head cover'. The word pani-fi 'house' displays vowel
alternation in the second syllable of the root: nu-pana 'my house' .
(ii) Non-possessed form -0, possessed -Je.

This is a closed class which includes the majority of artifacts; e.g., neyupa
'paddle', nu-neyupa-Je 'my paddle'; muJupa 'canoe', nu-muJupa-Je 'my canoe';
yu:wita 'firestick', nu-yu:wita-Je 'my firestick'; bitsa 'hammock', nu-bitsa-Je
'my hammock'.
(iii) Non-possessed form -0, possessed -ne or -te.

This is an open class, because it can accept new members e.g., loan-words, such
as mukawa 'rifle', kanatu 'basket' (loans from Nheengatu), bala 'bullet' and
tsapewa 'hat' (loans from Portuguese) belong here. This class comprises a wide
range of semantic groups of nouns, including some artifacts; e.g., yafita 'bench',
waifi 'straw door'; natural phenomena and substances; e.g., aß 'fire', pe:pufi 'day',
miyuM 'garden', nune 'honey'; animals and birds; e.g., tsinu 'dog', wafi 'jaguar',
kuefi 'game', utfipie 'bird'. Nouns belonging to this class can take either possessive
marker -ne or -te. These are portmanteau morphemes which combine a function
of possessive marker with deictic reference. The suffix -ne is used when the object
is closer to the speaker, and the suffix -te is used when it is at a certain distance
from the speaker and is closer to the hearer. Consider the examples below:
\vaJu 'parrot' nu-waJu-ne 'my parrot'(right here)

pi-waJu-ie 'your parrot' (over there)
Warekena 295
mukawa 'rifle' nu-mukawa-ne 'my rifle' (right here)

pi-mukawa-te 'your rifle' (over there)
Occasionally, nouns which form their possessed forms with -Je, also have a
form in -te, and the semantics of the opposition of the two is similar to that of
-ne vs -te; e.g., nu-muJupa-Je 'my boat, my boat right here', pi-muJupa-te 'your
boat over there'. This is rare, and it looks like a regularization, probably to be
interpreted as a language death phenomenon8.
The semantics of possessive suffixes in Warekena may shed some light upon
the semantics of noun grouping in accordance with the possessive suffixes they
combine with in Maipuran languages in general (see Payne 1991:378).
Possessive NPs in Warekena are formed by juxtaposition of the components
and display the constituent order Possessed-Possessor which is highly unusual
for Maipuran languages. This is the unmarked order in 'part-whole' construc-
tions, as shown in (320)-(323) . The inherent gender and number of the posses-
sor are marked on the possessed noun, as illustrated in (322):
(320) napitu kiüimalu

back turtle
'turtle's back'
(321) isturia-ne kuJimalu ema waji

story-POSS:PR turtle tapir jaguar
'a story of a turtle, a tapir and a jaguar'
(322) kulukena yatsipe yujina tjmu

break+ AG ground 3sgf+name dog
'The name of the female dog was "Break-ground". '
An example of a chain of possessive NPs where one of the possessor con-

stituents is a possessive NP is (323). Yufana 'voice, language, word' is an
inalienably possessed noun, and the marking for 3sgnf possessor is 0.
(323) wa-weya weda yujana waya-ne weluami Diutsu

Ipl-want 1 pi + perceive voice say-POSS 1 pi + father God
'We want to hear the sound of the words of our father God.'
When a genitive construction bears the meaning of 'made out of, the inverse
order Possessor-Possessed is preferred, as illustrated in (324, 325) below.
(324) mawilu weni

pineapple water
'pineapple juice'
296 Aikhenvald
(325) duwili kawyu-ji

crocodile smoked.meat-NOM
'smoked meat of crocodile'
Usually an adjectival NP is used to convey the meaning 'made out of, and
the compound suffix -tua-Ji is used on the noun:
(326) kajiri a:Ji-tua-li

drink manioc-MADE. OF-ADJ
'manioc drink'
(327) weni mawilu-tua-li

water pineapple-MADE.OF-ADJ
'pineapple water, water made with pineapple flavour'
The order Possessor-Possessed for part-whole relationship regularly occurs

with the inalienably possessed noun numa 'mouth, beginning of, in a locational
sense, as illustrated below in fibuduJi numa-wa 'beginning, entrance of the field'
(328). The usual order Possessed-Possessor is preserved in iwapiwe fibuduJi 'the
edge of the field' (edge + LOG field) from the same text. Apparently, this exception
may reflect an archaic feature (see below, on the order in adpositional phrases), and
it also indicates the possibility of a flexible constituent order in possessive NPs in
the earlier stages of the language (as is the case in Baniwa of Ic,ana: see Aikhenvald
1995b).
(328) ni-yeleta-ha Jibuduliwe-he iwapiwe Jibuduli

3pl-arrive-PAUS field + LOG-P AUS edge+LOC field
ni-ja-wa Jibuduli numa-wa

3pl-go-NONACC field mouth-PERL
'They arrived to the field to the border of a field, they went by the
entrance of the field.'
In conversations, numa can also be used in the genitive constructions with the
order Possessed-Possessor:
(329) nu-nupa numewe tenepu

Isg-arrive mouth + LOG road
'I arrived at the edge of the road.'
(330) is a rather rare example of a complex genitive construction which

contains both orders: Possessed-Possessor (epuna ema 'the road of the tapir')
and Possessor-Possessed (epuna numa 'the mouth of the road').
Warekena 297
(330) ja-wa teletj"i ajita J"a-wa epuna numa-wa ema

go-NONACC three month go-NONACC road mouth-PERL tapir
'He (the turtle) went for three months, he went by the edge of the road
of the tapir.'
Modifiers can refer to any part of the genitive construction. They are adja-
cent to the constituent to which they refer.
(331) yuluta-wa ibu-mi mawaya jutfi-li

lie-NONACC head-PEJ snake big-ADJ
'The cut head of a big snake was lying (there).'
(332) wa-hä yanita peya ibu mawaya

then-PAUS take one head snake
'Then he took one head of the snake.'
Discontinuous possessive NPs are comparatively rare in discourse. They

usually occur when the possessor constituent undergoes a left-dislocation as a
contrastive focus:
(333) peya-ha ijma-ha biyuli

other-PAUS name-PAUS Biyuli
The other one (evil spirit), (his) name is Biyuli.'
Examples like (334) can also be considered as cases of discontinuous posses-

sive NPs. The possessor constituent is proposed to the possessee:
(334) mutfita-mia-hä ema ibu petfi

bite-PERF-PAUS tapir head on
'He (turtle) bit the tapir on the head.'
The structure of possessive sentences is discussed in sect. 7.2.
15.2.2 Gender. Warekena, like most other Maipuran languages, has two gen-
ders, feminine and non-feminine (or masculine). Gender is marked in cross-ref-
erencing prefixes, enclitics and independent pronouns of the third person
singular (see Table 1 in sect. 15.2.1 and Table 3 in sect. 15.3.4). The gender
opposition in singular demonstratives is maintained only in the Anamoim dia-
lect. There are no gender distinctions in plural. For animate beings, masculine
and feminine genders relate to sex distinctions. Nouns with an inanimate refer-
ent are treated as belonging to masculine gender. Thus, masculine gender can
be considered as unmarked.
The opposition of two genders is maintained in a few nouns, and the deriva-
tional affix -yawa or -wa is used to mark feminine; e.g., ete-ne Old man',
298 Aikhenvald
et-yawa Old woman'; yaMtua, yaJitua-na 'male companion', yaJitua-wa 'female

companion'; patru 'master, paträo', patru-wa 'female master, patroa'; neya-wa
'woman'; i-fu-mi-yawa, ifumyawa 'female spouse, wife'. The gender opposition
is also maintained in the suffix masc. -mi-ne 'deceased', as in nuJuami-mine
'my late father', fern -myawa (underlying form mi-yawa), as in nu-fuJuami-
miawa 'my late mother'. However, the language death phenomena result in a
certain degree of morphological variation, and regularization of some morpho-
logical phenomena. As shown below, the comparatively regular adjectival femi-
nine marker is -yawa added to the masculine form; so occasionally the speakers
would treat the suffix -mine in the same way, and form the feminine -min-yawa
instead of -mia-wa. Gender agreement with demonstratives and predicates in
predicate-argument constructions is obligatory:
(335) ayuta neyawa yu-tapa-pa

DEM.DIST.FEM woman 3sgf-come-RED
'This woman is coming.'
(336) eta enami tapa-pa

DEM. DI ST. MASC man come-RED
'This man is coming.'
The agreement in gender with adjectives in attributive NPs is marked with

-yawa 'feminine', 0 'masculine'. The agreement in feminine gender is optional,
as shown in (337) and (338). The masculine form of the adjective is used as the
unmarked one.
(337) neyawa weduana-Ji(-yawa)

woman good-ADJ(-FEM)
'a good woman'
(338) enami weduana-li

man good-ADJ
'a good man'
15.2.3 Classifiers. Warekena has a system of six numeral classifiers. This

system is best preserved in the dialect of Anamoim where the use of classifiers
appears to be obligatory. It is also the case in Baniwa of Guainia spoken in
Venezuela. Classifiers are used only with numerals one and two, which are of
Maipuran origin. Numerals from three onwards are loan words from Portu-
guese: teJetfi, kwatru, sinku etc. The system is based upon the following seman-
tic characteristics: human feminine, human masculine, animals, fish, curvilinear
objects, periods of time (day, night) (Table 2).
Warekena 299
Table 2. Numeral classifiers (Anamoim dialect)
semantics One' 'two'

human masculine peya enaba
human feminine peya tuwanaba
animals pamina paminanaba
fish peleyalu elenaba
curvilinear objects papulialuni enaba
periods of time babuya bunaba
Classifiers are difficult to analyze. We can separate pe/pa(ba)- as the stem

for One', and -naba, for 'two'. Classifiers, then, are suffixed to One' and
prefixed to 'two', which is very unusual for a Maipuran language.
When the classifiers are lost, the human masculine form of the numbers one
and two is used for all the nouns. The loss of classifiers in the Nazaro dialect
of Warekena is shown in (339), (340) and (341). In (339) and (340) the numeral
classifier for period of time is used with the numeral One'. In (341) the human
masculine form of the numeral One' is used in the same context. Both examples
are taken from different texts told by the same speaker.
(339) ni-jitua-ha ba-buya pepuji ninapa-mia

3pl-cut-PAUS one-CL:TIME day 3pl + finish-PERF
'They cut (the trees) during one day, and stopped.'
(340) wa-hä ni-we Jia-wa ba-buya yajapua

then-PAUS 3pl-leave stay-NONACC one-CL:TIME night
'Then they let him stay one night.'
(341) wa jia-wa peya pepuji

so stay-NONACC one.CL.MASC day
'He stayed (there) one day.'
Some of the classifiers can be used similarly to derivational affixes, e.g.,

pa-buya-pe (one-CL:TIME-PL) 'several times'.
The loss of gender and classifiers is a typical language death phenomenon.
The process of the loss of gender is also attested in Bare (my field data;
Aikhenvald 1995a). The loss of gender agreement and numeral classifiers can
also be partly due to the influence of Nheengatu, which is actually the most
widely spoken language on the Xie river. Thus, Warekena is an example of a
language which combines numeral classifiers with gender opposition and gen-
der agreement, and thus has two agreement systems within NPs (a situation of
this kind is labeled 'split agreement' in Aikhenvald 1994a).
300 Aikhenvald
15.2.4 Number. Number is not obligatory in Warekena. Warekena distin-

guishes between unmarked and plural (optionally marked) forms. Different
plural affixes are used depending on the semantics of the noun (countable/un-
countable, animate/inanimate). There are three subgroups of plural meanings:
simple plural, emphatic plural, and collective.
(a) Simple plural denotes more than one thing, and is marked with one of the
following affixes:
(i) -pe, used with names for artifacts, e.g., muJupa-pe 'canoes', pani-fi-pe
'houses'; nominalizations, e.g., deka-fi 'belonging'; also with nouns with human
referents, e.g., 'man', 'woman', 'child'; and all kinship nouns, as illustrated
below.
(342) wa-hä nelima-pe ni-Ja-mia-wa

then-PAUS cousin-PL 3pl-go-PERF-NONACC
ni-Ja-mia-wa tenepu numa-wa

3pl-go-PERF-NONACC road mouth-PERL
'Then the cousins (of the toad) went by edge of the road.'
(343) Ja muta j"a:bine-pe

go call family-PL
'He called the members of his household.'
In (344), deka-pe is a possessed form of deka-fi 'belonging', and this ac-

counts for the absence of the suffix -fi (see sect. 15.2.1, type (i) of alienably
possessed nouns).
(344) yue Jutji deka-pe

to.him big possession-PL
'He has many things.'
Plural suffix -pe can have collective meaning, e.g., fiani 'child', fiani-pe
'children, family'; fabine 'family, household', fabine-pe 'all the members of a
household'.
If the noun contains either of the following two homophonous suffixes, the
plural suffix -pe precedes -mi:
-mi 'human' (non-productive): ena-mi 'man, person', pi. 'men, persons' ena-
pe-mi, nuJua-mi 'my father', my father's brother', pi. nuJua-pe-mi 'my father's
family; my father's brothers';
-mi 'pejorative' (productive): fimapie-mi 'a thrown away or left over bone',
pi. fimapie-pe-mi 'thrown away bones' (345).
Warekena 301
(345) wa-hä Jimapie-pe-mi ema

then-PAUS bone-PL-PEJ tapir
'There were (only) (left over) tapir's bones.'
neyawa 'woman' has a semi-suppletive plural formation: neye-pe 'women'.
(ii) Plural marker -ne is used with nouns with animate non-human referents,
e.g., tfinu 'dog', tfinu-ne 'dogs', and a few other nouns, e.g., akayu 'year',
akayu-ne 'years' (250).
(b) Emphatic plural is marked with -nawi, used with countables (human as well
as non-human) and uncountables. It denotes 'very many indeed, a whole group
of, as in (346), (347) or 'many members of different groups', as in (348), and
can be used with animate and inanimate nouns. -Nawi may be related to Baniwa
and Tariana nawiki 'people'.
(346) ni-Juduna-mia-ha kuluwitu-nawi

3pl-come.down-PERF-PAUS vultures-PL
group of vultures came down (to eat the body of a dead tapir).'
(347) wa Ja teluka teluka atapi-nawi

then go cut cut tree-PL
'Then he (the rabbit) went to cut (a great many) trees.'
(348) paya:Ju kueji-nawi ni-kulua-ha weni

all game-PL 3pl-drink-PAUS water
'All different animals went to drink (there).'
(c) Collective plural is marked with -natfi ' collective inanimate', e.g., ipa-
na$i 'a lot of stones, a set of stones'; minapi 'banana tree', minapi-natfi 'a bush
of banana trees'. -Natfi can also have a locative meaning, e.g., weni 'water',
weni-natfi 'much water, a place with much water'; witfi 'wind', witfi-natfi 'a
windy place' (see sect. 15.4.1).
-peJi is used to mark collective plural on nouns with an animate non-human
referent:
(349) tfinu-peli ni-yutfia

dog-PL 3pl-kill
The dogs (a group of dogs) killed (him, i.e., the snake).'
Warekena has double plural marking, when the plurality of a referent has to
be particularly emphasized, as seen in the forms for 'women' and 'men' (in
italics) in (350).
302 Aikhenvald
(350) wa-atseta-ni ni-na wale we-he anetua ajulu

then-teach-3pl 3pl-village + LOC-PAUS good happy
eda-ni namali-nawi payalu neyepe-nawi payalu payalu

see-3pl people-PL all woman:PL-PL all all
ena-pe-mi-nawi payalu ete-ne payalu etyawa ajulu eda-ni Jesu

man-PL-nf-PL all old-nf all old + f happy see-3pl Jesus
Kritu eni namali-nawi

Christ DEM people-PL
'Then he (Jesus) taught them in their village, he saw them well and
happy, all the people, all the women, all the men, all the old men, all the
old women, Jesus Christ saw these people happy.'
One of the speakers gave the following 'hierarchy' with respect to the
meaning of simple plural, emphatic plural and double plural:
abida-pe (pig-PL) 'many abida-nawi 'very many abida-pe-navci 'very many

pigs, about 2-6' pigs, about 40-50' pigs indeed, so many one
cannot count them'
When a plural referent has once been introduced, the plural marker is not
repeated on further occurrences of the same referent:
(351) ni-ja ni-pie abida-nawi abida ni-yutjm-hä

3pl-go 3pl-fmd pig-PL pig 3pl-kill-PAUS
teletfi abida ni-tsawita

three pig 3pl-shoot.arrow
'Then they went, they found pigs, they killed three pigs with arrows.'
A few nouns, e.g., namaJi 'people, person', and names of tribes, usually do
not take a plural marker (352).
(352) ya-be-pia-ha eda namali

NEG-can-NEG-PAUS see people
'He (the evil spirit) cannot see people.'
A noun marked with -nawi triggers plural agreement on the verb when it is
in A/Sa function (353). The plural marker -nawi is used if the plurality of
referents has to be stressed. NamaJi-nawi means 'very many people', as in
(353), or 'very many different people, peoples', as in (354).
Warekena 303
(353) Ja muta-hä namali-nawi ni-nupa-palu

go call-PAUS people-PL 3pl-come-PURP
yuwaba-hä ne-palu ne-palu-pajia ima

to-PAUS 3pl + eat-PURP 3pl +eat-PURP-FUT with.him
'He will call many people to eat with him.'
(354) ale-wayata ni-yue-he Jesu Kritu eni namali-nawi

so-speak 3pl-to-PAUS Jesus Christ DEM.PR people-PL
'Thus Jesus Christ spoke to them, these many different people.'
(355) ale neda benamüji ni-wiyua-li-bena-ha

thus 3pl+perceive long.ago 3pl-die-REL-when-PAUS
y anumami -na wi
Yanomami-PL
'So they behaved long ago, when the Yanomami people died.'
Plural agreement with quantifier fupe 'many' is more frequent with nouns
with human referents; cf. (356) with (357) and (358).
(356) tsuludawa-ne Jupe

soldier-PL many
'many soldiers'
(357) wa Jupe kuluwitu

then many vulture
'There were many vultures.'
(358) wa yue-he Jupe anu atapi

then to.him-PAUS many arm/branch tree
'Then he (the boy) had many twigs.'
Nouns with a collective meaning, e.g., namaJi 'people',/yaw-/?e'children', do

not usually take a plural marker if accompanied by the quantifier fupe, unless
an exceptionally big quantity is implied, e.g., fupe namaJi 'many people'; fupe
fiani-pe 'many children'. Uncountable nouns never take a plural marker if
accompanied by the quantifier futfi 'much':
(359) wa: ni-yanita Julji palata

then 3pl-take much money
'Then they (white people) get much money.'
304 Aikhenvald
Plural agreement is optional with the quantifier payaJu 'all' (see sect.
15.3.2). If it is introduced once, it is not repeated (93, 350). Plural is generally
not used with the interrogative quantifier ipeJi 'how many, how much':
(360) ipeli
ipcj.i pi-tani-hi
jji-iaiii-iii
how.many 2sg-child-PAUS
'How many are your children?'
Nouns in NPs composed of a non-personal noun with a numeral usually have

no plural marking, e.g., teJetfi ibu 'three heads'. Nouns with personal reference
are usually marked for plural, e.g., (361, 362), but not always (363).
(361) eni wamala yue-he kwatru nelima-pe

DEM.PR toad to-PAUS four cousin-PL
'This toad had four cousins.'
(362) eni kwatru kulimalu-nawi kwatru kulimalu-nawi

DEM.PR four turtle-PL four turtle-PL
ni-Ja-wa a:wipemi-waba wabupi

3pl-go-NONACC headwaters-DIR spring
'The four turtles went to the headwaters of a spring.'
(363) wa eni teletj"i kulimalu ni-Ja-wa

then DEM.PR three turtle 3pl-go-NONACC
Then the three turtles went'.
15.3 Modifiers. Warekena has the following classes of modifiers: adjectives

(sect. 15.3.1), quantifiers (sect. 15.3.2), numerals (sect. 15.3.3) and demonstra-
tives (sect. 15.3.4).
15.3.1 Adjectives. There are no underived adjectives in Warekena. Adjectives

are derived from stative (S0) verbs with the addition of the adjectivizing mor-
pheme -Ji, which is also used to form deverbal relative forms and nominalizing
constructions (see sect. 15.4.1 and 18.3), or -ni. A list of stative verbs is given
in sect. 18.4.1.
Examples of adjectives derived from stative verbs: Ua 'to be red', Ua-Ji 'red';
aJi 'to be white', aJi-Ji 'white'; anetua 'to be good', anetua-Ji 'good'; akune 'to be
afraid', akune-Ji 'fearful';fupe 'to be numerous',fupe-Ji 'numerous'. Some adjec-
tives are derived from nouns: akunena 'the frightening one' (to fear+AG. NOM),
akunena-li 'being frightening'; etene Old (man)', etene-li Old'.
Adjectivizer -ni is not productive, but is found in a few adjectives formed on
stative verbs: awini 'to be cold', awini-ni 'cold'; afe 'be angry', afe-ni 'angry';
and one adjective is formed on an inalienably possessed noun: -tfiabu 'belly',
Warekena 305
a-tfiabu-ni 'big-bellied' (see sect. 15.4.1, on the prefix a-}. A few adjectives
contain a non-productive suffix -mi and no other adjectivizer; they also do not
distinguish between attributive (365) and predicative (364) use. These adjec-
tives are: awaJapefia-mi 'poor', Uua-mi 'big', puJapia-mi 'thin'.
(364) waya awalapejia-mi

we poor-AFF
'We are poor.'
(365) waluti ilua-mi

sloth big-AFF
'a big sloth'
In addition to the regular adjectivizer -Ji, adjectives in Warekena have the

following derivational suffixes:
-tui 'diminutive, used in the sense of 'very' with respect to reducing a quality
and a quantity' (also used with nouns):
(366) napi kalewi-tui-li

Isg + hand thin-DIM-ADJ
'my very thin hand'
(367) enami buwa-tui-Ji

man low-DIM-ADJ
'a small man'
-ba-mia- 'augmentative, used in the sense of 'very' with respect to augmenting

a quality and a quantity' (also used with nouns and verbs, see sect. 18.6.3).
-tua-Ji 'made of:
(368) pani-ji tsape-tua-li

house-NPOSS straw-MADE. OF-ADJ
'a house made of straw'
Gender agreement in adjectival NPs is optional (see examples in sect.

15.2.2); feminine suffix -yawa follows -Ji. If, however, an adjective is formed
on a noun which already contains -yawa as a derivational affix, it is followed
by -Ji, as in the following examples:
(369) yaJitua ete-ne-Ji

brother old-nf-ADJ
'his elder brother'
306 Aikhenvald
(370) yaliya etyawa-Ji

sister old + f-ADJ
'his elder sister'
The same root may be used as an adjectival modifier and as an S0 verb. In

the former case it will have the adjectivizer -Ji, and in the latter case the
adjectivizer will be omitted. (371) illustrates the opposition between adjectival
modifiers and stative predicates.
(371) yeleta ulupe-tji peya a:tapi anetua-li a:tapi anetua-li

arrive foot-LOC? one tree good-ADJ tree good-ADJ
anetua a:tapi niwe niwe-li a:tapi

be.good tree be.high high-ADJ tree
'He (the rabbit) arrived at the foot of a good tree, a good tree. The tree
was good. High (it was), a high tree.'
There is a tendency to distinguish between adjectival modifiers and stative

and non-verbal predicates by constituent order. Adjectival modifiers would
usually follow the head, and stative and non-verbal predicates usually precede
the subject (S0), in agreement with the tendency for unmarked constituent order
stated in sect. 1. This is illustrated in (371) with the phrases a:tapi anetua-Ji 'a
good tree' vs anetua a:tapi 'the tree was good'. However, this is only a ten-
dency, since adjectival modifiers can be fronted and consequently preposed to
the head of the NP, if they are emphasized. This is also illustrated in (371), with
the final phrase niwe-Ji atapi 'a high tree', and again in (372), where the
particular qualities of the tree are important for the further development of the
story, and the adjectives futfi-Ji 'big', niwe-Ji 'lofty' are preposed to the head
noun atapi 'tree'. There is a pause between the two adjectives.
(372) Ja-wa nupa-ha-Ji atapi jutfi-li

go-NONACC come-PAUS-REL tree big-ADJ
jutfi-li niwe-li a:tapi

big-ADJ tall-ADJ tree
'He went, having arrived at a big tree, a big and lofty tree.'
Adjectives can be used headlessly (373).
(373) aweni-ba-mia-li-M ya-mia wa-be-pia

dear-AUG-PERF-ADJ-PAUS NEG-PERF Ipl-can-NEG
Warekena 307
wa-wenita-wa
Ipl-buy-NONACC
'We cannot buy expensive (things).'
An NP can contain more than one adjectival modifier. Usually both follow
the head noun, and only the last one is marked with the adjectivizer -li.
Dimension adjectives tend to be placed closer to the head (374).
(374) nu-teluka nu-teluka inupi duwili Jutfi mia-li

Isg-cut Isg-cut neck crocodile big old-ADJ
cut the neck of the big old crocodile.'
Examples of this type are rather rare. All the speakers seemed to prefer to
repeat the head noun (375).
(375) wa ni-yeleta-mia-ha ni-Ja-wa

then 3pl-arrive-PERF-PAUS 3pl-go-NONACC
waliya-wabehe ni-kawyu-ta-paJu peya e:ma peya

smoking.grid-DIR + PAUS 3pl-smoke-CAUS-PURP one tapir one
maJayu malayu jutfi-li malayu malayu ila-li

deer deer big-ADJ deer deer red-ADJ
'Then they arrived (to a spring), to put on smoking grid and smoke a
tapir and a deer, a big deer, a red deer.'
If the adjectivizer -Ji is omitted from a value or physical property adjective,

the root is used adverbially; e.g., the final anetua 'good' in (376), and tepa
'tight' in (377) (in italics).
(376) wa-hä nuya crenti ate yaliwa nu-Jia-wa

then-PAUS I evangelical until now 1 sg-stay-NONACC
anetua-li anetua-li nu-Jia-wa anetua nu-Jia-wa

good-ADJ good-ADJ 1 sg-stay-NONACC good 1 sg-stay-NONACC
ate yaliwa
until now
'Now I am evangelical until now, I live as a good (man), as a good
(man) I live, well I live up to now.'
(377) kunehu alita-mia waji payalu

rabbit tie-PERF jaguar all
308 Aikhenvald
anu i-tfipala alitarmia-wa tepa

arm 3sgnf-leg tie-PERF-NONACC tight
'The rabbit tied the whole jaguar (to the tree), he tied his arms and his
legs tightly.'
Dimension adjectives futfi-Ji 'big', aJetfi-Ji 'small' can be used as quantifiers

'much' and 'little', but in this usage -Ji is omitted. Quantifiers are usually
preposed to the head (see sect. 15.3.2 for examples).
Adjectivizer -Ji behaves as a clitic (see sect. 22.4.1 for a classification of
morphemes in Warekena). It follows tense/aspect-marking clitics, as illustrated
in (378), and undergoes attraction to the negative particle ya, as illustrated in
(379). Another piece of evidence in favour of the clitical character of -Ji is that
the pausal marker -hv (see sect. 22.4.4) can be inserted before it, as shown in
(372).
(378) ate wa-bitjika-ha peya wabupi-waba

until Ipl-go.out-PAUS one spring-DIR
wabupi jutji-mia-li wabupi

spring big-PERF-ADJ spring
'(We walked) until we came out to a spring, to a spring which was big.'
(379) eni enami ya-Ji anetua-pia-ha

DEM.PR man NEG-REL good-NEG-PAUS
'This man was not good.'
Nouns can be occasionally used as modifiers. Then they follow the head. The
only nouns which have been attested in this function are the nouns with refer-
ence to gender: neyawa 'woman' and enami 'man', mainly used with kinship
nouns. I suspect this is an innovation, and these nouns are used as modifiers
when the actual gender form of a corresponding kinship term has been lost, e.g.,
nu-matuimihe enami 'father-in-law', nu-matuimihe neyawa 'mother-in-law'; nu-
tani enami 'a son' (lit.: child-man), nutani neyawa 'daughter' (lit. child-woman).
The modifier follows the head noun, and if it refers to the possessee of a
genitive NP, it follows the whole NP: tani nuku enami 'nephew' (child uncle
man, i.e., a male child of an uncle).
15.3.2 Quantifiers. Quantifiers constitute a closed class of modifiers denoting

quantity. Unlike adjectival modifiers, quantifiers usually precede the head of
the NP (they may occasionally follow it, under conditions described below).
They do not contain the adjectivizing morpheme and do not take classifiers or
agree in gender. The use of quantifiers meaning 'much, many' tends to depend
upon countability/non-countability of the referent. Quantifiers in Warekena are
listed below:
Warekena 309
futfi 'much, large quantity' (also an adjective: 'big') is used with uncountable
nouns; e.g., futfi 'much', as in futfi dineiru 'much money', futfi afi 'much fire',
futfi weni 'much water':
(380) ni-Ja çß-wenita jutfi deka-Ji payalu

3pl-go 3pl-buy much have-NOM all
ni -wenta -li -wa -ha

3pl -buy -REL-NON ACC -PAUS
'They (rich white people) go and buy a large quantity of goods, all is
what they buy.'
fupe ' many, much' is used with countables, as in fupe namaJi 'many people':
(381) wani-hi wa-h jupe kueji

here-PAUS then-PAUS many game
'Here are many animals.'
(382) yue Jupe-he jlani-pe

for.him many-PAUS child-PL
'He (the old man) had many children.'
The use of plural with quantifiers is outlined in sect. 15.2.4.

fupe and futfi can be used with the same nouns, and then the semantics is
different: fupe ipa 'many (single) stones', futfi ipa 'large quantity of stones'.
fuwa 'much' is also used with uncountable nouns, mainly with substances:fuwa
kafe 'much coffee', fuwa weni 'much water'. Akunena 'many' is used with
countable nouns. It is the only quantifier derived from a stative verb, akune 'to
be numerous' with the addition of the suffix -ina used to form agent nominali-
zations: akunena matfeJu 'many bananas'.
tsui, tsui-tui 'little' and aJetfi, aJetfi-tui 'little, not sufficient' (also an adjec-
tive: 'little') are used with countables; ya-fupe 'little, few, not many' can be
used both with countables and uncountables. Quantifiers meaning 'a little' can
contain diminutive -tui. As I noted above, quantifiers are formed on adjectival
roots without the adjectivizing morpheme. (383) and (384) illustrate the oppo-
sition between an adjectival modifier tsui-tui Ji 'being little' and quantifier
tsui-tui 'a little'. The use of aJetfi is illustrated in (385).
(383) wa-wenita tsui-tui

Ipl-buy little-DIM
'We buy just a little.'
310 Aikhenvald
(384) yu-yanita weni tsuitui-li

3sgf-take water little-ADJ
'She (wife) takes a little water.'
(385) nuya-ha nu-yue aletji palata

I-PAUS Isg-for little money
º have little of money.'
ipeM 'how much, how many' can have a rhetorical use meaning 'every' with
countables and uncountables.
(386) ipeli pepuj! nu-neta ima ima Diutsu

every day Isg-pray with with God
º pray to him, I pray to God every day.'
PayaJu 'all' also belongs to quantifiers. It can be used with countable nouns,
as in (387), and uncountables, as in (388). In the latter case and in (389) it is
used in the sense of 'whole'.
(387) ni-tsie-ta payalu simapie-pe-mi

3pl-join-CAUS all bone-PL-PEJ
'They put together all the bones (of a dead man).'
(388) ube-ma-lu kulua namali kulua payalu miaji

all-DEL-EMPH drink people drink all blood
'Every time he (evil spirit) sucks people, he sucks all the blood.'
(389) wa-h yanta-mia Jajapali ema payaJu nenituana

then-PAUS take-PERF lungs tapir all heart
'Then he (the jaguar) took the lungs of the tapir, the whole heart.'
PayaJu differs from other quantifiers in that it can take cross-referencing O/S0
clitics in a non-predicative function, as shown in (390). Other quantifiers take
cross-referencing clitics only when used as predicates and treated as stative verbs
(see sect. 18.4.1). PayaJu is used with cross-referencing clitics in the following
cases, which agree with general rules of the use of cross-referencing clitics in O/So
function outlined in sect. 18.4.2. A cross-referencing clitic is never used in repeti-
tion (392). Clitics can refer to A (390), Ï (391) or S (392). In (390), the head noun
has an animate referent and is omitted (-ni '3ñÃ refers to A).
(390) ne-mia ne-mia-ha payalu-ni eni maJayu

3pl + eat-PERF 3pl + eat-PERF-PAUS all-3pl DEM.PR deer
'They (turtles) ate, all of them ate the deer.'
Warekena 311
(391) teletjl nu-muduka nu-yutfia payalu-ni

three Isg-shoot Isg-kill all-3pl
shot three (birds), I killed them all.'
The head noun may undergo right dislocation (392).
(392) ni-yulua-paj'ia paya:alu-ni a:tapi, paya:lu a:tapi,

3pl-fall-FUT all-3pl tree all tree
payailu ni-yulua-pajia-ha
all 3pl-fall-FUT-PAUS
'They will fall all (of them), all the trees, all will fall.'
PayaJu can be used headlessly (391, 393), especially to recapitulate the

enumerated referents (394, 395).
(393) e-mia-ha payalu inapa-mia e-he

eat-PERF-PAUS all fmish-PERF eat-PAUS
'Then he (jaguar) ate all, he finished eating.'
(394) nu-alita pi-anu pi-awa payalu

Isg-tie 2sg-arm 2sg-leg all
have tied your arms and legs - all.'
(395) wa yalanawi ni-api-mia-hä maJama a:ta-hä

then white.people 3pl-take-PERF-PAUS piafaba cipo. vine-PAUS
payalu
all
'Then the white people take piagaba, cipo-vine - everything.'
PayaJu is also used as the head of a relative clause (see sect. 14.3):
(396) payalu iji ni-ma-li Diutsu ya-weya-pia ale-teta-ha

all what 3pl-do-REL God NEG-want-NEG so-DEM-PAUS
'All that they do, God does not want (it).'
The head noun of the NP with a quantifier as a modifier can be omitted.

(397) contains an example of a headless NP with a quantifier and adjective, the
sentence-final fatfi Ua-Ji 'big red'.
(397) wa-hä wepa Jutfi aji numewene eta-ha

then-PAUS let big fire mouth + EL DEM.DIST-PAUS
312 Aikhenvald
yenapemi tfiapuli-wene wepa-ha Jutfi ua-Ji

devil behind-EL let-PAUS big red-ADJ
'Then the devil let big fire come from out of his mouth and big red (fire)
from inside his behind.'
A discontinuous NP with a quantifier as a modifier is illustrated below. The

quantifier precedes the head:
(398) Jutfi yu-ta ne-pitfi

big 3sgf-give 3pl + eat-OBJ.FOC
'She (the witch) gave (the children) much to eat.'
A quantifier may follow the head noun if the latter undergoes right disloca-
tion as a part of an antitopic, for clarification purposes.
(399) wa-hä eya yalanawi yue-he Jupe ya-namali

then-PAUS DEM white.man to-PAUS many DEM-person
tsuludawa-ne Jupe
soldier-PL many
'Then this white man had many men, many soldiers.'
Adjectival roots such as isui, futfi without an adjectivizer can be used adver-
bially (see sect. 15.3.1 (examples 376, 377) and sect. 20), and sometimes it is
difficult to distinguish between a quantifier and an adverb:
(400) wa kuJua weni kulu-lua weni Jutfi kulua

then drink water drink-RED water much drink
'Then he (jaguar) drank water, drank much.'
15.3.3 Numerals. Numerals can be considered a subtype of quantifiers, the

main difference being that numerals One' and 'two' still use classifiers (see
sect. 15.2.3). Numerals usually precede the head noun:
(401) ube-ma-lu-pajia peya-lu atapi

all-DEL-EMPH-FUT one-EMPH tree
'There will remain only one tree.'
The numeral one is often used to introduce a new participant in discourse,

similarly to an indefinite article:
(402) wa-hä peya enami

then-PAUS one man
'There was a man.'
Warekena 313
It can be used with countable and uncountable nouns; this use may be a
caique from Portuguese (403).
(403) wa uwa:-ha eda-ha peya Jialili

then climb-PAUS see-PAUS one smoke
'He (the boy) climbed and saw smoke.'
15.3.4 Demonstratives. Warekena has a two-term opposition of proximate and

distant spatial demonstratives. Some demonstratives distinguish between femi-
nine and masculine forms in the singular and have special plural forms. The
system of demonstratives is given in Table 3.
Table 3. Demonstratives
Anaphoric Spatial
just previously near distant
mentioned mentioned
sg pi sg pi
nf/f e eya, em eni neni, eta anita

naita
fern e eya, em ayupalu neni, ayuta anita

naita
Special feminine forms of demonstratives and the plural forms naita, anita are
used only in elicitation or when, in conversation, the speaker has been reminded of
them. Masculine (non-feminine) is used for feminine as the unmarked form in texts
and spontaneous speech: eni neyawa 'this woman', eta neyawa 'that woman'; but
in elicitation feminine forms are used: ayupaJu neyawa 'this woman', ayuta neyawa
'that woman'. This agrees with a general tendency of losing gender agreement in
head-modifier constructions in Warekena.
E, e-he is an anaphoric pronoun which is used to indicate a referent just
mentioned in the text and to emphasize its identity. The referent can be animate
or inanimate. This pronoun can be used both as a modifier and headlessly.
(404) e-he jutji jipana Jutfi

he-PAUS big hair big
'This very one (evil spirit), (his hair) is long, his hair is long.'
(405) wa-hä nu-pie-he waluti

then-PAUS Isg-find-PAUS sloth
314 Aikhenvald
nuwa-hä nu-teluka e-he yiüua-hä ai

Isg + climb-PAUS Isg-cut DEM-PAUS fall-PAUS then
nu-yutjia-wa e-he waluti

Isg-kill-NONACC DEM-PAUS sloth
Then I found a sloth, I climbed, I cut him, he fell, then I killed this very
sloth.'
(406) ya-e-pia yutfia-li mawaya

NEG-DEM-NEG kill-REL snake
'It was not this one who killed a snake.'
(407) ya-mia-e-pia-ha
NEG-PERF-he-NEG-PAUS
'It is not this one (not the same pen).'
When demonstrative pronouns eni, eta, and eya are cliticized (see sect.
22.4.1), they lose the first syllable.
Eya is an anaphoric pronoun which means 'the one mentioned in the previous
text'. It is generally used after a long stretch of a text has passed without
mentioning this particular referent, as a way of 'reintroducing' the referent. In
(408), the white man has been introduced earlier, and eya is used to draw
attention to him again.
(408) wa-hä eya yalanawi yue-he Jupe ya-namali

then-PAUS DEM white.man to-PAUS many DEM-people
'Then this white man had many men of this (previously mentioned)
sort.'
(409) ale-he yu-ma yue-he eya enami

so-PAUS 3sgf-say to-PAUS DEM man
'Thus she spoke to this man.'
(410) illustrates the opposition between eya and e. Eya is used in the first
sentence because the evil spirit has not been mentioned in the immediately
preceding text.
(410) eya-ha ale-he eya-ha awakaluna

DEM-PAUS so-PAUS DEM-PAUS Awakaruna
yajene-pia e-he
NEG +angry-NEG DEM-PAUS
'He is like this, this Awakaruna (an evil spirit). He is not angry.'
Warekena 315
Spatial demonstratives are eni 'proximate: the one just here (frequently ac-
companied by pointing)' and eta 'distal, that one over there', often accompanied
by the adverb yame 'far away'. Both are independent clitics (see sect. 22.4.1).
Their use as clitics (enclitics or proclitics) or as independent phonological
words depends on the emphasis they receive in discourse. They are also used as
anaphoric pronouns in texts (411, 412). Eni is used similarly to a definite article
and is also used to mark the topic of the discourse, in the meaning 'this very
one just mentioned, the one we are talking about'. The article-like uses of eni
are illustrated with (416) and (417).
(411) yaliwa nu-Ja nu-tjma-ha

now lsg-go Isg-tell-PAUS
ijalema neda-ha eni-hi kiüupira

how Isg + see-PAUS DEM.PR-PAUS curupira
'Now I shall tell how I saw this evil spirit.'
(412) wa-hä pala-wa pala-mia-wa nijiwa

then-PAUS run-NONACC run-PERF-NONACC 3pl + from
eni-hi enami udjlubalu-Ii pala-mia nijiwa

DEM.PR-PAUS man bad-ADJ run-PERF 3pl + from
namali-nawi yame-waba-ha ya-weya-pia-ha eda-ha

people-PL far-DIR-PAUS NEG-want-NEG-PAUS see-PAUS
eni-hi Diutsu
DEM.PR-PAUS God
'Then the bad man (just mentioned) ran from them, he ran from the
people far away, he did not want to see this God.'
This use of a demonstrative may be influenced by Portuguese. The proximate

spatial use of eni is illustrated by (413) and (414). In (413) eni is used
headlessly.
(413) nupa-mia waji yuwaba wa: bida eni

come-PERF jaguar towards then 2sg + see DEM.PR
papera-Je-mi eni wa-mita-li nu-yue-he diutsu

paper-PIECE-PEJ DEM.PR then-send-REL lsg-to-PAUS God
'He (the rabbit) came up to the jaguar. "Do you see this piece of paper.
This (piece of paper) is the one God sent to me".'
316 Aikhenvald
(414) wa-hä pi-alita-na wani-hi minaji-ni a:tapi

then-PAUS 2sg-tie-lsg here-PAUS on-DEM.PR tree
'Tie me here, on this very tree.'
The following examples illustrate how the proximate demonstrative eni is

used to mark the topic of the discourse. (415) and (416) come from the text
about a running competition between a deer and a turtle. MaJayu 'deer' is
specified by the proximate demonstrative when he is the main participant:
(415) wa-hä wiyua-mia-ni-M malayu wiyua-mia-ni

then-PAUS die-PERF-DEM.PR-PAUS deer die-PERF-DEM.PR
malayu
deer
'Then the deer died, the deer died.'
When the turtle becomes the main participant, it is marked with the proxi-
mate demonstrative:
(416) ema-ni kulimalu wa yawaputehe peya kulimalu

cry-DEM.PR turtle then answer + PAUS one turtle
'The turtle cried, then another turtle answered.'
In (417) 'deer' has the proximate demonstrative, and this is appropriate

within the direct quote context, even though the turtle is still the topic of that
part of the discourse.
(417) yaJiwa wa-Ja wa-e-he eni malayu

now lpl-go Ipl-eat-PAUS DEM.PR deer
wiyua-mia-ha wayata ni-yue-he eni jabine

die-PERF-PAUS speak 3pl-to-PAUS DEM.PR family
' "Now let's eat the dead deer", he (the turtle) spoke to the (turtle's)
family.'
Eni has a plural form neni, which is occasionally used:
(418) ni-yue-he payaJu neni-hi Jesu Kritu

3pl-to-PAUS all DEM.PR.PL-PAUS Jesus Christ
wayata ni-yue-he atseta-li ima eni payalu

speak 3pl-to-PAUS study-REL with DEM all
Warekena 317
neni-hi apostulu-nawi
DEM.PR.PL-PAUS apostles-PL
'Jesus Christ spoke to them all, to them who were learning from him, all
of them, the apostles.'
As is shown in (419), the use of neni is not obligatory:
(419) wa-ni-ja-wa ni-kulimalu-nawi

then-3pl-go-NONACC DEM. PR-turtle-PL
'Then the turtles went away.'
Two demonstratives, the spatial eni and the anaphoric e, can co-occur in the
same phonological word:
(420) yaliwa e-mia-ni-hi nu-ta-mia pi-yue-he

now DEM-PERF-DEM.PR-PAUS Isg-give-PERF 2sg-to-PAUS
'Now this one here (i.e., the catch of game), I give (it) to you.'
The use of eta 'that' as a deictic pronoun is illustrated in (421).
(421) wali umeni eta ya-yue-pia pina-Ji

where snake DEM.DIST NEG-to-NEG cure-NOM
'That snake over there, there is no antidote for it'.
Eta can also be used anaphoric ally, and then it means 'that one, already
mentioned (distantly)':
(422) jutji madaka mawaya nupa-mia-ha mawaya

big wave snake arrive-PERF-PAUS snake
yeJeta-ha yu-yuwaba-ha eta neyawa

arrive-PAUS 3sgf-towards-PAUS DEM.DIST woman
uleta-pitj"i
swallow-OBJ.FOC
¢ wave was big, the snake was coming, he arrived near that woman to
swallow her.'
(423) wa-ha eta enami yue-he matseta-ne

then-PAUS DEM.DIST man to-PAUS knife-POSS
Jutfi-li yue
big-ADJ to
'Then that man has a big knife.'
318 Aikhenvald
Eta can also be used to mark the head of a relative clause ("the one that").
In (424), eta is encliticized to the preposition minafi On' (see sect. 22.4.1).
(424) wa: ja-wa Ja-wa

ja-wa
then go-NONACC go-NONACC
uwa-ha minaji-ta atarpi yulute-li-wa

climb-PAUS on-DEM.DIST tree lie-REL-NONACC
'Then he (the jaguar) went, he climbed on the tree where he stayed.'
Teta 'that' is used as an anaphoric pronoun headlessly, and it refers to the

immediately preceding stretch of text. It does not have any spatial reference.
(425) wa-hä wa-ma-lu inapa-wa istoria

then-PAUS then-tell-EMPH fmish-NONACC story
eni-M nu-tjma-li ube-ma-mia-lu teta-ha

DEM.PR-PAUS Isg-tell-REL all-DEL-PERF-EMPH that-PAUS
'And so then the story is finished, this is what I told, that is all.'
(426) Diutsu ya-weya-pia ale-teta-ha

God NEG-want-NEG so-DEM-PAUS
'God does not want it that way (i.e., the way non-evangelicals behave).'
Demonstratives tend to precede the head noun in the NP. In NPs which
contain a demonstrative and another modifier the following rules apply. The
demonstrative precedes a numeral (427, 431).
(427) wa-hä nelima-pe ni-Ja-mia-wa

then-PAUS cousin-PL 3pl-go-PERF-NONACC
ni-Ja-mia-wa tenepu numa-wa eni-hi

3pl-go-PERF-NONACC road mouth-PERL DEM.PR-PAUS
neJima-pe kwatru-ni
cousin-PL four-3PL
'Then the cousins went by the road, the four cousins.'
If an NP contains a quantifier and a demonstrative as modifiers, the demon-

strative is placed closer to the head noun (408).
Demonstrative pronouns eni, eta, teta , eya and e are independent clitics. If
they do not require any special emphasis, they may form a single phonological
word with either the preceding phonological word (428, 429), or the following
one (430). Their behaviour is described in sect. 22.4.1.
Warekena 319
(428) ninapa-mia-nehe malayu

3pl + fmish-PERF-DEM.PR + PAUS deer
'They (the turtles) finished this deer.'
(429) yaliwa nu-Ja nu-tsina-ha minaji-ni kansau nu-kanita-li

now lsg-go Isg-tell-PAUS on-DEM.PR song Isg-sing-REL
'Now I am going to tell (you) about the song I am singing.'
(430) wa eda yujana ni-peya kulimaJu

then perceive voice DEM.PR-one turtle
'Then one turtle heard the voice.'
They are not cliticized if they require a special emphasis, as in eni kansau
'this song' in (250) (which follows (429) in the narrative), or in very slow,
paused speech, as in (431).
(431) nuya-ha epi eni-hi peya wa-yalitua wa-ja

I-PAUS with DEM.PR-PAUS one Ipl-brother lpl-go
º went with one of our brothers.'
15.4 Nominalizations
15.4.1 Deverbal nominalizations. Action and object nominalizations in Ware-

kena are formed by means of the following productive affixes:
-fi: puJyuta 'think', nu-puJyute-fi 'thought, thinking'; yanata 'write', nu-
yanata-fi 'my writing'; paJen(i)ta 'suffer', nu-paJen(i)ta-fi 'my suffering'; anu-
ana 'be ill', anuana-fi 'illness';
-pitfi: e 'eat', e-pitfi 'food'; patata 'work', patata-pitfi 'work'; tapapa 'go',
tapapa-pitfi 'going, movement' (see sect. 18.5.3.1, for -pitfi as the object focus
marker in verbs);
-0 suffix: waya 'say, speak', waya 'speech'; tsumeni 'eat', tsumeni 'food'.
Suffix -pe is used to derive object and action nominalizations from a few
intransitive verbs: dabana 'be first', dabana-pe 'beginning'; yawaya 'early, be
early', yawaya-pe 'early time'. It is sometimes used to derive nouns from nouns:
ipa 'stone', ipa-pe 'a plain big stone; the surface of a stone'. The nominalization
of the verb inapa 'finish' is apparently a combination of agentive -ina and -pe:
inapena-pe 'end'.
A non-productive way of forming object and agentive nominalizations is with
the help of the prefix a-. It can co-occur with -Ji 'relative' and -fi Object/action
nominalizations'. It can be used with transitive, Sa and S0 verb roots. The
following formations with this prefix have been attested: a-deka-Ji 'the person
with many possessions' (deka 'possess'); a:ya-fi 'food, what is lacking' (aya
'lack'), a-kune 'fear' (kune 'scare'); a-weni 'expensive thing' (weni 'buy'). It
can be used with the preposition -yue 'for', as in (432):
320 Aikhenvald
(432) nu-Ja-peta: wa-nu-tsawita a-yue-he wa:-paJu

lsg-go-IMM then-lsg-shoot.arrow NOM-for-PAUS Ipl + eat-PURP
º shall immediately go and shoot an arrow at what she has, for us to eat
(it).'
Suffix -Ji is used to form instrument and object nominalizations: miwata 'play',
miwata-Ji 'a plaything'; neta 'pray', neta-Ji 'prayer' (cf. neta-fi 'praying'); mutUeta
'to steal', mutUeta-Ji 'stolen object'; wiyua 'die', wiyua-M 'poison'; fina 'tell',
fina-Ji 'story'. Nominalizations in -fi and -Ji may have a close meaning, e.g., awata
'believe', awata-fi, awata-Ji 'religion, belief. An unproductive suffix used for
object nominalizations is -uJe , found in tsawituJe-fi 'bow', nu-isawituJe 'my bow',
cf. tsawita 'shoot arrow'. Locative nominalizations are formed with the suffix -tfi:
waJuta 'plant', waJuta-tfi 'plantation' (also see note 5).
Agent nominalizations are formed with the suffix -ina (see sect. 22.5 on
phonological processes at morpheme boundaries): miwata 'play', miwatena
'player'; waJa 'cook', waJena 'cook'; tfina 'tell', tfinena 'story teller'. A few
agent nominalizations are formed with a 0 suffix: puteta 'fish', puteta 'fisher-
man'.
Unlike other Northern Maipuran languages, nominalizations in Warekena are
alienably possessed. They are used as heads of NPs:
(433) ni-wala-ha ne-pitfi anetua-mia-ha ni-wala-pe

3pl-cook-PAUS 3pl + eat-NOM good-PERF-PAUS 3pl-cook-NOM
'They cooked food, their cooking is good.'
The agent in action nominalizations is treated as the possessor in genitive

NPs:
(434) ma-pitfi nuluami Diutsu

do-NOM lsg +father God
'deeds of our father God'
Agentive nominalizations retain the syntax of underlying verbs. Ï of a nomi-

nalized transitive verb (435) or an adverbial (436) follow the nominalization:
(435) miwatena tjl.lue.li

play + AG ball
'the one who plays football'
(436) ena Jutfi

eat + AG be.big
'the one who eats much'
Warekena 321
15.4.2 Other nominal derivational devices. Warekena has two productive

derivational devices (nouns from nouns):
-mi 'pejorative, wasted': ibu 'head', ibu-mi 'cut off head'; fimapie 'bone',
fimapie-mi 'thrown away bone'.
-tui 'diminutive': atapi-iui 'a small tree', neyawa-tui 'small woman'.
-Mi always is the word-final morpheme and it follows even the inflectional
affixes (e.g., plural). The pejorative and diminutive devices are also used with
adjectives (see sect. 15.3.1).
There are a number of non-productive suffixes in Warekena which are used
to derive nouns from nouns:
-ami 'season, time of the year': amufi-ami 'summer, the season of the sun',
weni-ami 'winter, the season of water, flood';
-bumi 'pejorative (used with humans)': etyawa-bumi 'an ugly old woman';
-Je Object': fikaJi-Je 'wall'; taJamaJe-fi 'a traditional head cover', nu-taJamaJe
'my traditional head cover' (cf. Tariana taJama 'traditional head cover with
feathers');
-Ji Object': aJipe-Ji 'thick jungle' (cf. aJipe 'thick jungle'), fiyu-Ji 'pan';
-Jiana 'masculine': mina-Jiana Owner, master' (cf. mina 'body'; this affix may
consist of two morphemes: -Ji and -ana);
-mi 'human': ena-mi 'man, person', fuJua-mi 'mother', iJua-mi 'father'; naJu
'spirit', naJu-mi 'ghost';
-na 'human': nu-yaJi-tua -na 'male companion' (cf. nu-yaJi-tua 'brother');
-nana: nuJuami 'my father', nuJuami-nana 'my step-father'; nu-fuJuami 'my
mother', nu-fuJuami-nana 'my step-mother' (possibly cognate to Tariana -yäna
'pejorative');
-ne 'masculine': ete-ne (old-MASC) Old man';
-fe 'piece': papera-fe 'a piece of paper';
-tua 'masculine': nu-yaJi-tua 'my brother';
-ya 'feminine': nu-yaJi-ya 'my sister';
-yawa 'feminine' (also used as an optional gender marker on adjectives, see
sect. 15.2.2): neyawa 'woman', etyawa Old woman';fumi-yawa 'wife'.
Suffix -daJu is occasionally used to form adjectives from verbs: wiyu-yua
'faint, get drunk', wiyua-yua-daJu 'drunk'.
Two affixes can co-occur, e.g., wiyua-yua-daJu-mi 'drunk and useless', pa-
pera-fe-mi ' piece of paper thrown away'.
Possibly, Warekena has a prefix fu- 'feminine' used in two kinship nouns:
fuJuami 'mother' (from/«- + -iJuami 'father'; for boundary processes see sect.
22.5), fumi-yawa 'female spouse' (from/w- + -imi ' husband, male spouse' +
-yawa 'feminine').
15.4.3 Nominal compounding. Nominal compounding in Warekena is not very

productive. There are two types of nominal compounds:
(i) possessive type: two nouns in a genitive relation, which directly corresponds
to a possessive NP; the difference between a compound and an NP is that the
322 Aikhenvald
compound is a single phonological word and no other constituent can be

inserted between its components: pana-taJi (house:POSS-oven) 'kitchen; house
of oven'.
(ii) deverbal type, which consists of a verbal root and an S or constituent
preposed to it, e.g., S: mawaJi-fia (snake-live) 'the place where the snake lives'
(a traditional name of Säo Gabriel da Cachoeira); O: pana-tama-Ji
(house. POS S-dance-REL) 'house of dance, longhouse'.
There is a certain variation as to whether these constructions are treated as
compounds or as two independent words; the pausal form of pana-tamaJi can be
either pana-tama-Ji-hl, or pana-ha tama-Ji. In the latter case, it is not treated as
a compound.
16 Pronoun system
16.1 Independent personal pronouns. Personal pronouns of the 1st and 2nd
person and 3rd person plural pronouns in Warekena are formed with the help of
an emphatic suffix -ya attached to the cross-referencing prefix: nu-ya T, pi-ya
'you sg', wa-ya 'we', ni-ya 'you pi, they' (see sect. 18.4.1 on verbal cross-ref-
erencing). The use of the same form for the 2nd and 3rd person plural is an
innovation of Warekena. Third person singular pronouns are cognate to demon-
strative pronouns and contain the suffix -paJu: e-paJu 'he', ayu-paJu 'she'.
Since the pronominal constituents are expressed by cross-referencing on the
verb, independent personal pronouns are rarely used, and only under the follow-
ing conditions:
(a) When the constituent expressed by a personal pronoun is in a contrastive
focus, as in (437) (in italics), or defied, as in (438) (see sect. 9.4 for cleft
constructions).
(437) wa-nuta-ni ni-Ja-palu ni-yamula-wa

then-call-3pl 3pl-go-PURP 3pl-hunt-NONACC
ni-yutfia-palu wa-yue-he kueji nuya-hä nu-Jia-wa

2pl-kill-PURP Ipl-for-PAUS game I-PAUS Isg-stay-NONACC
wani-M pani-Jiwe
here-PAUS house-NPOSS+LOC
'He (the toad) called them (his cousins) to go, "You hunt, to kill game
for us, I shall stay at home".'
(438) wa-hä nuya-ha Humberto nuya nu-tani

then-PAUS Isg-PAUS Humberto I Isg-child
Warekena 323
Armindu Judilson Bernadete Lindino waya eda-li

Armindo Judilson Bernadete Lindino we see-REL
'Then I, Humberto, I, my child (daughter), Armindo, Judilson, Ber-
nadete, Lindino, it was we who saw him (the evil spirit).'
(b) when the participant expressed with the personal pronoun is one of several
that are enumerated:
(439) watulapi-mia-wa-wi nuluami-mine

then + full-PERF-NONACC-lpl 1 sg + father-DEC.nf
nu-yalitua-ha nuya-ha teletj"i-wi

Isg-brother-PAUS I-PAUS three-lpl
'We have become full, my late father, my brother, me, the three of us.'
(c) in equational verbless clauses (see sect. 7):
(440) wa-hä nuya crenti

then-PAUS I evangelical
'So I am evangelical.'
(d) in command sentences:
(441) piya-ha nu-yalitua pi-Ja pi-teluka a:tapi

you-PAUS Isg-brother 2sg-go 2sg-cut tree
'You, brother, go and cut a tree.'
Warekena has no independent possessive pronouns.
16.2 Indefinite pronouns. Numeral One' is used in the sense of an indefinite

pronoun 'another', as illustrated below:
(442) ya-e-pia yutfia-Ii mawaya peya enami yutfia-Ji mawaya

NEG-DEM-NEG kill-REL snake one man kill-REL snake
'It was not he who killed a snake, it was another man who killed a
snake.'
(443) peya-ha ijina-ha yamadu peya ijina-ha biyuli

one-PAUS name-PAUS Yamado one name-PAUS evil.spirit
One (evil spirit), his name is Yamado, another one, his name is Biyuli.'
324 Aikhenvald
Numeral One' in this use can take plural marker -pe, and then it means
'some':
(444) peya-pe namali namali-nawi ni-yuleta-mia-wa ijlwa

some people people-PL 3pl-return-PERF-NONACC from.him
'Some people went away from him.'
Indefinite pronoun peya-pe is usually proposed to the head noun, but can also
be postposed, in repetition:
(445) peya-pe enami tse-mia-Ju waya-ne Diutsu

one-pi person know-PERF-EMPH speak-POSS God
neyawa peya-pe tse-mia-lu waya-ne Diutsu

woman one-pi know-PERF-EMPH speak-POSS God
'Some people do know the word of God, some women do know the word
of God.'
Papeya means 'somebody, some people'. It can be analyzed as containing a

prefix pa- '?' and peya One'. This pronoun does not show number or gender
agreement:
(446) papeya namali nu-yue-he ma-Ji

some people lsg-to-PAUS say-REL
'Somebody told me (about the medicine).'
(447) wa-hä papeya namali ni-weya

then-PAUS some people 3pl-want
'Then some people wanted (to become Christians).'
Pronoun imaJu 'the other one of a set of similar objects' is illustrated below:
(448) nupa-ha imalu-ta enami

arrive-PAUS other-DEM.DIST man
'The other man (of the same family, or kind) is coming.'
16.3 Negative pronouns. Negative pronoun benefi 'nothing, nobody' is com-

posed of bena 'negation' and interrogative ifi 'what' (see sect. 12.4). It can be
used as the head of an NP (185), and as a modifier in an NP, both with an
animate referent (187), and an inanimate referent (189). The negative marking
on the predicate is obligatory.
16.4 Demonstrative pronouns. Demonstratives are discussed in sect. 15.3.4.

Demonstrative locative adverbs are formed by joining spatial demonstratives to
Warekena 325
the preservative wa 'then': wani 'here', wata 'there'. Allative adverbs contain
the directional suffix -ba (cf. nominal allative -waba): wa-ba 'to here' (also:
winf), wata-ba 'to there'. We hypothesize that the nominal directional marking
-waba goes back to double case marking (-wa 'perlative' 4- -ba 'directional').
Elative adverbs contain the elative suffix -\vene: wa-wene 'from here, from
there'.
16.5 Interrogative pronouns. Interrogative pronouns are used in direct ques-

tion constructions.
Interrogative pronouns are:

ifi 'what, who, why?'
ifi-ni-daJu 'why, for what reason?'
ifaJema, ifi-aJema 'how?' (composed of ifi 'what?' and aJema 'how' (rarely
used))
da-ma-Ji 'who?' (composed of da- 'interrogative' and a relative form of the
verb ma 'do')
datfibuJe 'who?'
da-ba 'where to?'
da-tfi 'where (location)?'
da-wene 'where from?'
ipeJi 'how many, how much?'
yumUehe 'when?'
The stem da- which can be separated in most interrogatives may be cognate to
demonstrative da- in Bare. Interrogatives can also be used in embedded indirect
question clauses, as illustrated below. In (449-452) an interrogative pronoun is first
shown as an interrogative and then as an indirect question. The compound inter-
rogative pronoun ifiaJema in an indirect question is illustrated in (453).
(449) daba-ha yu-Jia-wa pi-tani?

to.where-PAUS 3sgf-stay-NONACC 2sg-child
'Where is your child going to to stay?'
(450) ya-mia-ni-tse-pia-ha daba Ja-wa

NEG-PERF-3pl-know-NEG-PAUS where go-NONACC
'They did not know where to go.'
(451) datfi pi-jia-wa?

where 2sg-stay-NONACC
'Where do you live?'
(452) wa mi-Ja nu-kanita-ha ate datj"i nu-tse

then lsg-go Isg-sing-PAUS until where Isg-know
'Then I shall sing until where I know.'
326 Aikhenvald
(453) ate wa-ma-tju nu-tjma-ha ijialema

until then-DEL-EMPH Isg-tell-PAUS how
wa-pipi-nia-wa epi nuluami-mine-he

Ipl-lost-INCH-NONACC with Isg + father-DEC.nf-PAUS
'Just up to here I am telling how we got lost with my late father.'
(238) is an example of the use of an interrogative pronoun as the head of a

relative clause; the predicate is then marked with relative -Ji.
Sometimes in spontaneous speech and in texts interrogative pronouns are
used to introduce embedded clauses, probably under the influence of Portu-
guese, as in (454), a variant of (290). Here the interrogative datfi 'where' is
used instead of subordinate waJi (see sect. 14.5) in the first embedded clause,
and waJi is used in the second one. This syntactic variation may be a symptom
of language obsolescence.
(454) datsi mutsita-pi umeni pi-apiwe-he

where bite-2sg snake 2sg-hand + LOC-PAUS
pi-teya minaj! wali awini-ni

2sg-pee on where cold-ADJ
'Where the snake bit you on the hand, pee on (the spot), where it feels
cold.'
ifi 'what?' is used as an interrogative pronoun in (155) and (156) and as a

relative pronoun in (236)-(239). (455) and (456) illustrate similar uses of
damaJi 'who':
(455) damali yapa-li?

who enter-REL
'Who is coming in?'
(456) weluami Diutsu payalu damali weya-li-hi

Ipl-I-father God all who want-REL-PAUS
'all who want our father God'
Interrogative pronouns always occupy the clause-initial position, both in

interrogative sentences and in indirect question clauses. The structure of inter-
rogative clauses is discussed more fully in sect. 10.
Warekena 327
The adposition is the head of the NP. Person, number and gender are
cross-referenced on the adposition with prefixes (see Table 1 in sect. 15.2.1).
Most adpositions can be used both as prepositions and postpositions.
Prepositions in Warekena are statistically more frequent than postpositions in
elicitation, conversation and texts. The placement of adpositions depends on
several factors, which will be listed below. Adpositions are used to express
peripheral roles, such as: (a) instrumental, comitative: epi 'with (comitative)',
ima 'with' (comitative, instrumental); and (b) spatial: minafi On, on top of,
piatu 'in front', epuna 'after (space)'. The only exception is yue 'for, to' which
is used to mark a core constituent. It is used to mark possessive relationship in
possessive sentences (see sect. 7.2), and to mark an Sj0 constituent, functioning
as a dative subject (see sect. 18.4.1):
(457) yu-yue neyawa teleî Jiani-pe

3sgf-to woman three child-PL
The woman has three children (Lit.: To the woman three children).'
(458) nu-yue mawali

lsg-to hungry
º am hungry.'
Occasionally, the locative case marker -iwe can be used as a postposition,

with a cross-referencing prefix.
(459) yaliwa Jeje-ta-wa kopu ya-mia beda-pia

now dry-CAUS-NONACC glass NEG-PERF IMP + perceive-NEG
weni iwe
water LOG
'Now the glass is dried, there is no water in it.'
The following adpositions can be used both as prepositions and postpositions:

ima 'with , by'; epi 'with'; yue ' to, for'; yuwaba 'towards'; puJi-waba Out of;
minafi On'; ifiwa 'from'.
In (460) yue is used as a postposition:
(460) yamadu Ja-wa neda-ha i-tapa-ha

Yamadu go-NONACC lsg +perceive-PAUS 3sgnf-come-PAUS
328 Aikhenvald
wabupi yue-he neda i-tapa-ha

spring for-PAUS Isg + see 3sgnf-come-PAUS
saw Yamadu go, I saw him come towards a spring.'
The use of the same adposition as a preposition and a postposition is linked

to the status of a non-pronominal argument in discourse: a newly introduced, or
a focused participant is likelier to occur with a postposition. This is illustrated
with the adposition minafi On'. Minafi is used as a postposition if its argument
is in focus. In (461), atapi 'tree' is focused, since it plays an important role in
the narrative:
(461) Ja-wa nupa-ha-Ji atapi jutfi-li

go-NONACC fmd-PAUS-REL tree big-ADJ
Jutji-li niwe-li a:tapi wa-hä uwa-ha uwa-ha

big-ADJ tall-ADJ tree then-PAUS climb-PAUS climb-PAUS
api-hi matu-Je matu-le uwa-ha a:tapi minaji

take-PAUS cup-POSS cup-POSS climb-PAUS tree on
'He (the old man) went and found a big tree, a big lofty tree, then he
climbed (it), he climbed, he took his cup, his cup, he climbed on (this
very) tree.'
Minafi is used as a postposition in (462), where tawape 'jungle' is contrasted

to other localities where the abandoned children subsequently arrived.
(462) ni-Ja-wa ni-ja-wa ate ni-yeleta-ha tawape

3pl-go-NONACC 3pl-go-NONACC until Spl-arrive-PAUS jungle
tawape minaj!
jungle on
'They went until they arrived in the jungle.'
Minafi is used as a preposition if the argument is not in focus:
(463) wa ni-yeleta-mia-ha tawa:pe wa: uwa-ha minaji a:tapi

then 3pl-arrive-PERF-PAUS jungle then climb-PAUS on tree
'Then they came to the jungle, then he climbed on a tree.'
Epi and ima 'comitative' are mainly used as prepositions. Epi means 'to-
gether with, with the full participation of.
Warekena 329
(464) ema mai-na-wa epi epi waji

tapir fight-REFL-NONACC with with jaguar
'The tapir fought with him, with jaguar.'
(465) yaliwa piya-mia-ha tse-li

now you-PERF-PAUS know-REL
ijalema-ha pi-ma-ha nepi wa-jabine

how-PAUS 2sg-do-PAUS 3pl + with Ipl-family
'Now it is you who knows how to do together with our family.'
This adposition is also used in a sense close to that of a coordinate conjunc-

tion 'and, with':
(466) inapa-wa istoria-ne kulimalu epi ema

finish-NONACC story-POSS turtle with tapir
'The story of the turtle and tapir ends.'
Ima means 'with, with the help of, with a partial participation of:
(467) ja muta-hä namali-nawi ni-nupa-paiu

yuwaba-ha ne-palu ne-palu-pajm ima

to-PAUS 3pl+eat-PURP 3pl + eat-PURP-FUT with
'He will call many people to eat with him.'
In (468), ima means 'with', but without the implication of 'together with, in
the same house':
(468) niya-ha nu-yanene-pe yaliwa wa ni-Jia-wa numa

2pl-PAUS lsg-child-PL now then 2pl-live-NONACC Isg + with
'You are my children, now you will live with me.'
Ima and epi are sometimes interchangeable:
(469) ni-Ja-wa ni-katsa-palu yuma eta-ha

3pl-go-NONACC 3pl-marry-PURP 3sgf+with DEM:DIST-PAUS
neyawa ni-katsa-hä ni-katsa-hä epi yu-katsa-palu

woman 3pl-marry-PAUS 3pl-marry-PAUS with 3sgf-marry-PURP
330 Aikhenvald
e:pi-ta enami wa-ni-katsa-mia-ha

with-DEM.DIST man then-3pl-marry-PERF-PAUS
'They (man and woman) went to marry, with this woman they went to
marry, (for her) to marry him, that man, then they married.'
Ima tends to have comitative meaning when used as a preposition (470, 471),
and instrumental meaning when used as a postposition (472, 473).
(470) ni-weyehe ni-Ja-palu ima-ha ima Diutsu enu-waba

3pl-want + PAUS 3pl-go-PURP with-PAUS with God sky-DIR
'They want to go with God to heaven.'
(471) crenti ajuru-ni payalu nima ni-Jabine

evangelical happy-3pl all 3pl+with 3pl-family
'Evangelicals are happy with their families.'
(472) wa-uwa aparelju ima

then-climb machine with
'Then he (a worker) climbs (a tree) with a machine (to extract sap).'
(473) ya-wa-yue-pia neyupa wa-neyupa-palu

NEG-lpl-to-NEG paddle Ipl-paddle-PURP
neyupa nuluami-mine a:tapi ima

paddle Isg + father-DEC.nf stick with
'We had no paddle to paddle, my late father paddled with a stick'
The apparent closeness in meaning and almost interchangeability of ima and epi
in Warekena is hard to account for. It may be partly due to language death
phenomena which provoke a higher degree of variability, especially since the main
contact languages, Portuguese and Nheengatu, mark comitative and instrumental in
the same way. Warekena epi has cognates such as Tariana api 'with: comitative',
Bare abi 'with: comitative, (rarely) instrumental'. Warekena ima is cognate to Bare
ima 'instrumental, (rarely) comitative'. Bare displays a similar tendency to Ware-
kena in that abi and ima show a large degree of interchangeability in texts. This
isogloss is interesting for two reasons: Bare and Warekena share a number of
structural features and cultural isoglosses, possibly due to prolonged contacts. Both
languages have been in the same kind of contact situation, i.e., under strong
pressure of Nheengatu and Portuguese, for a longish period of time. This isogloss
may either show a convergent phenomenon in two genetically close languages
under the same kind of contact pressure of other languages and in the process of
language death, or be the result of a shared structural feature.
Another postposition used with instrumental meaning is iyu:
Warekena 331
(474) malieli wiyua-ta-mia-hä wiyua-li iyu

shaman die-CAUS-PERF-PAUS die-NOM with
'The shaman killed (someone) with poison.'
The following adpositions are used only as prepositions or with person-marking

prefixes (475—480): piatu(-waba) 'in/to front, before'; epine 'under'; amagudua 'in
the middle'; putewe Over'; niwe 'up'; epine 'under, below'; wenapa 'after (refer-
ence to time)'; epuna 'after (reference to space)'; aJe 'like, as'; ifiwa 'from'.
(475) amani ale leiti wa walehe wa tepa-miehe

sap like milk then cook + PAUS then hard-P ERF + PAUS
Jia-wa ale tjikali-le

stay-NONACC like wall-AFF
'Sap is like milk, one cooks (it), and it will become hard like a wall.'
(476) nu-ja nawina-ta nu-tsaia-ne piyatu weni

lsg-go Isg + get-CAUS Isg-clothing-POSS before rain
shall go and get my clothing before it rains.'
(477) wa-hä nyuwita-mia a:Ji epine-he waliya

then-PAUS 3pl + blow-PERF fire under-PAUS smoking.grid
'Then they blew the fire under the smoking grid.'
Ifiwa 'from, away from' has the primary meaning 'away from' implying move-
ment away, abandoning (478). It can have a malefactive nuance (479, 480).
(478) payalu-ni wa ni-yuleta-mia

all-3pl then 3pl-return-PERF
ijiwa mina-Jiana pani-Ji ni-pane-waba

from body-MASC house-NPOSS 3pl-house-DIR
'Then all returned, they returned away from the house of the owner to
their houses.'
(479) yu-wiya-mia-ha i-Jumiawa ijiwa

3sgf-die-PERF-PAUS 3sgf-wife + FEM from
'His wife died (lit.: from him).'
(480) tepa-ba-mia-Ju ijiwa

hard-AUG-PERF-EMPH from
'It is too hard for him.'
332 Aikhenvald
The main difference between elative case -wene and preposition ifiwa in their
spatial uses is that the basic meaning of the former is 'from inside of, and of
the latter 'away from'.
Petfi On' is used only as a postposition:
(481) wa mutfita-mia ema ibu petji

then bite-PERF tapir head upon
'The he (the turtle) bit the tapir on the head.'
The semantics of some adpositions seems to be influenced by Portuguese. In

(482), miapa 'borrow' is used with ima 'with' (cf. emprestar com 'borrow with'
in Portuguese), and in (483) the use of ima 'comitative, instrumental' with the
verb 'to get used to' may be influenced by Portuguese acostumar com.
(482) wayate nuluami-mine yue mina-Jiana

speak Isg + father-DEC.nf to body-nf
pani-Ji miapa ima mulupa

house-NPOSS borrow with canoe
'My late father spoke with the owner of the house, he borrowed a canoe
from him.'
(483) yupukua-wa numa

get.used.to-NONACC Isg + with
'He (the dog) is getting used to me.'
The use of minafi On, over' with the verb tfina 'to tell' is also influenced by
Portuguese contar sobre 'tell about (lit.: tell on)' (429).
Most adpositions have a nominal origin. They have special spatial forms,
similar to locative cases formed on nouns. Unlike nouns, adpositions do not
have a locative case formed in -iwe (however, some adpositions contain -iwe as
a fossilized marker). Directional case is expressed by the suffix -waba, e.g.,
nu-piatuaba 'towards in front of me (direction)', nu-piatu 'in front of me (loca-
tion)'. Piatu 'front' can be used as a noun. Elative case is formed by the
addition of -wene to the adposition:
(484) Duminitsiu Ja-wa minaji-wene mesa

Dominicio go-NONACC on-EL table
'Dominicio went away from on the table (describing a child getting off
a table).'
Warekena 333
Body parts are often used as spatial adpositions. They are preposed to the
argument, in agreement with the constituent order in possessive NPs:
(485) wa ni-yuluta-wa mana-ha malayu

then 3pl-lie-NONACC near-PAUS deer
Then they (turtles) lay down near the deer (lit.: at deer's side).'
(486) nu-tani nupa-ha nu-napi-wene

Isg-child come-PAUS lsg-back-EL
'My son comes from behind me.'
It is not easy to distinguish a bodypart from a 'true' adposition, e.g., mana

'side; near':
(487) nu-tani nupa pi-mana-waba

Isg-child come 2sg-side-DIR
'My child came near you (or: to your side).'
Adpositions which have their source in alienably (optionally) possessed

nouns do not always require pronominal prefixes. They take the cross-refer-
encing prefix only if they have a pronominal argument, e.g., nu-minafi On me';
nu-piatu 'in front of me'. When there is an NP argument either preceding or
following, they do not take the prefix. See (462, 463) for these cases of minafi
On'. Adpositions which have their source in inalienable (obligatorily) possessed
nouns take the cross-referencing prefix if they have a pronominal argument
(487), (488), or are preposed to a non-pronominal argument (490). The argu-
ment has usually already been introduced in the previous discourse. The cross-
referencing prefixes usually mark the number/gender/person agreement with a
non-pronominal argument.
(488) Jutfi Julawi i-yue-he

big claw 3sgnf-to-PAUS
'He has big claws (Lit.: To him big claws).'
If the argument is new, the adposition is postposed to it, and no cross-refer-

encing prefixes are used. (489) and (490) illustrate the contrast between a preposi-
tion and a postposition. (489) is the first sentence of the story about the abandoned
children, and all the participants are being introduced. The postposition yue is used
with etene Old man', and it has no agreement markers:
(489) wa-hä peya ete-ne yue jupe-he Jiani-pe

'Then an old man had many children (Lit.: To an old man many chil-
dren).'
334 Aikhenvald
(490) is the second sentence of the same story. Epi 'with' is preposed to its
argument, fianipe 'children', and it has the cross-referencing prefix:
(490) wa-hä jia-wa nepi jiani-pe

then-PAUS live-NONACC 3pl + with child-PL
'So he lived with children.'
Plural agreement with prefixed prepositions is optional with collective nouns,

e.g., fianipe 'children':
(491) ja-mia-wa epi Jiani-pe enaba

go-PERF-NONACC with child-PL two.nf
'He (the old man) went with two children.'
The interrelation between cross-referencing of the argument on the adposi-

tion and its position with respect to the NP is reminiscent of Baniwa of Ic.ana.
Baniwa of I9ana (see Aikhenvald 1995b) uses a special indefinite person-marker
i-, with neutralization of person/number/gender opposition, which is otherwise
obligatory in cross-referencing prefixes, on the arguments of adpositions under
conditions similar to those of Warekena. Unlike Warekena, Baniwa uses the
same cross-referencing i- on the head noun in a possessive NP and predicates,
if the Agent (A/Sa constituent) or Possessed noun has to be focused. Warekena
shows only traces of this system (see sect. 18.4.2 for further details), possibly
due to language obsolescence phenomena.
18 Verb and verb phrase structure
18.1 Tense. Similarly to other Maipuran languages, Warekena has no obliga-

tory tense markers. Usually, the unmarked verbal form is used, with obligatory
cross-referencing morphemes (see sect. 18.4), and adverbial phrases and time
expressions are used to specify the time reference if necessary, as in (492, 493).
(492) yajia nu-tapa-pa yele-mia-na

yesterday Isg-walk-RED tired-PERF-lsg
'Yesterday I walked, I am tired.'
(493) benamitji wa-patata amani siringa wa-patata payalu

long.ago Ipl-work sap rubber Ipl-work all
jupe wa-patata ni-yue yalanawi-nawi

many Ipl-work 3pl-for white.man-PL
'Long ago we worked on sap and rubber, we all, many of us worked, we
worked for the white people.'
Warekena 335
The unmarked form is widely used in conversations and narratives:
(494) wa-hä maJayu wayata yue-he kulimalu

then-PAUS deer speak to-PAUS turtle
ma wayata malayu yue-he kulimalu

say speak deer to-PAUS turtle
'Then the deer spoke to the turtle, he spoke, said the deer to the turtle.'
A number of optional enclitics are used for tense reference when it has to be
stressed. Criteria for clitics are given in sect. 22.4.1. The tense enclitics are used
when the tense reference has a particular importance, for example, in sequencing
of events, as in (496), or it has to be underlined that the action refers to a particular
period, as in (495). These clitics are: -yaJe 'remote past', -pafia 'future'.
-YaJe 'remote past'. This clitic does not co-occur with other aspect markers (see
sect. 18.2), and can only be used once in a clause (495, 496).
(495) wa-patata-yale benamitj'i amani

Ipl-work-REM.P long.ago sap
'Long ago we worked on sap (we are not doing it now any more).'
(496) nu-jia-yale Barewe wenapa nu-ja weneji-waba

Isg-live-REM.P Manaus + LOC after Isg-go Xie-DIR
lived in Manaus long ago, after that I went to Xie.'
-Pafia 'future' is used to emphasize a general future reference (see below on

-peta for immediate future). -Pafia is used with reference to a future action, as
in (497, 498). -Pafia can be used more than once in a clause, as illustrated in
(497), if the future happenings have to be emphasized. This example comes
from the story about a jaguar and a rabbit, where the rabbit is foretelling the
future. It can co-occur with perfective aspect -mia and inchoative -wa. (497,
498) illustrate the clitical character of pafia, which may undergo movement to
the clause-initial stressed word, e.g., yaJiwa 'now' (497), or to the negative
proclitic ya- (498).
(497) yaliwa-pajia-hä inapa-mia-wa mundu

now-FUT-PAUS fmish-PERF-NONACC world
ni-yulua-pajia paya:lu-ni a:tapi paya:lu a:tapi paya:lu

3pl-fall-FUT all-3pl tree all tree all
ni-yulua-pajia-ha ube-ma-iu-pajia peya-lu atapi

3pl-fall-FUT-PAUS all-DEL-EMPH-FUT one-EMPH tree
336 Aikhenvald
eni-hi wali uIupe-Þº natjia-wa ya-pajia

one-PAUS where foot-LOG? Isg + stand-NONACC NEG-FUT
yulua-pia-ha
fall-NEG-PAUS
' "Now the world will start ending, all the trees will fall, all the trees,
all will fall, only one tree, only one tree, the one near which (lit.: at the
foot of which) I am standing, will not fall," (said the rabbit to the
jaguar).'
(498) ya-pajia-ha nu-yenita-pia-ha

NEG-FUT-PAUS Isg-laugh-NEG-PAUS
º shall not laugh.'
-pafia follows the purposive -paJu.
(499) Ja muta-h namali-nawi ni-nupa-palu

yuwaba-ha ne-palu ne-palu-pajia ima

towards-PAUS 3pl + eat-PURP 3pl + eat-PURP-FUT with
'He called many people to eat, to eat (in future) with him.'
-pafia follows -wa 'non-accomplished', if the two co-occur in the same word:
(500) yaliwa inapa-wa-pajia-ha mundu guwadjata yue wa:ji

now finish-NONACC-FUT-PAUS world lie/deceive to jaguar
' "Now the world will start coming to an end", lied (the rabbit) to the
jaguar.'
In serial verb constructions, -pafia attaches to the second verb:
(501) wa-Ja wa-pala-pajia-ha

lpl-go Ipl-run-FUT-PAUS
'Let's run later.'
18.2 Aspect. Warekena has eight aspectual enclitics and suffixes, all optional.
They are: -mia 'perfective', -wa 'nonaccomplished, continuative', -nia 'change
of state', -peta 'intensive or immediate action', -yaJu 'yet, more', -dekana
'going back and forth', -tfiJi 'habitual', -tfi 'repetitive'. Aspectual meanings can
also be expressed by serial verb constructions (see sect. 18.8.1).
18.2.1 -mia 'perfective aspect'. It is used with the following meanings,

(a) to mark the result of an action, as in (492) and (502).
Warekena 337
(502) Ja:bine-pe Ja muta-ni wa ni-nupa-mia-ha

family-PL go call-3pl then 3pl-come-PERF-PAUS
ja:bine-pe yuwaba-ha
family-PL towards-PAUS
'He (the turtle) called his family, then his family came to him (as the
result of his calling).'
-mia is often used with this meaning in embedded clauses which contain the
conjunction ate 'until':
(503) piyatu-waba pala maJayu pala

in.front-DIR run deer run
pala pala ate ya-mia-yutj'i-pihi malayu

run run until NEG-PERF-strong-NEG + PAUS deer
'He (the deer) ran in front, he ran, ran, until the deer had no strength.'
(b) -mia may mean simply an accomplished action, or state:

ni-tsima-mia-ha ate aliwa-mia-ni aliwa-mia-ni wayata

3pl-sleep-PERF-PAUS until dawn-PEKF-3pl dawn-PERF-3pl speak
malayu
deer
'Then they were late, they slept, they slept until they woke up, they
woke up, (then) the deer spoke.'
(505) wa pala malayu pala malayu wiya-mia dalina-ha

then run deer run deer die-PERF faint-PAUS
malayu ya-mia yutj"i-pihi

deer NEG-PERF strong-NEG + PAUS
ya-mia-yutfi-piehe malayu
NEG-PERF-strong-NEG + PAUS deer
'The deer ran, he died, he fainted, the deer, the deer had no more
strength'.
-mia means something like 'already' in (506), or 'any more' if used with
negation (507).
338 Aikhenvald
(506) yawaputa kulimalu piatu-waba-mia

answer turtle in. front-DER-PERF
'The turtle answered, he (the turtle) was already in front (of the deer).'
(507) yaliwa ya-mia-ha yue-pia pi-Jiani-pe

now NEG-PERF-PAUS to-NEG 2sg-child-PL
'Now he (the rabbit) does not have your children any more (since the
jaguar has eaten them).'
(c) -mia is used to mark first plural imperative which refers to an action that has
already started, or has been planned in advance. (508) comes from the story
about a running competition between a cunning turtle and a naive deer. The deer
is urging the turtle to start the competition which has already been planned.
(508) wa-ja-mia wa wa-paJa-ha

1 pi-go-PERF then Ipl-run-PAUS
' "Let's go, let's run," (said the deer).'
The command in (509) refers to a series of actions three turtles have to

undertake to prepare the food:
(509) wa-hä wa-Ja-mia wa-teluka a:tapi ma-palu waJiya

then-PAUS lpl-go-PERF Ipl-cut tree do-PURP smoking grid
'Then let's go and cut trees to make a smoking.grid.'
(d) with the verb of perception eda 'perceive, see/hear,' -mia means 'a sudden
result, unexpectedly':
(510) wa tsawita-mia wa yu-yenita-wa mawilite

then shoot.arrow-PERF then 3sgf-laugh-NONACC sister
wa: yaita-mia yu-pu:li-hi etyawa

then 3sgf+open-PERF 3sgf-eye-PAUS old + FEM
yeda-mia-ni wa-yu-ma-ha ni-yue-he

3sgf+see-PERF-3pl then-3sgf-say-PAUS 3pl-for-PAUS
'He (the boy) shot an arrow, the sister laughed, then the old woman opened
her eyes, and saw them (unexpectedly), and she said to them . . .'
(511) waji eda-mia kunehu Ja yuwaba waji

jaguar see-PERF rabbit go to jaguar
'The jaguar (all of a sudden) saw the rabbit, he (the rabbit) was going to
the jaguar.'
Warekena 339
-Mia is not used with the verb of perception eda 'perceive/see/hear, under-
stand' if there is no implication of 'unexpectedness' (512). It is also not used
with verbs of speaking, such as "say", "speak", "answer" (see 504, 506, 510).
(512) ni-yeleta nida-ha nida wiyua-mia-ha

Spl-arrive 3pl+perceive-PAUS 3pl+perceive die-PERF-PAUS
'The turtles arrived, they saw him (deer) dead.'
Examples such as (507) show the clitic character of -mia; it always undergoes
attraction to the negative proclitic ya-.
18.2.2 -wa 'non-accomplished action', -wa is a suffix, since it does not un-
dergo attraction to the negative proclitic ya (521). It follows the negative -pia
in (22), (23). It is used with (ya-) in the following meanings:
(a) unfinished action: either inchoative, i.e., the beginning of an action

(513-515), or continued action (516-518):
(513) atulapi-mia-ni wa ni-yuluta-wa mana-ha malayu

full-PERF-3pl then 3pl-lie-NONACC near-PAUS deer
'They (the turtles) were already full (as the result of having eaten the
dead deer), they lay down near the deer.'
(514) wa-hä atfia-wa ulupe-tfi-ta atapi

then-PAUS stand-NONACC foot-LOC?-DEM.DIST tree
'Then he (the rabbit) stood (quietly) at the foot of the tree.'
-wa in this inchoative meaning is very often used with motion verbs. It can
also co-occur with -pafia 'future'.
(515) nu-ja nu-yubua ya:tj"ipe nu-yapa-wa-palu-pajia-ha

lsg-go Isg-dig ground Isg-enter-NONACC-PURP-FUT-PAUS
shall go and start digging the ground for me to enter.'
The following examples illustrate the continuative meaning of -wa:
(516) ni-yuluta-wa ba-buya pepuji

3pl-lie-NONACC one-CL.TIME day
'They (the turtles) lay for one day.'
(517) wa ni-Jia-wa ate aliwa-mia-ni ni-Jia-wa

then 3pl-sit-NONACC until dawn-PERF-3pl 3pl-sit-NONACC
They sat until it dawned.'
340 Aikhenvald
(518) wa-hä nida peya neyawa yu-yaya

then-PAUS 3pl+ perceive one woman 3sgf-weep
yu-Jia-wa
3sgf-stay-NONACC
Then they (abandoned children) saw a woman, she was weeping.'
The inchoative and continuative meanings are not always easy to distinguish,
especially when -wa is used with motion verbs. In repetition, the inchoative
meaning is more linked to the beginning of a discourse, and the continuative to
the following sentences of discourse, as can be illustrated with (519):
(519) wa-ni-Ja-wa ni-kulimalu-nawi

then-3pl-go-NONACC DEM.PR-turtle-PL
tenepu numa-wa ni-ja-wa uyuba-lu

road mouth-PERL 3pl-go-NONACC slow-EMPH
Then the turtles started going, they went (and went) slowly by the edge
of the road.'
(b) -wa can also occur on the predicate of a dependent complement clause:
(520) yaliwa nu-Ja nu-we pi-yuluta-wa tenepu numa-wa

now lsg-go Isg-leave 2sg-lie-NONACC road mouth-PERL
'Now I shall leave you to lie at the edge of the road.'
(c) -wa is used to express immediate action, and even immediate future. (521)
shows the contrast between -wa used to express immediate action in a serial
verb construction, and the predicate without -wa, which indicates a permanent
state of affairs.
(521) kulimalu ya-be-pia Ja-wa

turtle NEG-can-NEG go-NONACC
ya-be-pia Ja-wa alebuta-wa ya-be-pia

NEG-can-NEG go-NONACC quickly-NONACC NEG-can-NEG
pala-ha Ja-wa uyuba-lu

run-PAUS go-NONACC slow-EMPH
The turtle could not start going (immediately), it could not go quickly,
it could not run (at all), it started going slowly.'
Warekena 341
Immediate future meaning of -wa is illustrated in (522).
(522) wa: yu-ta ni-yue-he peya pani-ji

then 3sgf-give 3pl-for-PAUS one house-NPOSS
ni-Jia-palu-wa
3pl-live-PURP-NONACC
'Then she (the witch) gave them (the abandoned children) a house to
live in.'
-wa can mean unexpected, unplanned action when used with active (Sa) or
transitive verbs (but not with the verb of perception).
(523) wa tsawita-mia wa yu-yenita-wa mawilite

then shoot.arrow-PERF then 3sgf-laugh-NONACC sister
'He shot an arrow, the sister laughed (suddenly).'
(524) wa-nu-yutfia-wa inamalu

then-Isg-kill-NONACC stingray
'Then I (suddenly) killed the stingray.'
(d) -wa can express immediate imperative:
(525) wa-ma ni-yue-he wa-Ja-wa wa-ja wa-yutfia kueji

then-say 3pl-to-PAUS lpl-go-NONACC Ipl-go Ipl-kill game
'He (the turtle) said to them (his cousins), "Let's kill game right now!'"
-wa can occur with either component of a serial verb construction, but never
with both; see sect. 18.8.1 for criteria for serial verb constructions and how they
differ from a series of predicates. In (526), -wa occurs with/j'a 'to sit', and gives
that verb an inchoative meaning (also (528)). In (527), -wa occurs with the verb
of movement fa 'go', and it gives it an inchoative meaning. -Wa specifies the
action of either component of a serial verb construction independently, and so
it belongs to nuclear, and not to core, serialization (see Foley and Olson 1985).
(526) wa Ja Jia-wa waji

then go sit-NONACC jaguar
'The jaguar went to sit there.'
(527) ni-Ja-wa ni-îma-ha ate aJiwa-mia-ni

3pl-go-NONACC 3pl-sleep-PAUS until dawn-PERF-3pl
'They went to sleep, until they woke up.'
342 Aikhenvald
(528) nu-Ja nu-weya-hä nu-yamala-wa

lsg-go Isg-want-PAUS Isg-hunt-NONACC
went, I intended to start hunting.'
-mia 'perfective, resultative' and -wa can co-occur, in either order: -mia-wa
and -wa-mia, with the following semantic difference: -mia-wa means 'a continu-
ative action the result of which is important; gradually attaining the result', as
is illustrated by (529-530); -wa-mia means 'the result of a started action' (531).
(529) wanehe ninapa-mia ne-he

here + PAUS 3pl + fmish-PERF 3pl + eat-PAUS
ni-malayu wa inapa-mia-wa malayu

DEM.PR-deer then finish-PERF-NONACC deer
'Then they finished eating the deer, then the deer was coming to an end.'
-mia-wa can be used with reference to the future:
(530) yaliwa-pajia-ha inapa-mia-wa mundu

now-FUT-PAUS finish-PERF-NONACC world
' "Now the world will be coming to an end," (said the rabbit to the
jaguar).'
(531) wa ni-jia-wa-mia-ha mana-ha waliya

then 3pl-sit-NONACC-PERF-PAUS near-PAUS smoking.grid
ni-kawyu-ta-palu ni-du:le
3pl-smoke-CAUS-PURP 3pl-stock
'So they settled down (sat and stayed there) to smoke the stock.'
The typical ending of most stories shows an alternation of -mia-wa and -wa:
(532) ya:liwa inapa-mia-wa isturia-ne maJayu epi

now finish-PERF-NONACC story-POSS deer with
kulimalu wa-hä inapa-mia-wa isturia inapa-wa

turtle then-PAUS finish-PERF-NONACC story fmish-NONACC
'Now it is finishing the story of the deer with a turtle, it is finishing, the
story is ending.'
(533) illustrates the contrast between -wa-mia and -mia-wa:
(533) ale-he ni-bayata-na-wa-mia-ha

so-PAUS 3pl-scatter-REFL-NONACC-PERF-PAUS
Warekena 343
ni-ja-mia-wa ni-yuleta-mia-wa
3pl-go-PERF-NONACC 3pl-return-PERF-NONACC
ni-yuleta-mia-ha ulupe-waba ya:pa wa

3pl-return-PERF-PAUS foot-DIR hill then
ni-yuluta-mia-wa kulimalu-nawi
3pl-lie-PERF-NONACC turtle-PL
'So they (turtles) started and finished scattering themselves, they re-
turned to the foot of a hill, then the turtles finished lying down.'
(534) illustrates the semantic contrast between -mia-wa, -mia and -wa. -Mia-
wa means 'a continuative action which has happened already', -mia means
'resultative, accomplished action or state', and -wa is used in the sense of
unaccomplished, continual action. The aspectually unmarked form ya-nupa-pia-
hä 'NEG-come-NEG-PAUS' is used in repetition.
(534) wa-Ja-mia-wa kunehu yame-waba

then-go-PERF-NONACC rabbit far-DIR
wa-hä ulunia-wa waji ulunia-wa iwapi laguna ate

then-PAUS wait-NONACC jaguar wait-NONACC shore lake until
yele-mia waji ya-nupa-pia-ha yue kunehu wa-hä

tired-PERF jaguar NEG-come-NEG-PAUS to rabbit then-PAUS
wa yele-mia waji
then tired-PERF jaguar
'Then the rabbit was already going far away, then the jaguar was waiting
(for him), waiting on the lake shore until the jaguar has become tired,
the rabbit did not come/was not coming, then the jaguar has become
tired.'
(535) illustrates the semantic difference between -wa and -mia-wa:
(535) ale alehi bayata-ni ate ninapa-wa

so so + PAUS spread-3pl until 3pl + finish-NONACC
ninapa-wa kulimalu ate wali inapa-mia-wa

3pl +finish-NONACC turtle until where finish-PERF-NONACC
344 Aikhenvald
tenepu
road
'So he spread them until they were finishing, the turtles were finishing,
until where the road was coming to an end.'
The contrast between -mia-wa and -wa-mia is neutralized in the context of

negation, since -mia undergoes attraction to the negative proclitic, and -wa does
not:
(536) ya:me-lu ni-yeluta nepuna-ha

far-EMPH 3pl-clear 3pl + road-PAUS
pa:la pa:la pa:la ya-mia be-pia-wa maJayu

run run run NEG-PERF can-NEG-NONACC deer
They made their road far, he (the deer) ran, and he could (run) no
more.'
18.2.3 -nia 'change of state; inchoative/ This morpheme is used with S0

verbs to make them Sa (see sect. 18.4.1).
(537) wa-hä enaba wilubelu ni-Ja ni-yanita weni

then-PAUS two child 3pl-go 3pl-get water
wa: ate peJu-nia-ha Jili

then until full-INCH-PAUS pan
Then the two children went to fetch water until the pan became full.'
-nia 'inchoative' can co-occur with -mia, to express a resultative meaning,

as in (538), and with -wa to express continuative meaning, as in (539):
(538) ya-mia ni-tse-pia-ha daba-ha

NEG-PERF 3pl-know-NEG-PAUS where-PAUS
ni-yeJeta-wa ni-pipi-nia-mia-ha
3pl-arrive-NONACC 3pl-be.lost-INCH-PERF-PAUS
'So they (the abandoned children) did not know where to go, they have
become lost.'
(539) way a-ha wa-pipi-nia-wa

we-PAUS Ipl-be.lost-INCH-NONACC
'We (my father and I) were getting lost (in the jungle).'
18.2.4 -peta 'intensive or immediate action'. These two meanings of -peta are
illustrated with (432), (540)-(542).
Warekena 345
(540) nu-yan(i)ta-peta kaka we-palu

Isg-bring-INT manioc .bread Ipl + eat-PURP
shall bring manioc bread ( = cookies) immediately, for us to eat'.
(541) wepeJi yaya-peta

baby weep-INT
'The baby is crying very much.'
(542) nu-juluami yu-piwa yu-piwa-peta

Isg-mother 3sgf-smoke 3sgf-smoke-INT
nu-Juma-ha
1 sg-suffocate-PAUS
'My mother smokes, she smokes very much, (so that) I get suffocated.'
18.2.5 -yaJu 'yet, more'. This meaning of -yaJu is illustrated with (543-546).
(543) ma nu-ja-yalu nu-yubua ya:tjipe

say lsg-go-YET Isg-dig ground
'(The rabbit) said, "I shall go and dig the ground a bit more (since I have
some time to spare)".'
(544) ninapa-mia ne-he ni-wayata-yalu

3pl + fmish-PERF 3pl + eat-PAUS 3pl-speak-YET
ate umina-mia yajapua

until late-PERF night
'They finished eating, they talked more until late at night.'
-yaJu is a clitic, since it undergoes attraction to the negative proclitic ya-:
(545) ya-yalu yue-pia i-Jumiawa

NEG-YET to-NEG 3sgnf-wife + FEM
'He is a bachelor (he has no wife yet).'
-yaJu contrasts with perfective -mia in dialogues:
(546) pi-weya-yalu ya-hä ya-mia nu-weya-pia

2sg-want-YET NEG-PAUS NEG-PERF Isg-want-NEG
' "Do you want some more (food)?" "No, I don't want." '
-yaJu precedes the person-marking enclitic:

346 Aikhenvald
(547) tsume-yalu-ni jiani-pe

alive-YET-3pl child-PL
'The children (of the jaguar) were still/yet alive.'
18.2.6 -dekana 'going back and forth*
(548) yu-patata-h neyawa yu-kulua-dekana

3sgf-work-PAUS woman 3sgf-drink-BACK.AND.FORTH
kalibe
manioc, liquid
'The woman is working, she is drinking manioc liquid going back and
forth.'
18.2.7 -tfiJi 'habitual'. Both -tfiJi and -dekana have not been attested with
negation, so it is difficult to decide whether they are clitics or affixes. -$Ui
precedes both -mia and -wa in a verbal form. This, however, is not a sufficient
piece of evidence in favour of or against the affixal status of this morpheme,
since -Ji 'relativizer', apparently, an enclitic, also precedes -wa (see sect.
18.2.2), and follows -mia.
(549) nu-yutfia-tfili-wa Jime

Isg-kill-HAB-NONACC fish
º continually killed fish (all my life, and am still doing it now).'
(550) nu-yutjia-tjlli-mia jime

Isg-kill-HAB-PERF fish
º have always killed fish (but now stopped).'
18.2.8 -φ 'repetitive'. This is illustrated with (20) and (551).
(551) ya-nu-yutjlepehe wa-nu-Ja-tsi-wa wabupi

NEG-lsg-kill + NEG+PAUS then-lsg-go-REP-NONACC spring
numa-wa yame-Ju nu-pie-he puatfi-nawi nu-muduka-ha

mouth-PERL far-EMPH 1 sg-fmd-PAUS monkey-PL Isg-shoot-PAUS
teletji nu-ja-tji-wa wa-wene

three lsg-go-REP-NONACC then-EL
º did not kill him (a crocodile), I went again along the mouth of a
spring; far, I found a group of monkeys, I shot three, I went again from
there (upstream)'.
Warekena 347
Repetitive -tfi precedes -wa 'nonaccomplished action' (551) and can precede
or follow -mia (552). In the case of a sequence of aspect markers -mia-wa 'a
continuative action the result of which is important, gradually attaining the
result' (see above), -tfi goes after -mia and before -wa, as illustrated in (552)
and (553).
(552) wa-tsima-ha ale-ma-ba-lu-ta ate

Ipl-sleep-PAUS so-DEL-AUG-EMPH-DEM.DIST until
aliwa-tfi-mia wa wa-ja-mia-tji-wa
dawn-REP-PERF then lpl-go-PERF-REP-NONACC
'We slept just like that (i.e., without any water to drink), until it had
dawned again, then we went on again.'
(553) Ja-mia-tfi-wa e-he ema

go-PERF-REP-NONACC eat-PAUS tapir
wa e-he e-mia ema

then eat-PAUS eat-PERF tapir
'He went again eating tapir and he ate up the tapir.'
-tfi means 'further on' in (554)-(556). With this meaning it follows both -mia
and -wa in (554).
(554) yawa-mia-ha yuleta -mia-wa -tj"i pani-Ji-waba

later-PERF-PAUS return-PERF-NONACC-REP house-NPOSS-DIR
yuleta-mia pani-ji-waba-ha yuleta pani-Jiwe

return-PERF house-NPOSS-DIR-PAUS return house-NPOSS+LOC
'It was already late, he came back (further on) towards the house, he
came to the house, he came home.'
(555) wa ne-tfi ne-tfi ne-he

then 3pl + eat-REP 3pl+eat-REP 3pl +eat-PAUS
ne-mia maJayu
3pl +eat-PERF deer
They (the turtles) ate more and more (of the dead deer), they ate the
deer.'
(556) wa ni-ja-tf! wa ni-yeleta-mia-ha ni-Ja-wa

then 3pl-go-REP then 3pl-arrive-PERF-PAUS 3pl-go-NONACC
348 Aikhenvald
ni-ja ni-yujia-tjl kueji

3pl-go 3pl-kill-REP game
Then they went on, then they arrived, they went on, they went to kill
more game.'
-tfi does not co-occur with negation. Its clitic character is confirmed by the
relative freedom of placement with respect to other aspectual markers. In serial
constructions -tfi can occur on either component, specifying the action of each
component independently; this can be seen by comparing (553) and (556). Thus,
-tfi belongs to nuclear serialization.
18.2.9 Reduplication. Another verbal derivational device in Warekena is redu-

plication. Reduplication of the stem-final syllable is used in Warekena to mark
intensive and repetitive action. As illustrated below, a reduplicated syllable
precedes -mia (562) and -wa (574). The causative suffix can be reduplicated
(573). Thus, causativization precedes reduplication. The reduplicated syllable
precedes the fossilized derivation suffix -ka, e.g., guwe-ka 'bark', guwe-we-ka
(*guweka-ka) 'bark a lot'. Reduplication of the stem-final vowel sequence pro-
ceeds in the following way: CViV2 reduplicates as CVi-CVi-V2, e.g.: wiyua
'die', wiyu-yua 'to faint of drunkenness'; tsapia 'jump', tsapi-pia 'jump many
times' (see sect. 22.2 where reduplication is used as one of the criteria against
an interpretation of vowel sequences in Warekena as diphthongs).
Reduplication applies to all types of predicates; however, its semantics is
different depending on the verb type.
Monosyllabic predicates, e.g., ma 'say, do', fa 'go', we 'leave' do not redu-
plicate. A small number of predicates of the structure VCV do not reduplicate,
e.g., ema 'cry', eta 'burn'.
Reduplication with transitive verbs and intransitive verbs (Sa) may indicate
(a) intensive action (557, 574); (b) the plurality of O; (c) the plurality of A.
Usually (a) is accompanied by either (b) or (c).
(557) wani ni-Ja ni-wayata-ta ate umina-ma-mia-lu

here 3pl-go 3pl-speak-RED until long.time-DEL-PERF-EMPH
yajapua
night
'They (the jaguar and the rabbit) went on talking a lot, until late at
night.'
Reduplication marks the multiplicity of A or O, depending on the type of the

verb; whether it is obligatorily transitive or ambitransitive. To further distin-
guish whether O or A is plural, O or A/Sa respectively can be optionally
pluralized (559, 562).
Warekena 349
In A = S ambitransitives, reduplication indicates pluralization of the subject,

i.e., A/Sa, e.g.,
wa-wayata 'we are talking' (only ourselves)
wa-wayata-ta 'we are talking as a part of a big crowd', or 'a lot'
(558) ema ni-juwiya

tapir 3pl-whistle
'Tapirs whistle.'
(559) ni-Juwiya-ya ema-nawi

3pl-whistle-RED tapir-PL
'Many tapirs are whistling.'
In transitive verbs which are not A = S ambitransitives, reduplication refers

to the multiplicity of O. (562) illustrates the reduplication of an S = O ambitran-
sitive verb paka 'break'.
(560) ni-paka-mia-ha kopu

3pl-break-PERF-PAUS glass
They broke glass(es).'
(561) kopu-nawi ni-paka-mia-ha

glass-PL 3pl-break-PERF-PAUS
'The glasses broke.'
(562) ni-paka-ka-mia-ha kopu(-nawi)

3pl-break-RED-PERF-PAUS glass(-PL)
'They broke all the glasses.'
Comparison of (560) and (561) shows that paka 'break' is an S = O ambitran-

sitive. (561) cannot be understood as 'many people broke glasses'.
The following examples illustrate reduplication in non-ambitransitive transi-
tive verbs.
(563) nu-Ja nu-peta jinu

lsg-go Isg-hit dog
º am going to hit dog(s).'
(564) nu-Ja nu-peta-ta jinu-nawi

lsg-go Isg-hit-RED dog-PL
º am going to hit many dogs.'
350 Aikhenvald
(565) nida yufana utfipie ni-wayata

3pl +perceive voice bird 3pl-speak
They can hear the voice of birds singing.'
(566) nida-da-ha yujana utfipie ni-wayata

3pl + perceive-RED-PAUS voice bird 3pl-speak
'They can hear the voice of very many birds singing.'
(566) cannot be interpreted as 'very many people can hear the voice of birds'.
(567) ni-wepa-mia ni-tsapewa-ne

3pl-leave-PERF 3pl-hat-POSS
'They left their hats.'
(568) ni-wepa-pa-mia payalu ni-tsapewa-ne

3pl-leave-RED-PERF all 3pl-hat-POSS
'They left all their hats (many hats).'
(568) cannot be understood as 'very many people left a hat each'.
(569) nu-weya weni

Isg-want water
º want water, I am thirsty.'
(570) nu-weya-ya weni

Isg-want-RED water
º want much water.'
(571) wa kulua weni kulu-lua weni Julî kulua

then drink water drink-RED water big drink
'Then the jaguar drank water, (he) drank a lot, he drank much water.'
In one case a reduplicated transitive verb is semantically different in a more

basic way from the corresponding non-reduplicated one: mutfita 'bite', mu$ita-ta
'gnaw'. (572) is an illustration of this semantic opposition from the story about
the tapir and the turtle:
(572) wa-ha kulimalu mutfita-ta Jlmapie-pe-mi ema

then-PAUS turtle bite-RED bone-PL-PEJ tapir
mutfita-ta Jimapie-pe-mi ema kulimalu ya-be-pia

bite-RED bone-PL-PEJ tapir turtle NEG-can-NEG
Warekena 351
ya-be-pia-hä mutfita
NEG-can-NEG-PAUS bite
'Then the turtle gnawed tapir's bones, the turtle cannot bite.'
Reduplicated intransitive verbs can take the causative suffix -ta in a few
cases; e.g., paJa 'run', paJa-Ja 'run far away', paJa-Ja-ta 'make run far away'.
Reduplication of the causative morpheme is more productive. (573) comes from
a story about evil spirits. The evil spirit Awakaruna is described, the reduplica-
tion of the causative kune-ta-ta (fear-CAUS-RED) 'he frightens very much'
being used to emphasize how frightening he is:
(573) ema-ha kune-ta-palu namali

shout-PAUS fear-CAUS-PURP people
ya-yutfia-pia namaii-ma-ba-lu kune-ta-ta-mia

NEG-kill-NEG people-DEL-AUG-EMPH fear-CAUS-RED-PERF
kune-ta-ta-ma-ba-lu
fear-C AUS -RED-DEL-AUG -EMPH
'He (Awakaruna) shouts to frighten people. He does not kill people, only
frightens them, he frightens them very much.'
In a few cases, reduplicated forms and causatives are homophonous, e.g.,

yenita 'laugh' (cf. 574, 575); also -nakata 'change', inakala-ta 'make change',
or 'change a lot'; mita 'fly', mita-ta 'fly (many Sa)', or 'make fly away'.
(574) yenita-ta-wa minaji Jmu

laugh-RED-NONACC on dog
'He is laughing a lot at the dog.'
(575) Jmu yenita-ta-na

dog laugh-CAUS-lsg
'The dog makes me laugh.'
Reduplication with intransitive stative and state/condition predicates indi-

cates the intensity of the state or condition, e.g., apate 'cold', apate-te 'very
cold' (Sio); akune 'dangerous', akune-ne 'very dangerous' (S0);/e/e 'dry',/e/e-
fe 'very dry' (S0). Reduplication with intransitive active predicates indicates
plurality of Sa referents, and intensity of action (many times):
(576) utjipie ni-mita-wa

bird 3pl-fly-NONACC
'The birds are flying.'
352 Aikhenvald
(577) utfipie ni-mita-ta-wa

bird 3pl-fly-RED-NONACC
'Very many birds are flying (to and fro).'
For a number of Sa verbs, the meaning of a reduplicated stem, though clearly

linked to the non-reduplicated one, is not totally deducible from it; e.g., tapa
'go, pass, come', tapa-pa 'walk'; wiyua 'die, faint', \viyu-yua 'faint of drunken-
ness' (578).
(578) ni-kulua yalaki ni-wiyu-yua

3pl-drink whisky 3pl-die/faint-RED
ni-mai-na-wa ni-yutfia-na-wa
3pl-fight-REC-NONACC 3pl-kill-REC-NONACC
They (non-evangelicals) drink whisky, they faint of drunkenness, they
quarrel and kill each other.'
A few Sa verbs have a reduplicated stem and no non-reduplicated counter-

part, i.e., they are inherently reduplicated; e.g., patata 'work', kuJu-Ju 'shudder,
tremble', yaya 'weep'. There is one example of an inherent CVCV reduplication
in an S0 verb: muJamuJa 'be very wet'.
18.3 Mood/Modality. For the description of imperatives and prohibitives see

sects. 11 and 12.6. Apart from this, Warekena expresses the following modal
meanings.
Probability is marked with the clitic -fewa. It generally follows aspectual
clitics, and undergoes attraction to the negative proclitic ya-. It can be used both
in affirmative and in negative sentences, and usually refers to the future, i.e., it
does not have any irrealis meaning.
(579) aya-Jewa-ha weni

be.lacking-PROB-PAUS water
'Water will probably be lacking.'
(580) ya-mia-Jewa wa-kulua-pia weni

NEG-PERF-PROB Ipl-drink-NEG water
'We shall probably have no water to drink.'
Warekena has a purposive mood marked on the predicate of a final subordinate

clause (also see sect. 14.2) by the enclitic -paJu 'in order to, so that'. Most
frequently -paJu means 'in order to'; -paJu is never used with S0 or Sio predicates.
The subject of the purposive clause does not necessarily coincide with that of the
main clause; (581) illustrates Ai=A2; (582) illustrates Ai*A2; (583) illustrates
Warekena 353
S 0 i=A2; (584) illustrates 81 = 82 and (585) illustrates Si=A2. There are no pivot
restrictions, i.e., any possibility of coreferential deletion is grammatical.
Ai=A 2 :
(581) wa-hä wa-Ja wa-yanita paya:lu atebu wa-pana-palu

then-PAUS lpl-go Ipl-take all fruit 1 pi -plant -PURP
wa-miyuliwe wa-yanita aji wa-pana-palu

1 pi-garden + LOG Ipl-take manioc Ipl-plant-PURP
Then we went to take all the fruit, for us to plant in our garden, we took
manioc to plant.'
(582) mina-liana pani-Ji ja yanita-hä

body-MASC house-NPOSS go bring-PAUS
wa-yue-he aya:-Ji wa-palu wa-Ja yanita payaiu

Ipl-for-PAUS lack-NOM Ipl + eat-PURP then-go bring all
aya:-ji ka:ka matsuka kawyu-Ji wa-palu

lack-NOM manioc. bread manioc. flour smoke-NOM Ipl + eat-PURP
'The owner of the house went and brought to us all we needed for us to
eat, he brought all we needed, manioc bread, flour, smoked (meat) for
us to eat.'
Sol =A 2
(583) ya-mia-ha yutfi-pia-yu yu-ma-palu matsuka

NEG-PERF-PAUS strong-NEG-3sgf 3sgf-do-PURP flour
'She (my wife) is not strong enough for her to make flour.'
Si=S 2
(584) wa-hä Jesu Kritu yapa-wa
then-PAUS Jesus Christ enter-NONACC
pani-ji-waba-ha pani-Ji-waba-ha i-tapa-palu

house-NPOSS-DIR-PAUS house-NPOSS-DIR-PAUS 3sgnf-go-PURP
354 Aikhenvald
pane-wa na wale-Ji
middle-PERL village-NPOSS
Then Jesus Christ entered into a house, into a house, to go in the middle
of the village/
Si=A 2
(585) wa-Ja-wa tsina-palu tsina-palu eni-M

then-go-NONACC tell-PURP tell-PURP DEM.PR-PAUS
waya-ne Diutsu
say-POSS God
'Then he went to tell, to tell this word of God.'
It may be used with the meaning of 'so that', when the result of the action is
emphasized, as illustrated below:
(586) pi-tutu-ni atapi nalita-palu-pi tepa

2sg-hug-DEM.PR tree lsg + tie-PURP-2sg hard
' "Hug this tree so that I tie you hard," (said the rabbit to the jaguar).'
(587) pida-pajia nu-le

2sg +perceive-PUT Isg-read
pida-palu alema wayata-ha diutsu

2sg + perceive-PURP how speak-PAUS God
' "You will see, now I shall read, for you to see how God speaks," (said
the rabbit to the jaguar).'
-PaJu is a clitic, since it is attracted to the negative proclitic ya- (588) (see
sect. 22.4.1).
(588) wa-hä pi-alita-na wani-M minajl-ni a:tapi

then-PAUS 2sg-tie-lsg here-PAUS on-DEM.PR tree
ya-palu nu-wiyua-pihe
NEG-PURP Isg-die-NEC + PAUS
'Tie me here on the tree, so that I do not die.'
-PaJu does not combine with -mia 'perfective'. It combines with -\va, which
may follow or precede it. It precedes -paJu when it has an inchoative meaning
(515, 589). Otherwise it follows -paJu (522). -PaJu may mark the predicate of
a complement clause (590).
Warekena 355
(589) wa-we-yalihl teletji ajita

Ipl-leave-YET + PAUS three month
Jeje-ta-palu a:tapi eta-wa-palu anetua

dry-CAUS-PURP tree/branch burn-NONACC-PURP well
'We leave (the branches) for three months, for the wood to get dry and
to burn well.'
(590) papal wa-Ja-palu-wa yele-mia-na nu-yawaputa

papai lpl-go-PURP-NONACC tired-PERF-lsg Isg-answer
' "Father, I am tired for us to start going," I answered.'
-Pafia 'future' follows -paJu:
(591) nu-yubua-ha yame:-lu ja bitfika Jibuduliwe

Isg-dig-PAUS far-EMPH go go.out field + LOG
nu-mitjiyuta-palu-pajia ijiwa waji

Isg-escape-PURP-FUT from jaguar
shall dig (a hole), it will go out far away in the field, for me to escape
from the jaguar.'
-PaJu can be used similarly to -buJe Oblique focus' (see sect. 18.5.3.2 on the
differences):
(592) ya-wa-yue-pia neyupa wa-neyupa-paJu

NEG-lpl-to-NEG paddle 1 pi-paddle-PURP
'We had no (real) paddle, for us to paddle.'
-PaJu can be used to intensify the action:
(593) yawaputa kunehu pi-Jiani-pe e-palu

answer rabbit 2sg-child-PL eat-PURP
pi-Jiani-pe pe-mia-ni
2sg-child-PL 2sg + eat-PERF-3pl
'The rabbit answered (the jaguar), "You have indeed eaten your chil-
dren." '
(594) wa-hä alita-ha matu-le yapita yapita-palu ma:tu-Je

then-PAUS tie-PAUS cup-POSS hang hang-PURP cup-POSS
"Then he tied his cup, to hang his cup.'
356 Aikhenvald
In serial verb constructions -paJu can be marked only once. It occurs with
the first component and refers to the whole construction. Thus, -paJu belongs to
core verb serialization.
(595) yu-ta yue kunehu Ja-paJu tawa-ta-ni ukapi-waba

3sgf-give to rabbit go-PURP leave-CAUS-3pl room-DIR
'She (the jaguar) gave (the children) to the rabbit, to take them to the
bedroom.'
(596) pala-ha waji iwapi-wa wabupi

mn-PAUS jaguar shore-PERL spring
awipemi-waba-ha wabupi Ja-palu ulunia ema wa:

headwaters-DIR-PAUS spring go-PURP wait tapir then
mala-mia-ha wabupi
shallow-PERF-PAUS spring
'The jaguar ran by the shore of the spring, to the headwaters of the
spring, for him to go and wait for the tapir, (since) the spring is shal-
low.'
We means 'to leave' when -paJu is used in a complement clause, and 'to let'
in syntactic causatives (where -paJu is never used; see sect. 6):
(597) wepa-mia-na nuluami uleta-palu-na mawaya

leave-PERF-lsg lsg +father swallow-PURP-lsg snake
'My father left me for the snake to eat me.'
Another modal meaning is marked by a particle matse 'warning; lest; or

otherwise something bad will happen,' which does not attract pronominal cli-
tics. It is often used in complex sentences, if the consequences of something
indicated in the main clause can be prevented (598). The main clause often
contains a (negative) command, as in (599).
(598) nu-daluna-mia-ha mulupa matse yama-ha

Isg-tie-PERF-PAUS canoe WARN float-PAUS
º tied the canoe, otherwise it will float (away).'
(599) pida pi-kulua-pia pi-yue-he

PROH 2sg-drink-NEG 2sg-for-PAUS
weni ula-li matse anuana-pi

water dirty-ADJ WARN ill-2sg
'Don't drink dirty water, otherwise you will be ill.'
Warekena 357
Matse can be used to warn of bad consequences of an action which are either
self-evident, or outlined afterwards.
(600) wa ma-yu-yue-he ya-pi-be-pia pida-yu

then say-3sgf-for-PAUS NEG-2sg-can-NEG 2sg + perceive-3sgf
etyawa matse pi-enita

old + FEM WARN 2sg-laugh
'Then he (the boy) said to her (his sister), "You may not see her, the old
woman, otherwise you will laugh (and she will notice us, and prevent us
from stealing her food)." '
Matse can also be used to indicate bad consequences without containing a

negative command:
(601) wa yawaputa puatfi nu-wakwa-pi pe:-na

then answer monkey lsg-untie-2sg 2sg + eat-lsg
matse pe-na
WARN 2sg + eat-lsg
'Then the monkey answered (the jaguar), "I shall untie you (from the
tree), and you will eat me, beware lest you eat me".'
18.4 Person, number, gender
18.4.1 Verbal cross-referencing and the classification of predicates. The

types of predicates in Warekena are based on the semantics, the number of argu-
ments they have, and the way they are cross-referenced on the predicate. Cross-ref-
erencing prefixes and enclitics are given in Table 1 (sect. 15.2.1). The interaction
between cross-referencing and discourse organization is described in sect. 18.4.2
and sect. 9.
Transitive verbs usually have two arguments; A is obligatorily cross-refer-
enced with the help of cross-referencing prefixes (unless the discourse condi-
tions described under sect. 9 apply). The only transitive verb with three
arguments is -ta 'give' which has obligatory A, O and Dative arguments.
Pronominal Ï is cross-referenced by O/S0 enclitics; a non-pronominal Ï can be
cross-referenced only under specific discourse-conditions. Non-derived transi-
tive verbs fall into three main classes: obligatorily transitive verbs (i), A = S
ambitransitives (ii), and S = O ambitransitives (iii). Derived transitive verbs
(i.e., causatives) are analyzed in sect. 18.5.1.
Modal verb -be 'can, be able' cannot be characterized with respect to transi-
tivity, since it has no independent roles (Dixon 1991: 268). It undergoes obliga-
tory serialization of a modal type (sect. 18.8.1). It is different from other modal
verbs, e.g., fee 'know', \veya 'want', which are obligatorily transitive.
358 Aikhenvald
(i) Obligatorily transitive verbs always have two arguments; if one of the two
is omitted it can be retrieved from the context, following the pivot restrictions
as shown in sect. 3. Examples of obligatorily transitive verbs are: eda 'see/hear,
understand, look after', mutfi-ta 'bite', kuJua 'drink', teJuka 'cut', e 'eat', pie
'find', pata 'catch', tfina 'tell', peta 'hit', weya 'want', daJuna 'tie', aJita 'tie
thouroughly', wakwa 'untie', deka 'have'; yanata 'write', ma 'do, say', we 'let,
leave', wepa 'leave, throw', yanita 'take', yutfia 'kill, hunt', yata 'ask', wanufa
Order', tse 'understand, know', wapeta 'attend to', muta 'call', ayuda 'help',
paJa-ka 'weed',yw/a 'bite (mosquito)',yubuta 'peck'', fimeta 'smell', beni 'like',
beda 'try' (food), eJita 'pick', tutu 'embrace, hug a child who is sitting in one's
lap', tfitfyuta 'hug', waJamatfia 'save, guard', djaJu 'hold a child who is standing
in one's lap', pite, a:\vale 'bury', djeweni 'lie, tell lies', tfiwa 'slice', dewe
Owe', wenita 'buy', wende 'sell'; awata 'believe', neta 'pray', mitfiuia 'hide',
yuwita 'blow (the fire), isiata 'join'.
Transitive verbs of class (i) are higher on the transitivity hierarchy (Hopper
and Thompson 1980) than transitive verbs of other classes.
Some of these verbs preferentially take sentential complements, e.g., beni
'like', tse 'know', we 'let, leave'. This class also includes a number of loan
verbs, e.g., ayuda, ayuza 'help' (Portuguese ajudar, Spanish ayudar), deve
Owe' (Portuguese dever, Spanish deber), wende 'sell' (Portuguese, Spanish
vender). These verbs are obligatorily transitive in Portuguese and Spanish.
The class of obligatorily transitive verbs can be considered an open class,
since it accepts new members - loan verbs.
(ii) A = S ambitransitives are a smallish class of verbs. Examples: yubua 'dig',

wayata 'speak, talk, say', kanita 'sing', fuwiya 'whistle', puteta 'fish', yamaJa
'hunt', teyata 'guide a canoe', yawaputa 'answer'; uJunia 'wait'.
The following examples illustrate A = S ambitransitives:
(602) wa yubua-ha tumulewa

then dig-PAUS nest
'Then he (the turtle) dug a nest'.
(603) nu-yubua-ha yame:-lu

Isg-dig-PAUS far-EMPH
' "I shall dig a long way away," (said the rabbit).'
(604) wa ma waji yaliwa nu-Ja nulunia kunehu

then say jaguar now lsg-go Isg + wait rabbit
Then the jaguar said, "I shall go and wait for the rabbit".'
Warekena 359
(605) wa: ulunia waji ulunia waji

then wait jaguar wait jaguar
'Then the jaguar was waiting, waiting (for a long time).'
(iii) S = O ambitransitives are a big class. They include: eta 'burn', paka 'break
in two pieces', bafa-ka 'cut, split, tear (e.g., a thread)', beJika 'tear' (into small
pieces, e.g., paper, cloth), yu(w)aka 'tear after having folded', alia 'break ' (a
pen, a stick), aita Open, split open, spread (washing)', ika 'close', enina 'be
born, give birth', tawina 'grow, bring up'; eputa 'wake up'; atseta 'learn, teach',
kudunia 'melt', bukuita 'light' (fire), makuta 'disappear, \ose\frita 'fry', waJa
'cook', kawyuta 'smoke (meat, fish)', tfikya 'crisp', yata 'take, stick', daJuna
'drag (a canoe)', 'crawl (a snake)', faita 'scare, stun, surprise', meta Obey,
permit', mebuta 'be surprised, surprise', puJyuta 'remember, think', yuwaka
'lean', wafata 'mix', mafini 'damage, spoil', inapa 'finish, end'.
The following examples illustrate S = O ambitransitives.
(606) nu-tawina-ha Wenejiwe

Isg-grow-PAUS Xie + LOC
º grew up on the Xie river.'
(607) yu-tawina-na nu-Juluami

3sgf-grow-lsg Isg-mother
'My mother brought me up.'
(608) kawyu-ta-mia-wa mitfi

smoke-CAUS-PERF-NONACC meat
'The meat has been smoked.'
(609) nu-Ja nu-kawyu-ta mitfi

lsg-go 1 sg-smoke-CAUS meat
º am going to smoke the meat.'
(610) nu-Ja nu-paka-ha koku

lsg-go Isg-break-PAUS coconut
º am going to break a coconut.'
(611) paka-wa buteya

break-NONACC glass
'The glass is breaking/breaks.'
(612) eta-wa-mia-ha payalu

burn-NONACC-PERF-PAUS all
'Everything burnt.'
360 Aikhenvald
(613) nuya-h eta-li-hi malima

I-PAUS burn-REL-PAUS rag
'It was me who burnt the rag.'
(614) nu-bukuita-mia aj!

Isg-lit-PERF fire
º lit the fire.'
(615) bukuita-mia-wa a:Ji Jutji-li ni-peta-ha

light-PERF-NONACC fire big-ADJ 2pl-put-PAUS
afitji jutfi wala-palu weni wala-mia-ha weni

firewood big boil-PURP water boil-PERF-PAUS water
' "A big fire has already been lit, you put much firewood, to boil water.
Now the water has boiled," (said the witch to the abandoned children).'
Transitive verbs and A = S and S = O ambitransitives differ as to the seman-

tics of reduplication (see sect. 18.2.9). Transitive verbs usually do not form
causatives (a few exceptions are described in sect. 18.5.1).
In a number of transitive (non-ambitransitive) verbs we can distinguish a
formative -ta, usually absent from intransitives, which can be considered as a
kind of thematic marker of transitive verb stems (see the list of verbs of class
(i) above). This thematic marker is possibly related to -ta 'causative' and
denominative -ta (cf. kawyu-ta 'smoke', kawyu-fi 'smoked (food)'); see sect.
18.5.1.
The treatment of -ta as a thematic formative is corroborated by (a) the
existence of an etymologically cognate thematic marker of transitive verb stems
in Bare (Bare -sa), Baniwa of Ic,ana and Tariana (-i-ta); (b) -ta as a thematic
marker corresponds to causative marker -i-ta in Baniwa of Igana and Tariana in
cognate verbs, e.g., Warekena wapeta, Baniwa, Tariana -wapa + -i-ta 'attend to
somebody'; (c) the formative-fa appears in a number of loan transitive verbs,
e.g., wenita 'sell' (Portuguese/Spanish vender), toketa 'touch' (Portu-
guese/Spanish tocar).
Intransitive verbs also fall into three classes: Sa verbs, S0 verbs, and Sj0
verbs.
(iv) In Sa type verbs Sa person markers are prefixes. The majority of the Sa
verbs can be causativized by adding the causativizer -ta. The causatives of Sa
verbs are never S = Ï ambitransitives; they can be either obligatorily transitive
or A = S ambitransitives. All motion verbs belong to the Sa type, some verbs
denoting typical activities (paddle, work, play), and some verbs denoting states,
e.g., die, faint, and physical conditions involving actions, e.g., sneeze, cough.
Examples of Sa verbs are: fa 'go', patata 'work', u\va 'climb', yuJua 'fall',
Warekena 361
tsapia 'jump', bitfika 'leave, go out', fia 'sit, live, stay', yapa 'enter', miwata
'play', paJa 'run', yuJeta 'return', ema 'cry', mita 'fly', yenita 'laugh', nupa
'arrive', yaya 'weep (children)', wiyua 'die', daJina 'faint', awa 'bathe', fipata
'rot', atfita 'sneeze', fuma 'cough', fuweta 'spit', tehi 'blow (nose)', yaJa
'swell', pauta 'step', yawaJuta 'go round', pipi 'be lost', guweka 'bark', bitfika
'go out', apita 'hang', yeJeta 'arrive', tfiJuna 'crawl', tama 'dance', yupukwa
'get used', daJa 'snore', biyada 'escape', fuma 'drown', tapana 'yawn', tfikuta
'hiccough', weta 'turn into', naka 'get up', yama 'float, go downstream', kadika
'go upstream', yata 'put to shore' (canoe), yanana 'surround', mufa 'become
wet', kutsa 'become humid', ifita 'have a name', tsuJuita 'crouch', kefuka
'cross', tfima 'sleep', kerika 'smash', kuJuka 'have holes', inaka 'change,
move', muta 'stretch', muJu 'crush', teya 'vomit', unita 'swim', mebuta 'be tied
(of a dog)', mawa 'go out (fire)'.
A thematic formative -ka can be distinguished in the following Sa verbs:
bitfika 'go out', inaka 'change, move', kerika 'smash'; kuJuka 'have holes',
guweka 'bark'. The existence of this formative is corroborated by the redupli-
cation of the kind guwe-we-ka 'bark a lot'. However, this is subject to some
variation, e.g., bitfika-ka 'he went out a lot'. A few Sa type verbs are denominal
formations which contain a suffix -ta, e.g., ifita 'to be named, to have a name'
(cf. ifina 'name'), and possibly unita 'to swim' (cf. \veni 'water'). The verb ifita
is, however, problematic as far as its transitivity is concerned; it is closer to
copula verbs, since it necessarily takes a copula complement:
(616) najita Umberto

1 sg + have.name Humberto
º am called Humberto, my name is Humberto.'
The Sa verb tapa 'go, walk' is occasionally reinterpreted as an A = S ambitran-

sitive, under the influence of Portuguese/Spanish; see sect. 18.5.1 (658-659).
(v) Verbs of the S0 type in Warekena can denote state, e.g., uJa 'be dirty',
anuana ' be sick',/e/e 'be dry' or refer to natural phenomena, like aJiwa 'dawn,
to get up early\fibuma 'grow dark, spend the night'. They can form causatives
which are S = O ambitransitives. S0 type verbs do not take cross-referencing
prefixes. Cross-referencing enclitics are used to mark a pronominalized S0, or a
right-dislocated S0 expressed by an NP (see sect. 18.4.2). Examples of S0 type
verbs are: dabana 'first', yeJe 'tired', uJa 'dirty', anetua 'good, beautiful',
atulapi 'full (food), pelu 'full', anepi 'right', u:Ja 'soft', tepa 'hard'; colours:
feJe 'black', aJi 'white', ayune 'blue', amu 'rosy, red', te\va 'yellow', puJe
'green'; mufa 'damp',/e/e iAiy",fibu 'spend a night, grow dark', yawa 'be late',
akune 'be afraid', tfitfi 'rotten, ill-smelling', djewi 'deaf, ma-puJi-paJu 'blind',
abu:da 'bald', niwe 'high, lofty', futfi 'big, fat', puJapiami 'thin', anuana 'ill,
sick', takuwa 'feverish', awi 'hurt', yaJu 'sickly', kaJebu 'quick', fume
'survive, remain alive', katsaJi 'married', aJema, aJe 'be this way', maJa
362 Aikhenvald
'shallow', uJuJiwi 'appear', ma-kaJe 'breathless, tired from work/running',

ameJe 'be lit up', ma-numa 'be silent', manuJu 'be quiet', ataJe 'burn, itch',
weya 'itch', fuJuJuwa 'be in a hurry', tfikeJeJi 'curly', apitfi 'straight' (hair),
amena 'sharp', u:Je 'play music', pa:fi 'be ashamed', afeni 'angry', kuyule
'sad', afuJu 'glad', anani 'shy', muJamuJa 'very wet', papeya 'similar', dukwata
'fast', cfrjJibe 'curved', atfiJa 'have a nap', atfike 'sour'.
Grammatical classes of words in Warekena display a certain degree of fuzzi-
ness (see sect. 23). Almost any noun or pronoun or adjectival-like root can be
used as an S0 type verb; e.g., papeya 'another; be similar'; imaJu One of the
two; be one of the two', cross-referencing enclitics are used to mark S0 in (617)
and (618) and O in (618) and (619).
(617) aliwa-wi
get.up.early-lpl.So
'Good morning (Lit.: we got up early).'
(618) yawa-na weni epalu-bune kutja-na

fall-lsg.O rain it-because wet-lsg.S 0
'Rain fell on me, this is why I am wet.'
The following example illustrates the use of Sa and S0 type verbs:
(619) mutfita-na umeni nu-Jitua-li-wa-ha

bite-lsg.So snake Isg-fell-REL-NONACC-PAUS
nu-miyuli-wa wa-hä anua-na tsume

Isg-garden-PERL then-PAUS be.ill(S0)-lsg.S0 almost
nu-wiyua-ha nu-yuluta-wa peya tsemana

lsg-die(Sa)-PAUS lsg-lie(Sa)-NONACC one week
bitsewe-he wa: i-tapa-mia-ha nujiwa

hammock + LOG-PAUS then 3sgnf-go(Sa)-PERF-PAUS Isg + from
awi-ni umeni wa: jume-mia-na

pain-DEM:PR snake then alive(S0)-PERF-lsg.S0
snake bit me in my garden, where I was felling (trees), then I was ill,
I almost died, I was lying in a hammock for a week, then the pain of the
snake went away from me, and I remained alive.'
(vi) Sio verbs are a small class, and they denote physical state110". The Si10
constituent is complemented by the postposition yue 'to, for'. Si0 verbs cannot
be causativized. Any Sio verb can be used as an S0 type verb; then it can be
Warekena 363
causativized. The Sj0 verbs include: spate 'cold', mawaJi 'hungry', ata 'warm,
hot', akawi 'bubble'; names of illnesses: matutfi 'bad cold', maJeia 'malaria'.
A predicate used as Sj0 denotes a temporary state, or condition, as in (620).
The same predicate used as S0 denotes a permanent, or prolonged state, as in
(621).
(620) nu-yue mawali

Isg-for hungry
º am hungry (just now)'.
(621) mawali-na
hungry-Isg
º am hungry (permanently, or over a continuous time-span).'
(622) refers to the abandoned children who became hungry after wandering
in the woods for a long time:
(622) awi-mia ni-yue-he mawali

ache-PERF 3pl-to-PAUS hungry
'They are hungry (Lit.: '(Their stomachs) ache, they are hungry).'
(623) refers to the jaguar who has been suffering from hunger for a long time
and could stand it no more:
(623) ya-mia-be-pia mawali wa kulua weni

NEG-PERF-can-NEG hungry then drink water
'He could not (stand it any more), he was hungry, then he drank water.'
There are a few verbs that can be used as both S0 and Sa, but with a semantic
difference. An example of this sort is S0: puJa-pia-mi 'be thin', puJa 'become
thin, lose weight'; cf. the causative of the latter:
(624) weni pula-ta-ha

water thin-C AUS -PAUS
'Water makes (one) thin.'
18.4.2 Cross-referencing and discourse. Here I shall discuss the principles of

cross-referencing in Warekena of Xie, with special attention to the suppression
of verbal cross-referencing as a means of marking discourse-pragmatic proper-
ties (see also sect. 9.4). Warekena, like the majority of Northern Maipuran
languages, including Baniwa of Igana, has a split ergative pattern for the mark-
ing of grammatical relations, expressed by means of cross-referencing prefixes
and enclitics. The split ergative pattern works in terms of the semantics of the
predicate (see sect. 18.4.1).
364 Aikhenvald
Warekena uses cross-referencing prefixes for marking A and Sa, and cross-
referencing enclitics for marking and S0. cross-referencing prefixes are also
used for marking the pronominal arguments of adpositions and pronominal
possessor in possessive constructions, cross-referencing prefixes and enclitics
are given in Table 1 in sect. 15.2.1.
Cross-referencing prefixes are obligatory in predicate-argument construc-
tions, and they encode a pronominal argument, A (625) or Sa (626), and mark
the agreement with a full NP: A (627), Sa (628).

'They did not know where to go.'
(626) yu-wiya-mia
3sgf-die-PERF
'She died.'
(627) wa yu-wayata yue-he i-jumiawa

then 3sgf-spoke for-PAUS 3sgnf-wife + FEM
'Then his wife spoke to him.'
(628) yu-wiya-mia nu-Jumiawa

3sgf-die-PERF 1 sg-wife + FEM
'My wife died.'
The normal '3sgnF marking is zero. The cross-referencing prefix i- '3sgnf

is used anaphorically when the surface A/Sa/Si0 constituent is absent from the
surface structure of the clause, and the A/Sa/Si0 constituent is focused (629,
630, 631; cf. 460, 584).
(629) wa-peya-hä awakaluna yapa-tfi-waba-hä i-beni

then-one-PAUS Awakaruna hill-LOC?-DIR-PAUS 3sgnf-like
i-beni jia-wa
3sgnf-like live-NONACC
One (evil spirit), Awakaruna, he likes to live in the direction of a hill.'
(630) i-tapa-mia ijiwa i-ja-mia-wa

3sgnf-go-PERF from.him 3sgnf-go-PERF-NONACC
'It was he (the rabbit) (who) went away from him (jaguar), he went
away.'
(631) comes from the story about evil spirits. The referent of i- '3sgnf, an
evil spirit, is in focus.
Warekena 365
(631) elita-Ji-bena-hä jutji tjulawi i-yue-he

pick-REL-when-PAUS be.big claw 3sgnf-for-PAUS
i-yue-he yanane yawapati yanane juji yanane pij!

3sgnf-for-PAUS stripe side stripe be.big stripe tail
i-yue-he piji
3sgnf-for-PAUS tail
'When he nibbles (at cattle), big are his nails, his side is striped; it is a
big stripe, his tail is striped, he has a tail.'
Otherwise, 0-marking is used, cf. yue in (361).

The emphatic anaphoric cross-referencing marker /- '3sgnr can be used even
in cleft constructions, where usually the cross-referencing prefixes are sup-
pressed (see sect. 9.4) (632).
(632) mawaya i-weya-li uleta-yu

snake 3sgnf-want-REL swallow-3sgf
'This snake (it was), which really wanted to kill her.'
Enclitics are used to code a pronominal argument. Their enclitic character is

confirmed by the fact that they always follow aspectual clitics and undergo
attraction to the negative proclitic ya-:
(633) wepa-mia-na nuluami uieta-palu-na mawaya

leave-PERF-lsg lsg +father swallow-PURP-lsg snake
'My father left me for the snake to swallow me.'
Similarly to Baniwa, enclitics are not used to mark agreement with an O/So
NP constituent (634):
(634) wa ja-wa eda etyawa-bumi

then go-NONACC perceive old + FEM-PEJ
'Then he (the boy) went and saw an ugly old woman.'
(635) wa: apinaya-yu pane-waba

then bring-3sgf house-DIR
'Then he (the old man) brought her (the new wife) home.'
Cross-referencing enclitics can co-occur with a full NP, when it is used for
clarification (130), (636); see sect. 9.4.
366 Aikhenvald
(636) etyawa-mia-yu nu-jumiawa

old + FEM-PERF-3sgf 1 sg-wife + FEM
'She is already old, my wife.'
18.5 Voice and valency-changing derivations. Warekena has two valency-

changing derivations: causative, a valency-increasing derivation, and reflexive-
reciprocal, a valency-decreasing derivation. It also has two more
valency-manipulating operations which can be labeled as Oblique focus' and
Object focus'. It will be shown below that neither of these qualifies as passive.
18.5.1 Causative. Morphological causatives are formed with the help of -ta suf-
fix, added to the stem. Causatives can usually be formed only on intransitive verbs
of Sa and S0 types (with a few exceptions to be discussed below). The difference
between morphological and syntactic causatives is analyzed in sect. 6.
Causatives of Sa type can be transitive (637-639) or A = S ambitransitives
(640-643). They are never S = O ambitransitives. Examples of causatives of Sa
verbs are:
yuJeta 'return', yuJeta-ta 'return something';
mita 'fly', mita-ta 'make fly away';
yenita 'laugh', yenita-ta 'make laugh';
biffika 'go out', bitfika-ta 'make go out, drive out';
biyada 'escape', biyada-ta 'make escape';
paJa 'run', paJa-ta 'make run';
yapa 'enter', yapa-ta 'make enter';
fuma 'drown, get drowned', fuma-ta 'drown, strangle';
weta 'turn into something', weta-ta 'turn somebody into something';
naka 'get up', naka-ta 'lift';
yama 'float, go downstream', yama-ta 'put to float, disembark, take
downstream'.
Some causatives have an idiosyncratic meaning: e.g., wiyua 'die', wiyua-ta
'make die with the help of sorcery, poison, etc.' (unlike yutfia 'kill'); yuJua
'fall', yuJua-ta 'miscarry (a baby)'; teya 'vomit', teya-ta 'make sick'; uwa
'climb', uwa-ta 'lift, put on an elevated surface; raise (prices)'; nupa 'arrive',
nupa-ta 'bring'.
The following motion verbs of the Sa type have no causative: fa 'go', yeJeta
'go, arrive', pauta 'step', yawaJufa 'go round', tama 'dance'. The following Sa
verbs, which denote physical characteristics, have no causative: daJa 'snore',
atfita 'sneeze', fuma 'cough', fuweta 'spit', tehi 'blow (nose)', yaJia 'swell',
guweka 'bark', tapana 'yawn', tfikuta 'hiccough'.
The use of causatives formed on Sa verbs is illustrated below.
(637) wa-hä yanita peya ibu mawaya

then-PAUS take one head snake
Warekena 367
uwa-tehe yawa petfi yuleta-wa

climb-CAUS + PAUS shoulder on return-NONACC
'Then he (the soldier) took one snake's head, raised (it) on the shoulder
and returned.'
(638) wa ni-Judana-ta-mia-ha ni-Jilehe

then 3pl-come.down-CAUS-PERF-PAUS 3pl-pan + PAUS
'Then they put down their pan.'
(639) wa kunehu ja yuleta-ta-mia-ni ukapi-waba

then rabbit go return-CAUS-PERF-3pl room-DIR
'Then the rabbit went to take them (jaguar's children) back to the room.'
Causatives of Sa verbs can be A = S ambitransitives, as illustrated below by pairs

of examples. (640) illustrates the causative inaka-ta 'change, move something' used
intransitively, and (641) illustrates the transitive use of the same verb; (642) and
(643) illustrate the similar uses ofyama-ta 'go downstream, make go downstream'.
(640) wa-hä Ja inaka-ta peya nawale-ji-waba

then-PAUS go change-CAUS one village-NPOSS-DIR
'Then he (Jesus Christ) went and moved (changed) to another village.'
(641) wa-hä kunehu inaka-ta-mia aya-Ji ne-paJu

then-PAUS rabbit change-CAUS-PERF lack-NOM 3pl + eat-PURP
'The rabbit moved food (to another room) for them (jaguar's children)
to eat.'
In (642), the directional noun is obligatory.
(642) wa wa-nupa wahe

then 1 pi-come then + P AUS
wa-yama-ta-wa pani-Ji-waba-hä
Ipl-go.downstream-CAUS-NONACC house-NPOSS-DIR-PAUS
'Then we arrived there, and we headed downstream, towards home.'
(643) wa-yama-ta-wa wa-mulupa-ne

Ipl-go.downstream-CAUS-NONACC Ipl-canoe-POSS
'We pushed our canoe downstream.'
So verbs also form morphological causatives with -ta:
dabana 'be first', dabana-ta 'make first, begin'; fefe 'be dry', fefe-ta 'dry,
make dry'; akune 'be afraid', kune-ta 'scare'; fuJuJu 'be in a hurry', fuJuJui-ta
368 Aikhenvald
'make hurry'; amena 'be sharp', amena-ta 'sharpen'; pa:fi 'be ashamed', pafi-ta
'make ashamed, blame, punish'; uJa 'be dirty', uJa-ta 'make dirty'; kuyuJe 'be
sad', kuyuJe-ta 'make sad'; afuJu 'be glad', afuJu-ta 'make glad'; uJuJiwi
'appear', uJuJiwi-ta 'make appear'.
Some causatives from S0 verbs are S = O ambitransitives, as can be illus-
trated with (644) and (645). The -ta causative form of the verb dabana 'be first'
is the only way of saying 'begin'.
(644) wa-dabana-ta istoria

Ipl-be.first-CAUS story
'Let's begin a story.'
(645) istoria dabana-ta-wa

story be.first-CAUS-NONACC
'The story is beginning.'
Examples of fefe-ta used intransitively are given in (459), (589). The same
verb is used transitively in (646), a continuation of (459).
(646) nu-Jeje-ta-mia-ha kopu

Isg-dry-CAUS-PERF-PAUS glass
º have dried the glass.'
Some -ta causative forms of S0 verbs are used only transitively, e.g., kune-ta
'scare' (573). S = O ambitransitives can sometimes have slightly idiosyncratic
meanings:
(647) nu-tani papeya-ta wilubelu peya ima

Isg-child similar-CAUS child one with
'My son is acting similarly to another child (is being like another child)
(when the two children were fooling around together).'
(648) nu-papeya-ta nu-tani peya wilubelu ima

Isg-similar-CAUS Isg-child one child with
º am comparing my child to another one.'
Usually, transitive verbs cannot form causatives; e.g., waJa 'boil, cook',
*wala-ta 'cook'. There are a few exceptions to this rule. The obligatorily
transitive verb kuJua 'drink' (649) has a morphological causative kuJua-ta 'to
make drink' (650). Note that the underlying A becomes O, and Ï becomes an
oblique, contradicting Comrie's generalizations about the treatment of argu-
ments in causatives (Comrie 1981:169).
Warekena 369
(649) nu-tani kulua weni

Isg-child drink water
'My son is drinking water.'
(650) nu-kulua-ta nu-tani weni ima

Isg-drink-CAUS Isg-child water with
º made my son drink water.'
However, the syntactic causative nu-ta kuJua-ha º gave (him) to drink' seems
more natural (see sect.6). The causative kuJua-fa is very restricted; for instance, the
speakers did not accept sentences like *nu-kuJua-ta-pi weni (ima) º make you
drink water'. This causative formation may be considered a kind of relic in the
language. It should be noted that all the other Northern Maipuran languages do not
form causatives on transitive verbs, the only exception being the verb 'to drink';
e.g., Bare -dia 'drink', -dia-sa- 'to make drink/drunk', Baniwa of I$ana -133,
Tariana -iJa 'drink', Baniwa of Iâna -iêta, Tariana -Ueta 'make drink, suckle (a
baby)'. Warekena has one more case of causative formed on a transitive verb: guJa
'peel', guJeta 'make peel' (attested once in spontaneous speech).
In one case, the suffix -ta was used with an A = S ambitransitive in an
idiosyncratic meaning: yubua 'dig', yubua-ta 'stumble (one's foot)'.
There is a small degree of variation between S = O ambitransitives and Sa
verbs with corresponding causatives for a few verbs. The verb enina 'give birth;
be born' was continuously used as an S = Ï ambitransitive by the speaker. When
we were discussing the formation of causatives, the speaker remembered the
causative form enina-ta 'to give birth'. The same happened with tfipuJia 'turn'
and eputa 'wake up', which were used as S = O ambitransitives; but causatives
tfipuJia-ta 'to turn something' and eputa-ta 'to wake up somebody' were cited
after some thought, and the following variants appeared:
(651) nu-tfipula nu-bu-hu or nu-tfipula-ta nu-bu-hu

Isg-turn Isg-head-PAUS Isg-turn-CAUS Isg-head-PAUS
º turned my head.'
(652) nu-bu-h tfipula

Isg-head-PAUS turn
'My head is turning (I am dizzy).'
(653) neputa-ta nu-tani

1 sg +wake-CAUS Isg-child
º woke up my son.'
(654) eputa-na
wake-lsg
'He woke me up.'
370 Aikhenvald
(655) neputa-wa
1 sg -I- wake. up-NONACC
º woke up.'
Another example of the same sort is the Sa verb yapita 'hang', which forms
a causative yapita-ta 'hang, make hang'. This Sa verb has also been attested as
S = O ambitransitive (656, 657).
(656) yapita-wa a:nana-Ji

hang-NONACC light-NOM
¢ lamp is hanging.'
(657) nu-yapita a:nana-ji or nu-yapita-ta a:nana-Ji

Isg-hang light-NOM Isg-hang-CAUS light-NOM
º hung the lamp.'
One of the possible explanations is the influence of Portuguese and Spanish,

which have a large number of S = O and A = S ambitransitive s. This variation
may also indicate a language death situation. The only case of a causative
formed on an A = S ambitransitive tapa 'go, pass, spend' may be explained as a
caique from Portuguese, if we accept the hypothesis that this verb, originally of
the Sa type, was reinterpreted as A= S under the influence of Portuguese passar
'go, spend' (A = S ambitransitive), since the majority of Sa verbs, especially
verbs of movement, form causatives. It is rarely used as A = S ambitransitive
(658, 659). Intransitive use of tapa is illustrated in (660). The causative form
tapa-ta is illustrated in (661).
(658) nu-tapa-ha peya ajita San Gabriel-iwe

lsg-go-PAUS one month S o Gabriel-LOC
º spent a month in S o Gabriel.'
(659) wa-h yawatjuta-wa nijiwa Jiani-pe

then-PAUS go.round-NONACC 3pl + from child-PL
nijiwa i-tapa-palu-ni
3pl + from 3sgnf-go-PURP-3pl
'Then he (father) went around, away from the children, away from them,
to avoid (go past) them.'
(660) i-tapa-mia ema epuna numa-wa

3sgnf-go-PERF tapir road mouth-PERL
'(So) the tapir went by the edge of the road.'
Warekena 371
(661) nu-tapa-ta festa

lsg-go-CAUS party
º made a party' or º spent a party.'
-ta is widely used with verbs formed on nouns or adverbs, which is in

agreement with its function as a causative marker on S0 verbs, since any noun,
and any other nominal root, can be used as an S0 predicate (see sect. 23). These
denominal verbs plus -ta are transitive or ambitransitive. Transitive forms in-
clude punia 'enemy', punia-ta 'make an enemy (of someone)'; apitu 'back',
apitu-ta 'carry (something) on the back'; yupita 'sieve', yupita-ta 'sift'; isui 'a
little', tsuiwi-ta 'reduce'. S = O ambitransitives include tfaJaJu 'salted food',
tfaJaJu-ta 'salt'; imaJu One of two', imaJu-ta 'join (one to another)'. A = S
ambitransitives include duJe 'game, stock', duJeta 'hunt'. There are a few cases
when the -ta form is intransitive: tsume 'yet, still'; tsume-ta 'be slow'; inena
'egg', inena-ta 'lay eggs'.
In a few cases, -ta -transitivizer is present in the verb, but absent from some
nominalizations, e.g., amiduJena 'thief, mituJe-ta 'steal'; pina- 'medicine'
from -pina-ta 'cure' (-ta has been retained in pinatena 'doctor, the one who
cures'); guwadjena 'a cheat, the one who cheats' from guwad$a-ta 'cheat';
kawyu-fi 'smoked food' from kawyu-ta 'smoke' (662); waya-fi 'word' from
waya-ta 'say, speak'. In one case -ta as a denominal verb marker can only be
identified with the help of external comparison: yawi-ta 'bless', cf. Baniwa of
Iâna (Kurripaco dialect) and Tariana yawi 'jaguar; someone with power of a
shaman'.
(662) wa: Ja-mia-wa nepuna-wa yaJitua ja-palu

then go-PERF-NONACC 3pl + road-PERL brother go-PURP
ni-yanita nima Ifiapi kuej"i niwa-ta-palu

3pl-take 3pl + with insides game 3pl + climb-CAUS-PURP
waliya-wabehe ni-kawyu-ta-paJu
smoking.grid-DIR + PAUS 3pl-smoke-CAUS-PURP
'Then he went by the road of his brothers, for all of them to take with
them the insides of the game to hang on the smoking grid, to smoke.'
18.5.2 Reflexive-reciprocal. Reflexive-reciprocal is formed with the suffix -na-,

mostly on obligatorily transitive verbs. The -na derivation usually has reflexive
meaning with a singular subject (A constituent) and reciprocal meaning with a
plural subject:
reciprocal meaning:
ni-mai-na-wa 'They fought each other.'
3pl-fight-REC-NONACC
372 Aikhenvald
ni-peta-na-wa 'They hit each other.'

3pl-hit-REC-NONACC
ni-we-na-wa 'They left each other.'

3pl-leave-REC-NONACC
reflexive meaning:
nu-teluka-na-wa kutfiyu iyu
Isg-cut-REFL-NONACC knife with
º cut myself with a knife.'
nu-yakale-na-wa º am scratching myself.'

1 sg-scratch-REFL-NONACC
Compare the use of alaka 'put on (clothes)' and aJlaka-na 'dress oneself:
(663) wa: tsuludawa wa alaka-na-mia-wa

then soldier then get.dressed-REFL-PERF-NONACC
'Then the soldier got dressed.'
(664) ni-alaka ni-tsilula-ne ni-kamitsa-ne

3pl-put.on 3pl-trousers-POSS 3pl-shirt-POSS
ne-palu ni-tsumeni ni-tsumeni

3pl + eat-PURP 3pl-food 3pl-food
'They put on their trousers and shirts, to eat their food.'
In some cases the use of -na- 'reflexive' with intransitive Sa verbs can be
influenced by Portuguese (665).
(665) neda waji nu-eskape-na-wa ifiwa

Isg + see jaguar Isg-escape-REFL-NONACC from
º saw a jaguar and escaped (myself: cf. Portuguese: me escape!) from
him.'
A similar example (obtained by elicitation) is nu-mitfiuia-na-wa º hid, es-

caped', cf. Portuguese 'eu me escape!'. A non-reflexive use of mitfiyuta 'hide,
escape' (taken from a story about a rabbit and a jaguar) is illustrated in (13) and
(666):
(666) nu-yubua-ha yame:-lu nu-mitfiyuta-palu-pajia ijiwa waji

Isg-dig-PAUS far-EMPH Isg-escape-PURP-FUT from jaguar
' "I dug far, to escape from the jaguar," (said the rabbit).'
Warekena 373
(667) illustrates the reciprocal meaning of the -na- derivation with a plural
subject:
(667) ni-wiyu-yua ni-mai-na-wa

3pl-die-RED 3pl-quarrel-REC-NONACC
ni-yutjia-na-wa payalu iji ni-ma-li

3pl-kill-REC-NONACC all what 3pl-do-REL
'They (non-evangelicals) faint of drunkenness, they quarrel with each
other and kill each other, this is all they do.'
The reflexive meaning of the -na derivation is illustrated with (668) and
(669). (669) contains a rare example of the -na derivation on a causative of a
verb, which contains -nia 'inchoative, change of state'.
(668) wa waji ya-mia-be-pia wakwa-na-wa wa-wene

then jaguar NEG-PERF-can-NEG untie-REFL-NONACC there-EL
The jaguar cannot untie himself from there (from the tree).'
(669) ya-mia-tse-pia daba kunehu

NEG-PERF-know-NEG where rabbit
pipi-nia-ta-na-mia-wa ijiwa
lost-INCH-CAUS-REFL-PERF-NONACC from
'The rabbit did not know where to hide himself (lit.: make himself get
lost) from him (jaguar).'
A na- derivation can sometimes have a reflexive meaning even if the subject
is plural:

so-PAUS 3pl-spread-REFL-NONACC-PERF-PAUS
'So they (the turtles) spread themselves (over the road), they went
away.'
-Na derivations can be used as agentless passives, as illustrated below. In

(671) and (672) -na cannot be understood as reflexive because it is known from
the previous text that the jaguar did not tie himself to the tree (it was the smart
rabbit who did it). In (672), the jaguar could not have untied himself, since it is
known that it was a young monkey who untied him.
(671) wa Ja-wa puatfi mutj'ita-mia-hä a:ta

then go-NONACC monkey bite-PERF-PAUS vine
374 Aikhenvald
wali alita-na-wa
where tie-REFL-NONACC
'Then the monkey went and bit the vine where he (the jaguar) was tied.'
(672) mutfita puatfi ate balika-mia-wa a:ta

bite monkey until tear-PERF-NONACC vine
wakwe-na-mia-wa wakwa-na-mia-wa
untie-REFL-PERF-NONACC untie-REFL-PERF-NONACC
The monkey bit (the vine) until it tore, and he (the jaguar) was untied,
untied.'
The agent cannot be expressed, as illustrated by (673) and (674) (elicited).

This agentless passive is used very rarely, and it may have been the result of an
influence of Portuguese se.
(673) waji alita-na-wa minaji atapi

jaguar tie-REFL-NONACC on tree
'The jaguar was tied to the tree.'
(674) *wajl alita-na-wa minaji atapi ima kunehu

Tjaguar tie-REFL-NONACC on tree with rabbit
'The jaguar was tied to the tree by the rabbit.'
Reflexive derivation in Warekena is not used to emphasize the identity of the

A constituent. The instrumental-comitative adposition ima, which cross-refer-
ences the A, is used for this purpose, as illustrated in (675):
(675) pi-wakwa-na pima

2sg-untie-lsg 2sg + with
' "Untie me yourself," (said the jaguar, who could not do it by himself,
to the monkey).'
Reflexive derivation does not apply to S = O ambitransitives. If the Ï is

omitted, this is understood as reflexive by default:
(676) nata-mia-wa payalu

Isg + burn-PERF-NONACC all
º burn myself all.'
18.5.3 Focus. Warekena has a grammatical category of focus, marked on the

verb. This category resembles the category of focus known in Philippine lan-
guages, as stated by Schachter and Otanes (1972: 69): "focus is the feature of a
verbal predicate that determines the semantic relationship between a predicate
Warekena 375
verb and its topic". Focus in Warekena is marked on the verb as a special
derivation. Its function is to show that an object (O) constituent or an oblique
constituent belongs to (contrastive) focus. Warekena has two kinds of focus:
object focus marked with -pitfi, and oblique focus marked with -buJe.
Both focus derivations are fully productive and can be used headlessly. -Pitfi
derivations can be used with a meaning close to object nominalizations (see
sect. 15.4.1): e-pitfi 'food' (thing to eat), nu-wenifa-pitfi 'my purchases, things I
buy/bought', nu-wende-pitfi 'what I sell/sold'. -BuJe derivations can be used
with a meaning close to locative or instrumental nominalizations, e.g., nu-
kuJua-buJe 'glass, mug' (the thing for me to drink with); e-buJe 'plate' (the
thing to eat from/on); miwata-buJe 'companion to play with' (the one to play
with), nu-tawita-na-buJe (Isg-cover-REFL-OBL.FOC) 'blanket, the thing for
me to cover myself with'; nu-yubuta-buJe 'grinder'; futfi-buJe ka:ka (big-
OBL.FOC bread) 'yeast; the thing with the help of which bread becomes big'.
18.5.3.1. Object focus. Object focus is used when the object (O) is in the
(contrastive) focus. The suffix -pitfi is a suffix, because it does not undergo the
attraction to the negative proclitic ya-. The focused constituent is placed before
the predicate marked with -pitfi. The predicate retains its transitivity, and the A
constituent is still cross-referenced on it. Object focus -pitfi shares with passive
its main discourse function, namely, that it involves focusing of O. The object
focus derivation does not qualify as a passive.
Passive as a valency reducing derivation involves the following processes (as
suggested in Dixon 1994):
(a) the underlying O becomes S of a derived intransitive verb;
(b) A becomes a peripheral constituent and can be omitted;
(c) passive is explicitly marked on the verb.
Unlike passive, if the object focus is applied, the verb does not become
intransitive, since it still has an O, and the A constituent is still cross-referenced
on the verb, as illustrated in (677)-(678).
(677) wa-hä kawyu-Ji kawyu-ji ni-yue-he

then-PAUS smoked-NOM smoked-NOM 3pl-to-PAUS
ne-pitj"i ne-pitj"i
3pl + eat-OBJ.FOC 3pl + eat-OBJ.FOC
'They have smoked meat (and not anything else), to be eaten by them.'
(678) eya-ha pa-pana-pitfi

DEM-PAUS IMP-plant-OBJ.FOC
'This one (seed) is to plant.'
(679) aliwa-mia-ni wa-hä kunehu Ja ma-hä

dawn-PERF-3pl then-PAUS rabbit go make-PAUS
376 Aikhenvald
kafe ni-kulua-pitji wa ni-ja-mia ni-kulua

coffee 3pl-drink-OBJ.FOC then 3pl-go-PERF 3pl-drink
They (a rabbit and a jaguar) woke up, then the rabbit went to make
coffee (not any other sort of food or drink), for them to drink (it), then
they went to drink (it).'
The object of the verb uJeta 'swallow' is a topic in (680), and so -pitfi
derivation is used:
(680) jutfi madaka mawaya nupa-mia-ha mawaya

big tide snake arrive-PERF-PAUS snake
yeleta-ha yu-yuwaba-ha ta-neyawa

arrive-PAUS 3sgf-towards-PAUS DEM:DIST-woman
uleta-pitj"i
swallow-OBJ.FOC
'The tide was big, the snake has come already, he arrived near her, this
very woman, that one to be swallowed by him. '
In (681), again, the parts of the body of the tapir to be eaten by the jaguar
are in focus, and so the -pitfi derivation is used on the verb:
(681) wa-hä wa: Ja-tji-wa yanita jajapali ema

then-PAUS then go-REP-NONACC take lungs tapir
payalu nenituana ema e:-pitj"i e

all heart/liver tapir eat-OBJ.FOC eat-OBJ.FOC
'Then he (jaguar) went again to take out the tapir's lungs, and all the
heart of the tapir, (the thing) to be eaten by him. '
The contrast between -paJu 'purposive' and -pitfi Object focus' can be illus-
trated by the following example taken from the story about a tapir and a jaguar.
In (682) -paJu is used for a general description. Then different parts of the
tapir's body become topics, as they become more individuated in the text, as
they are being consumed by the jaguar, and -pitfi is used in (683):
(682) wa-hä mutfita-mia-tsi ema neniwe

then-PAUS bite-PERF-REP tapir belly + LOG
kuluka-paJuhi kuluka-paluhi yanita -palu

make.hole-PURP + PAUS make.hole-PURP + PAUS take-PURP
Warekena 377
yanita-palu pane ema e-pitji

take-PURP liver tapir eat-OBJ.FOC
'Then the jaguar bit again on its belly to make a hole, to take tapir's
liver to be eaten by him.'
(683) wa kuluka-mia neni ema

then make.hole-PERF belly tapir
yanita-mia-ha pane ema e-pitj"i

take-PERF-PAUS liver tapir eat-OBJ.FOC
Then he made a hole in the tapir's belly to take tapir's liver (and not
anything else) to eat.'
-paJu, and not -pitft is used when the action, and not the object, is in focus,
as in (684) and (685):
(684) yaliwa nu-Ja epuna-wa kunehu

now lsg-go road-PERL rabbit
ate datfi nu-pie-he nu-yutfia-palu

until where Isg-find-PAUS Isg-kill-PURP
' "Now I shall go on the rabbit's trail, until where I find him, in order
to kill him" (said the jaguar).'
(685) pi-wepa-na niwaba nu-tfita-paJu pi-yue-he

2sg-throw-lsg high + DIR Isg-fatten-PURP 2sg-for-PAUS
pe-palu-na
2sg + eat-PURP-lsg
' "Throw me up high, so that I get fat, so that you can eat me," (said the
monkey to the jaguar).'
Another important property of the object focus derivation is that when it

applies on the verb, clause combining can only function in terms of an A = S
pivot, as can be seen in (679), (680), (682) and (686) below (see sect. 3 on
mixed pivot in Warekena).
(686) wa-hä Jia-wa nepi Jiani-pe

then-PAUS live-NONACC with child-PL
ya-mia yue-pia-ha nima-ha e-pitj"i

NEG-PERF for.him-NEG-PAUS 3pl + with-PAUS eat-OBJ.FOC
378 Aikhenvald
wa-Jia-wa sintu sinkwenta akayu

then-live-NONACC 100 50 year
'So he lived with his children, he had nothing to eat with them (Lit.: he
did not have the thing for eating with them), thus he lived 150 years.'
18.5.3.2 Oblique focus. Oblique focus is marked with the help of a suffix
-buJe (which is a suffix since it does not undergo attraction to the negative
proclitic ya-). The function of oblique focus is to mark an oblique (peripheral,
i.e., locative or instrumental) constituent as a topic. It cannot be considered a
passive, for the same reasons as the object focus. The following examples
illustrate -buJe marking a locative constituent in focus:
(687) eni mesa wa:-bule

DEM:PR table Ipl + eat-OBL.FOC
'This table is for us to eat on (in future).'
(688) puluna-li nalita-bule nu-bitsa-Je

hang-REL Isg+tie-OBL.FOC Isg-hammock-POSS
'This hanger is for me to tie my hammock on.'
(689) eya-ha banku Jia-bule wilubelu

DEM-PAUS bench sit-OBL.FOC child
'This bench is for the child to sit on.'
(690) ya-mia-ni-piepe wabupi ni-kulua-bule weni

NEG-PERF-3pl-fmd + NEG spring 3pl-drink-OBL.FOC water
'They did not find a spring from which to drink water.'
Focusing of an instrumental constituent marked with -buJe is illustrated with

the following:
(691) eni-M nu-Jeyuka-bule nu-tfipana

DEM:PR-PAUS Isg-brush-OBL.FOC Isg-hair
This is the thing with which I brush my hair (i.e., my hairbrush).'
(692) wa-hä kunehu ja-mia teluka atapi atapi-tui-pe

then-PAUS rabbit go-PERF cut tree tree-DIM-PL
ipeta-bule waj! wa Ja teluka teluka atapi-nawi

beat-OBL.FOC jaguar then go cut cut tree-PL
Warekena 379
atapi-tui-pe ipeta-bule waji

tree-DIM-PL beat-OBL.FOC jaguar
'Then the rabbit went to cut the trees, the small trees, to beat the jaguar
with, then he went and cut and cut the trees, the small trees to beat the
jaguar with.'
-buJe can be used with time words:
(693) eni-M kafe yajia-bule

DEM.PR-PAUS coffee yesterday-OBL.FOC
'This coffee is yesterday's.'
(694) eni-hl kafe yawa-pe-li-bule

DEM.PR-PAUS coffee early-NOM-REL-OBL.FOC
'This coffee is this morning's.'
(695) nu-tsaya-ne benamitfi-bule

Isg-skirt-POSS old.times-OBL.FOC
'This skirt is old (the one which belongs to old times).'
The difference between -paJu 'purposive' and -buJe can be illustrated with
the help of the following 'minimal pair'. As Humberto explained, (696) means
that I am going to eat nothing but pure manioc flour; (697) means that I am
going to eat something else with manioc flour:
(696) pi-api nu-yue matsuka na-palu

2sg-bring Isg-for manioc.flour Isg + eat-PURP
'Bring me manioc flour to eat.'
(697) pi-api nu-yue matsuka na-bule

2sg-bring Isg-for manioc.flour Isg + eat-OBL.FOC
'Bring me manioc flour to eat (with something else).'
The use of -paJu or -buJe seems to be dependent on the focus of empathy of

the speaker. This can be illustrated with (698) and (699). (698) comes from the
text about a jaguar and a rabbit. The thirsty jaguar was looking for water, and
he finally found a lake. The focus of empathy is on the process of quenching
his thirst, and -paJu is used.
(698) wa peya laguna nu-kuiua-palu weni

here one lake Isg-drink-PURP water
'Here is a lake for me to drink water.'
380 Aikhenvald
(699) comes from a conversation. I put a cup in front of Humberto's plate,

and (699) was a commentary on the cup I brought.
(699) eya-ha matu-Je nu-kulua-bule weni

DEM-PAUS cup-POSS Ipl-drink-OBL.FOC water
'This is the cup for me to drink water from.'
Similarly to -pitfi Object focus', -buJe does not qualify as passive because
the verb does not become intransitive, and the A constituent is cross-referenced
on it. Similarly to the -pitfi derivation, the -buJe derivation can be only used in
the case of S/A pivot.
18.5.4 A comparative note on voice and valency-changing derivations in

Warekena. The morphological causative -ta and the reflexive -na have a Proto-
Arawak origin (see also Wise 1991; Payne 1991: 379). A morphological causa-
tive in -ta is attested in all the Northern Maipuran languages of the region
(Tariana, Baniwa -i-ta, Bare -sa 'causative'). There is a possible correspon-
dence to the category of focus in Baniwa and Tariana, namely, the topic advanc-
ing derivation -ni. Unlike -pitfi and -buJe derivations in Warekena, -ni
derivation in Tariana and Baniwa marks the 'advancement' to topic of any
topical non-A/S constituent. It does not qualify as a passive, since the verb does
not lose its transitivity, -pitfi and -buJe derivations in Warekena and the -ni
derivation in Tariana and Baniwa function as nominalizers and form a noun
modifier which often does not have a head noun. Also, -ni derivation in Baniwa
and Tariana does not influence the pivot restrictions, since these languages have
none.
18.6 Other verbal categories
18.6.1 Relative forms. Clitic -Ji marks the relative verb forms. The use of -Ji
as an adjectivizer (see sects. 15.3.1; 19) can be considered an extension of the
same morpheme used as a relative form marker. The difference between -Ji
'adjectivizer' and -Ji 'relative form marker' is that the former behaves more
like a suffix, and the latter is a clitic.
-Ji is used in the following three main functions:
(i) In cleft construction characterized by (1) left dislocation of the subject; (2)
-Ji marking on the verb; and (3) suppression of A/Sa cross-referencing prefixes
on the verb. The cleft construction is discussed in sect. 9.4; see example (438).
(ii) In interrogative clauses (discussed in sect. 10) (152—154).
(iii) In coreferential relative clauses (see sect. 14.3.1):
(700) eni-hl Jesu Kritu wayata

DEM.PR-PAUS Jesus Christ speak
Warekena 381
ni-yue-he atseta-li ima

3pl-for-PAUS teach-REL with
'Jesus Christ spoke to them, those whom he taught himself
(iv) In converbal subordinate clauses, where the subject of the -Ji form may
coincide with that of the main clause (see sect. 14.3.2):
(701) neda pi-yujana pi-wayata-li

lsg + perceive 2sg-voice 2sg-speak-REL
º can hear your voice, while you are speaking.'
In the cases (ii) and (iv) -Ji does not trigger suppression of cross-referencing
markers.
If -Ji is marked on only one of the contiguous predicates, they may or may
not constitute a serial construction (see sect. 18.8.1 on serial constructions).
(702) is not a serial construction, since the two contiguous predicates, weya-Ji-
hl (want-REL-PAUS) 'who wanted' and atseta-ni (teach-3pl) 'he taught them'
have different subjects. A long pause after \veya-Ji-hi also indicates that this is
not a serial construction. (703) (a converbal clause) is a serial verb construction.
-Ji goes on the auxiliary-like component of the construction; in (703) it is the
modal verb weya 'want'.
(702) eni namali-nawi weya-Ji-M, atseta-ni atseta-ni

DEM.PR people-PL want-REL-PAUS teach-3pl teach-3pl
waya-ne iJuami payalu namali-nawi weya-Ji-hi

say-POSS father all people-PL want-REL-PAUS
The people who wanted (to be taught), he taught them, he taught them
the word of Father, all the people wanting (it).'
(703) yaliwa nu-weya nu-katsa-ha yuma pi-tani

now Isg-want Isg-marry-PAUS 3sgf+with 2sg-child
nu-yuljia-mia-ha yufiwa mawaya i-weya-li

Isg-kill-PERF-PAUS 3sgf+from snake 3sgnf-want-REL
uleta-yu
swallow-3sgf
'Now I want to marry your daughter, I killed a snake from her, when
this one wanted to swallow her.'
In a serial construction, -Ji can optionally go on each component of the

construction, if special emphasis is required. In (704), which is an example of
serial verb construction in a converbal clause, atseta 'teach' is emphasized.
382 Aikhenvald
(704) payalu ale atseta-ni ni-nawalewe-he eni Jesu Kritu

all so teach-3pl 3pl-village +LOG-PAUS DEM.PR Jesus Christ
Jupe namali-nawi atseta-li weya-li-hi

many people-PL teach-REL want-REL-PAUS
'Jesus Christ taught all in this way, many people, while he was wanting
to really teach many people.'
The clitic character of -Ji can be demonstrated by examples such as (705),

where -Ji undergoes attraction to the negative proclitic ya-, and (706), where a
pausal marker is inserted before -Ji:
(705) ni-we-he ni-we-he payalu

3pl-leave-PAUS 3pl-leave-PAUS all
iji ya-li-hi anetua-pia-ha

that NEG-REL-PAUS good-NEG-PAUS
'They (evangelicals) left, they left all which is not good.'
(706) ja-wa nupa-ha-li atapi jutji-li

go-NONACC arrive-PAUS-REL tree big-ADJ
'He (the rabbit) went arriving at a big tree.'
-Ji precedes aspectual -wa 'non-accomplished' and follows -mia 'perfective',

both when used in relative clauses (707) and in converbal clauses (708).
(707) ni-ja ni-wenita Jutfi deka-Ji JutJ"i

3pl-go 3pl-buy much have-NOM much
deka-Ji payalu ni-wenita-li-wa-ha

have-NOM all 3pl-buy-REL-NONACC-PAUS
'They went to buy many things, all the things, all that they are buying.'
(708) netehe ni-yanita ajitfi JutJ"i-li

3pl +burn + PAUS 3pl-take firewood big-ADJ
neta-palu ni-yalitua-mia-ha wiyua-mia-li

3pl + burn-PURP 3pl-brother-PERF-PAUS die-PERF-REL
'They burn him, they take much firewood, to burn their dead brother.'
-Ji is also used to mark nominalizations (see sect. 15.4), which can be used
as predicates in verbless clauses (709), (745). (745) is a case of a headless use
of a relative form.
Warekena 383
(709) tjiyu e:lu e:lu kuyatfiru ema:Ji

cara* sweet.potato sweet.potato cane abiu.fruit
wepi wa-pana-Ji
pupunha Ipl-plant-REL
'Carä, sweet potato, sugar cane, abiu, pupunha, this is what we plant
(lit.: our planting).'
18.6.2 Temporal subordinate forms. Temporal subordinate forms (see also

sect. 14.4) are marked by the clitic sequence -Ji-bena. There is a possibility of
inverting the order of morphemes: -Ji-bena and -bena-Ji both occur. The differ-
ence in meaning will be described below (717). -Ji-bena introduces a subordi-
nate clause with a temporal meaning, and it requires coreferentiality of the third
person singular subjects of the subordinate and the main clause. Converbal
clauses (see sect. 14.3.2) also often have a temporal meaning and do not require
coreferentiality of subjects.
(710) eda-Ji-bena-ha namali yutfia-ni yutfia Jupe namali

see-REL-when-PAUS people kill-3pl kill many people
'When he (the evil spirit) sees people, he kills them, he killed many
people.'
(711) ya ya-tse-pia-hä unita unita-Ji-bena-ha wüana

NEG NEG-know-NEG-PAUS swim swim-REL-when-PAUS drown
'He (the evil spirit) cannot swim, when he swims, he gets drowned.'
Coreferentiality of non-third person or non-singular subjects is not required

in temporal subordinate clauses:
(712) payalu yalanawi-nawi wa-hä ni-ma-Ji-bena konferencia

all white.man-PL then-PAUS 3pl-do-REL-when conference
wa-ma-Ji-bena konferencia ni-nupa-ha yame-wene

lpl-do-REL-when conference 3pl-come-PAUS far-EL
'Then when all the white people make a conference, when we make a
conference, they (white people) come from far away.'
(713) ni-ja-mia-Ji-bena namali ja-mia-wa

3pl-go-PERF-REL-when people go-PERF-NONACC
'When people have gone, he (evil spirit) has gone (as well).'
(714) pi-pi Jata-Ji-bena-ha bitsika-ta awi-Ji

2sg-spit-REL-when-PAUS go.out-CAUS pain-REL
'When you spit (on the snake bite), it makes the pain go away.'
384 Aikhenvald
-Ji-bena follows aspectual -mia 'perfective'. -Bena is used separately as a

time word 'when, this time* (715, 716). Possibly, it is related to the compound
bena-mitfi 'long time ago'.
(715) wa ni-wayata-hä ni-wayata-hä ni-ma-ha

then 3pl-speak-PAUS 3pl-speak-PAUS 3pl-say-PAUS
eni enami ya-Ji anetua-pia-ha ya-bena-ha

DEM.PR man NEG-REL good-NEG-PAUS NEG-when-PAUS
ya-wa-weya-piehe eni enami udjuba-Ju-li

NEG-lpl-want-NEG + PAUS DEM.PR man bad-EMPH-REL
'Then they spoke, they spoke, they said, "This man who is bad, not this
time, we don't want him, this man who is bad".'
(716) bena ijma si mufita-pi umeni pi-Juweta-ha minaji

when name if bite-2sg snake 2sg-spit-PAUS on
'When it happens (what's its name), if a snake bites you, spit on it (the
bite).'
A combination of -bena 'when' and -Ji' relative, cleft' in that sequence is

used in emphatic constructions. It has a different meaning from the sequence
-Ji-bena, though, etymologically, -bena-Ji may well go back to -bena 'tempo-
ral' + -Ji 'relative'. It is attested only in (717), (718).
(717) wa-wayata waji yaliwa-bena-Ji nu-yutfia-pi

then-speak jaguar now-when-REL lsg-kill-2sg
nu-yutjia-pi pi-yutfia nu-Jiani-pe yaliwa-bena-Ji nu-yutjia-pi

lsg-kill-2sg 2sg-kill lsg-child-PL now-when-REL lsg-kill-2sg
'Then the jaguar spoke, "It is now that I shall kill you, I shall kill you,
you killed my children, it is now that I shall kill you." '
(718) ma waji wayata yaliwa-bena-Ji nu-wiyua-ha

say jaguar speak now-when-REL Isg-die-PAUS
inapa-mia-wa mundu
fmish-PERF-NONACC world
'Then the jaguar spoke, "It is now that I will die, the world is coming
to an end." '
18.6.3 Degree forms. Warekena verbs have two degree forms: -ba augmenta-
tive and -ma 'delimitative, just'.
Warekena 385
The augmentative -ba- (also used with adverbs, see sect. 20) is used with all
types of predicates (except Si0). It is frequently used with the emphatic clitic
-Ju and perfective clitic -mia. It means 'very much, excessively' (719-722):
(719) yajia-ha nu-tapa-pa-ha

yesterday-PAUS Isg-walk-RED-PAUS
idy ele -ba -mia -lu -na

then + tired-AUG -PERF-EMPH-1 sg
'Yesterday I walked much, so I am very tired.'
(720) ni-tsima-h ni-tsima-h amu-ba-mia-lu ya:pa

3pl-sleep-PAUS 3pl-sleep-PAUS near-AUG-PERF-EMPH hill
'They slept, they slept, the hill is very near.'
(721) nu-kulua-ba-mia-lu
1 sg-drink-AUG -PERF-EMPH
º drank too much.'
Augmentative can combine with reduplication:
(722) nu-tapa-pa-ba-mia-Ju
Isg-walk-RED-AUG-PERF-EMPH
º walked excessively.'
-ba- can be used with negation, and then it means 'not much, not enough'.
Then it is followed by the emphatic clitic -Ju:
(723) ya-atulapi-ba-lu-pia-na
NEG-full-AUG-EMPH-NEG-1 sg
º am not too full (I can eat more).'
Another meaning of -ba is 'truly, really' (724), (725). In negative sentences, the
negation then goes between -ba and -Ju, and the meaning is 'not really' (726).
(724) yaliwa weneji Jeje-ba-mia-li-hi

now Xie dry-AUG-PERF-ADJ-PAUS
'Now the Xie river is very/really dry.'
(725) ube-ma-ba-mia-lu
all-DEL-AUG-PERF-EMPH
'It is really over.'
386 Aikhenvald
(726) ya-jele-ba-pia-lu nu-tfipana

NEG-black-AUG-NEG-EMPH Isg-hair
'My hair is not really black (it is brownish).'
The suffix -ma 'delimitative, just, the right quantity /quality' is not very
productive. It is used with several S0 verbs; e.g., (727), (728), (729), and once
with a transitive verb (730). Its etymological counterpart, Tariana -ma, has the
meaning 'excessive degree'. In (730) and (728) -ma is used together with the
augmentative -ba and emphatic -Ju; the last position in (730) is occupied by the
3pl O = S0 pronominal clitic.
(727) jibu-ma-mia
night-DEL-PERF
'It was already just dark (enough for people to go to sleep).'
(728) wa-tsima-ha ale-ma-ba-lu-ta

Ipl-sleep-PAUS so-DEL-AUG-EMPH-DEM.DIST
'We slept just totally like that (i.e., without any food).'
Compare also aJe 'be this way' and aJe-ma 'just this way'; (cf. aJe-ma-Ju-ta
'just like this').
(729) kafe kelu-ma-li

coffee sweet-DEL-ADJ
'coffee which is sweet enough'
(730) kune-ta-ta-ma-ba-lu-ni
fear-CAUS-RED-DEL-AUG-EMPH-3pl
'He (the evil spirit) frightens them (people) a lot (but does not kill
them).'
18.7 Incorporation. Warekena, similarly to other Northern Maipuran lan-

guages, has no verb incorporation. On nominal compounding see sect. 15.4.
18.8 Serial verb constructions
18.8.1 Functions and structure of serial verb constructions. Warekena has

serial verb constructions similar to the majority of the indigenous languages spoken
in the Upper Rio Negro basin, including other Maipuran languages: Tariana,
Baniwa, Bare; and Tucanoan, and Maku. This is an areal feature of this region.
Serial verb constructions in Warekena usually consist of two components, one
of which is a motion verb, a stance verb, a phase verb or a modal verb, each of
which can be compared to an auxiliary (see sect. 18.8.2). Such a verb usually
occupies the first position in a serial verb construction. The inverse order is also
Warekena 387
possible, if the action of the second verb has to be emphasized (704). The negation
marking occurs with the first component of the construction. Both components
receive the same subject marking. The components of a serial verb construction do
not have to share arguments other than subject. A serial construction contains more
than one phonological word, and each of them can appear with the pausal form
marker. There are no restrictions on using pausal forms for each of the components
of a serial verb construction (731, 733). The second component of a construction
can usually be repeated, but not the first (750).
Serial verb constructions have the following properties which show that they
are not a sequence of predicates, but a single predicate. These properties help
to differentiate between serial verb constructions and sequences of predicates
(including repetition), syntactic causatives and complement clauses,
(i) Serial verb constructions are used to describe a single overall event,
(ii) The components of a serial verb construction are contiguous and no other
constituent can intervene between them.
(iii) The components of a serial verb construction share the same subject which
is obligatorily cross-referenced on all of them.
(iv) The components of a serial verb construction share some of the aspectual
marking and they cannot have distinct aspectual marking.
Aspectual markers in Warekena provide an interesting argument in favour of
distinguishing between nuclear and core serialization (see Foley and Olson
1985). Clitics -mia 'perfective', -yaJu 'yet', -pafia 'future' belong to core layer
serialization, since they cannot be used independently to characterize the prop-
erties of different components of serial constructions. Clitics -yaJu 'yet' (543)
and -mia 'perfective' (731) usually go on the first component of a serial verb
construction. -Pafia 'future' goes on the second component of a serial verb
construction (501).
(731) ninapa-mia-ha ni-bujuka-ha

3pl + finish-PERF-PAUS 3pl-cut-PAUS
'They finished cutting (wood).'
-Wa 'non-accomplished action' and -//Ú 'repetitive' belong to nuclear layer

serialization, since these markers can be used independently to characterize the
properties of different components of serial constructions. As shown in sect.
18.2.2, -\va can occur with either component of a serial verb construction, but
never with both. In each case, -wa characterizes the meaning of the verb it
occurs with (521, 526-528).
In serial verb constructions of a modal type, the positioning of -wa apparently
depends on the focusing of the inchoative or continuative character of the action
marked with -wa. This can be illustrated by the following pair of examples.
(732) comes from the story about the life of the village. This part of the
narrative is focused upon the poverty of Indian life in the village, and on how
they cannot buy what they need. The clitic -wa goes on 'buy', which is focused:
388 Aikhenvald
(732) ya-mia wa-be-pia wa-wenita-wa

NEG-PERF Ipl-can-NEG Ipl-buy-NONACC
'We cannot buy anything any more.'
(733) comes from the story about Humberto's family, and this part of the
narrative is focused upon how the old woman, his wife, is unable to do anything
(work, grate manioc, etc.) because of her old age:
(733) ya-yu-be-pia-wa yu-patata-ha

NEG-3sgf-can-NEG-NONACC 3sgf-work-PAUS
etyawa-mia-yu
old + FEM-PERF-3sgf
'She cannot work, she is old.'
(553), (556) show that -tß 'repetitive' can occur with either component of a
serial verb construction, depending on whether it refers to the repetitive char-
acter of the action expressed by the first verb (553) or the second verb (556) .
(v) The components of a serial verb construction have a single negation, whose
scope covers the whole serial construction (734, 735), and they can have only
one marker for purposive mood (595, 596, 736).
(734) ya-wa-ja-pia wa-pala

NEG-lpl-go-NEG Ipl-run
'We will not run (now).'
(735) ya-pi-be-pia pida-yu

NEG-2sg-can-NEG 2sg + see-3sgf
'You cannot see her.'
-PaJu 'purposive' usually goes on the first component of a serial verb con-
struction (in italics in (736)):
(736) wa-nuta-ni ni-fa-paJu ni-yamula-wa

then-call-3pl 3pl-go-PURP 3pl-hunt-NONACC
ni-yutfia-palu wa-yue-he kueji

3pl-kill-PURP Ipl-for-PAUS game
'He called them to go to hunt, to kill game for us.'
(vi) There is no clause boundary (marked with a presentative wa) between the
components of a serial verb construction.
Warekena 389
The following pair of examples illustrates the difference, both formal and
semantic, between a serial verb construction (737) and coordinated clauses
marked with the help of the presentative wa 'then' (738).
(737) wa-Ja wa-ma wapuna

lpl-go Ipl-make Ipl+road
'Let's make our road.'
(738) wa-Ja wa wa-ma wapuna

lpl-go then Ipl-make Ipl+road
'We shall go (somewhere) (and) make our road.'
(vii) The serial verb construction has the intonation pattern of a monoverbal
group. A specific 'enumerative' rising intonation is prohibited in serial verb
constructions. In (528), rising intonation on nu-fa º went' shows that this verb
cannot be a part of a serial verb construction. This intonation is not found on
nu-weya-ha º wanted' which forms a part of a serial verb construction (528).
In (739) -fa and -yutfia form a serial construction, but kawyu-ta does not,
since it is separated from the serial construction by a constituent.
(739) wa-Ja wa-yutjla kueji wa-kawyu-ta-palu wa-dule-wa

lpl-go Ipl-kill game 1 pi-smoke-C AUS-PURP Ipl-stock-PERL
'Let's kill game, to smoke (it) for our stock.'
The following sentence does not satisfy the conditions (v) (scope of negation)
and (vii) (phonology), and so it is not a serial verb construction; it contains the
repetition of the same predicate and cannot be interpreted as a serial verb
construction.
(740) wa kunehu we-miehe

then rabbit leave-PERF + PAUS
we-miehe ya-mia-ipeta-piehe
leave-PERF + PAUS NEG-PERF-beat-NEC + PAUS
'Then the rabbit left him, left him, he did not beat him any more.'
(741) contains a final clause which cannot be interpreted as a serial verb

construction because it violates the same subject constraint:
(741) wa nuta-wi wa-ne:lima wa-yutj"ia-palu kuejl

then call-lpl Ipl-cousin Ipl-kill-PURP game
'Then our cousin called us to kill game.'
390 Aikhenvald
The following sentence is a sequence of clauses, and not a serial verb

construction, since both components receive an independent aspect marking by
-mia 'perfective':
(742) we-mia alita-mia waji

leave-PERF tie-PERF jaguar
'He (the rabbit) left him (the jaguar), he tied the jaguar.'
(743) is not a serial verb construction, because the two contiguous verbs
receive an independent aspect and mood marking.
(743) wa-ni-Jia-mia-wa ne-palu ni-tsumeni

then-3pl-sit-PERF-NONACC 3pl + eat-PURP 3pl-food
'Then they sat to eat their food.'
(595), (735) and (754) show that the object clitics go on the last component.
As was shown above in sect. 18.6, relative marker -Ji behaves slightly differ-
ently from other clitics, since it can optionally be used on both components of
a serial construction (704). Relative -Ji belongs to the core serialization, since
it characterizes the whole serial verb construction (703).
Serial verb constructions cannot be nominalized or undergo oblique or object
focusing (unlike Tariana, but similarly to Baniwa and Bare).
A serial verb construction may consist of two transitive verbs (754). It may
consist of one transitive and one intransitive Sa verb. If the first component
(e.g., a motion or stance verb) is intransitive, and the second one is transitive,
the whole construction is transitive:
(744) uwa-ha api-M matu-le

climb-PAUS take-PAUS cup-POSS
'He climbed with his cup (climb-take).'
(745) wa-Ja wa-dabana-ta wa-tjina-li

lpl-go Ipl-start-CAUS Ipl-tell-REL
'Let's start our story (go-start).'
If the first component (e.g., a phase verb or modal verb) is transitive and the
second component is intransitive, the whole construction is intransitive. The
whole construction has the transitivity of the second component.
(746) ninapa-mia ni-yeluta-wa

3pl + fmish-PERF 3pl-clear-NONACC
'They finished making a clearing.'
A serial verb construction may consist of two Sa verbs:

Warekena 391
(747) nu-Ja nu-tsima-h

lsg-go Isg-sleep-PAUS
º am going to sleep.'
A serial verb construction may consist of two S0 verbs (748) (in italics). In this
case, only the last one of the string has the S0 cross-referencing enclitic (749) (in
agreement with the general principles of cross-referencing, see sect. 18.4.2).
(748) ni-wapeta ni-ya:ma-te te pelu pelu futfi yama:tfi

3pl-arrange 3pl-game-POSS until full full big bag
'Then they arranged the game until it is full, a bag is big and full.'
(749) ila-Jyawa paji-na

red-ADJ + FEM shame-lsg
º became red with shame' (lit.: red-ashamed)
Serial constructions which consist of Sa and S0 verbs are extremely rare. One
example is in the sequence yutfi-Ji paJa-ha (strong-REL run-PAUS) '(who) is
stronger in running'.
Serial verb constructions cannot contain an Sj0 verb.
Serial verb constructions in Warekena are used to express the following
meanings: aspectual, modal, sequential, and cause-effect and oblique case-like
meaning.
• Aspectual:
(i) The motion verb fa 'go' has intentional-future meaning 'going to' (750) (the
serial verb construction is in italics).
(750) nuya-ha epi eni-hi peya wa-yalitua wa-fa

I-PAUS with DEM.PR-PAUS one Ipl-brother lpl-go
wa-tana-ha wa-tana-h wa-du:Je wa-bujuka-palu

Ipl-treat-PAUS Ipl-treat-PAUS Ipl-stock Ipl-take-PURP
wa-yanita-palu tfiapi wa-kawyu-ta-palu

Ipl-take-PURP insides Ipl-smoke-CAUS-PURP
º with this one of my brothers (we) were going to treat the catch, to
split (it), to take the insides, to smoke (it).'
(ii) Serial verb constructions with fa 'go' in Ipl form can have a cohortative
meaning (see sect. 11):
392 Aikhenvald
(751) wa-Ja weda-h epuna-wa weluami

lpl-go 1 pi + perceive-PAUS road-PERL 1 pi + father
* "Let's go and look for our father" (said the abandoned boy).'
Serial constructions formed with other motion verbs have an intentional

meaning, e.g., nupa 'come' in (752):
(752) ya-mia-nupa-pia-ha kulua weni

NEG-PERF-come-NEG-PAUS drink water
'He does not come to drink water there.'
(iii) Serial verb constructions with the stance verb fia 'stay, sit, live' have the
meaning 'prolonged action':
(753) wa ni-jia-mia-wa ne-he ne-mia

then 3pl-sit-PERF-NONACC 3pl + eat-PAUS 3pl + eat-PERF
ni-tsumeni wa yajapua-mia-ha
3pl-food then night-PERF-PAUS
Then they were eating their food, they ate (it), it was night.'
(iv) Serial verb constructions with the phase verb for 'start' have inchoative
meaning (745), and those with the verb for 'finish' have perfective meaning and
refer to a completed action (754).
(754) yaliwa pinapa-mia pe-ni pi-Jiani-pe

now 2sg +finish-PERF 2sg + eat-3pl 2sg-child-PL
' "Now you have completely finished eating them, these children of
yours," (said the rabbit to the jaguar).'
• Modal:
(i) These include the verb weya 'want' and other verbs expressing desire, wish,
or liking:
(755) nu-beni nu-tama-ha

Isg-like Isg-dance-PAUS
º like to dance.'
(756) nu-weya nu-kulua weni

Isg-want Isg-drink water
º want to drink water.'
Warekena 393
(757) nu-weya natseta-ni payalu namali-nawi

Isg-want lsg + teach-3pl all people-PL
º want to teach all the people.'
(ii) Other verbs with modal meanings used in serial constructions are be 'can,
be able' (735), ise 'know, can':
(758) ya-tse-pia-ha uwa-ha

NEG-know-NEG-PAUS climb-PAUS
'He cannot climb.'
• Simultaneous:
(759) guwacfeata le
cheat read
'He (rabbit) pretended to read (a piece of paper).'
• Cause-effect:
(760) wiyua-mia-ha mawali

die-PERF-PAUS hungry
'He died of hunger.'
Serial verb constructions which contain two S0 verbs belong to this type
(748, 749).
Oblique case-like meaning, which is rather rare (744).
18.8.2 Semantic depletion of serial verb constructions: from serial verbs to

auxiliaries. Serial verb constructions in Warekena are undergoing semantic
depletion in the following sense. There is a rather limited number of verbs
which can be used as the first components, and these first components tend at
least partly to lose their lexical meaning. Thus, fa 'go' when used in serial verb
constructions is closer to an auxiliary, and not a motion verb; the same can be
said about inapa 'finish' which is used in serial verb constructions as something
similar to a perfective aspect marker. The verb eda 'see/hear, perceive' is not
used in serial verb constructions. However, it is used as an auxiliary verb in the
following two cases,
(i) In negative commands (see sect. 12.6).
Note that the structure of the negative command in Warekena satisfies the
conditions for serial verb constructions, namely: (a) the same subject constraint;
(b) the intonation of a monoverbal group; and (c) the same aspect marking. It
differs from serial constructions in the way negation is marked. Both compo-
nents have the same negation, but it is marked on either the last component, or
394 Aikhenvald
on the whole construction, e.g., non-emphatic negative command in (761) and

an emphatic one in (762). The special use of eda in negative commands is
comparable to the use of the same verb with the impersonal cross-referencing
prefix as a kind of negative existential (see sect. 12.3).
(761) pida pi-kuiua-pia

2sg +perceive 2sg-drink-NEG
'Don't drink (it).'
(762) ya-pida pe-pia-na

NEG-2sg +perceive 2sg + eat-NEG-lsg
'Do not eat me!'
(ii) In the verb of fearing. The verb of fearing consists of an S0 verb if it means
'be afraid' as a permanent state (without actually having to see the object one
is afraid of):
(763) balide tfipana akune-na

long hair fear-lsg
'His (evil spirit's) hair is long. I am afraid of him.'
The verb of fearing which consists of akune 'afraid' and eda 'perceive'
means 'be frightened, fear something which is there as a real danger':
(764) ya-mia-nupa-pia-ha kulua weni

NEG-PERF-come-NEG-PAUS drink water
akune eda waji akune eda waji

fear perceive jaguar fear perceive jaguar
'He (the rabbit) did not come to drink water (to the lake where the
jaguar was waiting for him), he feared the jaguar (lit.: afraid-perceive).'
(765) ni-mita-wa ijiwa waji akune nida waji

3pl-fly-NONACC from jaguar afraid 3pl + see jaguar
'They (the vultures) flew away from the jaguar, they are afraid of the
jaguar.'
The verb of fearing is similar to a serial verb construction, since the same
subject constraint is fulfilled, and no other constituent can go between the two
components. It is negated similarly to a serial verb construction (766). It is differ-
ent from a serial verb construction in that the auxiliary-like verb follows the main
verb. Akune does not take the subject person-markers, which appears to be always
the case in serial constructions with an S0 verb in the first position (749).
Warekena 395
(766) ya-akune-pia neda waji

NEG-fear-NEG lsg+perceive jaguar
º am not afraid of a jaguar.'
In both cases, eda behaves similarly to an auxiliary (see Lord 1993 on

semantic depletion of serial verb constructions).
Another sign of syntactic reduction and semantic depletion of serial verb
constructions is the way of creating adverbial phrases. Many adverbs coincide
with verbal roots (mainly S0 verbs) and, possibly, go back to serial verb con-
structions of sequential type (767).
(767) Ja-wa uyuba-lu

go-NONACC slow-EMPH
'He went very slowly.'
Sometimes, it is difficult to distinguish between a serial verb construction

consisting of two S0 verbs and a verb plus adverb sequence:
(768) dabana-wa e: pane ema

be.first-NONACC eat liver tapir
'He first ate the tapir's liver.'
(769) atulapi jutfi waji

be.full be.big jaguar
The jaguar was very full' or 'The jaguar was big/fat and full.'
The link between serial verb constructions with an So verb, and adverbial
phrases can be illustrated by (770). The clitic pronoun -na 'Isg Ï or S0' occurs
on yutfi 'strong', the way it behaves in serial verb constructions, and the aspect
marker occurs on the verb. Yutfi is an adverb.
(770) wa wayata puatfi pi-Jinua-mia yutfi-na-ha niwaba

then speak monkey 2sg-throw-PERF strong-lsg-PAUS high + DIR
Then the monkey spoke, "Throw me strong into the sky".'
The independent status of adverbial phrases, even if they go back to depleted

serial verb constructions, is illustrated by more freedom of constituent order. In
serial verb constructions, phase verbs cannot follow the other component of the
construction, which they can do when used adverbially (771; also see sect. 20):
(771) pe-yalu dabana-wa

2sg + eat-YET be.first-PERL/NONACC
'Eat your food yet first.'
396 Aikhenvald
Adjectives as modifiers are discussed in sect. 15.3.1. Derived adjectives

constitute an open class, and are regularly derived from S0 verbs with the
adjectivizer -Ji. A list of roots used with the main adjectival meanings is given
in sect. 18.4.1(v).
Adverbs are an open class of items whose primary function is verbal modifier.
Adverbs do not modify adjectives. They have no inflectional categories of their
own. There are two types of adverbs in Warekena:
(i) primary adverbs which constitute a smallish closed class.
These are, mainly, time and mode words. They are: umina 'a long time',
yaJiwa 'now', benamitfi 'long time ago', bena 'the day before yesterday', benata
'the day after tomorrow', yafia 'yesterday', tsutne 'almost', ubema Only', ma-
isena 'in vain', isina 'again,' and demonstrative adverbs discussed in sect. 16.4:
\vani 'here', wata 'there', and corresponding directional and elative forms. They
can occupy any position in the clause (61, 225, 772—775).
(772) benamitjl wa-patata amani siringa

long-time Ipl-work sap rubber
long time ago we worked on sap and rubber.'
(773) wa-ni-Jia-wa umi:na yu-ta ne-pitji

then-3pl-stay-NONACC long.time 3sgf-give 3pl + eat-OBJ.FOC
'Then they stayed for a long time, she gave food.'
(774) wala-mia-hä weni umina-lu wa-hä

boil-PERF-PAUS water long.time-EMPH then-PAUS
i-paka-mia-wa yu-tjiabu
3sgnf-split-PERF-NONACC 3sgf-belly
'The water boiled a long time, then her belly split.'
(775) yaliwa ube-ma-Ju nu-tjma

now all-DEL-EMPH Isg-tell
'Now I have told all.'
(ii) secondary adverbs, which are S0 verbs used in an adverbial function without
any special marking. Adverbs can be used as modifiers to verbs of all types.
They usually immediately precede or follow the predicate, and there is a
tendency that no other constituent should intervene between a predicate and its
Warekena 397
modifier. All adverbs often combine with -In- 'emphatic', -ba- 'augmentative'
and -ma- 'delimitative' (728, 775, 785). Semantically, these adverbs are
basically of mode type. They include one time word: yawaya 'early, tomorrow'.
(776) yawaya pi-katsa epi

tomorrow 2sg-marry with.him
'Tomorrow you will marry him.'
(777) ale-he yu-ma 'yue-he eya enami

so-PAUS 3sgf-say to-PAUS DEM man
'Thus she spoke to the man.'
(778) wa-patata payalu Jupe wa-patata

Ipl-work all much Ipl-work
'We all work much.'
(779) atiuapi-M atulapi Jutfi waji

be.full-PAUS be.full be.big jaguar
'The jaguar was full, very full.'
(780) e-he mitfi ema jutfi e-he

eat-PAUS meat tapir big eat-PAUS
'He ate tapir's meat, much he ate.'
(781) wa-hä wa-paJaka-ha jutfi-lu Jutfi-lu wa-Jitu

then-PAUS Ipl-garden-PAUS big-EMPH big-EMPH Ipl-fell
'Then we gardened very much, we felled (trees) very much.'
(782) wa: ni-tjita-mia-ha Jutfi-lu

then 3pl-fat-PERF-PAUS big-EMPH
'Then they became very fat (Lit.: They fattened much).'
Some verbal clitics can occasionally be used as adverbs; e.g., pafia 'future':
(783) pajia nu-kanita

PUT 1 sg-sing
shall sing.'
(784) wa-yuleta-mia-wa yawaya pajia-wa

Isg-return-PERF-NONACC tomorrow FUT-NONACC
'We shall be returning tomorrow.'
(785) ni-ja-wa ale-ma-ba-mia-lu-ta

3pl-go-NONACC so-DEL-AUG-PERF-EMPH-DEM:DIST
398 Aikhenvald
They went just like that.'
Adjectives with an adjectivizer -Ji can sometimes be used in an adverbial

function (786); however, these rare cases can as well be understood as headless
adjectives:
(786) yubua pajiwa-li

dig deep-REL
(the rabbit) was digging deep' (the ground).
(787) wa-hä ma-hä waliya alita-ha tepa-Ji

then-PAUS do-PAUS smoking.grid tie-PAUS tight-ADJ
'Then he (the elder brother) made a smoking grid, he tied it tight/(as a)
tight (one).'
Adverbs have a few specific derivational affixes, none of them productive,

e.g., -pe in yawaya-pe 'early', fibuna-pe 'at night' (apparently, the only adverb
derived from a noun). Possibly, -bune 'causal' is another adverbial suffix; e.g.,
epaJu-bune 'this is why' (617). Secondary adverbs can be derived from seman-
tically depleted serial verb constructions (see sect. 18.8.2).
Particles
21 Particles and Conjunctions
Warekena has three particles: wa 'presentative' (also used for coordination and
pivot changing; discussed in sect. 9), ai 'then' (405; a loan from Portuguese)
and a rarely used idi 'then' (it may be a loan word from Bare where it is very
frequent), e.g., (788), where idi also changes pivot, similarly to wa.
(788) wa kunehu Ja yanta-hä Ja yanta-hä wi:Ji

then rabbit go take-PAUS go take-PAUS tucumä
wi:Ji e-palu idi-yeleta-ha yapewe anetua

tucumä eat-PURP then-come-PAUS flat.stone + LOG good
yapa yapewe
flat, stone flat, stone + LOG
Warekena 399
'Then the rabbit went to take tucum to eat, then he arrived on a flat
stone, the flat stone was a good one, on a stone.'
Negative proclitic ya- can be considered a particle. Warekena has a few conjunc-
tions: coordinating e 'and' (Portuguese loan), subordinating ate, te 'until' (Portu-
guese loan), \vaJi 'where'. Si 'úÃ (Portuguese loan) is used occasionally (716).
Phonology
22 Phonology
22.1 Segmental phonology
22.1.1 Consonants. Consonantal phonemes in Warekena are given in Table 4

below.
Table 4. Consonants in Warekena
labial dental alveolar alveo-palatal palatal velar glottal
stop p t k
voiceless
stop b d (g)
voiced
fricative J h
affricate ts tj"
voiceless
affricate (ö)
voiced
nasal m n Þ
lateral l
flap
glide w y
p, t and k are voiceless unaspirated stops. Unlike Bare and Baniwa of Iijana,
Warekena does not have aspirated stops. These stops do not have any restrictions
as to their occurrence. Examples: pi-tfipana 'your hair', paJatana 'banana', tapa
400 Aikhenvald
'walk', pata 'work', kuJua 'drink', deka 'have', akune 'fear.' p can be optionally
realized as b in the word-initial position, if followed by a voiced consonant in the
second syllable, e.g., pa-buya or ba-buya One (period of time)', peda or beda
(pa-eda: IMP-perceive) 'it is seen'12.
b, d and g are voiced unaspirated stops, b and d occur in any position; both
are rather rare (as is the case with b in the majority of Northern Maipuran
languages); e.g., biyuJi 'evil spirit', be 'can', baJede 'long', benefi 'nothing',
bafaka 'tear'; yubua 'dig', yamadu 'evil spirit', duwUi 'crocodile', eda 'per-
ceive', g is a rare phoneme attested in a few words in the word-initial position:
ganu 'left-hand side', guwe 'bark' (ideophone?), guwadjata 'cheat', guJawa
'guava', guwifa 'peel' and in one word in an intervocalic position: anagudua
'dirty'. The existence of g is very unusual for a Northern Maipuran language.
Alveopalatal fricative / is attested in every environment and is frequent. It
can have an alveolar fricative s as a free variant. Examples: ifina 'name', fupe
'many', yafapua 'night', ifi 'what', fa 'go'.
Glottal fricative h has a very limited occurrence. It occurs exclusively in
pausal forms (see sect. 22.4.5) and triggers vowel nasalization, translaryngeal
vowel harmony, and other vowel changes; e.g., nuya-hä T, ibu-hu 'his head'.
It also occurs in loan words from Spanish: kunehu 'rabbit' (which has a variant
kune), naräha Orange'.
Voiceless affricates is and tf occur rather frequently, e.g., yutfia 'kill', teJefi
'three', tawape-tfi 'jungle',petfi On', tse 'know', isapia 'jump', tsawifa 'shoot an
arrow', matse 'lest'. In loan words from Portuguese and Lingua Geral, s is
treated as is, e.g., Diutsu 'Deus, God', isemana 'week', tsuJudawa 'soldier',
kamitsa 'shirt', kaisa 'marry', isiJuJa 'trousers', matsuka 'manioc flour', is and $
are frequently confused in non-loan words before the stressed high front vowel
/-; e.g., isina, tfina 'tell'; yatfipe, yatsipe 'ground'; -$i, -tsi 'repetitive', tfinu, tsinu
'dog'; and before the vowel sequence ia in a non-word-initial position; e.g.,
yutfia, yutsia 'kill', pi-tfiapuJi, pi-isiapuJi 'your bottom' (this does not occur in
loan words: IsUuJa ,*tfiJuJa 'trousers', from Lingua Geral). This confusion does
not take place before ia in the word-initial position, e.g., tfiapi 'intestines',
tfiabutfi 'his stomach', tfiapuJi 'his bottom'.
/ and if, but not / and ts can co-occur within one root; e.g., futfi (never
pronounced as futsi) (sequence tf-f has not been attested). / and ts can occur
together in one phonological word, where / belongs to the root and ts/tf to the
clitic tfi/isi 'repetitive'; e.g., fa-mia-tfi-wa, fa-mia-tsi-wa 'he went again'. Two/
can co-occur in one root; e.g.,/e/e 'dry', and so can two tf: tfitfi 'stink', tfiabutfi
'stomach', tf and ts cannot co-occur in one root or even in one phonological
word. Two ts cannot co-occur in one root or one phonological word.
There is also some degree of variation between / and tf before the unstressed
high vowel / in the suffix -tfi; cf. ta\vape-tfi, tawape-fi 'jungle', petfi, pefi On'.
This variation between the three sibilants j", tj" and ts in Warekena may be
interpreted as a symptom of a language death situation, whereby the phonologi-
cal complexity of the language is being reduced.
Warekena 401
The voiced affricate d$ is a very rare phoneme, encountered only in seven

words: udjudernami 'ugly', udjubaJu 'slow', djibUi 'curved', adjeneJi 'high',
nu-d$uJpia-Je 'my vein', djewiJi 'naughty' and guwadjata 'cheat'. guwadjata is
occasionally pronounced as guwadata; udjubaJu is pronounced also as uyubaJu;
so probably d$ is just the result of some rare and irregular phonological process.
Warekena has three nasal phonemes: m, n and n. Non-palatal m and n are
very frequent, and there are no restrictions for their usage; e.g., numa 'mouth',
ma 'say, do', tama 'dance', panifl 'house'. Palatal n is rare, and it appears to be
only used in a root-initial position; e.g., namaJi 'people', nuta 'call', napi 'take,
bring' (the only exception is a loan-word from Spanish anu 'year'). The inchoa-
tive -nia can be realized as -na in rapid speech register.
Warekena has a frequently occurring lateral flap J, which never occurs word-
or root-initially; e.g., wiJubeJu 'child', tsuJema 'jiboia snake', kuJimaJu 'turtle',
yeJeta 'arrive', yuJeta 'lie down'. It can occur morpheme-initially; e.g., -Ji
'relativizer', -Je 'possessive', -Ji-bena 'temporal subordinate'. J can be realized
as a vibrant flap before e by some speakers; e.g., yereta 'arrive', teretfi 'three'.
Warekena has two glides: w and y, which can occur in any position; e.g.,
wayata 'speak', yaya 'weep', mawaya 'snake', yue 'to, for', yawaputa 'answer',
uwa 'jump'.
There are a number of loan phonemes which occasionally occur in loan
words: voiceless sibilant s: sinku 'five', esturia, isturia, istoria 'story'; voiced
sibilant z: ayuza 'help'; labiodental voiceless fricative /· flore 'flower', festa
'feast'; liquid /: playa 'beach', apostolu 'apostle'; vibrant r: arena 'sand', ku-
rupira 'evil spirit', makasera 'macaxeira (bitter manioc)'.
22.1.2 Vowels. Warekena has four oral vowels, with long counterparts shown
in Table 5.
Table 5. Vowels in Warekena
front central back

high i i: u u:
mid e e:
low a a:
Every vowel also has a nasal counterpart with a limited occurrence: nasal vowels
occur in pausal forms (see sect. 22.4.4) as the result of a nasalization triggered by h,
and in rapid registers as the result of a phonological process: vN > v.
Central vowels can be realized as ts in post-tonic position in pausal forms
(see sect. 22.4.5).
Examples of high front i: Uuami 'his father', ifiwa 'from him'. Examples of
i: ni:da 'they see/perceive', umi:na 'long time', abi:da 'pig'.
Examples of central e: etene Old man'; ale 'how', epaJu 'he'. Long e: yame:
'far', e:ma 'tapir', ne:da º see/perceive'. In rapid speech registers short i and
402 Aikhenvald
e are neutralized to å in words with more than two syllables in word final
post-tonic syllables, e.g., etens Old man', piiaJe 'your tongue\fabapaJe 'liver'.
This does not happen in disyllabic roots, e.g., pane 'liver', tsape 'leaF.
High back rounded u has an allophone o, frequent in rapid speech registers;
e.g., yofana or yufana 'voice, speech, word', nofumiawa or nufumyawa 'my
wife'. Its long counterpart does not have this allophone: u:Je:Ji 'sounding',
\vadu:Je Our catch', yupu:Ji 'her eye'. In pausal forms, word final u can
alternate with / (see sect. 22.4.4: (801, 802)). ï occasionally appears in loan
words, in stressed syllables; e.g., flore 'flower', ora 'hour', kopu 'glass' (but
anu 'year'). Istoria 'story' has a variant isturia.
Examples of central unrounded a: ale 'how', ma 'say, do', afi 'manioc', a can
be reduced to 3 in word-final post-tonic syllables: nutanipaJd 'my ear'. Exam-
ples of long a are: a:fi 'fire', a:tapi 'tree', ma:pa 'honey', ka:ka 'manioc bread'.
Two long vowels are rare in one phonological word; e.g., u:Je:Ji 'sounding'.
Vowel length has a low functional load, and there is a considerable degree of
variation in current speech. Long vowels are regularly shortened in phonological
phrases with a stress shift (see sect. 22.4.3); e.g., e:ma 'tapir', pane ema 'tapir's
liver', and when derivational affixes are added; e.g., a:fi 'fire', afi-tfi 'firewood'.
Presentative wa can be realized as \va: when not a clitic (see sect. 22.4). Long
vowels can be pronounced as short; e.g., e:ma, ema 'tapir', ne:pitfi, nepitfi 'food,
something to eat', a:fi, afi Tire', paya.Ju, payaJu 'all'. Vowel length can 'float'
within a phonological word, i.e., the originally long vowel is pronounced as a short
one, and another vowel becomes long: yame:, ya:me 'long'. This variation in vowel
length can be considered a symptom of language obsolescence (cf. similar phenom-
ena in Tariana, also an endangered Northern Maipuran language).
22.2 Syllable structure and phonotactics. Similarly to other Maipuran lan-

guages, Warekena has two types of syllables: V and CV. Syllables without a
consonantal onset have some restrictions in occurrence which will be discussed
below; and the vowel may undergo reduction. Examples:
CV: muJupa 'canoe', miyuJi 'garden'; V: umeni 'snake', etyawa Old
woman', yubua 'he digs'.
Syllables of the structure (C)VC and CCV are possible in non-final syllables
under two circumstances in Warekena:
(i) in recent loan words, e.g., esturia 'story', eskapenawa 'escape (reflexive)',
flore 'flower', playa 'beach', San Gabriel 'S o Gabriel'; festa 'feast', mundu
'world', banku 'bench'; in word-final syllables a vowel is added in loan words,
e.g., Spanish habon, Warekena aboni; Portuguese flor - Warekena flore;
however, two consonant sequences are avoided in one word even in loan words;
e.g., Kritu 'Christ' (Portuguese Cristo);
(ii) in rapid speech register in syllables of the VN or VI structure, which
immediately follow the stressed syllable; this happens in loan words, as kanita
'sing', and non-loans:
Warekena 403
rapid register: kanta 'he sings' (loan)

slow register: kanita
rapid register nu-yentata-wa > nu-yetata-wa am laughing'

slow register nu-yenitata-wa
I-laugh + RED-NONACC
rapid register yanta 'he takes'

slow register yänita
rapid register: udjudeJnami 'ugly'

slow register udjudeJinami
Warekena has the following phonotactic restrictions.

Two syllables of V structure cannot be contiguous.
The restrictions of vowel co-occurrence in a sequence of CV-V structure
syllables can be explicated in terms of the sonority hierarchy (Buller, Buller and
Everett 1993):
- high + high
> > + cons
- cons - cons
Each end of the hierarchy is assigned to syllabic positions unambiguously, so

that segments on the far left of the hierarchy will always be nuclei, and seg-
ments [ + cons] will always be onsets.
Neighbouring segments in Warekena cannot have the same sonority value,
and this explains the non-occurrence of sequences as: *aa, *ii, *ea, *ae. Vowel
sequence ae is only possible at the boundary of proclitic + root: ya-eda-pia 'he
did not see'.
The possible vowel sequences in Warekena are:
u-a: e.g., fuJuami 'his mother', yubua 'he digs', kuJua 'he drinks', yaJitua
'brother'
i-a: e.g., pianetu 'your neck', fumiawa 'wife', yutfia 'kiH',/;a 'stay, sit'
u-e: yue 'for him', kuefi 'animal' i-e: aliena 'breaker', pie 'find'
i-u: witfiuJi 'wild turkey', mitfiufa 'hide', diutsu 'God'
u-i: e.g., bukuita 'light (fire)'
a-i: e.g., mai 'fight'
Prohibited sequences are: *au, *ea, *ei, *eu.
In vowel sequences / can be realized as y, and u as w in rapid register; e.g.,
furwami, yubwa, pyanetu, kwefi.
Another possibility would be to treat these vowel sequences as diphthongs.
This solution does not seem plausible, because of reduplication and pausal
404 Aikhenvald
marking. Reduplication in Warekena operates in terms of CV sequences: the

last CV sequence is reduplicated. E.g., in case of a CViV2 sequence, the
reduplicated form will be CViCViV2; e.g., \viyua 'die', redupl: wiyu-yu-a
'drunk'; yubua 'dig', yubu-bu-a 'dig a lot'. To mark a pause (see sect.2.4.4), an
-hv syllable is inserted at the end of a phonological word; v is identical to the
last vowel of a vowel sequence, e.g., non-pausal kuJuka-mia (tear-PERF) 'he
tore', pausal kuJuka-mia-ha 'he tore (pausal)'. Stress placement (see 22.4.3, on
the behaviour of diminutive suffix -tui with respect to stress) also shows that
vowel sequences are better not treated as diphthongs. As will be shown below,
actual diphthongization exists in Warekena as a phonetic process (see sect.
22.3). Diphthongs appear in a few loans: e.g., syete 'seven', kwatru 'four'.
22.3 Phonetic changes. The following phonetic changes occur within

phonological words. They are optional, in the sense that they only take place in
rapid speech registers.
1. Stop voicing
Bilabial and velar stops may be realized as voiced if followed by a voiced
consonant in an adjacent syllable:
akune pida umeni > akune bida umeni

fear 2sg +perceive snake
'You are afraid of a snake.'
akune > agune 'a scared one'
2. Vowel shortening and reduction to glides

In vowel sequences CW, the second vowel is shortened, and u is realized as
w, i as y; e.g., wakua > wakwa 'he tied', kuJua > kuJwa 'he drinks' -mia >
-mya 'perfective'.
3. Vowel shortening and reduction to 3

All post-tonic e and i are neutralized into d, in rapid to normal speech
register, e.g., wiJdbeJu > wUdbdJu 'child', -wene > -wend 'elative', weni >
wend 'water'.
4. Vowel nasalization
Phonetically nasalized vowels precede nasal stops (regressive nasalization).
Another case of regressive vowel nasalization occurs in rapid speech register,
where post-tonic ni is reduced to nd > (of the preceding vowel):
slow register: yenita-ta-wa 'laughed'

laugh-RED-NONACC
normal to rapid register: yenatata-wa

Warekena 405
rapid register: yetata-wa
In loan words from Spanish and Portuguese syllables of Cv and CVN structure,
there are the following possibilities of adaptation of the loan words: (i) v > V(v)
in word-final position: nuve 'cloud', salau 'salon', kapitau 'captain'; (ii) CVN >
Cv before glottal fricative h: naräha Orange' (Spanish naranja); (iii) CVN > CVN:
mundu 'world', or CVN > CVNi: -wenita 'buy, sell' (Portuguese, Spanish vender
'sell'), depending on the degree of adaptation of the loan word.
22.4 Suprasegmental phonology
22.4.1 Phonological word and the properties of morphemes. A phonological

word in Warekena is basically defined in terms of stress placement, and a number
of word-initial and word-final phonological processes. Warekena has the following
classes of morphemes in terms of their phonological properties: (a) roots which can
form a phonological word of their own and have a fixed stress; (b) affixes which
cannot form a phonological word of their own and which have a fixed position
within a phonological word; (c) bound clitics which cannot form a phonological
word of their own, but have a mobile position within a phonological word; (d)
independent clitics which behave as bound clitics but can be treated as independent
phonological words under special conditions. Specific phonological processes take
place on the corresponding boundaries (prefixes + roots, roots + suffixes, roots +
clitics).
Clitic groups in Warekena behave very much like phonological words. The
two types of clitics in Warekena can be illustrated as follows.
Bound clitics include a number of grammatical enclitics. They have some
similarity with affixes. There are no special phonological boundary processes
which occur on clitic and affix boundaries because no bound enclitics begin with a
vowel. Bound enclitics cannot form either a grammatical or a phonological word
of their own. All grammatical enclitics are extraprosodic, e.g., yutfia-mia (kill-
PERF) 'he killed'. Most tense/aspect markers and personal enclitics belong here.
Enclitics have a freer positioning in a phonological word than do affixes. They
can go either on a predicate, or on another focalized constituent in the clause:
(789) kune-ta-ta ume-ba-lu-ni

fear-CAUS-RED all-AUG-EMPH-3pl
'He frightens them only (a lot).'
In (790) the perfective -mia is attached to a phonological word which occu-

pies the sentence-initial position.
(790) yäjia-mia nu-täpa-pa te yele-mia-na

yesterday-PERF Isg-walk-RED until tired-PERP-lsg
'Yesterday I walked until I grew tired.'
406 Aikhenvald
If the phonological word contains the proclitic ya-, or wa- (sect. 7.1), the
bound enclitics are attracted to it. The possibility of attraction is the main
criterion for distinguishing an enclitic from a suffix.
The sequence proclitic -f enclitic(s) behaves as an independent proclitic. It
can be optionally cliticized to the following verb form in rapid speech:

ya-mia-ni-yue-pia tenepu
NEG-PERF-3pl-for-NEG road
'They did not know where to go, there is no road for them.'
It can form an independent phonological word with an independent stress on

the first syllable:
(792) ya-mia yue-pia-ha nima-ha e-pitj"i

'He didn't have anything to eat with them (his children).'
The independent phonological word consisting of a proclitic with a clitic can

be used in a pausal form, which confirms its phonological independence (see
sect. 22.4.5 on pausal forms):
(793) ya-mia-ha be-pia-ha nepuwe-ni

NEG-PERF-PAUS can-NEG-PAUS feed-3pl
'He could not feed them.'
Compare (794), where the pausal marker goes on the whole sequence procli-
tic + root + clitic + predicate, and ya-mia is cliticized.
(794) ya-mia-yue-pia-ha tenepu

NEG-PERF-for-NEG-PAUS road
'There was no road.'
There are the following rules of clitic sequencing in a clitic string: aspectual
clitics (e.g., -mia 'perfective') are followed by relativizer -Ji, which is followed by
the personal enclitics. In my corpus only sequences of no more than two enclitics
are attested, e.g., aspectual enclitic - personal enclitic in (795) and aspectual
enclitic - relativizer in (796):
(795) pe-mia-ni payalu

2sg + eat-PERF-3pl all
'You ate them all.'
Warekena 407
(796) wiyua-mia-li
die-PERF-REL
'the one who died'
Enclitics always follow affixes. There is, however, one problematic case which
may be considered an instance of endoclisis. As was shown in sect. 18.2.2, aspec-
tual -wa 'unaccomplished' is not an enclitic, since it does not undergo attraction to
the negative ya- (examples in sect. 18.2.2). However, when it co-occurs with
aspectual -mia 'perfective', both sequences -\va-mia, which is to be expected, and
-mia-wa are possible, but with a semantic difference (see sect. 18.2.2).
Independent clitics include a number of items which can form an independent
phonological word under certain conditions (see below). The independent proclitics
are the sequences ya 'negative' + enclitic (illustrated above) and presentative wa
+ enclitic. Bound proclitic ya- 'negative' is extraprosodic, i.e., it does not affect
the stress placement in a phonological word: ya-nupa-pia 'he did not come'. An
unusual property of the proclitic ya- is that, if a pausal marker -hv is attached to
it, it forms an independent phonological word, e.g., sentential negation yahä 'no'.
This word is stressed on the last syllable: yahä 'no' (see sect. 22.4.3). Otherwise
pausal marker -hv is never stressed, e.g., wa-hä 'presentative-pausal'. Presentative
wa can be optionally used with a pausal marker. There are two ways in which wa
is used: as a proclitic, and as an independent phonological word (with or without
the pausal marker, see sect. 22.4.5). Wa as an independent phonological word is
often realized as wa: (33). Wa as an independent phonological word is frequently
used narrative-initially as a presentative (31, 68, 74), clause-finally to resume a
paragraph (43, 84, 103), to mark an important action (33, 101), and to mark the
change of pivot from S/O to S/A (see sections 3 and 9.2). Wa as a proclitic is
frequently used in a connective sense (11, 13, 22, 26, 85), or as a presentative
clause-initially, but not in the beginning of a narrative (84, 98, 99). Wa as an
independent phonological word and wa as a proclitic occur together in (26), (277)
and (425). In these cases, wa-hä is used in a resumptive sense ('and so, and then')
and wais used in presentative sense in (26) and (425) and to mark a sequence of
events in (277). Aspectual bound clitics are attracted to wa(-hä) when it is used in
copular clauses (60, 63; see sect. 7.1).
Phonological processes which occur at proclitic and affix boundaries are
different. For instance, at an affix boundary a- + e > e; e.g., wa-eda > weda
'we see, perceive'; and at a clitic boundary a + e > ae; e.g., ya-eda-pia 'he
does not see'; wa-eda 'then he saw' (see sect. 22.5).
Independent clitics are eya 'the one mentioned in the previous text', eni 'this;
near demonstrative' (797); eta 'that; distant demonstrative' (798); jfi 'what' (799);
e 'this, just mentioned' (406). They can be used as independent phonological words
(with or without a pausal marker -hv), if they have to be specially emphasized (eni
in 417, eta in 421, 423), or topicalized (e in 420), or are used headlessly (eni in
413, e and eya in 410). The independent clitics usually form a separate phonologi-
cal word, if a word-final marker -hv occurs on the previous phonological word or
408 Aikhenvald
one of the conditions for the use of a pausal form described in sect. 22.4.5 applies.
When cliticized, eya, e and ifi are proclitics; eni and eta can be used as either
proclitics or enclitics, depending on which constituent is more focused. For exam-
ple, in (415) the fact of the deer's death is important, and so eni 'this' is encliti-
cized to the verb, and in (419) turtles are in focus, and eni is procliticized to the
subject constituent, kuJimaJu-nawi 'turtles'. When used as enclitics, they form one
phonological word with the preceding item, and are extraprosodic. The following
vowel changes occur at clitic boundaries: vowel reduction: ae > a (797), ie > i
(798), vowel fusion: ai > e (799). Only the vowel fusion rule is similar to the
process which occurs at an affix-root boundary; other rules are different (see sect.
22. 5). When used as proclitics, they lose the first vowel.
(797) ya-päjia yulua-piani ätapi

yulua-pia
NEG-FUT fall-NEG DEM:PR tree
'This tree will not fall.'
(798) uwa-hä minajita ätapi

minäji e"ta
climb-PAUS on that tree
'He climbed on that tree.'
(799) ya-n6da-pia ben£Ji mawäya b6na iji
NEG-lsg + see-NEG NEG + what snake NEG what

did not see any snake.'
22.4.2 Syllables and morphemes. All Northern Maipuran languages show a

rather peculiar interdependence between syllable and morpheme. There exist the
following phonological constraints on morpheme structure (see also Aikhenvald
1996a,b):
prefixes all monosyllabic

suffixes most monosyllabic, few disyllabic
roots most disyllabic, few monosyllabic
In Warekena, all prefixes and the majority of suffixes are monosyllabic. There
are a few disyllabic suffixes; e.g., -wene 'elative', -iwe 'locative'. Bound clitics are
either monosyllabic, e.g., -Ji, or disyllabic, e.g., -mia 'perfective', -pia 'negative',
-yaJu 'yet'. Independent clitics are disyllabic, e.g., the demonstratives eni, eta. The
restriction concerning the maximum length of a root of two syllables seems not to
hold any more. Noun roots are usually disyllabic e.g., anu 'arm', api 'hand', tfinu
'dog'. Noun roots with three or more syllables are very frequent, and in the
majority of cases a historical and comparative analysis of these roots reveals that
Warekena 409
they contain a fossilized derivational affix (or classifier); e.g., a:tapi 'tree' (cf. -pi
'classifier for long objects'), nu-tani-paJa 'ear', nu-tfi-paJa 'leg' (-paJa 'body
part').The root fimapi 'bone' is a fossilized compound: fima 'fish' + api 'bone'.
The majority of verbal roots are either disyllabic, or monosyllabic; e.g., nupa
'come', yama 'drown', eda 'see/hear, perceive', fa 'go', ma 'do, say', e 'eat'.
Trisyllabic verbal roots contain a thematic syllable (see sect. 18.4.1 on the classi-
fication of verbs); e.g., yeJie-ta 'arrive', waya-ta 'talk', bitfi-ka 'go out'; however,
in some cases, the origin of the third syllable is hard to determine, e.g., yuJua 'fall',
yubua 'dig'. There is one four-syllable verbal root (probably a fossilized com-
pound) yawaputa 'answer'.
There is a tendency to avoid monosyllabic phonological words with short
vowels in Warekena (see sect. 22.4.1 on vowel lengthening in wa 'then' when
it is used as an independent phonological word). Every monosyllabic word tends
to be treated as a proclitic with respect to the following phonological word. For
example, in (800) the monosyllabic form of the verb e 'to eat' forms one
phonological word with its direct object pane 'liver'.
(800) epäne oma

e pane ema
eat liver tapir
'He (the turtle) ate tapir's liver'
22.4.3 Stress. The phonological word is characterized by the phonemic stress

which generally falls on the first syllable of disyllabic roots; e.g., went 'water',
nupa 'he came'. In trisyllabic roots, stress falls on the penultimate syllable; e.g.,
fimapi 'bone', rnawaya 'snake', umeni 'snake', akune 'fear', muJupa 'canoe'; or
on the antepenultimate syllable; e.g., neyupa 'paddle', ataca 'snake', teretfi
'three', wftftii 'wild turkey', duwiJi 'crocodile'. It can be noted that the major-
ity of the noun trisyllabic roots with antepenultimate stress contain a fossilized
affix -Ji, e.g., aJaJi 'garc.a (a bird)', mukuJi 'piraiba fish' (note that, when -Ji
functions as an adjectivizer, it does not affect the stress placement), or some
other fossilized suffix; e.g., utffpie 'bird' (cf. Proto-Maipuran *kudi-pira 'bird';
see Payne 1991: 395), tfipaJa 'foot', a:tapi 'tree'. However, some of the trisyl-
labic roots with -Ji have penultimate stress; e.g., biyuJi 'evil spirit'. Trisyllabic
roots with a root-final vowel sequence -ia, -ua are always stressed on the
antepenultimate syllable, probably, due to the phonetic process of vowel short-
ening in the context VV: ua > wa, ia > ya; e.g., yubua 'dig', wa-kua 'tie' (see
sect. 22.3). In roots of four or more syllables, stress falls on the antepenultimate
syllable: kuJfmaJu 'turtle', yawaputa 'answer', bukukuJi Owl', manipeJi
'jararaca snake'. Note that long vowels are not necessarily stressed, e.g.,
ya:pimaJi 'jacamim bird'. Four-syllable words ending in a vowel sequence have
a pre-antepenultimate stress; e.g., dämukua 'wild turkey'. Pausal marker -hv is
never stressed (see sect. 22.4), e.g., wa-hä 'presentative-pausal'. The only ex-
ception is ya-hä (NEG-PAUS) 'no', stressed on the last syllable (a minimal pair
410 Aikhenvald
with respect to stress to yahä 'she eats' (yu-a-ha '3sgf-eat-PAUS', see sect.
22.5).
Prefixes and proclitics never affect the stress placement; e.g., nu-nupa
came', nu-tfinu-ne 'my dog'.
Suffixes divide into prosodic type, which affect the stress placement, and
extraprosodic type which do not affect stress placement.
When a prosodic suffix is attached to the root, the stress moves to the final
syllable of the root, i.e., the penultimate syllable of the word. Examples of
prosodic suffixes: -fi 'non-possessed, nominalization': pani-fi 'house', aya-fi
'food'; -tfi 'locative?': tawape-tfi 'the place with much jungle'; -ina 'agentive
nominalization': atsetena 'the one who teaches'.
In the case of extraprosodic suffixes of one syllable, the stress falls on the
antepenultimate syllable. Examples of extraprosodic suffixes: thematic syllables
in verbs; e.g., bftfi-ka 'go out', \vaya-ta 'speak', aJi-ta 'tie'; possessive suffixes
-Je, -ne, -te; e.g., nu-muJupa-Je; -Ji 'adjectivizer'; e.g., feJe-Ji >'black'; -iwe
'locative'; e.g., tenepuwe (tenepu-iwe) On the road'.
There is only one disyllabic extraprosodic suffix: -waba 'directional'. The
stress shifts to the final syllable of the root, i.e., the antepenultimate syllable of
the word, if the extraprosodic disyllabic suffix or a disyllabic enclitic is at-
tached to it: tenepu-waba (road-DIR) 'to the road'; yeJeta-mia-wa (arrive-PERF-
NONACC) 'he is coming'.
Other disyllabic suffixes are stressed on the penultimate syllable, and the root
they are attached to retains its original stress, but this is weakened (shown with "
as in the words that follow):- natfi 'locative nominalization'; e.g., wuninatfi 'a place
with much water', -pitfi Object focus'; e.g., küJua-pitfi 'something to drink'; -buJe
Oblique focus'; e.g., küJua-buJe 'something to drink with/from'; -nawi 'plural;
e.g., wUubeJu-nawi 'children'. The diminutive suffix -tui behaves in the same way,
and this is another piece of evidence in favour of the fact that vowel sequences are
not diphthongs in Warekena, e.g., aJetß-iui 'very small'.
The only exception occurs when a disyllabic affix is attached to a monosyl-
labic root, either a verbal or a numeral root. Then the stress shifts to the
antepenultimate syllable, e.g., e-pitfi 'something to eat', e-naba 'two (generic
class)', ba-buya 'two (cycles)'. There is a certain degree of variation in stress
placement in these cases, and occasionally the penultimate syllable is stressed,
e.g., babuya 'two (cycles)'. In verbs, a reduplicated syllable is always ex-
traprosodic, e.g., nu-tapa-pa (Isg-walk-RED) walk (much)'.
As was pointed out above, all verbal enclitics are extraprosodic, e.g., yeleta-
mia 'he is coming'.
22.4.4 Word-boundary prosodic features. Warekena has no specific device

for marking word-initial boundary. It has a peculiar way of marking the final
boundary of a phonological word. A morpheme -hv 'pausal marker' is inserted
at the end of a phonological word or a phonological phrase. This morpheme can
be described in terms of the following phonological features: h- insertion, vowel
Warekena 411
harmony, and subsequent vowel nasalization. The h- insertion in Warekena

precedes vowel nasalization because a glottal consonant can trigger vowel
nasalization. Glottal fricative h can trigger vowel harmony. This phenomenon is
known as translaryngeal harmony. Both phenomena are also present in Bare
(Aikhenvald 1995a).
The phonological processes that apply in Warekena to mark the final bound-
ary of a phonological word can be schematized as follows:
(i) -h V insertion at the word boundary:
_Vj## > -VihV##
(ii) progressive vowel harmony:
-VjhV## > -VihVi##
(iii) vowel nasalization:
-VjhVi## > -Vjhvi##, or Vihvi## in rapid speech
e.g., ema 'tapir':
(i) ema-h V
(ii) ema-ha
(iii) ema-ha, or emä-hä in rapid speech
There is a certain degree of variation in adding pausal forms to words which

end in u. The pausal marker occasionally takes the form -hi:
(801) kuluka-paJuhi
make.hole-PURP + PAUS
'to make a hole'
(802) napi-palu-hu ni-napi-palu simapie-pe-mi

take-PURP + PAUS 3pl-take-PURP bone-PL-PEJ
'to take, to take his bones'
The final boundary segment is extraprosodic, in the sense that it does not affect
the rules of stress assignment. Unlike other extraprosodic units, however, it always
has a secondary stress. It is not obligatory, i.e., it can be omitted under certain
circumstances (see sect. 3.1); e.g., ibu or ibuhü 'head', fimapi or fimapihl 'bone'.
The final boundary marker functions, among other things, as a token for recogniz-
ing phonological words in Warekena. For instance, in cases like yuJua-piani (fall-
NEG+this) 'this did not fall', wa-kuJuka-mia (then-tear-PERF) 'then he tore (it)',
it is possible to use the final boundary marker after the first word in each case,
yielding yuJupia-ha eni-hJ and wa-hä kuJukamia-ha. This shows the virtual
phonological independence of the cliticizable morphemes eni 'this', and wa 'then'.
22.4.5 Phonological phrase structure. In Warekena, a phonological phrase

would normally correspond to possessive and adpositional noun phrases and
verb-subject constructions.
412 Aikhenvald
Warekena uses two strategies for marking a phonological phrase by means of

stress in rapid and casual speech: (a) stress weakening and (b) stress shift. The
stress on the first component of a phonological phrase is perceived as less
prominent, as compared to the stress on the second component, and it is shifted
one syllable to the right, as illustrated in (803):
(803) jimapi puätfi

bone monkey
'a bone of a monkey'
(stress in a 'free' form: fimäpi, puatfi)
In slow speech, no stress shift or stress weakening occurs. The word bound-
ary marker -hv in Warekena is used to signal the boundaries of phonological
phrases preceding pauses. A pausal form of the last phonological word in a
phonological phrase is used to signal a boundary under the following conditions:
(a) the constituent or a part of it is topicalized or is a part of an afterthought,
or
(b) it is under special emphasis, or
(c) it is followed by a pause.
If one or more of these conditions apply, pausal forms can also be used with
independent enclitics, as in (804), where both occurrences of eni-hl 'this' are in
a pausal form, since they are emphasized and topicalized; waJamatfiaha 'he
saves' is in a pausal form due to its utterance-final position. The first occur-
rence of eni-hi 'this' is followed by pause. (805) shows that a specific enclitic
(eni 'this') is treated as an independent phonological word, since the preceding
item is in the pausal form, and a significant pause follows. Verbs ni-wayata-hä
'they spoke', ni-ma-ha 'they said', ya-Ji-anetua-pia-ha 'is not good' are in
pausal form because they precede a pause. In (806) the pausal form is used to
indicate a pause after yu-yue-he 'to her'; it is also used to emphasize the
constituent pi-katsa-ha 'you will marry'. Wa-hä 'then' is in a pausal form, since
it is emphasized. In (807) a non-pausal form yue 'to him' is used since the
conditions necessary for the use of pausal forms are not met. YeJetahä 'he
arrived' is in a pausal form before a pause. Pausal forms are in italics in the
following examples.
(804) eni-hi diutsu anetua-li eni-hJ

this-PAUS god good-REL this-PAUS
waJamatfia-ha
save-PAUS
'This very God is good, it is he who saves.'
(805) ni-wayata-ha ni-ma-ha eni enami

3pl-speak-PAUS 3pl-say-PAUS DEM.PR man
Warekena 413
ya-Ji-anetua-pia-hä
NEG-REL-good-NEG-PAUS
'They spoke. They said, "This man is not good." '
(806) \va-ha wayata yu-yue-he yaliwa

then-PAUS speak 3sgf-to-PAUS now
pi-katsa-ha epini tsuludawa

epi eni
2sg-many-PAUS with DEM.PR soldier
'Then, he spoke to her, "Now you will (really) marry this soldier." '
(807) yeJeta-ha wawayata yue yalanawi

wa wayata
arrive-PAUS then speak to white.man
'He arrived. Then he spoke to the white man
The use of a pausal form for topicalization is illustrated by (808). The second
(or last) of the repeated constituents usually appears in pausal forms (as a kind
of afterthought) (809). More than one of the repeated constituents can appear in
a pausal form (110, 115).
(808) yue-he jupe ya-namali

to-PAUS many OEM-man
'What he has (lit.: to him), is many people.'
(809) iji weya-Ji-hi walamatfie waJamatfia-ha

what want-REL-PAUS save save-PAUS
'Whoever wants (it), he will save (him), he will save.'
Monosyllabic grammatical words tend to form independent phonological

words when in a pausal form, as shown in (810) where e 'eats' is emphasized.
(810) weya e-he Jutji-li

want eat-PAUS big-REL
'He wants to eat much.'
Some items are only used in a pausal form. For instance, the general negation
yahä 'no' always appears in pausal form, as opposed to the negative proclitic
ya- 'not', which is always accompanied by the negative enclitic -pia (811).
Another item found only in pausal form is yumUehe 'when?'.
(811) ya-nupa-pia-ha pi-yue-he mawaya

414 Aikhenvald
wa yu-ma-hä ya-hä
then 3sgf-say-PAUS NEG-PAUS
' "A snake did not come to you" (the man said), then she said: "No." '
The phonological status of pausal forms in Warekena is confirmed by the

following considerations. First, the use of pausal forms blocks the operation of
phonological processes at a word-internal clitic boundary. This is illustrated in
(812), where the final vowel elision on a clitic boundary between the preposition
yue 'to' and the independent proclitic eni 'this' does not take place in pausal forms.
(812) wa-ha ale wayata yue-he eni-hi

then-PAUS so speak to-PAUS DEM.PR-PAUS
Jesu Kritu wayata yueni enami

yue eni
Jesus Christ speak to DEM.PR man
'Then he thus spoke to this very man, Jesus Christ spoke to this man.'
Other optional pausal marking phenomena in the position before the end of a
clause or of a significant passage (813), or in right dislocation for clarification
(814), are:
(a) monophthongizing and centralizing vowel sequences before the pausal
marker: ia > ie: -mia-ha 'PERF-PAUS' -miehe in (813) and ia > e: -pia-ha
'NEG-PAUS' > -pehe (814); optionally ia > i: pia-hä 'NEG-PAUS' > -pihl
(503); -mia-ha 'PERF-PAUS' > mihl (22).
(813) tfitj'i-miehe tjitji-mia ema

stink-PERF 4-PAUS stink-P ERF tapir
'He is stinking. The tapir is stinking.'
(814) wa: ya-atulapi-pehe ya-atulapi-pehe waji

then NEG-full-NEG + PAUS NEG-full-NEG+PAUS jaguar
wa atuJapi-mehe
then full-PERF + PAUS
Then he was not full, he was not full, the jaguar. Then he has become
full.'
(b) centralizing back vowel a > e before the pausal marker (815); cf. also yehe 'no'
in (196), -wehe 'PERL + PAUS' in (299), nedehe (1 sg + see + PAUS) in (101).
(815) e-mia pane ema ate inapa inapehe (<inapa-ha)

eat-PERF liver tapir until finish finish + PAUS
'Then he ate tapir's liver until it finished, finished.'
Warekena 415
(c) centralizing high vowel ; > e in the word-final position before the pausal
marker; e.g., (428) ninapa-mia-nehe (3pl + fmish-PERF-DEM:PR + PAUS) 'they
finished'.
(d) centralizing back vowel a > e in the word-final position; e.g., (482) \vayate
'speak'; or before a clitic; e.g., (232) yuJute-Ji-wa (lie-REL-NONACC) 'where
he lay.
(e) monophthongizing vowel sequences ia > i in word-final position, or before

a word final ni (48) we-mi-ni (leave-PERF-3pl); ia > e in word-final position
following e in the preceding syllable (167) ni-piepe (3pl-find + NEG) 'they did
not find'.
(f) vowel dissimilation: aJe-he 'this-PAUS' > aJe hi (535), wa-hä 'then-PAUS'
> wahe (642).
There is also an optional phonetic distinction between a non-utterance-final

and an utterance-final pause marking. In the case of a non-utterance-final pause,
the post-tonic vowels of pausal and non-pausal forms can be optionally short-
ened in rapid speech. This process never occurs in utterance-final pause mark-
ing. This is illustrated by the following example, where the final a is shown to
undergo shortening to 3 in non-utterance-final position:
non-shortened form: waJamatfia 'he saves'
post-tonic vowel shortening in non-pausal forms: walamatfia
post-tonic vowel shortening in non-utterance-final pausal forms:
waJamatfid-hd
no post-tonic vowel shortening in utterance-final pausal forms:
waJamätfia-hä.
A phonetic process of vowel reduction ia to ia occurs in enumeration:
(816) uwa-li-bena-ha namaJi ya-be-pia-ha yutJYa

climb.tree-REL-when-PAUS people NEG-can-NEG-PAUS kill
ya-tse-pia-ha uwa-ha
NEG-know-NEG-PAUS climb-PAUS
'When people climb a tree, he cannot kill (them), he cannot climb.'
Thus, Warekena makes a distinction between different kinds of 'pauses' and this
corresponds to the prosodic domains of an utterance and a phonological phrase
respectively. The principle is similar in Bare. Both languages use different devices
for utterance-final and non-utterance-final pause-marking. However, in Bare it is
416 Aikhenvald
the optional utterance-final pause-marking devices that are non-phonological. In

contrast, Warekena has the non-utterance-final vowel shortening as a non-
phonological pause-marking device. Regular pause-marking devices, which include
vowel harmony and Á-insertion, followed by vowel nasalization, in Warekena, are
phonological both utterance-finally and non-utterance-finally.
22.4.6 Intonation. Little is known as yet about the intonation patterns in Ware-
kena. All types of questions are characterized with a rising intonation, and
declarative sentences have a falling intonation on the last word. Enumeration is
characterized by a rising intonation on each component. Serial verb construc-
tions are a single intonational unit (see sect. 18.8.1). When a constituent has to
be emphasized, emphatic falling intonation is used (277).
22.5 Morphophonological changes. Warekena has the following morpho-

phonological changes which occur on the boundaries affix + root. These mor-
phophonological changes involve only vowels. Since no enclitic begins with a
vowel, there are no specific changes on a root-enclitic boundary. As was shown
above, independent enclitics have different phonological processes at their
boundaries (sect. 22.4.1).
(1) Vowel fusion: operates on affix and clitic boundaries.

V + V > V (optionally realized as long):
(i) ya + amena-pia > yamenapia 'not sharp'

NEG + sharp-NEG
(ii) wa- + -atfia > watjia 'we stand'

Ipl + -stand
(iii) pani-ji-iwe > panijiwe 'in the house'

house-NPOSS-LOC
(iv) pi- + -iluami > piluami 'your father'

2sg + father
(2) Vowel reduction: operates on affix-root boundary.
The following vowel changes occur.
(a) u + a > a
(i) nu- + -api > napi º bring'

Isg + bring
Warekena 417
(ii) yu-api > yapi 'she brings'

3sgf-bring
(iii) nu-aita > naita º clench (a fist)'

Isg-clench
Examples like (iii) also show that sequences like Vi, Vu in Warekena cannot
be considered triphthongs (in fact, they should be considered vowel sequences).
(b) u + e > e
(i) yu-eji > yeji 'her tooth'

3sgf-tooth
(ii) yu-eda > yeda 'she saw'

3sgf-see
(iii) yu-epuna > yepuna her road'

3sgf-road
There are two exceptions to this:

First, nu + -e > na- in all cases but one, the one case being nu-eda > neda
º see', where the above rule is followed.
(i) nu-eta > nata º burnt'

1sg-burn
(ii) nu-eji > naji 'my tooth'

1 sg-tooth
(iii) nu-epuna > napuna 'my road'

1 sg-road
Second, u + e > a in the verb e to eat:
(iv) nu-e > na º eat'

Isg-eat
(v) yu-e > ya 'she eats'

3sgf-eat
(c) i + e > e
418 Aikhenvald
(i) pi-eji > peji 'your tooth'

2sg-tooth
(ii) pi-ema > pema 'you call'

2sg-call
(iii) pi-epuna > pepuna 'your road'

2sg-road
(iv) pi-e > pe 'you eat'

2sg-eat
In slow speech register, i -I- e is sometimes realized as ie; e.g., ni-ema >
nema. or niema 'they call'.
There is one exception, when i + e > i:
(i) pi-eda > pida 'you see'

2sg-see
ni-eda > nida 'they see'

3pl-see
(d) u + i > u
(i) tenepu-iwe > tenepuwe On the road'

road-LOC
(ii) nu-iJuami > nuluami 'my father'

Isg-father
(e) e + i > e
(i) nawale-iwe > na wale we 'in a town'

town-LOC
(ii) akune-ina > akunena 'many'

be many-AG
(f) a + e > e
(i) wa-eda > weda 'we perceive'

Ipl-perceive
Warekena 419
(ii) wa-eji > weji Our tooth'

1 pi-tooth
(g) a + i > e
(i) mulupa-iwe > mulupewe 'in a canoe'

canoe-LOC
(ii) wa-iluami > weluami Our father'

1 pi-father
In the verb e 'eat', a + i > ai in normal register, e in rapid register: wai-hi,

we-he (Ipl + eat-PAUS) 'we eat'.
No changes occur in vowel sequences i-a at a clitic and affix boundary: pi-api
'you bring'; pi-atfia-\va 'you are standing'. At a clitic boundary, i-a may become
a in rapid speech register, cf. variants ifiaJema, ifaJema (ifi 'what' + aJema
'how') 'how?'.
Morphology
23 Morphology
23.1 Types of morphemes. Morphemes in Warekena fall into three classes:

affixes, clitics and roots. The difference between the three with respect to their
behavior within a phonological word is described in sect. 22.4.1. They also
differ with respect to the boundary phonological processes (see sect. 22.5) and
syllable structure, and fall into different classes as far as their accentual prop-
erties (extraprosodic vs prosodic) are concerned. Only one prefix can occur in
a grammatical word.
Warekena, similarly to other Northern Maipuran languages, is predominantly
suffixing, with only a few prefixes. Prefixes in Warekena are: A/Sa and posses-
sor cross-referencing prefixes (sections 15.2.1 and 18.4), nominal derivational
prefix a-(sect. 15.4.1), classifier prefixes in numerals (see sect. 15.2.3). Suffixes
are: nominal and adjectival derivational affixes (see sections 15.4 and 15.3.1),
aspectual -wa 'unaccomplished action' (sect. 18.2.2), verbal valency-changing
and thematic suffixes (sect. 18.5), and adverbial suffixes (sect. 20). All other
morphological markers are enclitics, with the exception of negative ya, which
is a proclitic.
420 Aikhenvald
Warekena also has reduplication (sect. 18.2.9), and partial suppletion in

plural marking (sect. 15.2.4). The distinction between derivational and inflec-
tional affixes is clear-cut. As can be seen from plural formation, some deriva-
tional affixes (e.g., -mi 'pejorative', 'masculine') can follow inflectional
suffixes, e.g., plural (sect. 15.2.4). There is also certain 'freedom' in clitic
ordering which always entails semantic changes (e.g., sect. 18.6.2).
23.2 Word classes. Major open lexical classes in Warekena are: nouns, verbs,
adjectives, adverbs. They differ as to their inflectional categories and syntactic
functions.
Nouns are arguments of verbs and heads in head-modifier constructions.
They have the following inflectional categories: inherent gender, number (op-
tional), possession (obligatory), inherent class (optional), peripheral cases
(obligatory, depending on the semantics of the nouns). They also have a number
of derivational devices distinct from other categories.
Verbs are predicates. They have the following inflectional and derivational
categories: person/gender/number, transitivity and active/stative, causative, re-
flexive, oblique and object focus; aspect/tense (optional), emphatic.
Adjectives are modifiers in head-modifier constructions. They have the fol-
lowing inflectional categories: number (optional), concordial gender (optional);
and a number of specific derivational devices. They are a large open class, and
are regularly derived from verbal roots (So verbs). The only nonderived adjec-
tives are pronominal (demonstrative) adjectives.
Adverbs are modifiers of verbs. They do not have any specific inflectional
categories. They can be shown to have, historically, a deverbal origin, going
back to serial verb constructions (sect. 18.8.2).
Closed lexical classes in Warekena are: quantifiers, numerals (they have
classifiers which distinguish them from quantifiers), pronouns, particles, con-
junctions, adpositions.
Warekena displays a certain degree of fuzziness between the lexical classes.
Adverbs and S0 verbs can be distinguished only according to their syntactic
functions, and are sometimes indistinguishable. Any noun can be used to func-
tion as an S0 verb. Quantifiers and numerals tend to collapse together, due to
partial loss of the classifier system in the situation of language obsolescence.
Adpositions can be considered as a subclass of obligatorily possessed nouns.
24 Ideophones
Ideophones occur very rarely in Warekena. They are mainly monosyllables

used to imitate brusque sounds, e.g., tfu! 'a sound of something falling', ee 'a
signal of joy'. An ideophone may be repeated for intensification, e.g., tu tu tu
'the sound of knocking'. Probably, guwe 'bark' is the only ideophonic verb.
Warekena 421
Notes
The Maipuran family, whose genetic unity has been clear since 1783 when
Pe. Gilij established genetic affinity between Maipure language in Vene-
zuela and Mojo in Bolivia, is known among South American scholars as
Aru k (or Arawak). Claims for a larger family including Maipuran and
other families such as the Arawa languages have not been substantiated (see
Payne 1991:360-365).
Third person singular masculine is usually realized by the absence of an
overt prefix in verbal, nominal and adpositional inflectional paradigms, and
so has been omitted from both sentence transcriptions and morpheme
glosses; see Table 1, sect. 15.2.1, for the full chart of prefixes.
The term pivot refers to the syntactic constraints on clause combination or
on the omission of coreferential constituents in clause combinations. If a
language treats S and O in the same way and A differently in terms of these
constraints, it is said to have an S/O pivot, or to be 'syntactically ergative'.
If S and A are treated in the same way and Ï differently, the language is
said to have an S/A pivot and to be 'syntactically accusative'. If a language
combines both types of constraints, and has an S/O pivot under some
conditions and an S/A pivot under others, it is said to have a mixed pivot
(see Dixon 1994: 143ff).
Syntactic causatives in Warekena are strikingly similar to syntactic causa-
tives in Bare; e.g., Bare:
(i) i-d'ekada nu-tjuma-ma-ka

3sgnf-make Isg-cry-RED-DECL
'He (the stingray who bit me) made me cry.'
Syntactic causatives in Tariana are different in that both components cross-

reference the A of the causative verb:
(ii) du-a du-hna tjlali-nuku

3sgf-give 3sgf-eat man-TOP
'She fed the man (make-eat).'
Compare -{â/â as an affix used in place names and a few nouns, e.g.,
wene- 'Xie', yapi-tfi 'ground' (see also other examples in sect. 15.4.1); as
a part of collective marker -natfi, as well as in the postposition petfi On';
cf. locative -Jiku in Baniwa, which corresponds to a derivational suffix in
Tariana.
-Wa 'PERL' is used with deverbal nouns to form adverbial-like expressions,
e.g., dabana-wa 'in the first place, first, erstwhile' (768), inapa-wa 'last';
see sect. 18.8.2, about the problems which arise here:
422 Aikhenvald
(i) ya-wa-tse-pia-h natfi ya-wa-tse-pia-h

NEG-lpl-know-NEG-PAUS grandma NEG-lpl-know-NEG-PAUS
wa-yawaluta-wa pi-yawaluta-wa dabana-wa

Ipl-dance-NONACC 2sg-dance-NONACC first-PERL
'We do not know how to dance, Grandma, you dance first.'
(iii) Diutsu inapa-wa payalu payalu-ni

God fmish-PERL all all-3pl
'God is the last one of all.'
7 This irregularity is characteristic of all the Northern Maipuran languages of

the region; e.g., Bare phani 'house', nu-bana 'my house'; Baniwa pan-ti
'house', nu-pana 'my house', Tariana pani-si 'house'; nu-pana 'my house'.
8 In Baniwa of Igana, possessive markers -ni and -te, etymologically identical
to -ne and -te in Warekena, and also used on alienably possessed nouns, can
be considered as possessive, or relational classifiers (see Aikhenvald
1994a); i.e., subcategorization devices which characterize the type of pos-
sessive relationship:
nu-tfmu-ni
Isg-dog-POSS
'my dog: the dog I brought up'
nu-tjmu-te
Isg-dog-POSS
'my dog: the dog I found'
9 A similar constituent order is found in nominal compounding in other

Northern Maipuran languages; e.g., Bare, Baniwa, Tariana nu-si-numa 'my
beard' (lit.: my-hair-mouth).
10 Sio type verbs are also attested in Bare and Baniwa of Igana.
11 The following verbal markers do not occur in serial verb constructions:
-yaJe 'remote past', -nia 'inchoative', -peta 'immediate or intensive action',
-dekana 'back and forth', -tfiJi 'habitual', matse 'warning', -fewa 'probabil-
ity'.
12 The occurrence of k in word-initial position is restricted, because Proto-
Arawak *k became 0 in Warekena in some contexts; e.g., Warekena -api
'hand', Baniwa, Tariana kapi, Proto-Arawak *khabi; Warekena amufi,
Baniwa of Éòáçá kamui, Bare kamuhu 'sun', Proto-Arawak *kamui 'sun
(summer)'; Warekena utfipie, Baniwa of I$ana kepi$a, Tariana kepiria
'bird', Proto-Arawak *kudi[pira].
Warekena 423
Acknowledgments
I am extremely grateful to Des Derbyshire, R.M.W.Dixon, W.P. Lehmann,
Rute Amorim, Tatiana Baltar and Cristiane Cunha for their comments and
assistance. I am also thankful to Valteir and Silvana Martins and Lenita and
Elias Coelho for their patience and hospitality. This grammar could not have
been completed without the patient assistance of Humberto and Manoel Baltazar
and Pedro Ängelo Tomäs, native speakers of Warekena of Xie.
Abbreviations
ADJ adjectivizer
AFF affix
AG agentive
AUG augmentative
CAUS causative
CL classifier
COLL collective
DEC deceased
DECL declarative
DEL delimitative
DEM demonstrative
DER derivational suffix
DIM diminutive
DIR directional
EL elative
EMPH emphatic
f feminine
PUT future
HAB habitual
IMM immediate
IMP impersonal
INCH inchoative
INT intensive
LOG locative
MASC masculine
NEG negative
NOM nominalizer
NONACC non-accomplished
nf nonfeminine
424 Aikhenvald
NPOSS non-possessed
OBJ.FOC object focus
OBL.FOC oblique focus
PAUS pausal
PEJ pejorative
PERF perfective
PERL perlative/transformative
pi plural
POSS possessive
PR proximate
PRES presentative
PROB probability
PROH prohibitive
PURP purposive
REC reciprocal
RED reduplication
REFL reflexive
REL relative
sg singular
REM.P remote past
REP repetitive
TOP topic
WARN warning
Warekena 425
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Warekena 427
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428 Aikhenvald
Appendix
Warekena Text
The Deer and the Turtle
(1) yaliwa nu-Ja nu-tsina-ha isturia-ne malayu

now lsg-go Isg-tell-PAUS story-POSS deer
(2) e:pi kulimalu

with turtle
'Now I shall tell a story of a deer with a turtle.'
(3) wa-hä malayu wayata yue-he kulmalu

then-PAUS deer speak to-PAUS turtle
(4) ma wayata malayu yue-he kul

malu say speak deer to-PAUS turtle
(5) wa-Ja wa-pala-ha ma yue kulimalu

lpl-go Ipl-run-PAUS say to turtle
(6) weda-palu damali yutfi-li pala-ha

'So the deer said to the turtle, the deer said to the turtle, "Let's run," he
said to the turtle, "to see who is stronger in running." '
(7) ma yue wa-yawaputa kulimalu

say to then-answer turtle
(8) yawaputa kulimalu

answer turtle
(9) wa-Ja wa-ma wapuna

lpl-go Ipl-make Ipl+road
(10) wapuna-ha wa-pala-palu

Ipl + road-PAUS Ipl-run-PURP
The turtle answered, answered the turtle, "Let's make a road, our road
for us to run." '
(11) wa ni-Ja ni-yeluta nepuna-ha

then 3pl-go 3pl-clear 3pl +road-PAUS
Warekena 429
(12) malayu malayu kulimalu

deer deer turtle
(13) wa ni-yeluta nepuna-hä ya:me-Ju

then 3pl-clear 3pl + road-PAUS far-EMPH
(14) ya:me-lu ni-yeluta nepuna-ha

far-EMPH 3pl-clear 3pl + road-PAUS
(15) ate ninapa-mia ni-yeluta-wa

until 3pl + fmish-PERF 3pl-clear-NONACC
'Then they went to clear the road, deer, deer and turtle, then they made
their road far, they made their road far, until they finished clearing.'
(16) ni-yeluta wa-wayata malayu yue kulimalu

3pl-clear then-speak deer to turtle
(17) yaliwa wa-Ja wa-pala-ha

now lpl-go Ipl-run-PAUS
'They cleared, then the deer said to the turtle, "Now let's run." '
(18) yawaputa kulimalu yaliwa ya-hä

answer turtle now NEG-PAUS
(19) yaliwa ya-hä ya-wa-Ja-pia wa-pala

now NEG-PAUS NEG-lpl-go-NEG Ipl-run
(20) wa-Ja wa-pala pajia-ha bena-pajia-ta-ha

lpl-go Ipl-run FUT-PAUS when-FUT-DEM.DIST-PAUS
'The turtle answered, "Not now, now no, we will not run, let's run later,
the day after tomorrow.'
(21) bena-pajia wa-Ja wa-pala-ha

when-FUT lpl-go Ipl-run-PAUS
(22) weda-palu damali yutji-li pala-ha

(23) wayata kulimalu yue malayu

speak turtle to deer
' "We will run the day after tomorrow, to see who is stronger in
running," the turtle said to the deer.'
430 Aikhenvald
(24) wa ni-yuleta-mia-wa
then 3pl-return-PERF-NONACC
(25) ni-pane-waba kulimalu yuleta-mia-wa

3pl-house-DIR turtle return-PERF-NONACC
(26) malayu yuleta-mia-wa

deer return-PERF-NONACC
'Then they returned returned home, the turtle returned, the deer re-
turned. '
(27) Ja muta Ja:bine-pe Ja:bine-pe Ja muta-ni

go call family-PL family-PL go call-3pl
'He (the turtle) went to call his family, he went to call his family.'
(28) wa ni-nupa-mia-ha Ja:bine-pe yuwaba-ha yuwaba-hä

then 3pl-come-PERF-PAUS family-PL to-PAUS to-PAUS
'Then his family came to him, to him.'
(29) wa-wayata ni-yue wa-wayata ni-yue

then-speak 3pl-to then-speak 3pl-to
(30) wa-Ja wa-pala-ha tenepu numa-wa

lpl-go Ipl-run-PAUS road mouth-PERL
(31) tenepu numa-wa yaliwa nu-Ja nu-we

road mouth-PERL now Isg-go Isg-leave
(32) pi-yuluta-wa tenepu numa-wa

2sg-lie-NONACC road mouth-PERL
(33) peya kulimalu Ja we-he piyatuaba

one turtle go leave-PAUS in.front + DIR
(34) peya-ha Ja-wa we-he ya:me ya:me

one-PAUS go-NONACC leave-PAUS far far
(35) tenepu numa-wa ale ale-he we-he

road mouth-PERL so so-PAUS leave-PAUS
(36) ya:me ya:me tenepu numa-wa

far far road mouth-PERL
'Then he said to them, then he said to them, "We shall run by the edge
of the road, by the edge of the road. Now I shall leave you on the edge
Warekena 431
of the road, in front," he said, "another one will be far, far on by the
edge of the road", so he left (them), he left (them) far, far on the edge
of the road.'
(37) ale ale-hee bayata-ni ate ninapa-wa

so so-PAUS spread-3pl until 3pl + fmish-NONACC
'He spread them this way until they finished.'
(38) ninapa-wa kuiimalu

3pl +fmish-NONACC turtle
(39) ate wali inapa-mia-wa tenepu

until where fmish-PERF-NONACC road
'The turtles came to an end up to where the road finished.'
(40) wa-hä wa yeleta-mia malayu

then-PAUS then arrive-PERF deer
(41) wayata epi kuiimalu

speak with turtle
(42) wa-Ja wa-pala-hä wa yawaputa kuiimalu

lpl-go Ipl-run-PAUS then answer turtle
(43) wa-Ja wa-pala-ha yawaya

lpl-go Ipl-run-PAUS tomorrow
(44) niwe-mia amuji wa-Ja-wa-pala

high-PERF sun 1 pi-go-1 pi-run
'Then the deer came, he spoke with turtle, "Let's run." Then the turtle
answered, "Let's run tomorrow! When the sun is high, let's run." '
(45) wa yawaputa malayu anetua

then answer deer good
'And the deer answered, "Good".'

'Then they were late, they slept.'
(47) ni-tsima-mia-ha ate aliwa-mia-ni aliwa-mia-ni

3pl-sleep-PERF-PAUS until dawn-PERF-3pl dawn-PERF-3pl
432 Aikhenvald
(48) way ata malayu yue kulimalu ma-ha

say deer to turtle say-PAUS
(49) wa-ja-mia wa wa-pala-ha

lpl-go-PERF then Ipl-run-PAUS
They slept until they woke up, they woke up, the deer said, he said to
the turtle, "Let's run!" '
(50) wa yawaputa kulimalu wa-Ja-wa

then answer turtle lpl-go-NONACC
'Then the turtle answered, "Let's go!" '
(51) wa-hä pala-mia-ha malayu

then-PAUS run-PERF-PAUS deer
(52) wa-Ja-wa malayu wa-Ja-wa

then-go-NONACC deer then-go-NONACC
(53) wa-Ja-mia-wa wa-pala-mia-ha pala-mia-ha

then-go-PERF-NONACC then-run-PERF-PAUS run-PERF-PAUS
(54) pala malayu ya:me-lu pala-mia-hä malayu

run deer far-EMPH run-PERF-PAUS deer
(55) pala malayu ya:me-lu wa ema-ha malayu

run deer far-EMPH then cry-PAUS deer
'Then the deer ran, then the deer went on running, the deer ran far, the
deer ran, the deer ran far, then the deer shouted.'
(56) wa yawaputa kulimalu wa ema-ha ni-malayu

then answer turtle then cry-PAUS DEM.PR-deer
(57) yawaputa kulimalu yame-he yame piyatuaba malayu

answer turtle far-PAUS far in. front + DIR deer
'The turtle answered, then the deer shouted, turtle answered far in front
of the deer.'
(58) piyatuaba pala malayu pala

in. front + DIR run deer run
(59) pala pala ate ya-mie-yutj'i-pihi malayu

run run until NEG-PERF-strong-NEG + PAUS deer
'The deer ran on in front, he ran, ran, until the deer had no strength.'
Warekena 433
(60) wa-hä ema-tj"i-wa ema-tî-wa

then-PAUS cry-REP-NONACC cry-REP-NONACC
(61) ema-ha ema ema-ha

cry-PAUS cry cry-PAUS
Then he cried again, cried again, cried again.'
(62) yawaputa kulimalu yame yame yawaputa kuiimalu

answer turtle far far answer turtle
'The turtle answered far, the turtle answered far.'
(63) wa-pala-tj"i maJayu pa:Ja pa:la pa:la ya-mia

then-run-REP deer run run run NEG-PERF
(64) be-pia-wa malayu ma-kaJe-miehe

can-NEG-NONACC deer NEG-breath-PERF + PAUS
(65) wa ema-î ema-ha ema maJayu

then cry-REP cry-PAUS cry deer
(66) ma-kale-miehe ema-tj"i ema

NEG-breath-PERF + PAUS cry-REP cry
(67) eda-palu daba kulimalu

see-PURP where turtle
'Then the deer ran, he ran, and he could (run) no more, he was tired, he
cried again, he was tired, he cried, to see/hear where the turtle was.'
(68) yawaputa kulimalu yawaputa kulimalu

answer turtle answer turtle
(69) piyatuaba-mia ya:me piyatuaba

in.front + DIR-PERF far in.front + DIR
'The turtle answered far in front.'
(70) wa pala malayu pala malayu

then run deer run deer
(71) wiya-mia dalina-ha malayu

die-PERF faint-PAUS deer
(72) ya-mia-yutfi-piln ya-mia-yutji-piehe

NEG-PERF-strong-NEG + PAUS NEG-PERF-strong-NEG + PAUS
434 Aikhenvald
(73) malayu wa yeleta-ha wali inapa-wa tenepu

deer then arrive-PAUS where finish-NONACC road
The deer ran, the deer fainted, the deer had no more strength, he came
where the road finished.'
(74) wa ema-tfi ema-ha ema-ha

then cry-REP cry-PAUS cry-PAUS
(75) eda-paJu daba kulimalu

see-PURP where turtle
'He cried again, to see where the turtle is.'
(76) yawaputa kulimalu piatuaba-mia

answer turtle front + DIR-PERF
'The turtle answered in front.'
(77) wa-hä dalina-mia malayu

then-PAUS faint-PERF deer
(78) dalina-mia ya-mia-be-pia-wa

faint-PERF NEG-PERF-can-NEG-NONACC
(79) ya-mia-be-pia-wa malayu dalina-mia-ha

NEG-PERF-can-NEG-NONACC deer faint-PERF-PAUS
'Then the deer fainted, he fainted, he could (run) no more, the deer
could (run) no more, he fainted.'
(80) akawi-mia-ha numewene

slobber-PERF-PAUS mouth + EL
'Slobber came out of his mouth.'
(81) wa-hä wiyua-miani-M malayu

then-PAUS die-PERF + DEM.PR-PAUS deer
Then the deer died.'
(82) wiyua-miani malayu

die-PERF + DEM.PR deer
Then the deer died.'
(83) wa ema ema-ha ema-ha kulumalu yue-he yue ema

then cry cry-PAUS cry-PAUS turtle to-PAUS to cry
(84) ee! wiyua-mia-ha malayu

ee! die-PERF-PAUS deer
Warekena 435
(85) emani kulimalu

cry + DEM.PR turtle
'Then the turtle cried to (his companions), he cried, "The deer died!,"
cried this turtle.'
(86) wa yawaputehe peya kulimalu eni-M

then answer + PAUS one turtle DEM.PR-PAUS
(87) wa emä-hä ema-hä-ni kulimalu tsina-hä

then cry-PAUS cry-PAUS-DEM.PR turtle again-PAUS
(88) malayu wiyua-mia-ha wiyua-miani malayu

deer die-PERF-PAUS die-PERF + DEM.PR deer
'Then one turtle answered, cried this turtle, again, that the deer died, the
deer died.'
(89) wa eda yujana ni-peya kulimalu

then perceive voice DEM.PR-one turtle
(90) Jia-li yuluta-li pane-we tenepu

where-REL lie-REL middle-LOC road
(91) eda yujana anetua

perceive voice good
(92) wiyua-mia-ha eni malayu

die-PERF-PAUS DEM.PR deer
'Then one turtle heard the voice where he was lying in the middle of the
road, he heard well (that) the deer died.'
(93) yaliwa wa-ja-wa tenepu numa-wa

now lpl-go-NONACC road mouth-PERL
(94) wa-ja weda wiyua-miani malayu

lpl-go Ipl + perceive die-PERF + DEM.PR deer
'Now let's go by the edge of the road, let's go and see how the deer
died.'
(95) wa-ni-Ja-wa ni-kulimalu-nawi

then-3pl-go-NONACC DEM.PR-turtle-PL
(96) tenepu numa-wa ni-Ja-wa uyuba-lu

road mouth-PERL 3pl-go-NONACC slow-EMPH
436 Aikhenvald
(97) ya-ni-be-pia-hä ni-pala-hä wa ni-ja-wa

NEG-3pl-can-NEG-PAUS 3pl-mn-PAUS then 3pl-go-NONACC
(98) uyuba-Ju ni-ja-wa ni-ja-wa

slow-EMPH 3pl-go-NONACC 3pl-go-NONACC
(99) ate ni-yeleta-hä wali wiyua-hä malayu

until 3pl-amve-PAUS where die-PAUS deer
'Then the turtles went, they went slowly by the edge of the road, they
cannot run, they went slowly until they came where the deer died.'
(100) ni-yeleta-ha ni-yeleta kulimalu-nawi

3pl-arrive-PAUS 3pl-amve turtle-PL
(101) ni-yeleta nida-ha nida wiyua-mia-ha

3pl-arrive 3pH-perceive-PAUS 3pl +perceive die-PERF-PAUS
They arrived, they arrived, the turtles arrived, they saw, they saw him
dead.'
(102) wa wayata ni-yue Jabine eni kulimalu yaliwa

then speak 3pl-to family DEM.PR turtle now
(103) wa-Ja we-he eni malayu wiyua-mia-ha

lpl-go lpl+ eat-PAUS DEM.PR deer die-PERF-PAUS
'Then the turtle spoke to his family, "Now let's eat the dead deer." '
(104) wiyua-mia-hä wa-ni-ja-mia-wa kulimalu-nawi

die-PERF-PAUS then-3pl-go-PERF-NONACC turtle-PL
(105) ni-ja ni-mutjitehe ni-mutfita tjiabutji

3pl-go 3pl-bite-l-PAUS 3pl-bite stomach
(106) tfiabuji ni-bujuka-paluhi

stomach 3pl-split-PURP + PAUS
(107) ni-yanta-palu tfiapi ne-palu

3pl-take-PURP insides 3pl-I-eat-PURP
'The turtles came (to) the dead (deer), they came to bite him, they bit on
the stomach, to split the stomach and take his insides to eat.'
(108) wani ni-mufita-mehe ni-mutjita-mehe

there 3pl-bite-PERF + PAUS 3pl-bite-PERF + PAUS
Warekena 437
(109) ate ni-bujuka tfiapi

until 3pl-split insides
'They bit him until the insides split.'
(110) ne-mia ne-mia-ha payalu-ni eni malayu

3pl + eat-PERF 3pl + eat-PERF-PAUS all-3pl DEM.PR deer
(111) wanehe ninapa-mia ne-he atulapi-mia-ni

here + PAUS 3pl + finish-PERF 3pl + eat-PAUS full-PERF-3pl
"They ate, they all ate the deer, then they finished eating, they were
full.'
(112) wa ni-yuluta-wa ima-ha malayu

then 3pl-lie-NONACC with-PAUS deer
(113) ni-yiuuta-wa ba-buya pepuji wa ne-tfi

3pl-lie-NONACC one-CL:TIME day then 3pl + eat-REP
(114) ne-tj"i ne-he ne-mia malayu

3pl + eat-REP 3pl+eat-PAUS 3pl + eat-PERF deer
(115) wanehe ninapa-mia ne-he ni-maJayu

here + PAUS 3pl + fmish-PERF 3pl + eat-PAUS DEM.PR-deer
(116) wa inapa-mia-wa malayu

then finish-PERF-NONACC deer
'They lay down near the deer, they lay for one day, then they ate again,
they ate the deer, then they finished eating the deer, then the deer
finished.'
(117) wayata ni-yue-he Jabine wayata ni-yue-he

say 3pl-to-PAUS family say 3pl-to-PAUS
(118) eni Jabine yaliwa wa-Ja-mia-wa

DEM.PR family now lpl-go-PERF-NONACC
(119) wa-yuleta-wa
Ipl-return-NONACC
'He said to the family, he said to the family, "Now let's go back." '
(120) wa eni teletfi teletfi kulimalu

then DEM.PR three three turtle
438 Aikhenvald
(121) Ja-mia-wa aJatalu-waba

go-PERF-NONACC swamp-DIR
(122) Ja-wa ate yeleta alataluwe-he

go-NONACC until arrive swamp+ LOC-PAUS
(123) wa ni-Ja-wa wa ni-yuluta-wa

then 3pl-go-NONACC then 3pl-lie-NONACC
'Then three turtles went to a swamp, they went until they arrived to the
swamp, then they went, they lay down.'
(124) wa eni kwatru kulimalu ni-Ja-wa

then DEM.PR four turtle 3pl-go-NONACC
(125) a:wipemi-waba wabupi a:wipemi-waba wabupi

headwaters-DIR spring headwaters-DIR spring
(126) ni-Ja-wa eni kwatru kulimalu-nawi

3pl-go-NONACC DEM.PR four turtle-PL
Then four turtles went to the headwaters of the spring, to the spring's
headwaters they came, the four turtles.'
(127) kwatru kulimalu-nawi ni-Ja-wa

four turtle-PL 3pl-go-NONACC
(128) a:wipemi-waba wabupi

head waters-DIR spring
'Four turtles went to the headwaters of the spring.'
(129) wa eni teletfi kulimalu ni-Ja-wa

then DEM.PR three turtle 3pl-go-NONACC
(130) ulupe-tji-waba ya:pa

foot-LOC?-DIR hill

so-PAUS 3pl-spread-REFL-NONACC-PERF-PAUS
ni-Ja-mia-wa
3pl-go-PERF-NONACC
Warekena 439
(132) ni-yuleta-mia-wa ni-yiüeta-mia-hä ulupe-waba ya:pa

3pl-return-PERF-NONACC 3pl-return-PERF-PAUS foot-DIR hill
"Then three turtles went to the foot of a hill, so they dispersed, they
returned to the foot of a hill.'
(133) wa ni-yuluta-mia-wa kulimaJu-nawi

then 3pl-lie-PERF-NONACC turtle-PL
(134) wa ni-yuluta-mia-wa ni-yuluta-mia-wa

then 3pl-lie-PERF-NONACC 3pl-lie-PERF-NONACC
(135) ninapa-mia-nehe malayu

3pl + finish-PERF-DEM.PR + PAUS deer
'Then the turtles lay down, they lay down, they finished the deer.'
(136) ya:liwa inapa-mia-wa isturia-ne malayu

now fmish-PERF-NONACC story-POSS deer
(137) epi kulimalu yaliwa ube-ma-lu nu-tfina-li

with turtle now all-DEL-EMPH Isg-tell-REL
(138) wa isturia-ne malayu epi kulimalu

then story-POSS deer with turtle
'Now the story of the deer with a turtle is finished, this is all my story,
the story of the deer with a turtle.'
PART II
Typological Study: Amahuaca (Panoan)
Interclausal Reference in Amahuaca
Margarethe W. Sparing-Chavez
0 Introduction
1 General characteristics of Amahuaca
1.1 The case-marking system
1.2 Tense/aspect system
1.3. Operators that function as IRMs
2 General description of IR-constructions in Amahuaca
3 IR-operators in Amahuaca
3.1 Set A
3.2 Set B
4 Conclusions
5 IRMs in Narrative Discourse
5.1 Sample narrative
5.2 Analysis
5.3 Participant Orientation
0 Introduction
Ever since William Jacobson coined the term "switch-reference" in his seminal
paper of 1967 entitled: "Switch-reference in Hokan-Coahuiltecan," linguists have
detected this syntactic clause-linking device not only in the Americas, but all over
the globe: in New Guinea, Australia, and Africa. Switch-reference as defined by
Jacobson (1967:240) "consists simply in the fact that a switch in subject or agent is
obligatorily indicated in certain situations by a morpheme, usually suffixed, which
may or may not carry other meanings in addition." Meanwhile switch-reference has
become an important issue in typological studies, and the experts speak of "canoni-
cal" (Haiman), "prototypical" vs. "non-prototypical" (Comrie), "anticipatory" vs.
"non-anticipatory" and "real" vs. "unreal" (Givon) switch-reference systems. Al-
though the scope of the phenomenon described has changed, the basic assumption
that this type of clause-linking device primarily encodes referential relations has
remained the same.
Amahuaca, like other members of the Panoan1 language family of South America, has
a well developed clause-linking morphology which exhibits all of the characteristics of
444 Sparing-Chavez
classic "switch-reference" systems (Jacobson 1967) plus the additional feature of encod-
ing coreference between subjects and objects. It is this feature that makes the system
very productive. However, maintaining referential continuity is only one of the functions
of this system, and not necessarily even the most important one. Other functions include
encoding transitivity and temporal or logical relations between events. Therefore the
term "switch reference" does not accurately describe the system and I will refer to it as
"interclausal reference system "(hereafter IRS), following Franklin (1983).
My purpose in this discussion is twofold: 1. to describe the IRS of Amahuaca in
terms of previous typological characterizations of switch reference (e.g., Munro
1980, Haiman and Munro 1983, Haiman 1983, Connie 1983, Givon 1983, and
Longacre 1983), and 2. to question the assumption that clause-linking morphology
primarily establishes cross-clausal reference between subjects or agents. Instead, I
suggest that in Amahuaca to a large extent temporal and/or logical relations take
precedence over referential ones. I will attempt to show in this study that two
systems are basic to the IRS: case marking and tense/aspect, and that the referential
parameter is subsidiary to the temporal parameter. These claims disqualify Ama-
huaca as a "prototypical" switch-reference language, as described by Comrie
(1983:36). I therefore propose a more general typology of interclausal reference that
is not strictly concerned with the referential tracking function.
In Section 1, I describe some fundamental characteristics of Amahuaca and, as a
background to the investigation of interclausal relations, outline the case marking
and tense/aspect systems, as well as discuss a small number of suffixes which figure
in the IRS. In Section 2, I describe the basic properties of the IR suffix system.
Section 3 presents and illustrates the constructions in more detail with examples and
summary displays of the morphemes and their grammatical functions. In Section 4,
I summarize my findings and relate them to the studies previously mentioned.
Finally, in Section 5, I analyse a short text, and briefly discuss the pragmatic
functions of the IRS.
Amahuaca is spoken by approximately 1,000 people in the lowlands of southeast-
em Peru. The people live widely dispersed and there are some dialectal differences.
But to my knowledge they do not affect the IRS. My language data come from field
work in the settlements of Nuevo San Martin on the Inuya River and Laureano on
the Purus River, during several trips from November 1985 to June 1992 under the
auspices of the Summer Institute of Linguistics.
1 General characteristics of Amahuaca

The grammar strongly reflects the notions of attention flow and viewpoint. (Atten-
tion flow determines the linear order of sentence constituents, and viewpoint refers
to the speaker's perception of a situation.)2 Consequently, word and clause order,
and an extensive morphology marking case, tense/aspect, theme (central element of
a sentence), pragmatic considerations, and evidentiality dominate the morphosyntac-
tic strategy of the grammar. Like all Panoan languages Amahuaca is highly
agglutinative. Operators are suffixes and some function as clitics which are
Amahuaca 445
phono logically bound to the last constituent of a clause or sentence. It is not at all
unusual to attach tense-aspect-person-mood morphemes to a noun or pronoun, or
case markings to verb phrases. Likewise, clause-level evidential operators can be
suffixed to almost any constituent. There is strong indication that the whole sen-
tence, rather than the constituent marked, is the scope of the affixation.
As is typical in clause chaining languages, Amahuaca distinguishes between inde-
pendent and dependent clauses. Independent clauses are inflected for
tense-aspect-person-mood, and usually are sentence final. Dependent clauses carry
the IR morphology.
Again following the general trend, Amahuaca is best classified as an SOV language
(Wise 1979), but not in an exclusive sense. Whereas dependent clauses (particularly
clauses in a chain with IR morphology) strongly prefer SOV/SV word order, inde-
pendent clauses and sentences display more freedom. Their word order depends on
verbal aspect3 and pragmatic considerations (which in the context of this paper means
that a sentence constituent or a clause is considered prominent). While independent
sentences in unmarked aspect have SOV/SV word order, those in marked aspect display
OVS/VS word order. Other orders (OVS/VS in unmarked aspect and SOV/SV in
marked aspect) are clearly pragmatically marked (e.g., 3a,b below).
1.1 The case-marking system. The case-marking system is basically tripartite4

with ergative, absolutive, and nominative cases (Table 1). In pragmatically neutral
independent clauses, split ergativity is governed by verbal aspect.
(1) Unmarked aspect, transitive and intransitive verb.
(a) Xano -n -mun maninha -0 vi -xo -hnu.5
woman -ERG -TH banana(s) -ABS get -3PAST.PFTV -DECL
'The woman got/brought bananas.'
(b) Xano -vaun -mun maninha -0 vi -xo -hnu.
woman -ERG.PL -TH banana(s) -ABS get -3PAST.PFTV -DECL
'The women got/brought banana(s).'
(c) Hun povi -0 -mun nashi -xo -hnu.
my sibling -ABS -TH bathe -3PAST.PFTV -DECL
'My sibling bathed.'
(d) Hun povi -vo -mun nashi -xo -hnu.
my siblings -ABS.PL -TH bathe -3PAST.PFTV -DECL
'My siblings bathed.'
(2) Marked aspect, transitive and intransitive verb.
(a) Maninha -0 -mun vi -hax huha -0 -hqui -nu.
bananas -ABS -TH get -3PAST.PF mother -ABS -3ACT -DECL
'Mother has gotten/brought bananas.'
446 Sparing-Chavez
(b) Nashi -mun -ax6 hun povi -0 -hqui -nu.

bathe -TH -PAST.PF my sibling -ABS -3ACT -DECL
'My sibling has bathed.' (Lit.: 'Bathing is what my sibling has been do-
ing·')
(c) Nashi -mun -ax6 hun povi -vo -hqui -nu.
bathe -TH -PAST.PF my siblings -ABS.PL -3ACT -DECL
'My siblings have bathed.' (Lit.: 'Bathing is what my siblings have been
doing.')
These examples illustrate that in pragmatically neutral contexts, SOV/SV constitu-
ent order is used in unmarked aspect and OVS/VS in marked aspect. The
clause-initial constituents in these examples receive the clitic -mun 'theme.' The
following constituents are found in initial position: any subject governed by a verb
in unmarked aspect (la-d), direct objects (2a), and intransitive verbs in marked
aspect (2b,c). Examples 3a,b illustrate the tripartite case-marking system in contexts
with pragmatically marked subject:
(3) Marked aspect, transitive and intransitive, pragmatically marked subject.
(a) Xano -n -mun maninha -0 vi -hax -qui -hnu.
woman -ERG -TH bananas -ABS get -PAST.PF -3ACT -DECL
'It is the woman who has gotten/brought bananas.'
(b) Joni -x -mun ca -hax -qui -hnu.
man -NOM -TH go -PAST.PF -3ACT -DECL
'It is the man who has gone.'
(c) Joni -vaux -mun vo -hax -qui -hnu.
man -NOM.PL -TH go.PL -PAST.PF -3ACT -DECL
'It is the men who have gone.'
TABLE 1: Case-marking system
Agent Obj/Subj Subject
ergative absolutive nominative
Singular -n -0 -X
Plural -vaun -vo -vaux
As mentioned above, SOV and SV orders in marked aspects are pragmatically

marked. Evidence for this claim is that these orders are infrequent in discourse, and
appear in contrastive environments (Chafe 1976).
As Table 1 reflects, in the case-marking system neither the syntactic terms "sub-
ject" and "object" nor the semantic concepts of "agent" and "patient" are adequate.
They need to be redefined.7 However, in the IRS the syntactic terms "subject" and
"object" suffice. Therefore I will employ them in this paper.
Amahuaca 447
1.2 Tense/aspect system. Amahuaca has very few free temporal adverbs. Instead,
it has a detailed grammatical morphology that encodes tense and/or aspect, and other
temporal nuances. For example, the system includes bound temporal adverbs encod-
ing different degrees of time lapses between events. In this brief sketch I will outline
the tense system only as far as it relates to the IRS. The tense/aspect operators
described are those used in declarative clauses. There are different sets of operators
for questions and commands.
As mentioned in sect. 1.1, the tense/aspect system of Amahuaca is divided into two
sets: unmarked and marked. They differ formally as well as semantically.
The unmarked aspect operators (Table 2) have the following formal characteristics:
the forms are one single unanalyzable suffix encoding either aspect only, e.g., -non
'prospective aspect,' or tense + aspect + person, e.g., -xo '3rd person, narrative past,
perfective.' They can be preceded by bound temporal adverbs, e.g., -shinxo º-3 days
ago, 3rd person, narrative past, perfective,' and preceded or followed by plural subject
markers, e.g., -haivo 'continuous aspect, plural.'
The marked forms (Table 3) have the following formal characteristics: they consist of
two separate operators, which can either occur together on the same consitutuent, e.g.,
-haxqui (3), or they can occur on different constituents, e.g., -hax. .. -qui 'past perfect,
3rd person actuality aspect' (9—11). The forms encoding tense/aspect, are often analyz-
able, e.g., -ca-tzi 'future' consists of -ca 'go' + -tzi 'commitment.' Like the operators
of the unmarked category, those of the marked category can also be preceded by the
bound temporal adverbs, resulting in hypermorphemes such as -shinax/-shinnax º-3
days ago' (from -shin + -hax. )
1.2.1 Unmarked tense/aspect set (Table 2). There are two past tenses in perfective
aspect: the narrative past and the immediate past. The narrative past has three different
forms: -cu '1st and 2nd person,' and -xo '3rd person' encode recent past; -tai which does
not inflect for person, encodes One planting season ago.'
(4) a. Hiya -x -mun hun -0 jo -cu -hnu.
I -NOM -TH I -ABS come -1/2REC.PAST.PFTV -DECL
'It is I who came.'
b. Jaa -x -mun jan -0 jo -xo -hnu.
he -NOM -TH he -ABS come -3REC.PAST.PFTV -DECL
'It is he who came.'
The above past tenses (with -tai as an exception) can combine with the following
operators expressing time lapses: -shin º-3 days ago,' -yan '4 days till a planting season
ago,' -ni 'a long time ago.'
The forms for immediate past are: -ha '1st person,' and -qui '2nd and 3rd person.'
(5) a. Moha -mun hun -0 jo -ha -nu.
now -TH I -ABS come -1IMM.PAST.PFTV -DECL
'Now I have (just/actually) arrived.'
448 Sparing-Chavez
b. Moha -mun jan -0 jo -qui -hnu.

now -TH he -ABS come -2/3IMM.PAST.PFTV -DECL
'Now he has (just/actually) arrived.'
The temporal adverb -moha 'now' is optional, but is often used in the immediate past
construction in perfective aspect. Incidentally, if we compare the above forms -ha '1st
person' and -qui '2nd and 3rd person immediate past perfective' with the form encoding
actuality aspect in the marked tense/aspect set, we note that they are identical (see Table
3, person and actuality aspect column). It appears mat the above forms also encode
actuality aspect, despite the fact that in general the actuality mode is used in marked
contexts. I have therefore added it in parenthesis in the gloss. (The above distinction
between marked and unmarked, however, still holds: the unmarked tense/aspect form
consists of one single morpheme and the marked form of two (compare the forms of
Tables 2 and 3)).
The unmarked tense/aspect set also contains a pair of singular and plural forms that
encode perfect of result. They can combine with the operators expressing time lapses.
The plural forms can be best translated as passives, but they do not follow the normal
criteria for passive constructions8, and are more strictly the indefinite third person
subject of an active construction. (See also example 48.)
(6) a. Hapo -0 rutu -ha -vo.
chief -ABS kill -PF.RESULT -ABS.PL
The chief has been killed by them.'
b. Hapo -0 rutu -shin -a6 -vo.
chief -ABS kill -l-3.days.ago -PF.RESULT. -ABS.PL
'The chief was killed yesterday/a few days ago.'
Other members of the unmarked tense/aspect set that also figure in the IRS are th;e
repetitive/continuative operator -hai/-haivo (7), and the prospective aspect operator
-non/-novo (8).
(7) Huha -n -mun maninha -0 vi -hai -hnu.
mother -ERG -TH bananas -ABS get -REP -DECL
'Mother is (continuous) getting/bringing bananas.'
The aspect marker -hai shares some of the semantic features of the habitual aspect
-nox, and the customary aspect -taish-9 which are part of the marked category. The
difference, however, is that -hai encodes repeated or continued events that are viewed
from an outside perspective.
(8) Hupa -0 jiri -non -nu.
father -ABS eat -PROSP -DECL
'Father is intending to eat.'
The form -non expresses an intended or possible event. There is no bias as to
whether or not the event will be taking place.
Amahuaca 449
TABLE 2: Unmarked tense/aspect operators
tense/aspect temporal tense/aspect time lapse gloss

adverb marker
narrative -shin -cw(l,2) -*o(3) -shincu -shinxo º—3 days ago'
past, -yan -can-xo(3p\) -yancu -yanxo '4 days - one
perfective planting season
ago'
-ti -tai -tai 'a planting
season ago'
-ni -nicu -nixo 'a long time ago'
perfect of -ha (sing) -shina -shinavo º-3 days ago'
result -ha-vo (pi)
-yanta -yantavo '4 days - one
planting season
ago'
-ti -tivo 'a planting
season ago'
-niha -nivo 'a long time ago'

immediate -Ml) -<7"J(2,3) 'just'
past, ('actually')
perfective
narrative -tai One planting
past, -can-tai (3pl) season ago'
perfective
repetitive/ -hai (sing) 'always,
continuative -hai-vo (pi) to continue'
prospective non (sing) 'to intend'
-non-vo/
-no-vo- (pi)
1.2.2 Marked tense/aspect set. Where unmarked aspects encode events that are not
perceived as actually taking place at the present moment, marked aspects encode events
that someone is actually engaged in or will be engaged in. The most complex form in
this set is -hax (9a). It has imperfective as well as perfect characteristics. (As Comrie
has shown (1976:63), that is not self-contradictory.) It is imperfective in that it pays
attention to the internal structure of the event, and perfect in that the past event is
relevant to the present moment.
450 Sparing-Chavez
(9) a. Tapaz -mun -ax6 jan -0 -hqui -nu.

house.build -TH -PAST.PF he -ABS -ACT -DECL
'He has built a house.' (Lit.: 'Housebuilding is what he has been doing.')
The form -hax expresses a completed past event. It can be combined with temporal
adverbs to render the following hypermorphemes: -shinax/shinnax º-3 days ago,'
-yantax '4 days till a planting season ago,' -taix 'a planting season ago,' and -nix, 'a
long time ago.'
(9) b. Tapaz -mun -ix10 jan -0 -hqui -nu.
house.build -TH -DIST.PAST.PF he -ABS -3ACT -DECL
'He has built a house a long time ago.'
(Lit.: 'Housebuilding is what he has been doing a long time ago.')
The present tense operator -hi does not make a formal distinction between progres-
sive and non-progressive events. It appears, however, that the operator encodes a
stretch of time. The boundaries are defined in relation to other events.
(10) Tapaz -mun -i6 jan -0 -hqui -nu.
house.build -TH -PRES he -ABS -3ACT -DECL
'He builds/is building a house.'
(Lit: 'Housebuilding is what he is doing.')
The form -hi, besides expressing present tense, also functions as an infinitive
marker for intransitive verbs, very much like 'to* in English. In this function it
contrasts with -quin 'infinitive marker for transitive verbs': -nashi-hi 'to bathe,' -pi-
quin 'to eat (meat).'
There are two future tenses in the marked category which are analyzable opera-
tors: -xanhqui 'immediate future,' and -catzi 'unspecified future.' -xanhqui is a
composite of -xan 'immediate future' and -qui 'present tense' (allomorph of -hi), -catzi
is a composite of -ca 'go' and -tzi 'commitment.' Although -catzi encodes 'unspecified
future,' it appears that it is perceived as actual involvement, in that literally the first step
towards the fulfillment of the event has been taken.
(11) Tapaz -mun -xanhqui jan -0 -hqui -nu.
house.build -TH -IMM.FUT he -ABS -3ACT -DECL
'He is going (beginning today) to build a house.'
(12) Tapaz -mun -catzi hun -0 -hca -nu.11
house.build -TH -PUT I -ABS -1ACT -DECL
º am going to build a house.'
Amahuaca 451
TABLE 3: Marked tense/aspect operators
tense temporal tense person and time lapse gloss

abverb marker actuality (temporal
aspect adverb +
tense
marker)
4
past perfect, -shin -hax -shinax 1-3 days
ago'
present -yan -yantax '4 days-
relevance one planting
season ago'
-ti -taix 'a planting
season ago'
-ni -nix 'a long time
ago'
present -hi -ca11 '1st person'
(progressive) -qui '2nd or 3rd
person'
future -xanhqui 'immediate
future'
-catzi 'unspecified
future'
infinitive -hi 'to,
markers intransitive'
-quin «to,
transitive'
1.3. Operators that function as IRJVls. As mentioned in the Introduction, two sys-
tems are basic to the IRS: case marking and tense/aspect. A combining of the
operators of the two systems constitutes the IRMs. In addition a small number of
verbal suffixes encoding motion and possible events also figure in the IRS.
1.3.1 Tense/aspect operators. The operators of the unmarked and marked

tense/aspect sets encode the following temporal relationships in the IRS: the past
tense forms -ha, -cu and -xo encode sequence of events (23,24,25,47a,b), and the
temporal adverb forms -shin, -yan, -ti, and -ni specify the degree of the time lapses
between the events (20). They have perfect aspect, relating the past event to the
present moment. The infinitive markers -hi and -quin, and the repetitive/continuous
aspect -hai, encode non-sequential events (29,30,49). The future tense -catzi and the
prospective aspect -non encode subsequent events or purpose (36,39).
452 Sparing-Chavez
1.3.2 Suffixes of motion. There are five suffixes in this set. One of them, -tan,
expresses motion, 'go and come back,' and/or 'immediate action.' Four of them
express direction: -cahin and -vahin express 'movement away from a focal point,'
-quiran and -vuran express 'movement towards a focal point.' All of them imply
perfective aspect and encode sequential events in the IRS (13-17).
1.3.3 Suffix expressing possible event, -ti 'can,' 'be able' (45,46).
2 General description of IR constructions in Amahuaca

Following Comrie (1983:23) I will use the term "marked" clause to refer to the clause
that is marked for continuing or switch reference and "controlling" clause to refer to the
clause that contains the antecedent. In Amahuaca, as in most languages with IR-systems,
the marked clause normally precedes the controlling clause. The controlling clause can
be either another non-final clause immediately to the right of the marked clause, or a
chain-final independent clause. On occasion, a marked clause may have a number of
non-final clauses to its right. Yet the IRM disregards these and refers directly to the final
independent clause. Sentence 4 of Section 5.1 illustrates this claim. The first IRM -haito
on line 4a does not refer to the clause to its immediate right, but to the final independent
clause at the end of the chain. (See Section 5.3 for a discussion on the significance of
this irregular pattern on discourse level.)
There are cases in which the linear order of the marked and controlling clauses is
reversed, i.e., the controlling clause is to the left of the marked clause. This happens
when the controlling clause is pragmatically marked (38). A clause marked with an
IRM can also be embedded in an independent controlling clause (40).
As in several other languages, e.g., Huichol (Comrie 1983), Kewa (Franklin 1983),
Wojokeso, Guanano (Longacre 1983), Kashaya (Oswalt 1983), Panare (T.Payne 1990)
(see also Haiman 1983:108), the IRMs in Amahuaca encode both referential and
temporal information. The operators are portmanteau, i.e., one operator makes reference
to more than one sentence element. The IRM -haivaun, for example, refers to the subject
of the marked clause, indicating that it is plural and that it is not coreferential with the
subject of the controlling clause. It further refers to the marked and controlling verbs,
encoding that the events are non-sequential.
Unlike the above mentioned languages, however, Amahuaca appears to have two
distinct sets. These I will describe as Set A and B.12 Set A distinguishes between
coreference and non-coreference of the subjects of two clauses, same subject (SS)
and different subject (DS), and coreference of subject and object (SO). Set B
distinguishes between coreference (SS) of subjects, and coreference of object and
subject (OS). On the temporal parameter Set A encodes temporal or logical relations
between two clauses. The operators encoding SS also specify whether the verb of
the controlling clause is transitive or intransitive. Four of the Set A operators
furthermore encode direction of the action expressed by the controlling verb. Set B
encodes temporal or logical relations and transitivity of the controlling verb. Al-
though the sets operate for all persons, there is no person-marking inflection on the
Amahuaca 453
marked verb. Only where necessary for clarity the subject of the marked clause is
inflected for singular or plural.
In cases where there is overlapping reference in participant sets, i.e., changes from
plural to singular (we/I, they/he) or vice versa (I/we, he/they), the SS-morpheme is
used. This appears quite natural for the first person since the first person plural is
treated as a single form, but it also applies to the third person. This type of
construction is not very common in Amahuaca. I only found one example in some
sixty pages of oral narrative text, and upon trying to elicit examples, the native
speakers were in disagreement with each other. 13
Clause chaining is an extremely prominent and obvious aspect of Amahuaca
discourse structure. In particular, narratives typically consist of chains of several
clauses joined by IRMs. It is not unusual to find a series of ten or more clauses
which consist of little more than a chain of verb phrases followed by an independent
clause (sentence 4 in Section 5.1 is a typical example). Amahuaca narrative sentence
structure closely resembles Wojekeso of New Guinea and Guanano of Colombia,
whose "distinct and final verb at the end of the sentence is like an engine that pulls
a train of cars" (Longacre 1983:186). While the relationship between a marked
clause and its sentence-final controlling clause is one of dependence/independence
by virtue of the verb affixation of the final controlling clause for tense/aspect-per-
son-mood (the marked clause depends on the controlling clause for completion), the
relationship between neighboring marked clauses appears to be one of coordination;
the clauses are of equal rank. There exists, of course, a certain degree of dependency
between a marked clause and its adjacent non-final clause; the clause on the right
has some control over the one on the left. Comrie speaks of "stacked dependency,
i.e., where one clause is dependent on another that is in turn dependent on another"
(1983:23-25,37). However, since the marked clauses are the same structurally but
contrast with the final/independent controlling clause, it appears advantageous to
consider the marked clauses coordinates. If we consider, for instance, the clauses 2c,·
d, and e in Section 5.1, we note that the morphology of the two adjacent marked
clauses (2c,d) is very similar, but contrasts considerably with the final controlling
clause (2e).14
Again in line with the general pattern, it is the verb of the marked clause that
receives the IRM. There are, however, a few exceptions in which a noun or pronoun
receives the IRM (27,28).
With regard to the discussion on iconic marking,15 the Amahuaca constructions
display a divided picture. Several compound IRMs of Sets A and B abide by iconic
principles in that the IRMs are verbal (tense related) affixes attached to verbs.
However, those displaying case-marking morphology do not seem to abide by iconic
principles, at least not from a synchronic point of view. Case marking semantically
applies to nouns and pronouns, and one would expect them only to be formally
marked. The Amahuaca constructions at large, as the discussion on clitics in Section
1 confirms, support Comrie"s view that "the morphological marking is a charac-
teristic of the dependent clause as a w h o l e , . . . " (1983:23).
454 Sparing-Chavez
The above sketch shows that Amahuaca displays most of the properties that are
typical of switch-reference systems, as described by Comrie (1983:21-33). The
unusual features in Amahuaca, as well as in some other Panoan languages, are:
1) Sensitivity to subject/object coreference as well as subject/subject coreference
and non-coreference.16
2) Incorporation of case-marking morphology into the IRS.
3) Expression of transitivity as well as temporal/logical relations.
3 IR operators in Amahuaca
As mentioned before, there are two sets of IRMs in Amahuaca: A and B. The basic
references that the IRMs establish in Set A are the temporal ones, and in Set B the
referential ones. The IR morphology in both sets is a combination of the tense/aspect
and case-marking morphology.
The temporal relations encoded in the IRS include absolute and relative tenses.17
The relationships between two events can be (a) sequential, (b) non-sequential or (c)
subsequent.
(a) Sequential events refer to events that follow each other in chronological order.
They contrast along aspectual lines: (1) The action expressed in the controlling verb
immediately follows and might be the consequence of the action of the marked verb.
The action expressed in the marked verb has perfective aspect, i.e., it is considered
complete before the action of the controlling verb begins. (2) The action of the
controlling verb follows the action of the marked verb. The marked verb expresses
perfect aspect, i.e., it emphasizes that it is relevant to the following action. As we
noted in the tense/aspect system, so in the IRS the operators can combine with
temporal adverbs to express degrees of time lapses between the events of the marked
and controlling verbs. Thus -hax 'SS, transitive controlling verb, sequential actions'
+ -shin, º to 3 days ago' combine into -shinax/-shinnax 'the action of the marked
verb occurred yesterday or 1 to 3 days before the action of the controlling verb' (20).
Despite the time lapse between the events, the notion of relevance is preserved.
(b) Non-sequential actions or events (I am using the two terms indiscriminately)
refer to simultaneous actions which can be completely parallel, or partially overlap-
ping, i.e., the action of the marked verb is continuing while the action of the
controlling verb occurs.
(c) Subsequent action in the context of this paper means that the action of the
controlling verb precedes the action of the marked verb.
Depending on the context, temporal relations can be interpreted as logical relations.
For instance, subsequent action often expresses purpose (35,37-39); sequential action
can express potential fact (22), reason-result (47,49), or concession-contraexpectation
(19); simultaneous actions can be interpreted as condition-consequence (32).
In the DS and OS constructions there are two ways to indicate a plural subject of
the marked clause: (1) The subject is identified through a noun phrase. In this case
the noun phrase receives the plural case-marker, either ergative (-vaun) if governed
by a transitive verb, or absolutive (-vo) if governed by an intransitive verb, or
Amahuaca 455
nominative (-vaux) if it is pragmatically marked and is governed by an intransitive

verb. (2) The subject is not identified through a noun prase. In this case the IRM
receives the plural marking, which is either in the ergative case (in DS-constructions
encoding sequence or non-sequence (26,34)), or in the absolutive case (in the
DS-constructions encoding subsequent time or purpose (39b)), or in the OS-con-
structions (48). The IRMs encoding plural subject of the marked clause are never
inflected for nominative case, as examples (26) and (34) illustrate. Although the
verbs are intransitive, the case marking is ergative (-vaun; see discussion in Section
3.1.2.3.)
The IR constructions in Amahuaca operate on all sentence types, including questions,
commands and declarative sentences. The majority of the examples cited in this study
consist of declarative sentences which are morphologically coded with the clitic -nu
'declarative' for all persons, when the clause that it marks contains new information, or
-cu/-qui, '1st, 2nd person' or '3rd person' respectively, when the clause contains known
information. In order to avoid unnecessary complications I selected examples with two
clauses only: a marked clause and an independent clause as its controlling clause.
3.1 Set A. This set consists of IRMs encoding sequential and non-sequential events.
3.1.1 IRMs encoding sequential events. There are two distinct types of IRMs that
encode sequential events: (1) suffixes of motion, and (2) forms that are combinations
of tense/aspect and case-marking morphemes.
3.1.1.1 Suffixes of motion functioning as IRMs (Table IV). These operators,

strictly speaking, are not IRMs, but are auxiliary-like affixes that govern a set of IRMs
and thus play an important role in the overall system. There are five contrastive forms:
-tan, -cahin, -vahin, -quiran, and -vuran. They specify the direction and/or immediacy of
the action expressed in the controlling verb. Also, all but -tan are best described by using
the term valence, which in the context of this paper means that the operators express
whether the marked verb is (a) intransitive, governing a singular subject (14,16) (Va-
lence 1), or either (b) intransitive, governing a plural subject (15b) or (c) transitive (15a,
17) (Valence 2). In these operators the SS function is coded zero (0). They can be
followed by other IRMs, including those encoding DS and SO references (18; see
discussion in Section 4, Supposition (i)).
-tan encodes that one event closely follows another and often the second one is a
result of the first one and involves movement.
(13) Hino nincaa -tan 0 -mun yohinna
dog hear -SQ.IMM.ACN -SS -TH animal
jonu -u -qui -hnu.
hide -REFL -3IMM.PAST -DECL
'Upon hearing the dog the animal hid itself.'
456 Sparing-Chavez
The following operators can be subdivided into pairs, whereby the direction of the
controlling verb is the criterion for the division.
When the controlling verb expresses 'moving away from a focal point,' -cahin or
-vahin are used.
-cahin encodes valence 1.
(14) Junu -naqui pacuu -cahin -0 -mun hina -n pocu
river -middle jump -SQ.VAL1 -SS -TH tiger -ERG cross
-vahin -xo -hnu.
-go -3PAST -DECL
'Having jumped into the middle of the river, the tiger crossed (it) and
went.'
-vahin encodes valence 2.
(15) a. Haa jo -hato nincaa -vahin -0 -mun hun jato
tapir come -NONSQ.SO hear -SQ.VAL2 -SS -TH I them
yohi -cu -hnu.
tell -1PAST -DECL
'When I heard the tapir coming, I went to tell them.'
The following example shows that -vahin replaces -cahin when the intransitive
marked verb governs a plural subject.
(15) b. Junu -naqui pacuu -vahin -0 -mun
river -middle jump(ITR) -SQ.VAL2 -SS -TH
pocu -can -vahin -xo -hnu.
cross -they -go -3PAST -DECL
'Having jumped into the middle of the river, they crossed (it) and went.'
When a controlling verb expresses 'moving toward a focal point,' -quiran and
-vuran are used.
-quiran encodes valence 1.
(16) Hiya nu -ri xucuu -quiran -0 vacon vama
me here -ward approach -SQ.VAL1 -SS wasp(s) drive.off
-hi -yu.
-come -IMP
'Come close to me and drive off the wasps.'
-vuran encodes valence 2.
(17) Nocoo -haito vuchi -vuran -0 -mun muchi
arrive -NONSQ.SO see -SQ.VAL2 -SS -TH surround
Amahuaca 457
-can -xo -hnu.

-PL -3PAST -DECL
'Seeing him approach, they came and surrounded him.'
The following example shows a combination of an IRM encoding direction with a
D S morpheme.
-cahin + D S morpheme -hain
(18) Povunnava ruzoo -cahin -hain -mun chip vo
name precede -SQ.VAL1 -NONSQ.(DS) -TH behind go.PL
-can -xo -hnu.
-they -3PAST -DECL
'Povunnava went first and they followed.'
TABLE 4: Suffixes of motion functioning as IRMs.
g° come immediate action

valence 1 -cahin -quiran -tan
valence 2 -vahin -vuran
3.1.1.2 Sequential IRMs that are composed of tense and case-marking

suffixes (Table 5)
This set includes the following IRMs: -hax and -xon encoding SS function, -xo SO
function, -cun DS function, and -havan DS.PL function. The SS morphemes distinguish
between transitive and intransitive controlling verbs. The forms -cu, -hax, and -xon are
also used in connection with adverbs of place. The form -cu is suffixed to a root
encoding 'location' and the compound constitutes the adverb: ho 'there' + -cu = hocu
Over there.' Either -hax or -xon can be affixed to the adverb, thus encoding 'being there,
someone is performing an intransitive or transitive action' (e.g., hocuhax or hocuxon
respectively). It also appears on 1st person plural pronouns: nocu, 'us,' nocun Our' or
'we, ergative.' As already indicated, the form -cu also encodes 'declarative' and more
generally appears to express 'discontinuity of a state or event.'
3.1.1.2.1 Same subject

-hax encodes that the controlling verb is intransitive.
(19) Yantan horo -hax -mun jatzanamu -u -yama
late cultivate -SQ(SS)ITR -TH get.tired -REFL -NEC
-shin -cu -hnu.
-l-3days.ago -1PAST -DECL
'Cultivating till late yesterday I didn't get tired, (as in 47a,b),' or
'Although I cultivated till late yesterday, I didn't get tired.'·
458 Sparing-Chavez
The following is an example of combining an IRM with a tense modifier.

-shinax/-shinnax (-shin º-3 days ago' + -hax) expresses a time lapse between the
events of the marked and controlling verbs.
(20) Pucallpa -n ca -shinnax -mun hun
Pucallpa -LOG go -l-3days.ago.SQ(SS)ITR -TH I
jo -ha -nu.
come -1IMM.PAST -DECL
'Having gone to Pucallpa yesterday, I just returned.'
-xon encodes that the controlling verb is transitive.
(21) Nihii ca -xon -mun hun haa rutu -cu -hnu.
woods go -SQ(SS)TR -TH I tapir kill -1PAST -DECL
'Having gone hunting I killed a tapir,' or
º went hunting and killed a tapir.'
The following example can be interpreted as describing a temporal or logical
relation.
(22) Chaii nihii ca -xon yohinna ha -ti -mun -hnu.
far woods go -SQ(SS)TR game kill -can -TH -DECL
'If one walks far, one can find game,' or
'Having gone far, one can find game.'
3.1.1.2.2 Subject is coreferential with object

-xo encodes SO
(23) Coriiqui vi -xo -mun jan hiya hachi -xo -hnu.
money take -SQ(SO) -TH he me grab -3PAST -DECL
'After I took the money he grabbed me.'
A glance at Tables I and II shows that the above IRMs are derived from the
tense/aspect and case-marking systems: -ha 'first person, immediate past, perfective
aspect' -(- -:c 'nominative,' and -xo 'third person, past, perfective aspect' + -n 'erga-
tive.' Comparing the above three IRMs, the following pattern emerges:
-ha -x nominative
-xo -n ergative
-xo -0 absolutive
We note that the case markers and in most cases also the theme markers have been
suffixed to the marked verb. Also, the perfective aspect of the tense marker has been
changed to perfect aspect with present relevancy. This is especially evident in (20).
Although the IRM encodes a time lapse between the two events, the first event is
relevant to the second.
Amahuaca 459
3.1.1.2.3 Different subject. In Amahuaca the IRMs encoding DS function do not

encode whether or not the controlling verb is transitive. (Cashibo/Cacataibo, a language
also belonging to the Panoan family, does.19) The DS IRMs distinguish between
identified (through a noun phrase) and non-identified plural subjects of the marked
clause.
-cun encodes either a singular or plural identified subject of the marked clause.
(24) Hupa -n capuu tzaca -cun -mun coca -n
father -ERG alligator stab -SQ(DS) -TH uncle -ERG
maru -xo -hnu.
kill -3PAST -DECL
'After father stabbed the alligator, (my) uncle killed it.'
(Lit.: 'Father having stabbed the alligator,... ')
(25) Jan vutza -vaun capuu tzaca -cun -mun coca -n
his brother -ERG.PL alligator stab -SQ(DS) -TH uncle -ERG
maru -xo -hnu.
kill -3PAST -DECL
'After his brothers stabbed the alligator, (my) uncle killed it.'
(Lit.: 'His brothers having stabbed the alligator,. ..')
-havan replaces -cun when the plural subject of the marked clause is not identified.
(26) Moha jiri -havan -mun jan jo -qui -hnu.
now eat(ITR) -SQ(DS.PL) -TH he come -3IMM.PAST -DECL
'Now that they had eaten, he arrived.'
(Lit.: 'Now they having eaten,... ')
Like the SS and SO IRMs, the DS IRMs are combinations of tense/aspect and case
markers: -cu 'first/second person, past, perfective aspect' + -n 'ergative case', and
-ha 'first person, immediate past, perfective aspect' + -vaun 'plural ergative case'
(-van appears to be derived from -vaun).
The following examples show that the IRMs, under certain circumstances, can be
suffixed to the subject of the marked clause. In (28) the verb that would normally
receive the operator is pragmatically marked and therefore placed sentence initial, and
in (27) the reason is ellipsis of the verb 'say.' This is very common in narrated dialogue.
Frequently the pronoun also is left out, thus causing the IRM to become a free form
which either links two strings of dialogue or a string of dialogue with the continuation
of the narrated events. Most IRMs can be used in this way.
(27) "Hiqui -ra -hqui hiya hiin -xon -i6 -yu, huha,"
be.ready -QUEST -3ACT for.me see -BENEF -come -IP mother
jan -hcun -mun -quiha, ca -xon hiin
she -SQ(DS) -TH -REPORT go -SQ(SS)TR look
460 Sparing-Chavez
-hi, . . .
-NONSQ(SS)ITR
' "Come, see for me, mother, if it (the clay pot) is ready," she (said).
Going (the old woman) looked,...
(28) Vachin min -hcun -mun jan yohi -xo -hnu.
quarrel you -SQ(DS) -TH he say -3PAST -DECL
'He said that you had been quarreling.'
(Lit.: 'Quarreling is what you had been doing . .. ')
3.1.2 IRMs encoding non-sequential events (Table V). When the temporal rela-
tion between the clauses is non-sequential, -hi and -quin express SS, -haito expresses
SO, and -hain/-haivaun DS. The SS morphemes also encode whether or not the
controlling verb is transitive, but the SO and DS operators do not.
3.1.2.1 Same subject

-hi encodes that the controlling verb is intransitive.
(29) Jii rura -rura -hi -mun jan pacuu -xo -hnu.
tree fell -fell -NONSQ(SS)ITR -TH he fall -1PAST -DECL
'While cutting down trees he fell.'
-quin encodes that the controlling verb is transitive.
(30) Jiri -quin -mun non jato nincaa -cu -hnu.
eat -NONSQ(SS)TR -TH we them hear -1PAST -DECL
'While eating we heard them.'
I mentioned in Section 1.2.2 that -hi and -quin also function as infinitive markers.
It is the characteristic of unspecified time boundaries that serves to encode non-se-
quential events in the IRS.
3.1.2.2 Subject is coreferential with object

-haito encodes SO.
(31) Hu -qui -ri nanu -haito -mun hun hino
me -against -ward approach -NONSQ.SO -TH I tiger
rutu -cu -hnu.
kill -1PAST -DECL
'When the tiger was coming towards me I killed it.'
The following example can be interpreted as describing a logical or temporal
relation.
(32) Hiya yono -xon -aito6 -mun miya copi -catzi
for.me work -BENEF -NONSQ.SO -TH you pay -PUT
Amahuaca 461
hun -hca -nu.

I -1ACT -DECL
'If you work for me, I will pay you.'
If we analyze -haito, we note that -hai encodes 'repeated or continuous action' (see
Table 2) and, although it might be difficult to prove that -to encodes the SO-feature
of the IRM, the idea receives some support when we consider that the form -to also
appears on the following object pronouns: jato 'them, direct or indirect object,' and
mato 'you, plural, direct or indirect object,' in which forms ma- and ja- share the
roots with 2nd and 3rd person pronouns respectively: man 'you, plural,' andjan 'he.'
However, when we compare -haito with its counterpart -xo 'sequence, SO' (23), we
observe that -xo lacks the explicit reference to SO. (See discussion in Section 4
below Table VII, and Section 4, Supposition (v).)
3.1.2.3 Different subject

-hain and -haivaun encode DS.
-hain encodes either a singular or identified plural subject of the marked clause.
(33) a. Xano -0 hoxa -hoxa -hain -mun jan vacu
woman -ABS sleep -sleep -NONSQ(DS) -TH her child
junumuran -xo -hnu.
drown -3PAST -DECL
'While the woman continued sleeping, her child drowned.'
b. Xano -vo hoxa -hoxa -hain -mun jaton vacu
woman -ABS.PL sleep -sleep -NONSQ(DS) -TH their child
-vo junumuran -xo -hnu.
-ABS.PL drown -3PAST -DECL
'While the women continued sleeping, their children drowned.'
-haivaun replaces -hain when the plural subject of the marked clause is not
identified.
(34) Nocoo -haivaun -mun hun ca -cu -hnu.
arrive -NONSQ(DS.PL) -TH I go -1PAST -DECL
'As they were arriving, I left.'
When we compare the non-sequential DS morphemes with their sequential coun-
terparts (33,34;24—26), we recognize the same pattern: a (tense)/aspect marker +
ergative case. The ergative case marker is generally used for IRM marking only in
connection with transitive verbs. In some of these constructions, however, neither
the marked verbs (33,34) nor the controlling verbs (26,33,34) are consistently tran-
sitive.20 (See discussion in Section 3.)
462 Sparing-Chavez
3.1.3 Subsequent event. When the action of the controlling verb precedes the
action of the marked verb and/or is the reason for it, -xanhni/-catzi or xanhquin are
used to encode SS function, and -non DS function. -xanhni/-catzi specify that the
controlling verb is intransitive. The difference between the two forms is that -xanhni
emphasizes the logical relationship between the events and -catzi the temporal
relations. The IRM -xanhquin encodes transitive controlling verb, and -non does not
encode transitivity. The form -no (without the final case-marking) resembles -cu (see
Section 3.1.1.2.3) in that it compounds with morphemes encoding 'location,' (and
also with the verb to be), in order to function as an adverb of place: nuno '(being)
here,'jano '(being) there.'
3.1.3.1 Same subject

-x nhni encodes that the controlling verb is intransitive and that the relation between
the events is one of purpose.
(35) Mapoqui ca -xon mishqui -xanhni -mun ca -hi
downriver go -SQ(SS)TR fish -PURP(SS)ITR -TH go -PRES
hun -hcai.^
I -1ACT.DECL
º am going fishing downriver.'
(Lit.: 'Having gone downriver I am going to fish.')
-catzi encodes temporal relation (subsequent) and intransitive controlling verb.
(36) Jiri -catzi -mun nashi -hi ca -hi hun
eat -SUBS(SS)ITR -TH bathe -PRES go -PRES I
-hca -nu.
-1ACT -DECL
º am going to bathe and then I will eat.'
-xanhquin encodes that the controlling verb is transitive. The relationship of the
events can be temporal (subsequent) or logical (purpose).
(37) Chihi pima -xanhquin -co -mun caro xatu -xan.
fire light -PURP.(SS)TR -SUG -TH wood chop -IMMFUT
'Chop wood to make a fire,' or
'Chop wood and make a fire.'
The following example shows that if the controlling clause is pragmati-
cally marked, the clauses are in reversed order.
(38) Caro -mun xatu -hi hun -hca -nu, chihi
wood -TH chop PRES I -1ACT -DECL fire
Amahuaca 463
pima -xanhquin.
light -SS.SUBS/PURP.TR
º will make a fire, therefore I am chopping wood.'
(The controlling clause is pragmatically marked.)
3.1.3.2 Different subject

-non/-novo encodes either subsequent event or purpose. It does not specify whether
or not the controlling verb is transitive.22
(39) a. Chipi -n chihi pima -non -co -mun caro
younger.sister -ERG fire light -PURP(DS) -SUG -TH wood
xatu -xan.
chop -IMM.FUT
'Chop wood so that your younger sister can light a fire.'
b. Chihi pima -no -vo -co -mun caro xatu -xan.
fire light -PURP(DS) -PL -SUG -TH wood chop -IMM.FUT
'Chop wood so that they can light a fire.'
The following is an example of an embedded IR construction.
(40) Jan vuvoca -mun hun juma -n raho maro -tan
his older.sibling -TH I village -LOC medicine buy -go
-non nichin -cu -hnu.
-(SUBS)DS send -1PAST.PFT -DECL
º sent his older brother to the village so that he might buy medicine.'
A look at Tables 1 and 2 shows us that the operators encoding either subsequent time
or purpose are those expressing futurity: -nonf-novo 'prospective aspect,' -catzi future,'
-xanhquin and -xanhni 'immediate future.' Both -xanhquin (which is not identical with
-xanhqui in Table 3) and -xanhni are compounds of -xan 'immediate future' + -quin
and -A/23 'infinitive marker' for respectively transitive and intransitive verbs.
464 Sparing-Chavez
TABLE 5: IR Morphemes, Set A.

referent controlling sequence time lapse nonsequence subsequent
verb events/purpose
SS ITR -hax -shinax -hi -catzi
-yantax -xanhni
-taix
-nix
TR -xon -shinxon -quin -xanhquin
-yanxon
-tixon
-nixon
DS SING -cun -shincun -ham -non
-yancun
-tain
-nicun
PL -havan -shinavaun -haivaun -novof-nonvo
-yantavaun
-tivan
-nivan
SO -xo -shinxo -haito
-yanxo
-tixo
-nixo
3.2 Set B (Table VT). This set resembles Set A in that the operators also contrast
along temporal lines: sequential, non-sequential, and subsequent. Sequential event
markers have implicit perfective aspect. Considering that several of the IRMs in Set
B function as relative clause markers this is not surprising. Where the IRMs of Set
A primarily relate events to one another, which is achieved by the perfect aspect
(present relevance), in Set B the focus shifts to relating participants (subjects or
objects) to events, which is achieved through perfective aspect. (The basic difference
between the two sets then is one of focus.) On the referential parameter the sets
differ. The operators of Set A distinguish between coreference and non-coreference
of subjects (SS, DS) and coreference of subject and object (SO). The operators of
Set B encode coreference only, but distinguish between coreference of subjects (SS)
and object with subject (OS). Several of the marked clauses in Set B are relative
clauses.
Since the focus in Set B is on participants, I will use the referential parameter as
the basic dividing line for grouping the IRMs.
Amahuaca 465
3.2.1 Same subject There are three pairs in this group. They encode whether the
controlling verb is transitive or intransitive, and they differ along aspectual lines:
~hahton/-hahtox encode perfective aspect, -haiton/-haitox repetitive/continuative as-
pect, and -tihton/-tihtox possibility.
3.2.1.1 Perfective aspect (sequential events)

-hahton encodes transitive controlling verb.
(41) Jaa hiya hiyu -hahton -mun hiya coriiqui
REL.CL me bring -(SQ)SS.TR -TH me money
hinan -xo -hnu.
give -3PAST -DECL
'He who has brought me here gave me money.'
-hahtox encodes intransitive controlling verb.
(42) Jaa hiya hiyu -hahtox -mun jan na -xo -hnu.
REL.CL me bring -(SQ)SS.ITR -TH he die -3PAST -DECL
'He who brought me here died.'
3.2.1.2 Repetitive/continuative aspect (non-sequential events)

-haiton encodes transitive controlling verb.
(43) Hiya -x -viz nocoo -haiton -mun hun
I/me -MOM -first arrive -(NONSQ)SS.TR -TH I
manacahan -cu -hnu.
wait.CONTR.FACT -IPAST -DECL
'If I were to arrive first, I would wait (for him).' (Emph. on º.')
-haitox encodes intransitive controlling verb.
(44) Jari nashi -haitox -mun nashi -hi ca -hi
there bathe -(NONSQ)SS.ITR -TH bathe -PRES(SS) go -PRES
hun -hca -nu.
I -1ACT -DECL
º am going bathing where I always bathe.'
(Lit.: 'where I have always been bathing.')
When we line up the IRMs of examples (43,44) and (31) of Set A we note the
case-marking inflections as follows:
-haito -n 'SS-ergative'
-haito -x 'SS-nominative'
-haito -0 'SO-absolutive'
466 Sparing-Chavez
3.2.1.3 Possibility (subsequent event)

-tihton encodes transitive controlling verb.
(45) Chami cuna -tihton -mun hun yohi -cu
younger.brother call -(SUBS)SS.TR -TH I say -1PAST
-hnu.
-DECL
º said I would call my younger brother.'
-tihtox encodes intransitive controlling verb.
(46) Hizo rutu -tihtox -mun nihii ca -hi hun
monkey kill -(SUBS)SS.ITR -TH woods go -PRES I
-hca -nu.
-1ACT -DECL
º am going hunting that I might kill a monkey.'
3.2.2 OS function. There are two pairs in this set. They differ along aspectual
lines: -ha/-havo, encode perfective aspect, -hail-haivo encode repetitive/continuative
aspect. The morphemes ending in -vo specify that the plural subject of the marked
clause is unidentified. When the plural subject is identified by a noun phrase, the
noun phrase is inflected for plural ergative case.
3.2.2.1 Perfective aspect (sequential events)

-ha encodes either a singular or identified plural subject of the marked clause.
(47) a. Hun povi -n hiya cuna -ha -mun hun ca
my sibling -ERG me call -(SQ)OS -TH I go
-cu -hnu.
-1PAST -DECL
'My sibling called me and I went,' or
'Because my sibling called me, I went.'
(47) b. Hun povi -vaun hiya cuna -ha -mun hun ca
my sibling -ERG.PL me call -(SQ)OS -TH I go
-cu -hnu.
-1PAST. -DECL
'My siblings called me and I went,' or
'Because my siblings called me, I went.'
Amahuaca 467
-havo encodes an unidentified plural subject.

(48) Hiya cuna -havo -mun hun ca -cu -hnu.
me call -(SQ)OS.PL -TH I go -1PAST -DECL
'Having been called (by them) I went,' or
'They called me and I went,' or
'Because they called me I went.'
3.2.2.2 Repetitive/continuative aspect (non-sequential events)

-hai encodes either a singular subject or an identified plural subject, and -haivo
encodes an unidentified plural subject. The constructions are parallel to the -ha/-havo
ones. Therefore I will not illustrate all the variations.
(49) Hun povi -n hiya cuna -hai -mun hun ca
my sibling -ERG me call -(NONSQ)OS -TH I go
-cu -hnu.
-1PAST -DECL
'When my sibling kept calling me, I went,' or
'Because my sibling kept calling me, I went.'
When the plural subject of the marked clause remains unidentified (48), the
construction is best translated as a passive one. There are, however, no equivalent
singular constructions. In the singular the subject needs to be stated and its case
marking is governed by transitivity.
TABLE 6: IRMs, Set B
referent controlling sequence time lapse non-sequence subsequent
verb event
SS TR/ITR -hahton/x -shinahton/x -haiton/x -tihton/x*
-yantahton/x
-tihton/x*
-nicahton/x
OS SG/PL -ha/-havo -shina/vo -hai/haivo -non/novo
-yanta/vo
-ti/vo
-niha/vo
* Although these two forms are identical, they differ in meaning.
4 Conclusions
In the previous discussion I have described and illustrated those interclausal relation
constructions in Amahuaca that encode temporal/logical and referential relations be-
tween a marked and a controlling clause. The ERMs were divided into two sets, A and
B. Set A primarily displays contrasts on the temporal/logical parameter, distinguishing
468 Sparing-Chavez
between sequence, non-sequence, and subsequent events, and secondarily on the refer-
ential parameter, distinguishing between SS, SO, and DS relations. Set B primarily
displays contrasts on the referential parameter, distinguishing between S S and OS
relations, and secondarily on the temporal/logical parameter, distinguishing between
sequential, non-sequential, and subsequent events. The operators are compounds of
tense/aspect and case-marking morphemes.
Comparing Amahuaca with some of the "switch-reference languages" described
by Comrie, Givon, Kaiman, Longacre and Munro, we note that it shares the follow-
ing properties with those languages: (a) Amahuaca is an SOV language, but not in
an exclusive sense; (b) it has formal distinctions between dependent and independent
clauses; (c) the IRMs encode both referential and temporal/logical information; (d)
the IRMs are suffixed to the dependent verb (except in cases of ellipsis of the verb
or pragmatically marked environments in which the verb precedes the subject noun
or pronoun); (e) the marked clause precedes the controlling clause (except in cases
of pragmatically marked environments); (f) the notions of "subject" and "object" in
the IRSs have syntactic rather than semantic functions; (g) the IRMs are used for all
persons; (h) the marked and controlling clauses are almost always adjacent to each
other. Only on rare occasions, for the sake of pragmatic marking, a marked clause
refers directly to a final controlling clause.
Other differences from most languages with IRSs are: (a) the case-marking and
tense/aspect morphology is incorporated in the IRS; (b) there are distinct operators
for SS, DS and SO; (c) in Set A temporal distinctions are more basic than referential
ones; (d) some of the IRMs encode transitivity of the controlling verb. None of these
properties, however, are unique to Amahuaca.
The question that needs to be asked now is a typological one: can the Amahuaca
system be classified as a "real" interclausal reference system? The above summary of
properties that the language shares with so-called switch-reference languages indicates
that it indeed needs to be included in the broader typological framework of interclausal
reference languages. In order to pursue this issue further, I will apply Givon's criteria
for "anticipatory" switch-reference languages (1983:77-78) to the Amahuaca data (his
criteria partially overlap with the ones listed above):
(a) "All languages of type (a) DS/SS system are strict SOV languages." As noted
above, Amahuaca is SOV, but not in an exclusive sense.
(b) "In all those languages, the DS/SS morphology appears as verb-suffixes, i.e.,
also clause-final." This is basically so in Amahuaca.
(c) "In all those languages only medial, non-finite clauses are involved in the
SS/DS contrast." This argument applies to the Amahuaca data.
(d) "Non-finite clauses are less likely to exhibit their own verb-inflections, such as
tense-aspect-modality, mood, speech-act or pronominal agreement." This also applies to
Amahuaca. Despite the fact that the IRMs in Amahuaca are derivatives of tense/aspect
markers, and can combine with temporal suffixes to express time lapses between events,
they do not encode tense but temporal relations. The controlling verbs encode tense.
Amahuaca 469
(e) "In all these languages, the SS marker is consistently smaller in size than the DS
marker. Often the SS marker is zero." This argument, although it does not directly
address the question of a "real" or "unreal" IRS, is a crucial one with regards to the
Amahuaca data. As Tables V and VII show, several of the SS and DS IRMs are equal
in size. We need to decide whether or not the referential relations are explicitly coded
or not.
If we dissect the sequence and non-sequence IRMs separating the tense/aspect and
case-marking elements, we note the following pattern:
TABLE 7:Tense/aspect and case-marking elements in IRMs
referent sequence non-sequence subsequent

SS -ha -X -hi -0 -xan-hni -0
-xo -n -qui -n -xan-hqui -n
-ha -X -hai -n
-(h)to -n -to -X
-ha -hai
-(h)to -to
SO •xo -0 hai-to- -0
OS SG -ha -0 -hai -0
PL -ha -vo -0 -hai -vo -0
DS SG -cu -n -hai -n -non
PL -ha-va -n -hai-vau -n -no -n -vo
Following Haiman's model (1983:107), the Amahuaca marked verb can be sym-
bolized as follows:
Marked verb = Verb + tense/aspect + case marking ± number ± theme.

A close look at Table 7 reveals that, in fact, there is no overt DS marker, but there
is an overt coreference marker: -to. The form -to encodes SO when inflected zero
for case (-to -0), and SS when inflected for ergative (-to-n) or nominative case
(-to-x). It is often used in relative clauses (41,42,44), but not exclusively so
(43,45).24
The next question we need to address is: How do the coreference and non-coreference
constructions differ? In coreference constructions only the controlling clause contains an
explicit subject referent. In non-coreference constructions there are two possibilities for
subject identification: a) both the marked and the controlling clauses contain explicit
subject referents (24,25,33a,b); b) only the controlling clause contains an explicit subject
referent. The (plural) subject of the marked clause is contained in the IRM, which is
inflected for either plural ergative or absolutive case (26,34).
470 Sparing-Chavez
In order to understand what actually triggers the SS/DS contrast I am applying some
of the origin hypotheses that have been advanced in the past by different scholars to the
Amahuaca data. In Haiman and Munro's introduction to Switch-Reference and Univer-
sal Grammar (1983:xiv) we find a list of suppositions (i-vi). Also Givon, in the same
volume (p.78), postulates a hypothesis. I will apply these in the order listed, except for
Haiman's "gapping" hypothesis. I will discuss it at the end.
i. This asserts in part: "The reduction of an entire SS clause to the point where
it is an auxiliary-like affix on the verb of the reference clause, (is) a clearly
possible outcome of such a reduction process, . . . " The IRMs discussed in
Section 3.1.1.1 confirm this possibility. They are auxiliary-like affixes, their
referential relations are coded zero, and the forms combine with DS and SO
IRMs.
ii. "SS and DS markers originate as deictics such as hither and hence." The
origin of -cun and -non 'DS,' -hax 'SS, intransitive reference verb,' and -xon
'SS, transitive controlling verb' could be explained through this hypothesis.
The forms -hax and -xon, when suffixed to adverbs, modify them, and -cu and
-no (without the case marking) are integral parts of a series of adverbs
encoding 'discontinuity' (see the discussions in Sections 3.1.1.2 and 3.1.3).
iii. "SS and DS markers originate as case marker affixes." This supposition, of
course, cannot be entirely true for Amahuaca, since the case marking is only
one part of the IRMs.
iv. See below.
v. "SS markers originate as temporal successive markers; DS markers originate
as temporal overlap markers." On the surface the Amahuaca data appear to
disagree with this supposition, since the -hai forms encode coreference as well
as non-coreference. However, a closer look reveals that -haito (SO) and -hai
(OS) focus on coreference of subject with object, but at the same time imply
non-coreference of subjects. Also -to-0/-x/-n can be considered an explicit
SO/SS indicator (see discussion in 3.1.2.2.). This can be considered as over-
riding the DS quality.25 Interpreted as such, Longacre's hypothesis, on which
the above supposition is based, does apply to the Amahuaca data.
vi. " . . . , the causative may serve as a switch-reference marking mechanism,..."
This does not apply to the Amahuaca data.
Givon's hypothesis says in essence that the SS/DS morphemes may arise
diachronically from a contrast of subject pronouns in the succeeding clause and that
this morphological contrast, either between stressed vs. unstressed pronouns or
pronouns vs. zero, respectively, became cliticized on the preceding verb. This
hypothesis could apply to the DS and SO constructions. The DS marker -cun could
have derived from nocun 'we (stressed),' or Our (unstressed).' The SO marker
-hai-to could have derived from mato 'you, plural object,' or jato 'them.'
Amahuaca 471
Haiman's hypothesis (iv) says in essence that IRMs are the result of a coordination
reduction (or gapping) process. As stated above, in Amahuaca the subject is gener-
ally overtly expressed in the controlling clause, and only in certain DS constructions
is the subject also expressed in the marked clause. Thus there is backward gapping.
Since the subject is lacking in the marked clause, it is the verb that takes the
case-marking morphology.
The strongest support for the above hypothesis are the IRMs encoding plural
subject. As we noted in examples 26 and 34, the plural-marking -van/-vaun is
anaphoric, referring back to a non-expressed plural subject. Since the subject is not
overtly expressed, it is the verb that receives the marking for case and number.
The Amahuaca data also are relevant to one of Haiman"s propositions, which
states: "The characteristic index of cohesion is not "same x" but rather "necessarily
same x" as other clause, where "x" is subject, . . . " (1983:107). We find this
proposition most clearly exemplified in the SS constructions of Set B, where -tox/-
ton mark the coreference in a pronounced way, but it can also be applied to the rest
of the coreference markers and can be extended to include the SO construction of
Set A as well.
If we return now once more to the question of authenticity, it seems to me that
Amahuaca is a "real" clause-linking language, with IRMs that explicitly mark
coreference of subjects (SS), coreference of subjects with objects (SO, OS), and
non-coreference of subjects (DS). The IRMs, although analyzable, have become
frozen forms which do double duty in that they keep track of temporal/logical
relations as well as of referential relations.
In this paper so far I have described and illustrated the forms and usage of the IRS
in Amahuaca on sentence level. In the following section I briefly examine the effect
of the system on discourse level, focusing on participant orientation.
5 IRMs in Narrative Discourse

The organizing principle in narrative discourse is thematic. A paragraph contains one
main theme and possibly a few sub-themes that contribute to the development of the
main theme. The most frequent formal features to introduce a new main theme, and with
that a new paragraph, are the following two: (1) repeating the preceding independent
verb form with a dependent verb form (marked clause) (4a, 5a in example text below),
or (2) the use of a general connecting phrase which refers back to the main theme of
the previous paragraph (3a). (The clitic -mun 'theme' which is suffixed to a sentence
constituent or to the last element of a whole clause does not mark the main theme or a
sub-theme, instead it marks the central element in a sentence.)
As mentioned in Section 2, clause chaining is a very prominent feature of Ama-
huaca narrative discourse. The paragraph containing the main plot of the story
generally consists of one or several long strings of marked clauses and a final
controlling clause. The marked clauses express successive events that lead to the
climax of the story, and the final controlling clause expresses the climactic event.
Suspense is achieved by enumerating many detailed successive events.
472 Sparing-Chavez
The extensive use of IRMs results in a highly complex cohesive system. The
complexity is due to the fact that the IRMs encode not only participant reference
(SS, DS, OS and SO) and temporal/logical relations of events, which can include
time spans between events, but also different kinds of events (transitive, intransitive,
and movement towards or away from a focal point). Consequently there are no
conjunctions, and the use of adverbs, pronouns and other connectors is kept to a
minimum.
The text to be analyzed is a mythological tale which has been recorded and
transcribed. The editing process has been limited to incorporating only those changes
a native speaker felt necessary to insure clear understanding of the story.
5.1 Sample narrative

(1) a. Jan vacu xano -mun -quiha jan hain -vacu
her child woman -TH -REPORT her niece -child
b. xuni -vaun pi -han -pahon -ni -xo -hnu.
oldperson -ERG.PL eat -MALF -REP.ACN -REM -3PAST -DECL
'They say that an old woman repeatedly ate a child of her niece.'
(2) a. "Hiya vacu chocho ha -ma -xon -vu, huha,"
for .me child milk drink -cause -BENEF -IMP mother
b. jan -hcun -mun -quiha,
she -SQ(DS) -TH -REPORT
c. vacu -qui chocho ha -ma -xon -quin
child -PRET milk drink -cause -BENEF -NONSQ(SS)TR
d. rutu -n -xon
kill -MALF -SQ(SS)TR
e. pi -han -pahon -ni -xo -hqui.
eat -MALF -REP.ACN -REM -3PAST -DECL
'(b) They say that she (the niece) said: (a) "Nurse (cause to drink) the
child for me, mother." (c) Pretending to nurse the child, (d) she (the old
woman) killed (e) and ate him/her.'
(3) a. Caa -xon -mun -quiha
like.that -SQ(SS)TR -TH -REPORT
b. xuni -vaun jan hain -vacu -n vacu
old.person -ERG.PL her niece -child -POSS child
rutu -n -xon
kill -MALF -SQ(SS)TR
Amahuaca 473
c. pi -han -ni -xo -him.

eat -MALF -REM -3PAST -DECL
'(a) Like that they say (b) the old woman killed her niece's child (c) and
ate him/her.'
(4) a. Pi -han -pi -han -haito -mun -quiha
eat -MALF -eat -MALF -NONSQ(SO) -TH -REPORT
b. cuntii -xon
pot -SQ(SS)TR
c. cuntii hovi -hovi -quin
pot bake -bake -NONSQ(SS)TR
d. "moha hi -qui -ra -hqui hiya hiin -xon
now done -PRES -QUEST -ACT forjne see -BENEF
-i -yu, huha,"
-come -IMP mother
e. jan -hcun -mun -quiha
she -SQ(DS) -TH -REPORT
f. ca -xon
go -SQ(SS)TR
g. hiin -hi
look -NONSQ(SS)ITR
h. vucuntu -u -hax
shade.eyes -REFL -SQ(SS)ITR
i. ni -xon
stand -SQ(SS)TR
j. hiin -hiin -haito
look -look -NONSQ(SO)
k. cachiiho jo -tan -0
behind come -SQ -SS
1. hiin -ma -ma -vuran -0
see -cause -NEC -SQ -SS
m. hainvacu -n chihi -qui vuran -ni -xo -hqui.
niece -ERG fire -against push -REM -3PAST -DECL
'(a) While/because she kept eating, they say (b) that (the niece) made a
clay pot. (c) While she was baking the pot, (e) they say that she said:
(d) "Come and look for me, mother, by now the pot must be ready," (f)
and (the old woman) went, (g) and while she looked (h) she shaded her
474 Sparing-Chavez
eyes (with her hands), (i) and she stood (j) and while she kept looking,
(k) the niece came from behind toward her (1) without causing her to
see, (m) and pushed her into the fire.'
(5) a. Chihi -qui j'an vuran -ha
fire -into she push -(SQ)OS
b. totocototoco -cax26 -mun -quiha
sizzle -(SQ)SS.ITR -TH -REPORT
c. jan rapashcara -cahtox26
she turn.into.sparks -(SQ)SS.ITR
d. jaa -razix xau -nix -quiha
REL -all.of.the.kind become.turtle -REM.PAST -REPORT
-qui -hnu.
-3ACT -DECL
'(a) She (the niece) having pushed her into the fire, (b) they say that she
(the old woman) sizzled (c) and having turned into sparks (d) the rest of
her turned into turtles, (they say).'
(6) Jan nato -x -mun -quiha haa -ni -xo
her navel -NOM -TH -REPORT turn.into.tapir -REM -3PAST
-hqui.
-DECL
'It is her navel, they say, that turned into a tapir.'
5.2 Analysis. The entire narrative consists of six sentences. The first and last
sentences are composed of one independent clause each. The rest have several
marked clauses and one final controlling clause. The longest sentence (4) consists of
eleven dependent clauses, and spans the major part of the narrative.
The text is best divided into four parts:2^
Part I, Exposition, sentence (1)
Part II, Inciting Moment, sentences (2) and (3)
Part III, Developing Conflict and Climax, sentence (4)
Part IV, Conclusion, sentences (5) and (6).
The exposition contains the major events in a nutshell: it introduces the partici-
pants (the old woman, the niece, and the child) and foretells what is about to happen.
The inciting moment includes the setting and the initial episode. It opens the
conflict between the hero and the villain. The niece, who fills the role of hero in the
narrative, asks the old woman, the villain, to nurse the child. The old woman
Amahuaca 475
pretending to do as requested, kills and eats the child. At the outset of the inciting
moment the two major participants interact. The hero then leaves the scene, allowing
the villainy to take place. The crucial episode, killing and eating the child, after
being described in detail, is summed up by the narrator in a brief statement (3), thus
underlining the fact that the world has been thrown into chaos.
At the outset of Part III, the developing conflict and climax, the narrator refers
back to the episode that caused the chaos, thus linking it directly to what is about to
happen in a reason-result relationship. This is the turning point in the story, the
villain becomes the victim, and the hero assumes her heroic role. By avenging the
villain's crime, the hero re-establishes world order.
Part IV, the conclusion, deals with one participant only. The villain, having been
reduced to ashes, turns into animals.
5.3 Participant Orientation. The old woman is the main participant. In the expo-
sition she fills the subject slot, and she is present throughout the story. The narrator
refers to the other major participant from the old woman's point of view: hain-vacu
'niece' means literally 'the daughter of a woman's sister.' Outside of the exposition
the main participant is referred to twice as 'mother' (huha) in direct address (2) and
(3) (this is the proper address to mother's sister in Amahuaca culture), and once as
Old woman' (xunivaun) (3). In the conclusion, reference is made to her three times
through pronouns. The remaining eleven references are carried by IRMs.
The niece, after having been introduced, is referred to twice as 'niece' (hain-vacu)
(3) (4), twice in direct speech she refers to herself with the first person pronoun hiya
'for me' (2) and (4), and three times she is referred to by IRMs.
The minor participant, the child, is introduced as the niece's child (Jan vacu xano),
and is referred to as 'child' (vacu) three times thereafter (twice in 2) and (3).
Three major principles appear to underly participant orientation in this narrative:
1. participants are explicitly introduced at the beginning of the narrative; 2. the more
important the participant, the less explicit is the reference to him (cf. Givon
1983:67); 3. strict economy is exercised in the usage of nouns and pronouns.
The most striking example of principle 3 is sentence (4): the old woman is in the
foreground and a new episode begins with a switch in roles: she, the villain-hero,
becomes the victim, and the victim (the niece who has been bereft of her children)
becomes the hero. However, the switch in roles is signaled only by the IRM -haito
'SO' which, of course, besides expressing that the actor (the old woman) becomes
the patient, also assumes a new actor (the niece). But not until ten clauses later is
the new actor referred to explicitly.
In the context of the story the IRM -haito 'non-sequential, subject is coreferential with
object' in the marked clause pihanpihan-haito-munhquiha 'while/because she kept eating
to the detriment of her niece' achieves two things on two levels: on the syntactic level
it gives the reason for the final event, and on the discourse level it predicts the reversal
of the roles of the two major participants. The speaker employed this IRM in a most
strategic way: he suffixed it to the first verb phrase in the paragraph that contains the
476 Sparing-Chavez
climax of the story. The function of the entire verb-phrase, which is a repetition of the
last event of the previous paragraph, is to introduce a new theme (the destruction of the
villain), and the function of the IRM in particular is to predict the role reversal of the
participants. The speaker could have employed -cun(DS) instead of -haito(SO\ because
there is a switch in subjects between lines 4a and b. However, this would not have
achieved the same effect. It appears to me that the marked clause has received special
prominence through the IRM -haito, which does not refer to the adjacent clause but to
the final independent clause. In 4j the IRM -haito is used again, but here in the standard
way referring to the clause on its immediate right. (In the sixty pages of oral narrative
text I have only seen the IRM -haito used in this way. Further investigation in this area
is necessary.)
Besides effecting economy, the IRM strategy achieves referential continuity. The
old woman remains present throughout the whole episode despite the fact that
semantically she changes roles from actor to patient.
This short narrative shows the tremendous potential inherent in the IRS in Ama-
huaca. The system, although complicated on the surface, is compact, systematic and
logical.
Acknowledgements
This paper is the result of teamwork. My special thanks go to my Amahuaca teacher,

Jose Pino, who patiently answered many questions, to Mary Ruth Wise and Desmond
Derbyshire of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, and Thomas Payne of the Summer
Institute of Linguistics and the University of Oregon, who edited the paper and made
many helpful suggestions. I also greatly appreciate the insightful comments made by
Tom Givon of the University of Oregon, David Weber of the Summer Institute of
Linguistics, and by my husband, Jorge Chavez, who helped me think through some of
the complications of Amahuaca grammar.
Amahuaca 477
Notes
1 For studies pertaining to interclausal relations in Panoan languages, refer to

the following works in the bibliography: Cromack (1968:158-162); Faust
(1973:101-111), (1985:102-113); Kneeland (1979:63, 86-87, 104-109, 127-
132); Lauriault (1957:166-169); Loos (1963:721-722), (1967:67-82); Loriot
and Hollenbach (1970:43-66); Montag (1981:583-587); Russell (1965:60-
64), (1975:51-55); Shell (1957:179-218); Wistrand (1969:165-167).
Some scholars of the Summer Institute of Linguistics in Peru, working with
languages pertaining to the Panoan familily, discovered and described the
clause linking device in the early 1950s, but they used different terms.
Russell's works describe part of the Amahuaca IRS.
2 I am adopting the terms "attention flow" and "viewpoint" from DeLancey
(1980:10,11). "Viewpoint" in this paper, however, differs from DeLancey's
definition.
3 I am taking the terminology on aspect and markedness from Comrie (1976).
4 For case-marking models see Comrie (1978:332).
5 The data in this paper are presented in practical orthography: IPA phonetic
values are shown in square brackets, as follows:
Plosives: p [p, b]; t [t, d]; c, q [k, g]; h [?]
Fricatives and Approximants: v [w, ]; z [s, è]; sh [J]; y [j]; ÷ [ò, ÷]; j [h]
Affricates: tz [ts, t0]; ch [tfl
Nasals: m [m, mb]; n [n, nd]
Vowels: i [i]; a [a]; o [o, u]; u [éõ]
Vowel qualities contrast between short (V) and long (VV), and between
nasalized (Vn) and not nasalized (V).
Accents are generally not written (Shell and Wise 1971:28,29).
6 h > 01 n after a stressed syllable.
7 Ergative case marking occurs on any pre-verbal subject, i.e., agent (see
definition of grammatical categories below), of a transitive verb. If it is
governed by a verb with unmarked aspect, a pre-verbal subject is considered
pragmatically neutral. If, however, the verb has marked aspect, the pre-verbal
subject is considered pragmatically marked. (Incidentally, the ergative marker
is not limited to transitive subjects, it is also used to mark locative, instrumen-
tal, and genitive phrases.) Absolutive case marking in the singular occurs on
all direct objects and on all post-verbal "subjects", whether governed by
transitive or intransitive verbs; these post-verbal subjects are considered prag-
matically neutral. Absolutive case marking also occurs on any pre-verbal
subject of an intransitive verb with unmarked aspect; such a subject is con-
sidered pragmatically neutral.
478 Sparing-Chavez
Nominative case marking occurs on any pre-verbal subject governed by an

intransitive verb with marked aspect. Such subjects are considered pragmati-
cally marked.
Grammatical categories:
Agent = pre-verbal subject governed by a transitive verb with unmarked
aspect; it is inflected for ergative case.
Object = direct object; it is inflected for absolutive case.
Subject = a) post-verbal subject governed by a verb with marked aspect; b)
pre-verbal subject governed by an intransitive verb with unmarked aspect;
these subjects are inflected for absolutive case; c) pre-verbal subject which is
pragmatically marked; it is inflected for nominative case.
8 For a discussion on the criteria of passive constructions see Givon (1982:143).
9 These two morphemes are not included in Table 3 because they do not figure
in the IRS.
10 n > 0 / n after a stressed syllable.
11 Amahuaca has the tendency to insert a glottal stop (h) between an accented
monosyllabic morpheme followed by an unaccented one. If the succeeding
morpheme begins with a glottal stop, the following change takes place: h >
c/h
12 One could argue that Amahuaca has three sets of IRMs: A, B, C. Set C would
have one basic member, -pana- 'frustrative.' This operator functions very
much like the conjunction 'but' in English. It links two opposing ideas. It
takes case markings, thus encoding whether or not the controlling verb is
transitive or intransitive. It can also be marked for plural, thus encoding that
the unstated subject of the marked verb is plural. -Pana- is not sensitive either
to cross-clausal referential relations or to temporal relations. Therefore I am
not discussing it in this paper. A number of IRMs can be affixed to -pana- to
express temporal relations between the events of the marked and controlling
verbs.
13 For more discussion on the issue of overlapping reference, see Comrie
(1983:26-30).
14 Many of the arguments Roberts (1988:53ff) puts forth for Amele also hold for
Amahuaca.
15 For a more detailed discussion on switch-reference and iconic principles see
Haiman (1983:105ff), Givon (1983:67), and Comrie (1983:22).
16 Finer (1985:41) claims that "There appear to be no languages that signal
coreference or noncoreference between objects of adjacent clauses or between
the subject of one clause and the object of another." However, in Panoan
languages SO reference does exist. Besides Amahuaca it has been found in at
least two other languages: Capanahua and Matses (also known as Mayoruna).
See Loos (1963) and Kneeland (1979) respectively. Peter Cole (1983),
Thomas Payne (1980), and Anthony Woodbury (1983) report SO reference
markers in other languages. Equally, temporal references have been reported
Amahuaca 479
by various scholars, e.g., Haiman (1983) and Longacre (1983). Longacre

claims for Guanano that the encoding of temporal relations is more basic then
referential relations. The encoding of transitivity of the controlling verb also
exists in other languages of the Panoan family, e.g., Shipibo (Faust 1973), in
addition to the studies mentioned above.
17 For a definition and discussion on absolute and relative tenses see Comrie
(1985:122-125).
18 -haito > -hato after a stressed syllable.
19 Cashibo/Cacataibo forms are:
-kish 'SQ(DS).ITR' = -ki 'SQ(DS)' + -sh 'ITR.'
-kishun 'SQ(DS).TR' = -ki 'SQ(DS)' + -shun 'TR.'
20 The interclausal reference system of Amahuaca, with its extended use of the
ERG and ABS case markers (and see also sect. 5), is another example of the
widespread tendency DuBois (1987) discusses. He writes (p.850): "The dis-
course basis of ergativity may well be universally present in the spontaneous
spoken discourse of all speech communities; it constitutes a type-independent
pressure toward ergative structural alignment. But it competes with the pres-
sure of topic continuity for the structuring of grammatical relations, and thus
does not always emerge as overt fixed grammatical structure."
21 hunhcai appears to be a fusion of hunhca + qui.
22 The comparable form in Shipibo, a closely related langauge, makes the
transitive/intransitive distinction:
-no + -ash SQ(SS) = -nosh NONSQ(SS)SUBS/PURP.ITR
-no + -shon SQ(SS) = -noshon NONSQ(SS)SUBS/PURP.TR
23 h > n / h_
24 In other contexts -(h)to- has an adjectival quality, which, of course, refers to
the noun it qualifies. (See footnote 11 for the tendency to insert (h).) Compare
the following examples:
Hizin -ya -(h)to -x -mun jan -hqui -nu.
pain -have/be -with -MOM -TH he -3ACT -DECL
'He is a sick person.'
(Lit.: 'He is by nature (generally) with pain.')
Hizin -ya -mun jan -hnu.
pain -have/be with -TH he -DECL
'He is sick.'
(Lit.: 'He is with pain.')
25 In Cashibo/Cacataibo we find the following phenomenon: "The subject-
switching infix -tan inserted preceding the -kish/-kishun neutralizes the
subject-changing ability of the suffix,..." (Wistrand 1969:167).
26 h > c /stressed vowel
27 I have adapted Longacre"s model (1976:214).
480 Sparing-Chavez
Abbreviations
1 first person
2 second person
3 third person
ACN action
ACT actuality aspect
ABS absolutive
BENEF benefactive
CONTR.FACT contra-factual
COM commitment
DECL declarative
DIST distant
DS different subject
ERG ergative
PUT future
GEN genitive
HAB habitual
INF infinitive
IMM immediate
IMP imperative
IRM interclausal reference morpheme
IRS interclausal reference system
ITR intransitive
LOG locative
MALF malefactive
NEG negative
NOM nominative
NONSQ non-sequential
OS object is coreferential with subject
PF perfect aspect
PFTV perfective aspect
PL plural
PRES present tense
PRET pretence
PROSP prospective aspect
QUEST question
REM remote
REP repetitive action
REFL reflexive
REL.CL relative clause
REC recent
SG singular
Amahuaca 481
SO = subject is coreferential with object

SQ = sequence
SS = same subject
SUG = suggestion
SUBS = subsequent
TH = theme
TR = transitive
VAL = valence
482 Sparing-Chavez
References
Chafe, Wallace L.
1976 "Givenness, contrastiveness, definiteness, subjects, topics, and point of
view," Subject and topic, edited by Charles N. Li (New York: Aca-
demic Press), 25-55.
Cole, Peter
1983 "Switch-reference in two Quechua languages," in John Haiman and
Pamela Munro (eds.), 1—15.
Comrie, Bernard
1976 Aspect (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
1978 "Ergativity," Syntactic typology, edited by Winfred P. Lehmann
(Austin: University of Texas Press), 329-94.
1983 "Switch-reference in Huichol: a typological study," in John Haiman
and Pamela Munro (eds.), 17-37.
1985 Tense (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).
Cromack, Robert E.
1968 Language systems and discourse structure in Cashinawa, Hartford Stud-
ies in Linguistics, No.23 (Hartford, Conn: Hartford Seminary
Foundation).
DeLancey, Scott
1980 An interpretation of split ergativity and related patterns (Bloomington:
Indiana University Linguistics Club).
DuBois, John W.
1987 "The discourse basis for ergativity," Language 63:805-55.
Faust, Norma
1973 Lecciones para el aprendizaje del idioma shipibo-conibo, Documento
de Trabajo No. 1 (Yarinacocha, Pucallpa, Peru: Institute Lingüistico de
Verano).
1985 "Gramätica yaminahua," unpublished ms. (Peru: Instituto Lingüistico
de Verano)
Finer, Daniel
1985 "The syntax of switch reference," Linguistic Inquiry 16:35-55.
Franklin, Karl
1983 "Some features of interclausal reference in Kewa," in John Haiman
and Pamela Munro (eds.), 29-49.
Amahuaca 483
Givon, T.
1982 "Transitivity, topicality, and Ute impersonal passive," Syntax and se-
mantics, Vol.15, edited by Paul Hopper and Sandra Thompson (New
York: Academic Press), 43-60.
1983 "Topic continuity in discourse: the functional domain of switch-refer-
ence," in John Haiman and Pamela Munro (eds.), 51-82.
Haiman, John
1983 "On some origins of switch-reference marking," in John Haiman and
Pamela Munro (eds.), 105-28.
Haiman, John, and Pamela Munro
1983 "Introduction," in John Haiman and Pamela Munro (eds.), ix-xv.
Haiman, John, and Pamela Munro (eds.)
1983 Switch-reference and universal grammar (Amsterdam: John Ben-
jamins).
Jacobson, William H.
1967 "Switch-reference in Hokan Coahuiltecan," Studies in South-western
ethnolinguistics, edited by Dell Hymes (The Hague: Mouton), 238—63.
Kneeland, Hattie
1979 Lecciones para el aprendizaje del idioma mayoruna, Documento de
Trabajo No. 14 (Yarinacocha, Pucallpa, Peru: Instituto Lingüistico de
Verano).
Lauriault, James
1957 "Some problems in translating paragraphs idiomatically," The Bible
Translator 8:166-69.
Longacre, Robert
1976 An anatomy of speech notions (Lisse: The Peter de Ridder Press).
1983 "Switch-reference systems in two distinct linguistic areas: Wojokeso
(Papua New Guinea) and Guanano (Northern South America)," in John
Haiman and Pamela Munro (eds.), 185-207.
Loos, Eugene
1963 "Capanahua narration structure," Studies in literature and language
Vol.IV, Supplement, edited by George Monteiro (Austin: University of
Texas Press), 697-742.
1967 The phonology of Capanahua and its grammatical basis (University of
Texas: Ph.D. dissertation).
Loriot, James, and Barbara Hollenbach
1970 "Shipibo paragraph structure," Foundations of Language 6:43-66.
484 Sparing-Chavez
Montag, Richard
1981 "Notas gramaticales," Diccionario cashinahua, Tomo II, compiled by
Susan Montag, Serie Lingüfstica Peruana, No.9 (Yarinacocha, Pucallpa,
Peru: Instituto Lingüistico de Verano), 551-607.
Munro, Pamela
1980 "Introduction," in Pamela Munro (ed.), 1-3
Munro, Pamela (ed.)
1980 Studies of switch-reference (University of California, Los Angeles,
Papers in Syntax 8).
Oswalt, Robert L.
1983 "Interclausal reference in Kashaya," in John Haiman and Pamela
Munro (eds.) 267-90.
Payne, Thomas
1980 "Who's kissing who: the fourth person in Yup'ik Eskimo," in Pamela
Munro (ed.), 65-68.
1990 "Transitivity and ergativity in Panare," Amazonian linguistics: Studies
in lowland South American languages, edited by Doris L. Payne
(Austin: University of Texas Press), 429-53.
Roberts, John
1988 "Amele switch-reference and the theory of grammar," Linguistic In-
quiry 19:45-63.
Russell, Robert
1965 A transformational grammar of Amahuaca (Pano) (Ohio State Univer-
sity: Master's thesis).
1975 Una gramatica transformacional del amahuaca, Estudos Panos IV
(Yarinacocha, Pucallpa, Peru: Instituto Lingüistico de Verano).
Shell, Olive
1957 "Cashibo II: Grammemic analysis of transitive and intransitive verb
patterns," International Journal of American Linguistics 23:179-218.
Shell, Olive, and Mary Ruth Wise
1971 Grupos idiomäticos del Peru (Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de
San Marcos and Instituto Lingüistico de Verano).
Wise, Mary Ruth

1979 "Towards a typology of discourse in indigenous languages of Peru,"
Paper presented at the XLIII International Congress of Americanists.
Spanish version in Lexis IV:29-45 (1980).
Wistrand, Lila
1969 Folkloric and linguistic analysis of Cashibo narrative prose (University
of Texas, Austin: Ph.D. dissertation).
Amahuaca 485
Woodbury, Anthony
1983 "Switch-reference, syntactic organization, and rhetorical structure in
Central Yup'ik Eskimo," in John Haiman and Pamela Munro (eds.),
291-315.
PART III
Comparative Study: Tupi-Guarani
Comparative Tupi-Guaram Morphosyntax
Cheryl Jensen
0 Introduction
1 Proto-Tupi-Guarani person markers
2 Word classes
2.1 Subclasses
2.2 The linking prefix r-
2.3 Allomorphs of r-
2.4 Other interpretations of r-
3 Nouns
3.1 Possession
3.2 Co referential possessive markers
3.3 Grammatical suffixes
3.4 Modificational suffixes
3.5 Noun composition
3.6 Noun phrases
4 Postpositions
4.1 Normal markers
4.2 Coreferential markers
5 Cross-referencing on independent verbs
5.1 Cross-referencing on independent verbs: A and S markers
5.2 Cross-referencing on independent verbs: P markers
5.3 Cross-referencing on independent verbs: Portmanteau A-P prefixes
5.4 Cross-referencing on independent intransitive non-agentive verbs
5.5 Imperatives
6 Cross-referencing of dependent verb forms
6.1 Oblique-topicalized verbs
6.2 Subordinate verbs
6.3 Dependent serial verbs
7 Valence-changing devices
7.1 Causatives
7.2 Detransitivizers
8 Verbal aspect
8.1 Future, desiderative, and completion
8.2 Monosyllabic reduplication
490 Jensen
8.3 Bisyllabic reduplication

8.4 Frustrative
8.5 Intensifies
9 Nominalizations
9.1 Nominalizations of Action, Agent, and Circumstance
9.2 Nominalizations of Patient
9.3 Clause nominalizer
9.4 Adverbial nominalizer
9.5 Anticipatory and devolved morphemes with nominalizations
10 Negation
10.1 The negative morpheme *«-.. . -i
10.2 The negative morpheme *e 'ym
10.3 The negative morpheme *rua or *rw
10.4 The negative imperative morpheme *eme
10.5 The free response negative morpheme *ani
11 Demonstratives
12 Particles
12.1 Particles indicating the speaker's feelings
12.2 Temporal and verification particles
12.3 Grammatical particles
13 Ideophones
14 Numbers
15 Constituent order
16 Hypotheses concerning the functions of Ã-
É 6.1 That r- is epenthetical
16.2 That r- is a grammatical element
16.3 That r- was originally a phonologically conditioned morpheme
16.4 The question of allomorphs
16.5 The Inverse hypothesis
16.6 Other considerations
17 A proposal for the development of the person hierarchy
17.1 Remnants of older constructions found in languages in which recent changes have
eliminated or substantially modified those constructions
17.2 A model for the development of the person hierarchy
17.3 The search for cognates outside the Tupi-Guarani family
17.4 Unique characteristics of the Oblique-Topicalized construction
Notes
References
Appendix I Reconstructions
Appendix II Tupi-Guarani phonemes and their reflexes
Appendix III Some phonological rules from Tupinamb which apply to Tupi-
Guarani languages in general
Appendix IV Changes which resulted in subgroups
Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosyntax 491
Appendix V Distinguishing properties of Tupi-Guarani languages
0 Introduction
The Tupi-Guarani language family is one of seven families (plus 3 isolated lan-
guages) in the Tupian stock, located in lowland South America. Whereas the peoples
of the other Tupian language families have a history of being somewhat settled
(being confined to the Brazilian states of Rondonia, Amazonia, and western Para),
the Tupi-Guarani peoples have been highly migratory. Members of the Tupi-Guarani
language family are located in 5 countries of South America: Brazil, Paraguay,
Bolivia, Peru, and French Guiana.1 Even so, they show a high degree of consistency
in their basic morphology. Compare, for example, three languages from the geo-
graphical extremities of the language family: Mbyä Guarani (southern Brazil),
Wayampi (Jari dialect spoken in northern Brazil), and Guarayu (Bolivia), together
with the reconstructed Proto-Tupi-Guarani forms:2
P-T-G GiM WaJ Gu
corn *abati avaxi awäsi aväci
jaguar *jawär jawa jäwa jawar
sun *kwaracy kwaray kwaräy äry
monkey *ka'i ka'i kä'i kä'i
rock *ita ita takuru ita
The differentiation in these descendant languages is the result of (1) neutralization of *b
and *w (WaJ); (2) loss of final consonant (GiM,Wa); (3) stress change from final to
penultimate syllable (Gu,Wa); (4) loss of *c (GiM,Wa); (5) palatalization and weakening
of *t preceding a high front vowel (Gu,GiM,Wa); (6) modification of stem (Wa); (7)
loss of cognate (Gu). These lexical items are easily recognizable as cognates in spite of
the great geographical distance separating the three languages.
The main objective of this paper is to give an overview of the morphology and, to
a lesser degree, the syntax of the Tupi-Guarani language family. Both phonological
(Lemle 1971) and morphological (C. Jensen 1989) reconstructions of Proto-Tupi-
Guarani have been published and provide a good framework for a comparison of the
descendant languages. In this paper I present the grammatical structures as they were
reconstructed for Proto-Tupi-Guarani, followed by examples of these structures in
various descendant languages. I then describe changes that have taken place in other
languages which deviate from the reconstructed forms. Since phonological change has
a major influence on morphological and syntactic changes, I have included Appendices
II to IV to serve as references for the reader. Reconstructed morphemes with supporting
data appear in Appendix I. Rodrigues' (1984/85) criteria for distinguishing Tupi-Guarani
languages by subgroups appear in Appendix V.
Since my principal interest is in the area of reconstruction and change, I have
concentrated my studies on those Tupi-Guarani languages which to a large degree
still represent the Proto-Tupi-Guarani system. A few languages in the family show
alternation significant enough to justify the hypothesis that they are spoken by
492 Jensen
Approximate locations of Tupi-Guarani language groups
IWayampi
Tupinambä
(extinct)
ECUADOR
Urubu-
Kaapor
Parin tintin _ . .
Guajajara
r Guarayu ;
.
-Paraguay afr,
·—jGuaranf î
Old Guaram
(extinct)
Comparative Tupf-Guarani Moiphosyntax 493
peoples who were originally non-Tupi (Rodrigues 1984/1985:42-43). I have chosen

not to include them in this paper except for a brief discussion in sect. 0.3.3
0.1 Overview
1. There are four sets of person markers (sect. 1) reconstructed for Proto-Tupi-
Guarani which occur with verbs, nouns, and postpositions. Set 1 markers (sect. 5.1)
refer to the grammatical subject and occur in the independent clause with agentive
intransitive verbs and with transitive verbs when the object is third person. Set 2
markers refer to the object of transitive verbs (sect. 5.2), the subject of intransitive
verbs (agentive and non-agentive) (sects. 5.4; 6.1-3), the possessor of nouns (sect.
3.1), and the object of postpositions (sect. 4.1) when these are not coreferential with
the subject of the independent verb. They are used in dependent verb constructions
(sects. 6.1-3; 9.1-2) as well as with independent transitive verbs when the object is
hierarchically superior to the subject. Set 3 markers refer to the subject of dependent
serial intransitive verbs (agentive and non-agentive) (sect. 6.3), the possessor of
nouns (sect. 3.2) and the object of postpositions (sect. 4.2) when these are corefer-
ential with the subject of the independent verb. Set 4 markers (sect. 5.3) occur with
independent transitive verbs when the subject is first person and the object is second
person.
2. There are two classes of inflectible stems, based on their combination or not with
a linking morpheme r- (sect. 2). There is an additional class of noninflectible stems.
3. Many nouns are obligatorily possessed, among them body parts (sect. 3.1).
4. Proto-Tupi-Guarani nouns are suffixed by a nominal case marker whenever
they function syntactically as nouns (sect. 3.3). Unsuffixed, a noun may also serve
syntactically as a verb.
5. Various modificational suffixes occur with nouns, including augmentative and
diminutive, devolved and anticipatory, genuine and imitative suffixes (sect. 3.4).
6. Complex nouns are formed by combinations of Noun-Noun and Noun-Verb
(sect. 3.5).
7. Noun phrases are fairly simple, and consist of three types: Genitive-Noun,
Noun-Appositive, Specifier-Noun (sect. 3.6).
8. The object of a postposition is indicated by a noun, a person marker of Set 2,
or a person marker of Set 3, the latter indicating coreferentiality with the subject of
the independent verb (sect. 4).
9. When the object of an independent transitive verb is third person, the verb is
prefixed with Set 1(A) person markers, which are also used to prefix agentive
intransitive verbs. When the object of the independent transitive verb is hierarchi-
cally superior to the subject, the verb is cross-referenced with Set 2(P) person
markers, which are also used to cross-reference non-agentive intransitive (that is,
494 Jemen
Stative) verbs. In the remaining cases (where the subject is first person and the object
is second person) the independent transitive verb is cross-referenced by Set 4 person
markers (sect. 5).
10. In languages which retain the system reconstructed for Proto-Tupi-Guarani, all
dependent verb forms are cross-referenced with person markers from Set 2, unless
their referent is coreferential with the subject of the independent verb. In this case
they take markers from Set 3 (sect. 6).
11. Dependent verb forms include oblique-topicalized, subordinate, and dependent
serial verbs (sect. 6).
12. Valence-changing devices include three types of causative and four techniques
for detransitivizing a transitive verb (sect. 7).
13. Verbal aspects include future, desiderative, completive, consecutive, frequen-
tive, frustrative, and intensive (sect. 8).
14. Nominalizations refer to the action itself, or to the agent, circumstances, or
patient of the action. These may co-occur with anticipatory and devolved mor-
phemes (sect. 9).
15. Five separate negation markers occur (sect. 10).
16. Demonstratives function with reference to persons, objects, time or location,
or to temporal, spatial, and other elements of the discourse (sect. 11).
17. Tupi-Guarani languages are characterized by particles (sect. 12) and ideo-
phones (sect. 13).
18. The numerical system is rudimentary (sect. 14).
19. Constituent order in absolutive-marked constructions tends to be verb-final.
Independent clauses show somewhat free word order, but basic orders tend to be
SOV or SVO (sect. 15).
20. Discussions of the significance of the linking prefix r- and of the development
of the person hierarchy appear in sects. 16 and 17, respectively.
0.2 Classification. The total number of Tupi-Guarani languages exceeds 40. Sev-
eral of these languages have been extensively documented, including two extinct
languages: Old Guarani (documented principally by Antonio Ruiz de Montoya in
1639 and 1640) and Tupinambä (documented by Joseph de Anchieta in 1595). For
certain other languages, only limited data are available. The Tupi-Guarani languages
are tentatively subdivided by Rodrigues (1984/85) into eight subgroups, which
appear in Table 1. Priest's (1987) reference to the Guarani linguistic family includes
Bolivian languages from Rodrigues' subgroups I and II.
Table 1: Subgroups of Tupi-Guarani Language Family

Subgroup: Languages:
I Old Guarani, Mbyä Guarani, Xeta, Nandeva, Kaiwä, Paraguayan

Guarani, Guayaki, Tapiete, Chiriguano (Bolivian Guarani), Izoceno
[Southern Brazil, Paraguay, Bolivia]
II Guarayu, Siriono, Hora (Jora) [Bolivia]
III Tupinamba [formerly along the Brazilian coast]; Lingua Geral Paulista
[state of Säo Paulo]; Lingua Geral Amazonica (Nheengatu); Cocama,
Cocamilla, Omagua [upper Amazon River and tributaries]
IV Tocantins (or Trocara) Assurini, Tapirape, Ava (Canoeiro), Tocantins
Surui (Akewere), Parakanä, Guajajara, Tembe [Brazilian states of
Maranhäo and eastern Para]
V Kayabi, Xingu Assurini, Arawete (?) [Western part of the state of Para]
VI Parintintin, Tupi-Kawahib, Apiaka [Brazilian state of Rondönia]
VII Kamaiurä [Xingu Park in southern Para]
VIII Takunyape, Emerillon, Urubu-Kaapor, Wayampi, Amanaye, Anarnbe,
Turiwara, Guaja [Brazilian states of Maranhäo, Para, and Amapa; and
French Guiana]
Rodrigues' subgrouping is based on sets of phonological features, which are listed
in Appendix IV. His lexical, morphological, and historical knowledge of the family
is not applied in a rigorously formal way, but is used to establish the reliability of
his subgrouping.4 I have chosen to follow Rodrigues' subgrouping in this paper and
have added to his list certain features which further characterize his subgroups.
Not all languages in a given subgroup are equally related. For example, Tembe
and Guajajara are quite different from the other languages in subgroup IV, in that
they do not neutralize *j (phonetically a [z] in Guajajara) with other sounds. Gua-
jajara and Tembe do not have coreferential markers for first and second persons
(sect. 3.2), which other languages in the subgroup have. All languages in this
subgroup have undergone some degree of vowel shift, including total or partial loss
of nazalization, but the degree of vowel shift is less in Guajajara and Tembe than in
other languages of the subgroup.
Wolf Dietrich (1990b) has conducted a different type of study, by which he measures
the degree of phonological and morphological conservatism of various languages. This
is determined by the occurrence of characteristic phonological features, on one hand,
and the occurrence of characteristic Tupi-Guarani morphemes, on the other. His study
includes a detailed comparison, feature by feature, and is a valuable reference guide.
Numerical similarity between languages is determined by counting the features they
share. The value of Dietrich's work is that it establishes a basis for evaluating the
actual degree of phonological and morphological similarity of any two languages in
their present state. His conclusion (1990b:116) is that "there are no actual classes, but
groups of no more than 2 or 3 close cognate languages and groups of languages which
share a number of phonetic and morphological characteristics." In this sense he
496 Jensen
disagrees with Rodrigues' subgroupings. I do not think that they are necessarily
inconsistent, since languages can be closely related historically, that is, members of the
same subgroup, as Rodrigues proposes, and still be quite different from each other,
because of subsequent individual changes, particularly if outside influences are in-
volved.
One limitation of this type of study, as Dietrich mentions himself, is its depend-
ence on sufficient data for each feature included. Some features listed as nonexistent
in the Jari dialect of Wayampi, for example, do in fact occur (oka, from *ukar, and
a 'e). Another feature suggested as regional, since it occurs in Wayampi and Emeril-
lon, is the negation morpheme rowä (or ruä, as we now spell it), which actually has
cognates in Tupinambä, Old Guarani, Parintintin, and Kamaiura (sect. 10.3). Insuf-
ficiency of data or inaccuracy in the reporting of features affects the numerical
outcome in the comparison of languages.
The choice of features and the value assigned to each one also affect the numerical
outcome in a comparison. I suggest that not all features should carry equal weight,
and that differences have their greatest significance when they cause misunderstand-
ing or misinterpretation from one language to another.5
As linguists studying the various Tupi-Guarani languages cooperate with Dietrich by
evaluating his results in relation to their particular language, by providing further input
into the significance of specific phonological and morphological features as a basis for
comparison, and by supplying missing data, he will be able to refine his system of
evaluation. This will increase its effectiveness in showing how closely the individual
Tupi-Guarani languages are related to each other. I suggest also that he add to his
phonological and morphological comparisons a measure of lexical comparison.
0.3 Atypical languages. A few languages show significant alteration, as described

by Rodrigues (1984/1985:42—43): "Izoceno is a dialect of Chiriguano spoken by
descendants of Chane Indians, who originally spoke a language of the Aruak family.
The same is true of Tapiete, spoken by a people of the Chaca, probably of Matako
origin. Guayaki (Ache), more strongly altered in its grammatical structure, shares the
diagnostic properties of [Subgroup I]."
Rodrigues writes that Siriono is "strongly altered to the point of justifying the
oft-proposed hypothesis that it is a language spoken by people who were originally
non-Tupi, but who were 'Guarani-ized.'"
About Cocama (Kokama) he writes: "Although it is very different in its grammar,
it is directly derived from forms like those of Tupinamba .. . The fact that Kokama
has certain important properties which are non-Tupi gives the impression that we are
dealing with one more case of a Tupi-Guarani language adopted by a non-Tupi
people. One of the most interesting facts about Kokama in this regard is that it has
different personal pronouns depending on the sex of the speaker, and in two cases
the pronoun used by the men is non-Tupi while the pronoun used by the women
corresponds to Proto-Tupi-Guarani."
Comparative Tupf-Guarani Morphosyntax 497
Lingua Geral Amazonica (Nheengatu) developed during the colonial period, as

Tupinamba entered a completely new social context through the mestizo children of
Portuguese men who grew up speaking the language of their indigenous mothers. As
the use of this language expanded in this nonindigenous context, the Tupinamba
language underwent grammatical and phonological changes. For example, the high
central vowel, unfamiliar to Portuguese speakers, was reinterpreted in individual words
as either a front or a back vowel. This language is now spoken as the mother tongue
of non-Indians in the Upper Amazon region.
According to Rodrigues (p.c.), Urubu-Kaapor appears to have been influenced by
Lingua Geral during the time that the latter was spoken along the lower Amazon
River basin. Urubu-Kaapor demonstrates some grammatical simplification, particu-
larly in its cross-referencing system (C. Jensen 1990). However, it is easily
recognizable as a Proto-Tupi-Guarani language and is often appropriate as a source
of examples for this paper.
Dietrich (1990b) concurs that both Guayaki and Cocama are so atypical that they
must have been taken over by people who originally spoke another language or were
influenced by speakers of another language, and that Siriono must also have been
affected by outside influences. Phonologically he proposes two groups, the more
stable (conservative) and the more innovatory. He considers both Urubu- Kaapor and
Siriono to be among the less conservative members of his group 1 (the more stable
group) in phonological ranking. Morphologically, he proposes three groups. He
places both Siriono and Urubu-Kaapor in group 1, but outside the axis of morpho-
logical conservatism, with Guayaki and Cocama in group 2. Members of group 3 are
Satere-Mawe and Aweti, which are classified by Rodrigues as being outside the
Tupi-Guarani family, although closely related to it.
1 Proto-Tupi-Guarani person markers

Four sets of person markers as well as a set of free pronouns have been reconstructed
for Proto-Tupi-Guarani, and appear in Table 2. The reconstructions were based on data
from 14 languages, including at least one member of each of Rodrigues' subgroups.6
The data upon which these morphemes have been reconstructed appear in Appendix I.
498 Jensen
Table 2: Proto-Tupi-Guarani person markers

Set 1 Set 2 Set 3 Set 4 Pronouns
(with 1A) (Free)
ISO a- ce (r-) wi- ice

1EX oro- ore (r-) oro- ore
UN ja- jane (r-) jere- jane
2SG ere- ne (r-) e- oro- ere
2PL pe- pe (n-) PeJe~ °P°- pe. . e
3 o- i-,c-,t- o-
TV TV TV TV
IV-ag IV IV
N N
Post Post
(Note: The r- and n- occur obligatorily between the Set 2 person markers and
morphemes of Class II, as indicated.)
The person markers from Sets 1 and 2, as well as the free pronouns, occur in all of
the descendant languages on which the reconstruction was based. Set 1 markers occur
exclusively with transitive and agentive intransitive verbs; they refer to A and S,
respectively (see footnote 10 for abbreviations). Set 2 markers occur with transitive and
intransitive (agentive and non-agentive) verbs, nouns, and postpositions; they refer to
P and S. Set 3 markers occur in some languages with nouns, postpositions, and
dependent verbs; in other languages the full set occurs only with intransitive serial
verbs, only the third person prefix occurring with nouns, postpositions, and subordinate
verbs. (In still other languages, the set has been eliminated completely, with the
exception of the third person prefix o-.) They are agreement (coreferential) prefixes which
replace Set 2 markers when the referent (P or S) is also the grammatical subject of the
independent verb (or the verb which dominates a noun or postposition in a subordinate clause).
Set 4 are portmanteau markers referring simultaneously to first person A and second person P
in transitive verbs. The function of these sets of person markers will be discussed in greater
detail under noun and verb morphology (sects. 3-6).
2 Word classes
Basic to the description of Tupi-Guarani languages is the division of all inflectible
stems into two word classes for which there is no semantic or clearly defined
grammatical basis. Stems which are grammatically noninflectible, that is, obligato-
rily non-possessed, comprise a third class. Morphemes are classified as Class II if they
combine with a special linking morpheme r- (sect. 2.2). Class I morphemes never take the
r- prefix. These classes transect grammatical divisions of noun, verb, and postpositions, as
illustrated in Table 3. All members of Class II begin with a vowel; most, but not all,
members of Class I begin with a consonant.
Table 3: Class I and Class Ð stems
Class I (without r-) Class II (with r-)
Nouns *cy 'mother' *ub 'father'

*ce cy 'my mother' *ce r-ub 'my father'
*kunurm cy 'boy's mother' *kunurm r-ub 'boy's father'
*akarj 'head'
*ce akarj'my head'
*kununii akarj 'boy's head'
T. Verb *pycyk 'grab' *ekar 'seek*

*ce pycyk 'grab me' *ce r-ekar 'seek me'
*kunurm pycyk 'grab the boy' *kunuim r-ekar 'seek the boy'
*apyti 'tie'
*ce apyti 'tie me'
*kunumT apyti 'tie the boy'
I. Verb *ker 'to sleep' *ek<5 ~ iko 'to be in motion'

(agentive) *ce ker-VmV 'when I sleep' *ce r-eko-rVmV 'when I am (in
motion)'
I. Verb *katu 'be good' *acy 'hurt'

(non-agentive) *ce katu º am good' *ce r-acy º hurt'
*u'u 'cough'
^v s y s ßô é *
*ce u u I cough
Postposition *cupe 'for' *ece 'with respect to'

*ce cupe 'for me' *ce r-ece 'with respect to me'
*kunurm cupe 'for the boy' *kunurm r-ece 'with respect to
the boy'
2.1 Subclasses. Word classes I and II both have subdivisions (Table 4) based on
the combination of its members with certain allomorphs of the third person and the
unspecified possessor prefixes. The unspecified possessor morpheme is used in cases
where the possessor or referent is grammatically obligatory, but out of focus. In the
following examples from Wayampi, 'medicine' is obligatorily possessed, either by
the person for whom it is prescribed (1) or by the ailment which it treats (2).
500 Jensen
(1) e-poä 'my medicine'

(2) karay poä 'fever medicine'
(3) moä 'medicine (unspecified possessor)'
Even when the type of medicine is unspecified, it always has a specific intent, and
is therefore obligatorily possessed (3).
Table 4: Sub-classification of stems, Proto-Tupi-Guarani
PREFIXES ~~
3rd person Linking Unspecified Possessor
la *i- - *0
Ib *i- - ""nasalization of initial C
Ila *c- *r- *t-
lib *t- *r- *t-
He *c- *r- *0
lid *c- *r- *elimination of initial V
III Cannot be inflected
Note that in subclass lib the third person and the unspecified forms are identical.
These subclasses apply to both noun and verb stems. However, the combination of
these prefixes (third person, linking and unspecified possessor) with verb stems is
restricted to specific syntactic structures which are described in sects. 5 and 6. The
examples in Table 5 are given without reference to such syntactic structures.
Table 5: Subclasses with prefixing, Proto-Tupi-Guarani
la *i-ko 'his garden' *i-ker 'he sleeps'

*ce k<5 'my garden' *ce ker sleep'
*ko 'garden (unspecified)' *ker 'sleep'(unspecified)'
Ib *i-pocarj 'his medicine' *i-poracej 'he dances'

*ce pocärj 'my medicine' *ce poracej dance'
*mocarj 'medicine (unspecified)' *moracej 'dance (unspecified)'
Ila *c-eca 'his eye'

v >r v
*c-ek<5 'he is (moving)'
v
^ -
*ce r-eca' l my eye} *ce·"* r-eko
1 -^ t T
I amJ
*t-eca 'eye (unspecified)' *t-eko 'being (unspecified)'
lib *t-ub 'his father'

*ce r-ufe 'my father'
*t-ub 'father (unspecified)'
lie *c-ok 'his house'

*ce r-ok 'my house'
*ok 'house (unspecified)'
lid *c-ape 'his path'

*ce r-ape 'my path'
*pe 'path (unspecified)'
*c-ekuj 'his gourd'

*ce r-ekuj 'my gourd'
*kuj 'gourd (unspecified)'
III non-inflectible:
*aman 'rain'
Although in most languages the members of subclass Ib all begin with /p/, there are
examples in Wayampi in which the rule of nasalization is applied to stems beginning
with/k/:
(4) *ker > ke 'sleep' > kea 'hammock'

e-kea'ypa 'my sleeping shelter'
gea'ypa 'sleeping shelter (unspecified)'
(5) *kasi 'be strong' > e-kasi am strong'

e-kasi-e'y 'my lack of strength (hunger)'
gasi-e' y 'hunger (unspecified)'
Sometimes a word which is in subclass lid in one language is in subclass Ila in another,
so that instead of eliminating the initial vowel, a prefix t- precedes it. For example, *epoti
'defecate' has the unspecified form poti in Tupinamba, but teposi in Wayampi. In Tupi-
narnba *emi'u 'food' has two unspecified forms: temi'ü and mi'ü. In Wayampi it has only
the form temi'ö. In Parintintin the form is mbi'u? It appears that in Mbyä Guarani all
members of what was originally subclass lid have been transferred to subclass Ila. For
example, tape 'path (unspecified)', tepoxi 'feces', tembi'u 'food'.
2.2 The linking prefix r-. The linking morpheme, which co-occurs with stems of
Class II, occurs under the following circumstances: 1) Noun preceded by the genitive,
indicated by a noun or by a first or second person marker of Set 2 (sect. 3.1). 2)
Postposition preceded by its object, indicated by a noun or by a first or second person
marker of Set 2 (sect. 4). 3) Verb preceded by a noun or by a first or second person
marker of Set 2, indicating absolutive cross-referencing (sects. 5.1—4). The linking
prefix does not co-occur with person marker sets 1, 3, or 4 (sects. 3 and 5), nor does
it co-occur with the third person prefixes of Set 2 (sect. 3.1): */- or *c- (which occurs
in various languages as s-, h-, or J0).
2.3 Allomorphs of r-. The allomorphs of the linking prefix are r- and n-, the latter
following the second person plural marker pe in many languages (Tocantins Assurini,
Guajajära, Kamaiurä, Parintintin, Tapirape, Wayampi). Considering that pe was de-
rived from a longer nasalized free pronoun *pe . . . e it is not strange that r- would have
502 Jensen
a nasalized allomorph. This allomorph also occurs in Guajajara with a third person
plural morpheme, \va, which Harrison (1986) states to be historically nasalized as
well. Tupinamba does not have the n- allomorph. Mbyä Guarani has replaced pe with
pene and uses the r- allomorph.
2.4 Other interpretations of r-. The prefix r- is an inescapable subject of discussion

by Tupi-Guarani linguists. Nevertheless, there has been a lack of uniformity in the way
it is described. It has been referred to as a linking prefix, a relational, an attributive, or
simply as R-. As was pointed out by Payne (1994), there has also been a lack of
uniformity in the allomorphs which are attributed to this morpheme, making it appear
that there is a lot of morphological variation within the Tupi-Guarani family.
Some linguists have included the allomorphs of the third person (Set 2) and un-
marked prefixes as allomorphs of the linking prefix. Harrison (1986:418) lists t- and h-
(from *c-) as allomorphs of r-. However, since these two prefixes only occur within
the context of third person, he proposes that they are preceded by a 0 third person
morpheme.9
Other linguists have described these three morphemes (*r-, *t-, and *o) in such a way
that they may be interpreted by readers as referring to a single morpheme. I will show
in sect. 16 that this cannot be the case. Rodrigues (1990) glossed all three morphemes
as REL, even though he treats them separately in his more detailed morphological work
(1981). I suspect that he did not consider a complete explanation of these morphemes
to be pertinent to the topic of his later paper. However, within the text he did list the
allomorphs of the third person morpheme (which was relevant to his topic). Kakumasu
(1986:369) states that the third person prefix "A- changes to r- when the possessor is
first or second person or a free form nominal; it changes to t- when the possessor is
unspecified." Although the expression "changes to" appears on first reading to refer to
allomorphic variation, a careful reading of Kakumasu's explanation leaves no doubt that
he is describing three separate morphemes, the third person morpheme, the r- (which he
says occurs only with first and second person markers, meaning those of Set 2 in this
paper, or with free form nominals), and the unspecified possessor morpheme. Dietrich
(1990b:60) makes the same distinction between these three morphemes.
Seki (1990:374,378) does not associate the third person prefix (i-, t-, h-) with Set
2 person markers, because they are by nature different: they are not derived from
free pronouns, and they do not co-occur with the linking morpheme r-. She says that
Set 2 has no third person marker, and that the prefix (i-, t-, h-), which she calls a
relational prefix, supplies this absence. She has good reason for making this distinc-
tion. (I have nevertheless chosen to treat them as members of Set 2 because they
function in a complementary way with the first and second person markers.) By
calling the third person prefixes relational, she is making no claim that they are
allomorphs of the linking prefix r-. She only states that "the stems which occur with
allomorphs i- and h- belong to the r- class" (which I have referred to as Class II,
following Rodrigues' precedent).
An in-depth discussion of the hypotheses about the r- prefix follows in sect. 16.
3 Nouns
3.1 Possession. Nouns in Tupi-Guaram languages are either possessible (for exam-
ple, body parts) or non-possessible (for example, 'rain'). If they are possessible, they
are members of Class I or II. The linking prefix r- occurs with Class II when the
noun is preceded by a genitive, expressed either by a person marker (Set 2) of first
or second person or by a noun. This is illustrated in Table 6 with the morphemes
10
*cy 'mother' (Class I) and *ub 'father' (Class II).'"
Table 6: Possessive marking, by stem class
Class I Class II
%lt v s
v s
*ce cy 'my mother' *ce r-ub 'my father'
*ore cy Our EX mother' *ore r-ub Our EX father'
*jane cy Our IN mother' *jane r-ub Our IN father'
ak s v s
*ne cy 'your SG mother' *ne r-ub 'your SG father'
*pe cy 'your PL mother' *pe n-ub 'your PL father'
*kuja cy 'woman's mother' *kuja r-ub 'woman's father'
The first person singular morpheme is expressed in various languages, due to
weakening processes, as s/e (Tb), he (Gj), e (Wa), and ye (Km).12
(6) sje sy sje r-ub (Tb)
(7) he-hy he-r-u (Gj)
(8) e-y e-r-u (Wa)
(9) jey je r-up (Km)
Unlike the first and second person markers, the third person prefix (*/'-, *c-, */-)
attaches directly to the stem, with no linking prefix involved, as in (10).
(10) *i-cy 'his/her mother' *t-ub 'his/her father'
If a noun is obligatorily possessible, reference must be made to this fact even when
the possessor is out of focus. In this case nouns take a special form (sect. 2.1).
Nouns which are grammatically nonpossessible are automatically members of Class
III. These are largely elements of the physical world, such as sun, sky, rain, jungle,
and animals. If these objects need to be referred to in a possessed form, a more
generic possessible morpheme is used, sometimes in apposition with the nonposses-
sible noun, as in (11) and (12).
(11) s-emiar-a tatu (Tb)
3-hunted.thing-NC armadillo
'his hunted thing, the armadillo'
(12) mamaz r-eimaw zapukaz (GjP)
mother LK-pet chicken
'mother's pet, a chicken'
504 Jensen
3.2 Coreferential possessive markers. When the possessor of a noun is coreferen-

tial with the grammatical subject of the clause, a special prefix is used. Some linguists
refer to these as reflexive markers, but I have chosen in this paper to refer to them as
coreferential markers to avoid confusion with the reflexive prefix *je- in sect. 7.2. The
use of the coreferential prefix, in contrast with the Set 2 prefix, is illustrated in (13)
and (14).
(13) *i-cy o-c-epjak
3-mother 3A-3P-see
'He saw his (someone else's) mother.'
(14) *o-cy o-c-epjak
3COREF-mother 3A-3P-see
'He saw his (own) mother.'
Table 7 shows a complete paradigm of the coreferential markers.
Table 7: Coreferential markers
*wi-cy 'my own mother'

*oro-cy Our EX own mother'
*jere-cy Our IN own mother'
*e-cy 'your SG own mother'
*peje-cy 'your PL own mother'
*o-cy 'his, her own mother'
A complete set of prefixes occurs with nouns in Tocantins Assurini (Nicholson
1977), Tapirape (Leite 1989), Kayabi (Dobson 1988), and Parintintin (Betts 1981),
although some forms in Parintintin have undergone replacement.
(15) a-ma-pen we-pa (Tp)
ISG-CAUS-break ISG.COREF-hand
broke my hand.'
(16) oroj-a'yr 'ar amü kawipie apo-ü
lEX.COREF-son fall when porridge make-OBTOP
oro-jo-upe (Kb)
lEX.COREF-RECIP-for
'When our children are born, we make a (special type of) porridge for
each other (of us).'
In example 16 the unexpressed subject of the independent clause is ore 'we
exclusive,' which triggers the use of the coreferential prefixes. Dobson (1988)
observes about Kayabi: "Even when the subject of the main clause and another
referent in the sentence are part of one group, the reflexive [coreferential] pronoun
is used in relationship to the whole group." This is illustrated in (17).
(17) ere pokutug awi jarej-aity-a

2SG pierce NEC HN.COREF-hammock-NC
'You, don't make a hole in our hammock!'
She further states: "A reflexive [coreferential] form is also used to refer to one
member (or some members) of a group, when the group is the subject of the main
clause."
(18) si-juka ej-eymaw-a
UN-kill 2SG.COREF-pet-NC
'Let us kill your pet.'
Most other Tupi-Guarani languages have a coreferential prefix only for third
person. When the possessor is first or second person, forms from Set 2 are used. In
the following examples from Wayampi, the Set 2 form is used for first person (19)
and the Set 3 coreferential form is used for third person (20).
(19) e-y a-esa (Wa)
ISG-mother ISG.A-see
º saw my mother.'
(20) o-y o-esa (Wa)
SCOREF-mother 3A-see
'He saw his (own) mother.'
It is probable that the full set of prefixes occurred with nouns in Proto-Tupi-
Guarani, since it is unlikely that the set would be extended independently to occur
in this context (with nouns) in languages from three different subgroups. The
elimination of the first and second person forms in other languages can be explained
by the fact that in third person the special form eliminates ambiguity, whereas in
first and second person there is no ambiguity. The referent of 'my' in º saw my
mother' can only refer to the subject.
3.3 Grammatical suffixes. Grammatical suffixes have been reconstructed for

Proto-Tupi-Guarani for (1) nominal case, (2) attributive case, and (3) three kinds of
locative cases.
(1) Nominal case:
Whenever a noun is used syntactically as a noun within a sentence containing a
verbal predicate in Pro to-Tupi-Guarani, the noun receives a special suffix: *-a (after
a final consonant) ~ -0 (after a final vowel).
(21) *jararak 'jararaca snake' + -a 'NC' > *jararaka
(22) *pira 'fish' + 0 'NC' > *pira
In (23) kuj 'woman' ends in a vowel, so it receives a 0 suffix. The morpheme
memyr 'child' ends in a consonant and receives the -a suffix.
506 Jensen
(23) kujä o-s-arö o-memyr-a s-ereko-bo (Tb)

woman 3A-3P-care.for 3COREF-child-NC 3P-keep.with-SER
'The woman cares for her child, keeping it with her.'
The suffix also appears in (24) and (25) from Kayabi. In (24) the use of the -a suffix
has been extended to co-occur with a vowel-final stem.
(24) ere pokutug awi jarej-aity-a
2SG pierce NEG HN.COREF-hammock-NC
'You, don't make a hole in our hammock!'
(25) si-juka ej-eymaw-a
UN-kill 2SG.COREF-pet-NC
'Let us kill your pet.'
There are occasions in which a noun does not function syntactically as a noun.
Sometimes it has no syntactic context, as in a list of names or in a vocative. In (26)
from Tupinamba, the vocative form occurs unsuffixed.
(26) Morubisäb! 'Chief!' (Tb)
Furthermore, there are circumstances under which a noun occurs syntactically as the
verb of a sentence and therefore is unsuffixed. In (27) and (28) the noun a'b
'clothes' is used as a verb, with the meaning 'to have clothes' (or 'to be clothed').
In (29) the noun memyr 'child (of a woman)' is used as a verb meaning 'to give
birth'.
(27) sje aob have clothes (I am clothed).' (Tb)
(28) jane aob 'We have clothes (we are clothed).' (Tb)
(29) sje memyr gave birth.' (Tb)
In some descendant languages of Tupi-Guarani (the Guarani languages and the Jari
dialect of Wayampi) final consonants have been eliminated. Since the allomorph which
occurs with V-final stems is a zero allomorph, these languages no longer have an
environment in which the suffix is expressed. In (30) from the Jari dialect of Wayampi,
a final r has been eliminated from *tapi'ir and *kwer (from *pwer\ to which would
have originally been added a nominal suffix *-a. In (31) from Kaiwä, the final k has
been eliminated from *mani'ok, eliminating the environment for the suffix.
(30) ame jawi o-mimoi tapi'i r-o'o-kwe (Wa)
then tortoise 3-cook tapir LK-muscle-DEVOLV
'Then the tortoise boiled the tapir meat.'
(31) o-gweru mani'o (Kw)
3-bring manioc
'He/she brought manioc.'
In some cases the nominal case suffix has become permanently attached to certain
stems, with the final consonant also retained. In Wayampi this happened with the
formerly monosyllabic stem *ok' 'house', apparently to prevent the formation of a

homonym with *ob 'leaf:
(32) *ok 'house' + -a > oka (Wa)
In Kaiwä and Mbyä Guarani, many stems originally ending in r retained this consonant
together with the -a suffix, which was changed to the high central vowel (y), as in
(33). The stress, which normally occurs on the final syllable of the stem in these
languages, is penultimate in these words.
(33) *jar Owner' 4- -a järy (Kw)
In these two examples the former suffix has become part of the stem and is no
longer separable from it.
However, it is not only vowel-final languages that have eliminated the nominal
suffix, as can be seen by (34) from Guajajära. The nominal case suffix -a would
occur on t-azyr and i-petym if it still existed in this language.
(34) u-munyk t-azyr i-petym h-eraha9 i-zupe a'e (GjG)
3A-lit 3-daughter 3-tobacco 3-take 3-to 3
'His daughter lit and took his cigar to him.'
Whereas in some languages the nominal case suffix has been eliminated, in others
it has become permanently attached to the noun stem, even when the stem lacks a
syntactic context. In (35), the final a is no longer separable.
(35) ne-akyga 'your SG head' (As)
In Kamaiurä (Seki 1987) the -a suffix now occurs with all noun stems, even those
which do not end with a consonant:
(36) akwama'e-a i-katu (Km)
man-NC 3-good
'The man is good.'
(2) Attributive case:
The suffix *-ramo ~ -amo indicates the role or function of a noun (37, 38, and 40),
the end product of a process (41), or a change of state (42). The *-ramo allomorph
follows vowel-final stems (37 and 42) and the *-amo allomorph follows consonant-
final stems (38, 40, and 41).
(37) *paje-ramo 'as shaman'
(38) *jawar-amo 'as a jaguar'
(39) hekuzar 'substitute' (GjP)
(40) hekuzar-omo 'thing used as a substitute'
508 Jensen
(41) tukumä apea ka'mika kunumiakyra ku'afaaw amü (Kb)

tucum shell broken baby.boy belt AC
'Tucum (palm nut) shells are broken to make baby belts.'
(42) o-jinö so ramö (WaJ)
3-transform deer AC
'He changed into a deer.'
In Mbya Guarani the morpheme corresponding to *ramo is rami 'according to,
similar to'. (It must not be confused with the morpheme ramö, which in this
language is the temporal conjunction 'when'.)
(43) jagua rami 'as a dog'
(3) Locative cases:

Three locative suffixes occur in some Tupi-Guarani languages: *-pe punctual
locative case (44—46), *-bo diffuse locative case (47-48), and *-/ partitive locative
case (49-50). The most commonly occurring of these three is *-pe. When it follows
a nasalized vowel, the initial consonant of the suffix is nasalized (Appendix III.l).
When it follows a consonant, an epenthetical vowel occurs (Appendix III.3). *-bo
also requires an epenthetical vowel.
(44) *wyr 'underside' + -pe > wyrype 'underneath' (WaA)
(45) *ju 'field' + -pe > jume 'in the field' (Tb)
(46) kaninde 'Caninde (village)' + -pe > kaninde pe 'at Caninde' (Ur)
(47) *'ar 'day' + -bo > 'arimo 'during the day' (As)
(48) *'ar + -bo > 'aryvo 'during the day' (Wa)
(49) *pyr 'near' + -i > pyri 'next to' (WaA, Gu)
(50) *ku'a 'waist' + -i > ku'äi 'at the waist' (Tb)
Dobson (1988:73) specifies graphically that in Kayabi "wyrimü [apparently de-
rived from *wyr 'under' + *-bo] indicates an area under a point, whereas wyripe
[*wyr + -pe] indicates a point under a point." These descriptions coincide with the
distinctions of diffuse and punctual.
3.4 Modificational suffixes. There are at least three pairs of modificational suf-
fixes: (1) augmentative and diminutive, (2) devolved and anticipatory, and (3)
genuine and imitative.
(1) Augmentative and diminutive suffixes:
Augmentative *-wacu ~ *-ucu (51-62) and diminutive *-'/ (63- 67) morphemes
occur as suffixes on nouns. The augmentative morpheme has two allomorphs,
occurring after V-final and C-final stems, respectively.
(51) *parana-wacu 'large large-river'
(52) *jararak-ucu 'large jararaca snake (species name)'
(53) wyrä-wasu 'large bird' (Tb)

(54) tab-usu 'large village' (Tb)
(55) aman-uhu 'big rain' (Ur)
In languages in which the final consonant has been deleted, allomorphs derived
from *-ucu are sometimes retained in specific vocabulary items. In (56, 58), the
stems are, and originally were, vowel final; they take the allomorph appropriate for
vowel-final stems. In (57, 59), the stems originally ended in r and «, respectively;
the final consonant was deleted in the unsuffixed stem, but reappears together with
the allomorph appropriate for consonant-final stems. In (60), the stem was originally
*ypab. The final consonant b which was deleted from the stem reappears as a w in
the suffixed form.
(56) xe-kua 'my finger' xe-kua guaxu 'my thumb' (GiM)
(57) ei 'bee' (from *eir) ei ruxu 'bee (species)' (GiM)
(58) parana 'large river' parana-wasu 'river-sea' (WaJ)
(59) pytö 'darkness' (from *pytun) pytö-nusu 'deep darkness' (Wa)
(60) yupa 'lake' (from *ypab) yupawusu 'large lake' (Gu)
The augmentative *-wacu has been incorporated into Brazilian Portuguese in the
form -ago (even with consonant final stems). The fact that this is a productive form
in Portuguese can be demonstrated in soccer vocabulary:
(61) gol 'goal' gol-aso 'a fantastic goal'
Both the augmentative suffix and the diminutive suffix *- '/ occur frequently in
names of biological species in Tupi-Guarani languages (A. Jensen 1988), as in the
following examples from Urubu- Kaapor (62-63) and Wayampi (64).
(62) ju'i 'tree frog' ju'i-hu 'frog (species)' (Ur)
(63) parawa 'mealy parrot' parawa-'i Orange-winged parrot' (Ur)
(64) kure 'mealy parrot' kure-'i Orange-winged parrot' (Wa)
When the diminutive suffix - attaches to a C-final stem, in many languages the
glottal stop is eliminated, as in (65).
(65) takwar 'bamboo (species)' + 'i 'DIM' > takwari (Wa)
In Parintintin and Kayabi the stop is retained but undergoes metathesis with the
preceding consonant (Appendix .5): -C + 'V > 'CV (Dobson 1988:133).
(66) tig 'white' + 'i 'DIM' > ti'gi 'very white' (Pt)
(67) karupam 'deer' + 'i 'DIM' > karupa'rm 'small deer' (Kb)
Since it is generally the first consonant in a consonant cluster (produced at a
morpheme juncture in Tupi-Guarani languages) that is deleted (Appendix III. 6), the
metathesis rule gives us a good explanation for the loss of the glottal stop in
examples like (65). After the metathesis, it becomes the first of two consonants and
is therefore deleted.
510 Jensen
(2) Devolved and anticipatory suffixes:

In Tupi-Guarani languages a pair of morphemes occur with noun stems, one which
means that the noun no longer serves its intended function (*-pwer ~ -wer) and one
which means that it has not yet begun to serve its intended function (*-ram ~ -am ~
-warn).
(68) *emireko 'wife'
(69) *emireko + *pwer > *emirekopwer 'widow'
(70) *emirek<5 + ram > *emirekoram 'fiance'
Any body part, once it is removed, requires the suffix indicating that it no longer
serves its intended function. A leaf, once it falls, no longer serves its intended
function and becomes, in a sense, an ex-leaf.
(71) *po 'hand' + *pwer > *popwer 'ex-hand'
(72) *ob 'leaf + *wer > *ower 'ex-leaf
(73) *ok 'house' + *wer > *okwer 'ex-house'
The allomorphic distribution of the 'devolved' morpheme is *-pwer after a vowel-
final stem and *-wer after a consonant-final stem. In some languages, such as
Tupinamba, consonant clusters (consonant plus semivowel w) are acceptable, and
forms such as *men 'husband' + *-wer > menwer occur. In most other languages
(As, Gi, Gj, Gu, Km, Pt, Ur, Wa) the w is deleted after alveolar consonants:
(74) erekwar 'wife' + wer > erekwarer 'widow' (WaA)
(75) men 'husband' + wer > mener 'widower' (WaA)
(76) i-zuka-ar 'murderer' + wer > izukaarer 'his murderer' (GjP)
Where the preceding morpheme ended in b, the w is retained and the b eliminated,
as in (72). In Wayampi the allomorph -wer (and not -kwer from *-pwer) continues
to be used with the nominalization of circumstance (sect. 9.1) *-ab, even though the
final consonant has been eliminated from the nominalization suffix.
(77) e-mo'e-a e-mo'e-a-wer (WaA)
1 SG-teach-NOM 1 SG-teach-NOM-DEVOLV
'the place where I 'the place where I was taught'
am taught (my school)'
When the *-pwer allomorph follows a nasalized vowel, the initial consonant is
nasalized (Appendix III.l).
(78) *ju 'field' + *pwer > jumwer 'former field' (Tb)
In most languages the sequence pw has neutralized with kw and become a labialized
phoneme /kw/. In Kayabi and Kamaiura the descendants of *pw are retained as
separate from *kw, but *pw has changed to/(79) and to hw or A, in the respective
languages (Rodrigues 1984/1985).
Comparative Tupi-Guaranf Morphosyntax 511
(79) *-akypwer-a > akyfer-a (Kb)

part.behind-NC tracks, footprints-NC
The anticipatory suffix had three morphemes: *-ram following vowels, *-wam
following labial and velar consonants, and *-am following alveolar consonants.
(80) kunha-ruam 'girl who will be a woman' (Pt)
(81) xe-r-o-ra 'my future house' (GiM)
(82) ok-wam 'future house (under construction)' (Tb)
(83) i-mojarj-ar-am-a 'the one who will make it' (Tb)
When following a nasalized vowel, *-ram may have had a variant -näm, as in
Tupinambä (Appendix III.9).
(84) jü 'field' + -räm > jünam 'future field' (Tb)
The anticipatory and devolved suffixes can be combined to signify that the noun
failed to fulfill its intended purpose: *-ram + -wer > -ramet (Kb), -ramwer (Tb),
-rägwe (Gi).
(85) i- + men + -am + -wer > imenämwer (Tb)
3 husband ANTIC DEVOLV
'the one who was to become her husband, but didn't; her ex-fiance'
When a noun suffixed by either of these morphemes occurs syntactically as a noun
(as in sect. 3.2), the suffix, being consonant final, is followed by the nominal suffix
*-a, as in (86) and (83).
(86) ok-wer-a 'former house' (Tb)
(3) Genuine and imitative suffixes:

Another pair of suffixes which occur with nouns signify 'genuine' *-ete and
'imitation' *-ran.
(87) ze'eg 'speech' + ete 'genuine' > ze'eg-ete (GjP)
'true speech; that is, the Guajajära language'
The *-ran morpheme is especially frequent in biological names.
(88) arapuha 'deer' arapuha-ran 'goat' (GjP)
(89) parawa 'mealy parrot' parawa-ran 'mealy-parrot-like parrot'
(Ur)
(90) urukuku 'bushmaster snake' urukuku-ran 'bushmaster-like snake'
(WaA)
3.5 Noun composition. There are various patterns for complex noun formation:
(1) *N-N in which the first noun modifies the second.
512 Jensen
This pattern is similar to the pattern for genitives in noun phrases (sects. 3.1, 3.6),
but certain features indicate that the combination is a compound word. For example,
when the second stem is a member of Class II, the r- linking morpheme attaches to
it in noun phrases but not in compound words.
(91) *akarj 'head' + *acy 'pain' > *akarjacy 'headache'
(92) *wyra 'bird' + *a 'down' > wyraa 'bird down' (Wa)
(93) *ka'i 'monkey' + *a'yr 'child' > ka'i-a'yr 'young monkey' (Lit.:
'monkey child') (Gj)
If (91—93) were separate words instead of compound words, they would be *akay-a
r-acy, \vyra ra, and ka ra 'yr. The nominal case suffix occurs with *akay when it is a
separate word, but not when it is the first part of a compound word.
Stems which combine to form a complex word are subject to the application of
morphophonemic rules (Appendix III. 1,2,5,6).
(94) men 'husband' + sy 'mother' > meny 'husband's mother, mother-
in-law' (Tb)
If (94) were a phrase, it would be men-a sy.
(2) *N-N in which the second noun indicates some distinguishing feature of the
first noun.
(95) *pira 'fish' + *aj 'tooth' > *piraj 'fish known for its teeth (piranha)'
(96) *arar 'macaw' + *akarj 'head' > *ararakarj 'macaw known for its head
(Red-and-green Macaw)'
(97) *pira + *aj > pirai 'piranha' (WaJ)
(98) *aba 'person' + *oba 'face' > abäobä 'person who has an unusual
face' (Tb)
(99) *arar + *akarj > *ararakarj 'macaw known for its head'
(3) *N-V in which the verb is a stative or intransitive verb. In composition the
verb acts as an adjective modifying the noun.
(100) *wyra 'bird' 4- *picun 'black' > *wyrapicun 'species of black bird'
(101) wainumby 'hummingbird' + pihun 'black' > wainumby pihun
'black hummingbird (Black -throated Mango)' (Ur)
(102) pirä 'fish' + bebe '(to) fly' > piräbebe 'flying fish' (Tb)
(103) from Wayampi is a combination of the second and third types of complex
noun formation: N + (N + V).
(103) pekö 'woodpecker' + akäg 'head'+ pirä 'red' > peköakämirä
'red-headed woodpecker (Yellow-throated Woodpecker)' (WaA)
3.6 Noun phrases. Noun phrases are quite simple in structure, since much of the
modificational load is handled on the morphological rather than the syntactic level.
Three types of noun phrases have been described for Tupi-Guarani languages:
(1) Genitive Noun:
(104) *i-cy akarj 'his mother's head'
(105) tahyw kwar (GjP)

ant(species) hole
'ant hill'
(106) 'u'ywa r-a'yj (Kb)
arrow LK-seed
'gunshot'
In the genitive construction, if the possessed noun is Class II, it requires the r-
morpheme, as in (106). Guajajära has deviated from this, allowing the use of the
third person prefix h- instead of r-, as in (107):
(107) apyaw h-er (GjP)
man 3-name
'the man's name'
(2) Noun Appositive:
(108) Tupa t-a'yr-a (Tb)
God UNSP-son-NC
'God the Son'14
(109) e-momiri t-eke'yr (WaA)
1 SG-younger.brother UNSP-elder.brother
'the eldest of my younger brothers'
(110) s-emiar-a tatu (Tb)
3-hunted.thing-NC armadillo
'his hunted thing, the armadillo'
(111) mamaz r-eimaw zapukaz (GjP)
mother LK-pet chicken
'mother's pet, a chicken'
(3) Specifier Noun:
(112) mokoz ka'i-a'yr (GjP)
two monkey-child
'two young monkeys'
514 Jensen
(113) amote hatya (As)

other woman
'another woman'
(114) a kwima'e (WaJ)
this man
'this man'
4 Postpositions
Several postpositions have been reconstructed for Proto-Tupi- Guarani (Table 8):
Table 8: Postpositions, by stem class
Class I Class II
*cupe 'to, for (DATIVE)' *ece 'with respect to'

*cuwi 'from' *ecebe 'with'
*koty 'to, toward (LOG)' *obake 'in front of
*pabe 'with (company)' *enone 'ahead of
*pe 'to, for' *upi 'by means of, within an area,
*poce 'lying with' according to'
*pype 'in'
Other words give the impression of being postpositions and are reported as such
by various linguists. Rodrigues (p.c.) analyzes these as being nouns followed by one
of the locative suffixes (-pe, -bo, -i) from sect. 3.3. There is justification for this
analysis, since a comparative examination of these words shows them to consist of
two parts, the latter part varying from language to language. The epenthetical rules
by which y or ; is inserted are listed in Appendix III.3,16.
(115) *pyr'near' pyr (Gj)
pyri (As,Gu,Kb,Pt,Tb,WaA), pyi (WaJ)
pyryvo (WaA), pyryo (Gj), pywo (As)
(116) *ar 'above' ar (Pt, WaA), aa (WaJ), ary (Gi)
arimo (As), arimü (Kb), aryvo (WaA)
(117) *wyr 'below' wyr (Pt,WaA), wy (Gi,WaJ)
wyrimu (Kb), wyrimo (As)
wyripe (Kb), wyrype (WaA), wype (WaJ)
It is possible that these forms, which were not originally postpositions, have become
so in some languages, since certain suffixes (especially -/ and -bo) do not seem to
be productive in various languages.
4.1 Normal markers. Postpositions in Tupi-Guarani languages are inflected in the

same way as nouns. That is, they are preceded by person markers of Set 2 or by
nouns, as in Table 9. Postpositions are members of Class I or Class Ha (sect. 2).
Table 9: Postposition paradigms, by stem class
Class I Class Ha
*ce cupe 'for me' *ce r-ece 'about me'

*ore cupe 'for us EX' *ore r-ece 'about us EX'
*jane cupe 'for us IN' *jane r-ece 'about us IN'
*ne cupe 'for you SG' *ne r-ece 'about you SG'
*pe cupe 'for you PL' *pe n-ece 'about you PL'
*i-cupe 'for him' *c-ece 'about him'
*i-cy cupe 'for his mother' *i-cy r-ece 'about his mother'
Since the reflex of *c would be a zero morpheme in Kayabi, it has been largely
replaced by morphemes specific for gender which co-occur with the r- morpheme
before Class 2 stems. However, Weiss (1972) reports ee as an indirect object. This
same form occurs in Wayampi, where it is analyzed as 0-ee < *c-ece. In Guarayu the
reflex of *cupe is upe when its object is a noun. When it is prefixed by a 1st or 2nd
person marker, it is reduced to u, as in neu 'to you (SG)'.
4.2 Coreferential markers. In Kayabi, Tocantins Assurini, and Tapirape, postposi-

tions receive prefixes from Set 3 when the object of the postposition is coreferential
with the subject of the independent verb. This is the same set of person markers
which indicates coreferential possessive markers on nouns (sect. 3.2). On postposi-
tions the coreferential person marker is followed by the reflexive prefix *je- (118)
or the reciprocal prefix *jo- (119). I believe this system to be reconstructible for
Proto-Tupi-Guarani, since all languages have at least the form for third person.
(118) o-je'eg 'ga o-je-upe (Kb)
3-speak 3masc.SG 3-REFL-for
'He spoke to himself.'
(119) oroj-a'yr 'ar amu kawipie apo-u
oro-jo-upe (Kb)
lEX.COREF-RECIP-for
Normal and coreferential paradigms from Tocantins Assurini are listed in Table 10:
516 Jensen
Table 10: Assurini normal and coreferential paradigms

NORMAL COREFERENTIAL
se-ope 'for me' we-se-ope 'for myself

ne-ope 'for you SG' e-se-ope 'for yourself
sene-ope 'for us IN' sere-so-ope 'for ourselves'
ore-ope 'for us EX' oro-so-ope 'for ourselves'
pe-ope 'for you PL' pese-so-ope 'for yourselves'
i-sope 'for him' o-se-ope 'for himself
se-r-ehe 'about me' we-se-he 'about myself

ne-r-ehe 'about you SG' e-se-he 'about yourself
sene-r-ehe 'about us IN' sere-se-he 'about ourselves'
ore-r-ehe 'about us EX' oro-se-he 'about ourselves'
pe-n-ehe 'about you PL' pese-se-he 'about yourselves'
h-ehe 'about him' o-se-he 'about himself
Languages such as Guarayu (Newton 1978), which do not use Set 3 prefixes other
than for third person, use the Set 2 markers plus the reflexive *je- prefix for first or
second person. For both first and second person, there is no ambiguity. If the subject
of the independent verb in (120) is first person inclusive ja- and the object of the
postposition is first person inclusive jande-, they must be coreferential. There is no
need for a special set of markers (Set 3) to make this clear.
(120) ja-s-eka räne yvyra jande-je-upe (Gu)
HN-3P-seek first wood HN-REFL-for
'First we search for wood for ourselves.'
Languages which do not have the full set of coreferential prefixes retain the third
person form; for example: o-je-upe (GiM, Tb). Urubu-Kaapor does not use the third
person prefix on polysyllabic words, so it has the form ju-pe instead of o-ju-pe. This
language has neutralized the reflexive *je- and reciprocal *jo- forms, retaining the
original *jo-. These two forms have been merged in some environments in Wayampi
as well, retaining only the *je- reflexive form. The word o-je-upe has been reinter-
preted as reciprocal in Wayampi, with the reflexive form being o-upe. The plural
reflexive form is o-upe ko 'for themselves'.
5 Cross-referencing on independent verbs

The Proto-Tupi-Guarani cross-referencing system on verbs has been described in
depth in C. Jensen (1990). All four sets of person markers (Table 2, sect. 1) are used
to cross-reference Proto-Tupi-Guarani verbs. These sets operate under two basic
systems:
In all but independent verbs, cross-referencing is absolutive (Sets 2 and 3).
Person markers refer to the P of transitive verbs, S of intransitive agentive
verbs, and S of intransitive non-agentive verbs (also referred to as stative

verbs). This is an ergative-absolutive system.
In independent verbs the S of intransitive agentive verbs is cross-referenced
in the same way as the A of transitive verbs (Set 1), and the S of intransitive
non-agentive verbs is cross-referenced in the same way as the P of transitive
verbs (Set 2). This is an active-inactive system. Cross-referencing on transi-
tive verbs is governed by the relative position of A and P on a person
hierarchy, 1 > 2 > 3, in ways which will be defined in the following
subsections. In this hierarchy, Sets 1, 2, and 4 are employed.
5.1 Cross-referencing on independent verbs: A and S markers. In Proto-Tupi-

Guarani, as in its descendant languages, the independent intransitive agentive verbs are
conjugated by Set 1 prefixes, as in Table 11:
Table 11: Independent agentive intransitive verbs
1 SG *a-'ar *a-ker *a-mano *a-poracej

1 EX *oro-'ar *oro-ker *oro-mano *oro-poracej
1 IN *ja-'ar *ja-ker *ja-mano *ja-poracej
2SG *ere-'ar *ere-ker *ere-mano *ere-poracej
2 PL *pe-'ar *pe-ker *pe-mano *pe-poracej
3 *o-'ar *o-ker *o-mano *o-poracej
'fall' 'sleep' 'die' 'dance'
This system is intact in the descendant languages. Reconstructed forms of the

morphemes under discussion are given in Appendix I.
The same set of prefixes occurs with independent transitive verbs as well, but only
when P is third person. In Proto-Tupi-Guarani the Set 1 prefix, referencing A, is
obligatorily followed by a third person P prefix from Set 2, as in Table 12. The
combination of the final vowel of the A prefix with the */- results in a diphthong
(Appendix III. 17).
518 Jensen
Table 12: Independent transitive verbs with third person P, with polysyllabic stems
A-P Class I Class II
1SG-3 *a-i-potar *a-c-epjak

1EX-3 *oro-i-potar *oro-c-epjak
1IN-3 *ja-i-potar *ja-c-epjak
2SG-3 *ere-i-potar *ere-c-epjak
2PL-3 *pe-i-potar *pe-c-epjak
3-3 *o-i-potar *o-c-epjak
'like' 'see'
Special allomorphs of the third person P prefix, *jo- (Class I) and *joc- (Class II),
occur with monosyllabic stems, as in Table 13.
Table 13: Independent transitive verbs with third person P, with monosyllabic stems
A ^ P C l a s sI Class II
1SG-3 *a-jo-pin *a-joc-ej

1EX-3 *oro-jo-pin *oro-joc-ej
UN-3 *ja-jo-pin *ja-joc-ej
2SG-3 *ere-jo-pih *ere-joc-ej
2PL-3 *pe-jo-p£a *pe-joc-ej
3-3 *o-jo-pin *o-joc-ej
'plane' 'wash'
The inclusion of the P prefix was obligatory in Proto-Tupi-Guarani, as it is in
various descendant languages. The third person P prefix occurs in transitive verbs in
Mbyä Guarani, Kaiwä, Chiriguano, Guarayu, and Tupinambä.
(121) *ja-c-ekar > ja-s-eka 'we seek it' (Gu)
(122) *ere-i-potar > ere-i-pota 'you like it' (GiM)
(123) *o-joc-ej > o-jos-ej 'he washed it' (Tb)
In both Mbyä and Paraguayan Guarani, the allomorph for Class II stems *c- has a
zero morpheme as a result of phonological changes (Appendix IV). As a result, the P
prefix only appears with Class I verbs. In Paraguayan Guarani (Payne 1994), this prefix
has become associated with the A prefix (124) and occurs even in cases where the P
prefix did not originally occur, that is, with Set 4 markers (example 125).
(124) *ere-i-nupä > rej-nupä 'you SG hit him' (GiP)
(125) *oro-nupa > roj-nupä hit you'
The P prefix has been eliminated in Wayampi, Urubu-Kaapor, Guajajära, Assurini,
Tapirape, Kamaiura, Parintintin, and Kayabi. Its elimination does not appear to have
any connection with other cross-referencing changes (since these have occurred in
the Guaranian languages and Wayampi and Urubu-Kaapor).
(126) *a-i-potar > a-putar º want it' (Gj)
(127) *a-i-potar > a-pota º want it' (Wa)
(128) *o-i-me'erj > o-me'erj 'he gave it' (Km)
In some languages in which the P prefix was deleted, remnants still appear in certain
words (C. Jensen 1987). In (129) and (130) from Guajajara and Urubu-Kaapor, the
P prefix was reassociated with the stem, producing consonant-initial stems. In (131)
and (132) from Wayampi, the attachment of the prefix to the stem produced bisyl-
labic stems; monosyllabic stems are somewhat undesirable in this language.
(129) *a-i-apo > a-j-apo > a-z-apo > a-zapo º make it' (Gj)
(130) *a-c-enub > a-hendu º hear it' (Ur)
(131) *a-jo-pin > a-ïñÀ º plane it' (Wa)
(132) *a-jo-'ok > a-jo'o º dig it up' (Wa)
Not all descendant languages of Proto-Tupi-Guarani use the first person inclusive
prefix *ja- with transitive verbs. Five languages use a prefix which could be recon-
structed as *ti-: ti- (Pt), ci- (Tp), si- (Kb, Gj, Wa). This has been shown to be derived
from a combination of *ja- and two other morphemes: *?- 'purpose' + *ja- 'UN.A'
+ */- '3P' (C. Jensen 1987). All of the languages in which this prefix occurs are
ones in which the Ñ prefix no longer co-occurs with the A prefix.
(133) ti-apo 'we IN made it' (Pt)
(134) si-juka 'we killed it' (Wa)
(135) si-eru 'we smelled it' (Kb)
Although it does not appear that this fused prefix (*£/-) should be reconstructed for
the entire Tupi-Guarani protolanguage, we must not overlook the fact that Aweti (a
closely related Tupian language, though not Tupi-Guaranian) also has a first person
inclusive prefix ti- for transitive verbs (Monserrat 1976). It has a separate prefix,
kaj-, for intransitive verbs.
A parallel morpheme for intransitive verbs, sa-, occurs in Kayabi as the independent
intransitive verb prefix. It also occurs in the Jari dialect of Wayampi in purpose
constructions. The latter provides strong evidence for its derivation from *t- + *ja-.
Rodrigues (1990) describes occurrences of the o- and Ja· prefixes with transitive
verbs in Tupinamb , in which the basic distinction is focus rather than person. Some
occurrences of o-, as in (139), are best translated as º, 2, and 3 in focus'. Some
occurrences of ja-, as in (137), can be translated as '3, out of focus, or generic'.
(136) pir ja-i-pysyk16
fish lIN-3-catch
'We caught fish.'
520 Jensen
(137) moj-a kujä ja-i-su'u

snake woman HN?-3-bite
snake bit the woman.'
(138) kunumi pirä o-i-pysyk
boy fish 3-3-catch
The boy caught fish.'
(139) äse pirä o-i-pysyk
we.all fish 3?-3-catch
'We all caught fish.'
The only other Tupi-Guarani language for which a similar construction has been
described is Wayampi. Some occurrences of ja- in this language indicate that A is
generic or out of focus. These occurrences are easily recognized in Wayampi transitive
verbs, since the prefix ja- (141) can only mean 'generic or out-of-focus A', in contrast
with the prefix si- (140), which means 'first person inclusive'.
(140) si-juka 'we (IN) killed' (Wa)
(141) ja-juka 'we (GENERIC) kill' or 'people kill(ed)'
In Wayampi intransitive verbs, the prefix ja- may mean either 'first person inclusive'
or 'generic or out-of-focus S'. The meaning can only be derived contextually.
(142) ja-ke 'we (IN) sleep/slept'
'we (GENERIC) sleep' or 'people sleep'
In Urubu-Kaapor there has been an elimination of the distinction between inclu-
sive and exclusive in first person plural. Only the ja- prefix occurs. The third person
Set 1 prefix is only expressed with monosyllabic stems; in polysyllabic stems it has
a 0 marker, as in (143).
(143) 0-pykui 'he digs' (Ur)
5.2 Cross-referencing on independent verbs: P markers. When the P of an in-

dependent transitive verb is hierarchically superior to the A, person markers from
Set 2 are employed to reference P, as in Table 14.
Table 14: Independent transitive verbs with hierarchically superior P
P
1 SG *ce potar *ce r-epjak 'want(s) me, saw me'

1 EX *ore potar *ore r-epjak 'want(s) us EX, saw us EX'
1 IN *jane potar *jane r-epjak 'want(s) us IN, saw us IN'
2 SG *ne potar *ne r-epjäk 'wants you SG, saw you SG'
2 PL *pe potar *pe n-epjak 'wants you PL, saw you PL'
This cross-referencing corresponds to that which is employed in dependent verb

forms (sect. 6). It is likely that the original (Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani) system was
entirely absolutive. A proposal for the mechanism by which this change took place
is discussed in sect. 17. The use of Set 2 person markers referring to P occurs in all
of the typical Tupi-Guarani languages, except for Urubu-Kaapor.
(144) he-r-esak '2A or 3A saw me' (Gj)
(145) ne-r-esak '3A saw you SG'
(146) zane-r-esak '3A saw us IN'
(147) ure-r-esak '2A or 3A saw us EX'
(148) pe-n-esak '3A saw you PL'
In Urubu-Kaapor P is indicated by a free pronoun, and the prefixing on the verb
always refers to A.
(149) ihe ke a'e u-sak (Ur)
1SG EMPH 3 3-see
'He saw me.'
(150) ihe ke nde ere-sak
1SG EMPH 2SG 2SG-see
'You SG saw me.'
When P is first person and A is second person, a separate morpheme is used in
various languages to indicate A. This eliminates any possible interpretation that A is
third person. The exact form of the two morphemes, referring to second person
singular and plural, have not been reconstructed for Proto-Tupi-Guarani because of
insufficient data. However, based on the data available to me I would tentatively
reconstruct them as *jepe with second person singular A and *pejepe with second
person plural.17
(151) sje r-epjak jepe 'you SG see me' (Tb)
(152) sje r-epjak pejepe 'you PL see me'
(153) je-r-eroo ape 'you SG take me' (Kb)
(154) je-r-eroo pejepe 'you PL take me'
The equivalent forms in Guarayu are eve and peje. In Tapirape (Leite 1987), where the
phoneme *j has merged with the reflexes of the other phonemes as ÷ [c], the free
morpheme xepe (155) is becoming associated with the first person singular Ñ morpheme
xe- instead of the A (observation by Rodrigues, p.c.). An additional free form arepe
(156) has been added to harmonize with the prefix are- 'first person exclusive P'.
(155) xe-r-ex k xepe 'you (SG) see me' (Tp)
(156) are-r-exak arepe 'you (SG or PL) see us'
(157) xe-r-exak pexepe 'you (PL) see me'
The development of the new morpheme arepe when Ñ is plural, indicates that this mor-
pheme is being associated with the Ñ prefix are- and not with A. This no doubt happened
522 Jensen
by analogy after reinterpreting xepe as referring to P (xe-). At this point in time, pexepe
(157) is still used when the A is second person plural. This indicates that the free morphemes
have not gone all the way in referring primarily to P.
5.3 Cross-referencing on independent verbs: Portmanteau A-P prefixes. To re-

view briefly the cross-referencing systems used with independent transitive verbs,
the Set 2 person markers are used whenever P is hierarchically superior to A on the
person hierarchy, where 1 > 2 > 3. These conditions are met when P is first person
and A is second or third person or when P is second person and A is third person.
The prefixes of Set 1, referencing A, occur when the P is third person. This leaves
undefined the case in which A is first person and P is second person. In this
situation, special portmanteau prefixes (Set 4) are used. They attach directly to the
stem, without any intermediary linking prefix, as in Table 15.
Table 15: Portmanteau prefixes for 1st person A + 2nd person P
*oro-potar º/we like/want you SG'

*opo-potar º/we like/want you PL'
*oro-epjak º/we saw you SG'
*opo-epjak º/we saw you PL'
Portmanteau prefixes occur in most of the typical Tupi-Guarani languages, the
notable exceptions being Urubu-Kaapor and Kayabi. When the second-person P is
singular, the oro- prefix or its reflex occurs in all other languages.
(158) oro-juka-ra º/we will kill you SG' (Gu)
(159) oro-ecak º/we see you SG' (Km)
(160) oro-epjak º/we see you SG' (Tb)
When the second person P is plural, however, there is a certain amount of variation. Old
Guarani, Guarayu, Kamaiura, Parintintih, and Tupinamba retain the *opo- prefix.
(161) opo-ecak º/we see you PL' (Km)
(162) opo-epjak º/we see you PL' (Tb)
Some languages (Tocantins Assurini and Mby Guarani) have extended the use of the
oro- prefix to refer to all second person P's and have eliminated the opo- form.
(163) oro-mo'e º/we teach you (SG or PL)' (GiM)
Wayampi has replaced opo- with poro-, which might possibly be derived from the
oro- form as well.
(164) poro-esa º/we met you PL' (Wa)
Guajajara (Pindare dialect) has two forms based on opo-:
(165) apu-esak º saw you PL' (GjP)
(166) urupu-esak 'we saw you PL'
Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Moiphosyntax 523
Kaiwa and Tapirape have similar forms. It appears that the po was at some point
reinterpreted as a P prefix, to which was added a prefix from Set 1, by analogy to
the forms which contained third person prefixes, as in Table 16.
Table 16: Analogical reinterpretation of forms with po in Kaiw and Tapirapi
* i '1SG A acting on 3 (Class I) P'

*a-c- '1SG A acting on 3 (Class II) P'
a-po- '1SG A acting on 2P'
*oro-i- ºÅ×.Á acting on 3 (Class I) P'

*oro-c- ºÅ×.Á acting on 3 (Class Ð) Ñ'
oro-po- ºÅ×.Á acting on 2P'
This type of development could have occurred independently in different languages,
such as Guajajara and Kaiw . Portmanteau forms do not exist in Kayabi or Urubu-
Kaapor. In these languages the verb is prefixed by Set 1 A prefixes and the object
is expressed by a free pronoun, as in (167-170) from Kayabi.
(167) a-nupa ene º hit you SG' (Kb)
(168) a-nupa pee º hit you PL'
(169) oro-nup ene 'we hit you SG'
(170) oro-nupa pee 'we hit you PL'
To summarize the cross-referencing system used in independent transitive verbs:
Whenever P is third person, the verb cross-references A (and P) using Sets
1 (and 2).
Whenever P is hierarchically superior to A, the verb cross-references P
using Set 2.
Whenever P is second person and is hierarchically inferior to A (that is, A is first
person), portmanteau prefixes from Set 4 are used in most languages.
This cross-referencing system is summarized in Table 17. Where A and P are
identical, a reflexive situation occurs and the verb is detransitivized by the reflexive
prefix *je-. This explains the gaps in the table. Since first person inclusive includes
second person, it is reflexive in relation to either first or second person.
524 Jensen
Table 17: Cross-referencing in P-T-G independent transitive verbs
PATIENT
1SG 1EX UN 2SG 2PL 3
AGENT
1SG oro- opo- a-i-
a-c-
1EX oro- opo- oro-i-
oro-c-
UN ja-i-
ja-c-
SET4
2SG ce (r-) ore (r-) ere-i-
ere-c-
2PL ce (r-) ore (r-) pe-i-
pe-c-
3 ce (r-) ore (r-) jane (r-) ne(r-) pe(n-) o-i-
o-c-
SET 2 SETS 1+2
A hypothesis for the development of the cross-referencing system which occurs in
independent transitive verbs is presented in sect. 17.
5.4 Cross-referencing on independent intransitive non-agentive verbs. Non-

agentive verbs are cross-referenced by the Set 2 person markers, as in Table 18.
Table 18: Nonagentive intransitive verbs
1SG *ce katu *ce r-oryb º am good, happy'

1EX *ore katu *ore r-oryb 'we EX are good, happy'
UN *jane katu *jane r-oryb 'we IN are good, happy'
2SG *ne katu *ne r-oryb 'you SG are good, happy'
2PL *pe katu *pe n-oryb 'you PL are good, happy'
3 *i-katu *c-oryb 'he/she is good, happy'
Examples in descendant languages:
(171) e-katu e-r-ory (Wa) º am good, I am happy'
(172) i-katu 0-ory 'he/she is good, is happy'
(173) je katu12 je r-oryp (Km) 4
1 am good, am happy'
(174) i-katu h-oryp 'he/she is good, is happy'
A noun may also function syntactically like a nonagentive intransitive verb, using
Set 2 person markers. The referent, which normally would be the possessor, func-
tions as the subject of the sentence. This construction means that the referent is
characterized in some way by the noun. Sometimes this is most easily translated in
English using the verb 'have' although there is definitely no transitive meaning
intended in the indigenous language. In (175) and (176), sje and e- are reflexes of
the first person singular *ce and function as the subject of the sentence. The noun
stems are aob 'clothes' and paje 'shaman'.
(175) sje aob º have clothes' or º am clothed' (Tb)
(176) e-paje º have shamanistic manifestations' (Wa)
There are no denominalizers in Tupi-Guarani languages. In those languages which
retain the nominal suffix *-a, its absence results in a verb (sect. 3.3), as in (178) from
Tapir ape.
(177) ne-r-a'yr-a 'your son' (Tp)
(178) ne-r-a'yt 'you have a son'
The alternation between /r/ and /t/ in the preceding two examples corresponds to a
rule which probably occurred in Proto-Tupi-Guarani, which devoiced final non-nasal
consonants (*b and *r) (Appendix III. 19).
To summarize the cross-referencing system which occurs with independent verbs:
The Tupi-Guarani languages use A (Set 1) markers for agentive intransitive
verbs and Ñ (Set 2) markers for nonagentive intransitive verbs (including
nouns functioning syntactically as verbs).
The cross-referencing system used with transitive verbs calls for A (and P)
markers when Ñ is third person, Ñ markers when Ñ is hierarchically superior
to A, and portmanteau forms (Set 4) when A is superior to non-third P.
This system remains essentially intact in all typical Tupi-Guarani languages except
for Urubu-Kaapor. Urubu-Kaapor has eliminated all absolutive cross-referencing on
transitive verbs (that is, all use of Set 2 and Set 4 person markers). Several
languages no longer use the third person Ñ prefix when Set 1 prefixes are used.
Kayabi has eliminated the use of Set 4 person markers, replacing these with Set 1
A prefixes with free pronouns to refer to the second person P.
5.5 Imperatives Proto-Tupi-Guarani languages have singular and plural imperative

prefixes: *e- and *pe-.
(179) *e-ker 'Sleep! (2SG)'
(180) *pe-ker 'Sleep! (2PL)'
(181) e-ke 'Sleep! (2SG)' (Wa)
(182) pe-ke 'Sleep! (2PL)'
(183) *e-i-nupa 'Hit it! (2SG)'
(184) *pe-i-nupa 'Hit it! (2PL)'
(185) e-i-nupa 'Hit it! (2SG)' (Tb)
(186) pe-i-nupa 'Hit it! (2PL)'
526 Jensen
6 Cross-referencing of dependent verb forms
6.1 Oblique-topicalized verbs. In Tupi-Guarani languages sometimes an adverbial

(adverb, postpositional phrase, or temporal subordinate clause) is fronted to the
initial position of the clause for discourse reasons. This mechanism requires a
change in verb form, making the verb in an unusual sense dependent on the
adverbial construction. A special oblique-topicalized (OBTOP) suffix is used (Har-
rison 1986:417). This construction is referred to as an "inverted sentence" by
Bendor-Samuel (1972), "indicative II" in Rodrigues' earlier works (1953), and
"circumstantial" in his later works (1981). The construction is characterized by
absolutive cross-referencing (Set 2 markers or a noun (192) directly preceding the
verb stem) and by the OBTOP suffix. The suffix has two allomorphs. When the stem
to which the suffix attaches ends in a consonant, the suffix is *-L There is some
uncertainty about the protoform of the allomorph which attaches to a vowel-final
stem, since various languages have -w, -n, or -j.
(187) *kwece i-'ar-i
yesterday 3-fall-OBTOP
'Yesterday he fell.'
(188) *a'e-pe c-eko-n (or, c-eko-w or c-eko-j)
that-at 3-be-OBTOP
'He was at that place.'
The equivalents of *i-'ar-i and *c-eko-(w, n, or j) in independent verbs are *o-'ar
and *o-iko.
In Guajajära and Kamaiurä the OBTOP construction occurs only with third person
subjects (189-190). In (190), the OBTOP form occurs because the A is third person,
even though it is P that is prefixed on the verb. With first or second person subjects
the independent verb form is used (with no OBTOP suffix).
(189) a'e pe h-eko-n (GjG)9
there at 3-be-OBTOP
'He (she) is there.'
(190) ka'a pe ure-r-eraha-n (GjG)
jungle to lEX.P-LK-take-OBTOP
'He took us to the jungle.'
In Kayabi (191, 192 and 193) and Tupinamba (194), OBTOP constructions occur
with both first and third person subjects.
(191) oroj-a'yr 'ar amü kawipie apo-ü
oro-jo-upe (Kb)
lEX.COREF-RECIP-for
(192) ko pe kyna r-eko-i ra'e (Kb)
garden at 3SG.F. LK-be-OBTOP PRESENT
'She is at the garden.'
(193) weweri'i je-je'eg-i (Kb)
slowly ISG-speak-OBTOP
º speak slowly.'
(194) kwese sje r-a'yr-a sje r-ajyr-a s-epjak-i (Tb)
yesterday 1SG LK-son-NC 1SG LK-daughter-NC 3P-saw-OBTOP
'Yesterday my daughter saw my son.'
These examples also demonstrate that the adverbial construction which signals the
OBTOP construction may be a word (193, 194), a phrase (192), or a subordinate
clause (191).
The OBTOP construction no longer exists in the Guaranian languages, Wayampi,
and Urubu-Kaapor (C. Jensen 1990:132). In these languages the independent verb
forms occur even when an adverbial occurs in the initial position of the clause, as
in (195) from Wayampi and (196) from Chiriguano (Dietrich 1986).
(195) kwee o-'a (Wa)
yesterday 3-fall
(196) hokope o-mano xe ru (Ch)
there 3-die 1SG father
There my father died.'
A few remnant OBTOP forms nevertheless occur in all of these languages. Most
common are forms based on verbs which have alternate stem forms, such as *jub
and *t-ub 'to be lying down', and *jur and *t-ur 'to come'. In these cases the first
stem is used with independent verb forms, as in (197), and the second is used with
the OBTOP construction, as in (198). The form tui in (198) is derived from *i-tub-i,
and i-tury in (199) is from *i-tur-i.u The word i-hon in (200) is from *;-co-OBTOP.
(197) a'e pe a-ju (Wa)
that at ISG-be.located
º am living there.'
(198) a'e pe tui (Wa)
that at 3.be.located
'It is located there.'
528 Jensen
(199) xe-a katy i-tury (GiM)

ISG-place to 3-come
'He came to my place.'
(200) nasu riki ihe namo i-hon (Ur)
Nasui EMPH ISO with 3-go
'Nasui went with me.'
The OBTOP construction has also been essentially eliminated in Guarayu. Remnant
forms include cM (from *c-//z-OBTOP) '3-sit' and sekoi (from *c-e£o'-OBTOP)
'3-to be'.
6.2 Subordinate verbs. Subordinate clauses in Proto-Tupi-Guarani have temporal or

conditional meanings. All types of subordinate verbs (whether TV, or agentive or
non-agentive IV) are absolutive in their cross-referencing. S or P is referred to either
by a Set 2 person marker or by a noun directly preceding the verb stem. The verb stem,
which is the last constituent of the clause, is suffixed by *-V/nV ~ -rVmV (vowels
undetermined) 'when, if or *-ire (ri)re 'after'.
(201) *i-co-rVmV 'when he goes/went'
(202) *ce 'ar-VmV 'when I fall/fell'
(203) sje so-reme (Tb)

1SG go-if,when
'if (when) I go'
(204) i-paw-amo sa-ha (As)
3-finish-when UN-go
'When it was finished, we went.'
(205) i-nopo-ramo (As)
3-hit-when
'when (someone) hit it/him/her'
(206) oroj-a'yr 'ar amü (Kb)
lEX.COREF-son fall when
'when our children are bom'
In Wayampi and Kaiwa the temporal morpheme may follow morphemes other
than the verb.
(207) a-me'e i-jupe reme (Wa)
ISG-give 3-to when
'when I gave it to him'
(208) o-kwera porä i-jase'o-ramo, o-porahei-ta (Kw)
3-recuperate well 3-throat-when 3-sing-PUT
'When his throat gets better, he will sing.'
The Guaranian languages, Wayampi, and Urubu-Kaapor have replaced the absolutive
(Set 2) cross-referencing with the system characteristic of independent verbs.
The equivalent of *-VmV ~ *-rVmV in Guajajära is mehe.
(209) he-ker mehe (GjG)
ISG-sleep when
'when I sleep'
Some languages use coreferential prefixes from Set 3 with verbs when the S or P
of the subordinate clause is identical to that of the independent clause.
(210) o-ho re u-zai'o (GjG)
3-go after 3-cry
'After he left, he (the same person) cried.'
(211) o-ywu re u'yw-a r-eru-a 0-eru-'a-a (Kb)
3-shoot after arrow-NC LK-bring-SER18 3-CC-fall-SER
'After hei shot him2, he2 brought the arrow, falling with it as he came.'
Although Dobson does not report the zero prefix before -eru-'a- a (211), its
occurrence in this context is consistent with the data in other languages (derived
from *c-ero- 'ar-a). In such a construction, the transitive verb should be preceded by
an object.
6.3 Dependent serial verbs. A serial verb construction in Tupi-Guarani languages is

one in which two or more verbs having the same subject (S or A) are used within a
single clause and are perceived to be part of a single action. The dependent serial verb
has been referred to as a gerund (Rodrigues 1953), an auxiliary verb (Harrison 1986),
a serial verb (C. Jensen 1990), and the construction as a whole as a "double verb
construction" (Dooley 1991). The cross-referencing on the dependent serial verb is
absolutive, and the verb receives a dependent serial verb suffix, which has three basic
allomorphs: *-a after final consonants, *-abo after a final vowel, *-ia after a final
diphthong ending in *_/'.
Examples (212)-(214) illustrate the three basic allomorphs of the serial verb suffix.
Since the dependent serial verbs in (212) and (213) are transitive, person markers from
Set 2 are used, referring to the P. The dependent serial verb in (214) is an intransitive
verb. Since its S is coreferential with the grammatical subject of the independent verb,
it is indicated by a prefix from Set 3, which for third person is identical to the prefix
from Set 1.
(212) *o-co i-mo'e-bo
3S-go 3P-teach-SER
'He went to teach him.'
(213) *o-co ne r-epjak-a
3S-go 2SG.P LK-see-SER
'He went to see you.'
530 Jensen
(214) *o-co o-poracej-ta

3S-go 3-dance-SER
'He went to dance.'
When the dependent serial verb is transitive, the P is cross-referenced by person
markers from Set 2 or is indicated by a noun directly preceding the verb.
(215) o-ur kunumi kuap-a20 (Tb)
3-come boy know-SER
'He came to meet the boy.'
(216) a-akä-nupä i-juka (Wa)
lSG.A-head-hit 3P-kill
hit it on the head to kill it.'
The full set of forms occurring with transitive verbs appears in Table 19.
Table 19: Transitive serial verbs
1SG *o-c<5 ce r-epjak-a 'he went to see me'

1EX *o-co ore r-epjak-a 'he went to see us EX'
UN *o-c<5 jane r-epjak-a 'he went to see us IN'
2SG *o-c<5 ne r-epjak-a 'he went to see you SG'
2PL *o-co pe n-epjak-a 'he went to see you PL'
3 *o-co c-epjak-a 'he went to see him/her/it'
When a dependent serial verb is an agentive intransitive verb, its referent (S) is
identical with the subject of the independent verb. Therefore it is cross-referenced by
the coreferential prefixes from Set 3, as in Table 20. (This is the same set which
appears in Table 7.)21
Table 20: Intransitive serial verbs
1SG *a-co wi-poracej-ta went to dance'

1EX *oro-co oro-poracej-ta 'we EX went to dance'
UN *ja-co jere-poracej-ta 'we IN went to dance'
2SG *ere-co e-poracej-ta 'you SG went to dance'
2PL *pe-co peje-poracej-ta 'you PL went to dance'
3 *o-co o-poracej-ta 'he went to dance'
(217) ja-jot jere-maraka-m (Km)
UN-come HN-sing-SER
'We came to sing.'
(218) ä-xaok we-yytap-a (Tp)

ISG-bathe ISG-swim-SER
will bathe and swim.'
Particularly common as intransitive serial verbs are ones which indicate position,
movement, and direction. These include *en ~ in 'be seated', *ub ~ jub 'be lying
down', *'am 'be standing up', *eko ~ iko 'be in movement', *co 'go', and *ur ~
jur 'come'. (Transitive verbs based on *co and *ur (Table 21) are also common as
serial verbs.) Kakumasu (1986:386) describes these verbs in Urubu-Kaapor as aspect
auxiliaries:
(219) haro u-
3.wait 3-sit
'He was waiting sitting down.'
(220) nino o-u
3.lie 3-lie
'He is lying down.'
(221) jixi'u u-'am
3.cry 3-stand
'He was crying standing.'
(222) harö ixo22
3.wait 3-be.in.motion
'He was waiting pacing around.'
The lack of a prefix on the independent verbs in (219-222) indicates third person,
since no third-person prefix occurs in Urubu-Kaapor on polysyllabic verbs.
In Guarayu the coreferential prefix is retained only for first person singular. No
serial verb suffix is used. For other persons, the set 1 person markers have replaced
those of Set 3. For the reflex of *ur ~ *jur 'come', first and second person singular
forms are vitu and ereju, respectively. By comparison the first person singular form
with Set 1 markers would be aju.
In Wayampi the intransitive serial verbs (223, 224) take prefixes from Set 1, even
though transitive serial verbs take Set 2 (216). The serial verb suffix has been
eliminated in both constructions.
(223) a-jywy a-jo (WaJ)
ISG.S-return ISG.S-come
returned, coming.'
(224) a-jywy a-a
ISG.S-return ISG.S-go
returned, going.'
Urubu-Kaapor and Chiriguano also use Set 1 prefixes for intransitive serial verbs
and have eliminated the serial verb suffix. Kaiwä and Mbyä Guarani also use Set 1
532 Jensen
markers, but have retained some form of the serial suffix. (The most productive form
of the suffix is -vy [bi], derived from the suffix *-a&o.)13
(225) a-eka a-iko-vy (GiM)
ISGA-seek ISG.S-be-SER
went about looking for it.'
Non-agentive intransitive serial verbs are suffixed by *-ramo — -amo. In (226)
from Kamaiurä (Seki 1989), and in Tocantins Assurini (Nicholson 1977), the com-
plete set of coreferential prefixes is used. In Tupinambä, the Set 3 prefix is used only
for third person as in (227).
(226) a-jot we-katu-ram (Km)
ISG-come ISG-good-SER
come to be good.'
(227) aba o-so o-oryb-amo (Tb)
man 3-go 3-happy-SER
'The man went and was glad.'
For first and second person, Set 2 markers are used in Tupinamba; sje katu-ramo
'being good', not \vi-katu-ramo.
1 Valence-changing devices
Valence-changing devices include three types of causatives, reflexive and recipro-
cal morphemes, and object incorporation.
7.1 Causatives
(1) Simple causative
There are three types of causatives in Tupi-Guarani languages. The prefix *mo- is
a simple causative. It may create a transitive verb from an agentive (228, 232) or
non-agentive (229, 233) intransitive verb, from a noun (230, 234), and, at least in
some languages, from certain suffixes (231, 235). The new verb created by mo- is
transitive. The mo- prefix cannot occur on transitive stems, since it is a transitivizer.
(228) *mo- + *co 'go' > *mono 'cause to go, send'
(229) *mo- + *pirarj 'be red' > *mopirarj or *momirarj 'make red, redden'
(230) *mo- + *kwar 'hole' > *mokwar or *morjwar 'make a hole'
(231) *mo- + *-'i 'small' > *mo'i 'make into small pieces'
(232) mo-pok 'cause it to burst' (Gj)
(233) mbo-aku 'cause it to be hot' (GiM)
(234) mu-her 'give (him) a name' (Ur)
(235) mo-ete 'honor, make great' (Tb)
The suffixes in (231) and (235) are described in sect. 3.4.
Comparative Tupf-Guaraiif Morphosyntax 533
In Tupinamba, the mo- prefix co-occurs with the third person object prefix i-
following a subject prefix: a-i-mo-no (from mo- 'CAUS' + so 'go' 'he sent him/it'. In
the Guarani languages, mo- does not co-occur with the object prefix in this context.
In various languages, and probably in Proto-Tupi-Guarani, the nasal consonant in
this morpheme caused a nasalization of the initial voiceless consonant of the follow-
ing morpheme (Appendix III.l). In Tupinamba, this rule had a restriction that there
be no other nasals (consonant or vowel) in that morpheme, as can be illustrated by
the word mo-pirarj 'cause to be red'. This restriction does not hold in Kayabi, as can
be seen by the cognate momirag.
(2) Causative of transitive verbs
The morpheme *-ukar appears to have been derived from a transitive verb. It
occurs after a transitive verb stem. In this construction the person commanding that
the action be done is the A of the verb, the recipient of the action is the P, and the
performer of the action, if stated, is the object of the postposition *cupe. In (237)
from Tupinamba, the commander is first person, the recipient of the action is the
jaguar, and the actual performer of the action is the brother. In (238) from Assurini,
the performer is not stated.
(236) *a-juk -uk r º caused it to be killed.'
(237) a-juka-ukar jawar-ete sje r-ywyr-a supe (Tb)

lSG.A-kill-CAUS jaguar-genuine 1SG LK-brother-NC to
º made my brother kill the jaguar.'
(238) o-soka-okan (As)
3-kill-CAUS
'He caused it to be killed.'
('He made someone kill it.')
In (236) the verb *juka is irregular in that the object prefix ;'- never occurs between
the A prefix and this stem.
(3) Comitative causative
The morpheme *ero ro- is a comitative causative. It indicates that A performs
an action which affects P, and also affects himself. This morpheme combines with
an intransitive morpheme to create a transitive verb.
(239) *a-ro-'ar º fell, causing it to fall also.'
(240) *o-ero-'ar 'He fell, causing it to fall also.'
(241) *jane r-ero-'ar 'It fell, causing us to fall also.'
The ro- allomorph occurs with 1SG, UN, 2SG, and 2PL A morphemes, as in
(239). This morpheme is a member of Class II, taking the linking prefix r- when
preceded by a morpheme indicating the P, as in (241). No object prefix occurs
between the A prefix and this morpheme.
534 Jensen
(242) w-eru-'a 'He fell, causing it to fall also.' (Kb)

(243) a-ro-ike º entered, causing him to enter with me.' (Ch)
(244) w-eru-zan 'He ran, causing him to run also.' (Gj)
These three causatives are used in conjunction with the verbs *ur 'come' and *co
'go', as illustrated by the following examples from Wayampi (Amapari dialect) and
Assurini, in Table 21:
Table 21: Causative forms with *ur 'come' and *co 'go' in Wayampi and Assurini
Wayampi Assurini
*o-ur > uu on 'he came'

*o-mo-ur > omuu omon 'he caused to come'
*o-mo-ur-uk r > omuroka 'he had (someone) bring it*
*o-ero-ur > oeru oeron 'he brought it'
*o-co > 00 aha 'he went'

*o-mo-co > omono omana 'he caused to go'
*o-mo-co-ukar > omonoka omanaokan 'he caused (him) to take it'
*o-ero-co > oeraa oeraha 'he took it'

The vowel change in the forms that derive from *o-ero-co is a consistent change
in Tupi-Guarani languages: w-eraha (Gj), o-eraso (Tb), o-gueraa (GiM).
7.2 Detransitivizers
(1) Reflexive
There are four basic ways of detransitivizing a transitive verb. If the reflexive
prefix *je- occurs between the person marker and the stem, this indicates that the
action is performed by the A upon himself, resulting in an intransitive verb.
(245) *o-i-mo'e 'he teaches him'
(246) *o-je-mo'e 'he teaches himself/he learns'
(247) a-upi º lift (it, him, her)' (Wa)
(248) a-ji-upi º lift myself/ I climb'
(249) o-juka 'he killed it' (Tb)
(250) o-je-juka 'he killed himself
(251) u-ze-zuka 'he killed himself (Gj)
The reflexive morpheme may co-occur with causatives, as in (252) and (253) from
Wayampi.
(252) o-si 'he is shy, embarrassed' (WaA)
(253) o-ji-mo-si-oka 'he is ashamed'
(2) Reciprocal
Reciprocal action is indicated by the prefix *jo-. This prefix occurs in the same
position as the reflexive prefix, and the result is again an intransitive verb.
(254) *o-jo-nupa 'they hit each other'
(255) ja-jo-kutuk 'we pierced each other' (Tb)
(256) o-so-soka 'they killed each other' (As)
(257) ja-jo-gweru 'we brought each other' (Ch)
In Wayampi and Guajaj ra only the reflexive prefix occurs. When the verb is
plural, the interpretation may be either reflexive or reciprocal, as in (258). In
Urubu-Kaapor (259) only the descendant form of the reciprocal suffix occurs, but
with a reflexive meaning.
(258) o-ji-nupa kupa (WaA)
3-REFL-hit PL
They hit themselves' or 'They hit each other.'
(259) ju-mu'e 'He learns.' (Ur)
(3) Object incorporation
Another way in which a transitive verb may be detransitivized is by the incorporation
of a non-possessible object between the person marker and the verb stem.
(260) *a-y-'u
1 SG-water-consume
º drink water.'
(261) a-pina-ety (Kb)
ISG-hook-drop
º fish.'
(262) a-ywa-epia (Gu)
ISG-heaven-see
º look toward heaven.'
(263) o-'y-asa (Wa)
3-water-cross
'He crossed the river.'
If the incorporated object is a possessible noun, the verb remains transitive, as in
(264, 266, 267). This may be made reflexive, as in (265).
(264) a-po-kysi º cut his hand.' (Kb)
(265) a-je-po-kysi º cut my own hand.'
(266) oro-po -çä º gave you medicine.' (Wa)
1 > 2SG-medicine-make
(267) o-akag-o23 'He decapitated it.' (Wa)
536 Jensen
(4) Generic object incorporation

There are two generic morphemes which may be incorporated into the object
position to create intransitive verbs: *ma'e 'thing' and *poro 'person'.
(268) a-ma'e-kuak º know things.' (Tb)
(269) a-poro-nupa º hit (punish) people.' (Tb)
(270) a-poro-mboe º teach (people).' (Ch)
(271) a-mbae-juka º hunt (kill things).' (Ch)
(272) o-poro-'u 'It eats people.' (Kb)
(273) u-puru-zuka 'He (it) kills people.' (Gj)
8 Verbal aspect
8.1 Future, desiderative, and completion. In many languages the verb *potar, or
a reduction of it (tar or ta\ is used to indicate future. The same morpheme is used
at times to indicate a desiderative.
(274) a-ha-putar º will go.' (Gj)
(275) a-pyta-ta º will stay/ I want to stay.' (Wa)
(276) a-ha-ta º will go.' (Ch)
Urubu-Kaapor (Kakumasu 1986:385) has two morphemes based on *potar: -tar to
indicate desiderative, and -ta to indicate future.
(277) o-ho tar katu 'He really wants to go.' (Ur)
(278) o-ho ta tipe 'He intended to go, but didn't.'
Kaiw (Taylor 1984b) has three morphemes to indicate future, depending on the
degree of certainty (factual or hypothetical) and the distance into the future for the
factual morphemes. The three morphemes are: ta 'immediate future, factual', va'er
'distant future, factual', and ar 'hypothetical'.
(279) o-kwera por i-jase'o-ramo o-porahei-ta
3-recuperate well 3-throat-when 3-sing-PUT
'When his throat gets better, he will sing.'
(280) xe a-menda-ramo a-je-hogapo va'er
I 1 SG-marry-when ISG-REFL-make.a.house PUT
'If I marry her, I promise to build a house.'
In (279) and (280) we can see by the choice of future morpheme that the
recuperation and consequent return to singing is expected to occur soon, whereas the
marriage and housebuilding is expected to occur in the more distant future.
Future and desiderative morphemes are distinguishable in negated constructions in
Wayampi, although they are indistinguishable in non-negated constructions. The
negated future replaces the -ta morpheme with -'a, as in (282).
Comparative Tupf-Guaranf Morphosvntax 537
(281) n-oo-tar-i 'He doesn't want to go.'

(282) n-oo-'a-i 'He will not go.'
The choice of a different morpheme in (282) could well have a hypothetical or
irrealis interpretation (similar to what Taylor describes for Kaiw ), since the nega-
tion indicates that the action will not be realized.
Past tense can be indicated by a time word (283), by a temporal particle (see sect.
11), or sometimes by a completive marker *-pab (284, 285).
(283) *kwece i-'ar-i
yesterday 3-fall-OBTOP
(284) *o-co-pab They all went.'
(285) *o-'u-pab 'He/they ate it all.'
The suffix *-pab has an absolutive interpretation. In intransitive verbs (284, 286)
it indicates that all possible subjects have performed the action. In transitive verbs
(285, 287) it means that the action has been performed on all possible objects.
Following nasalized morphemes the first consonant of the completive morpheme is
nasalized (Appendix III.l), as in (286, 287).
(286) *o-mano-mab They all died.'
(287) *o-i-nupa-mab 'He/they hit them all.'
(288) a-'u pa je te-munuwi-a (Kb)

lSG.A-eat COMPL ISO 1 SG-peanut-NC
º have eaten up all my peanuts.'
(289) oro-jimi'u-pa 'We finished eating (IV).' (WaA)
(290) oro-'u-pa 'We ate everything.'
The completive suffix does not always indicate past, however. It may co-occur
with the future suffix in Wayampi (291) to indicate that something will be completed
in the future.
(291) a-'u-pa-ta º will eat it all.'
Urubu-Kaapor and Chiriguano have eliminated the completive suffix, which is
consistent with the elimination of other absolutive-based constructions in these
languages (C. Jensen 1990:148). They use a reflex of the intransitive verb *o-pab as
an independent morpheme to communicate the aspect of completion.
(292) wyrahu upa u-'u (Ur)
king.hawk COMPL 3-eat
The king hawk ate it all.'
538 Jensen
8.2 Monosyllabic reduplication. Reduplication of the last syllable of an intransi-

tive verb indicates that an action has been performed by one subject after another.
In transitive verbs it indicates that the action has been performed on one object after
another. If there is a final consonant in the reduplicated stem, it only occurs at the
end of the word (Everett and Seki 1986).
(293) *o-i-moko-kon
3A-3P-swallow-REDUP
'He swallowed them one after another.'
(294) *o-po-por
3S-jump-REDUP
'They jumped, one after another.'
(295) o-moko-kon 'He swallowed one after the other.' (As)
(296) o-se-sem One after another left.' (Tb)
This reduplication is not productive in the languages which have undergone
cross-referencing changes. However, isolated examples occur.
(297) o-mo-po-po (Wa)
3-CAUS-jump-REDUP
'He threw them away, one after another.'
(298) kwaraxi pe i-ho-hon me'e u-hyk (Ur)
Icoaraci at 3-go-REDUP NOM 3-arrive
The one who went repeatedly to Icoaraci arrived.'
8.3 Disyllabic reduplication. This type of reduplication indicates that an action is

performed frequently. Its interpretation is not absolutive. If the stem is monosyllabic,
the final syllable of the preceding morpheme is included in the reduplication, as in
(300) and (302).
(299) *o-i-moko-mokon 'He swallows them frequently.'
(300) *oro-co-ro-co 'We go frequently.'
(301) u-muku-mukun 'He swallows repeatedly.' (Gj)
(302) a-po-a-pot º jump repeatedly.' (Km)
(303) o-i-pete-pete 'He kept hitting it (with his hand).' (Kw)
8.4 Frustrative. Various languages have frustrative morphemes, indicating that the
initiated action did not accomplish its intended result.
(304) i-memy tite (Wa)
3-give.birth FRUST
'She had a miscarriage.'
(305) juka ta tipe (Ur)

3 kill PUT FRUST
'He intended to kill it, but didn't.'
(306) a-so-biä (Tb)
ISG-go-FRUST
went, but didn't accomplish anything.'
(307) o-ho-pa jevy rei (Kw)
3-go-COMPL again FRUST
They all went off again to no purpose.'
Wayampi also has what appears to be a cognate to the Tupinamba frustrative biä. It
is mijä 'previously, but not anymore', as in (308). With the future morpheme, mijä
indicates that it was an intended but unfulfilled action, as in (309).
(308) n-a-kua-i mijä didn't know at that time.'
(309) a-a-ta mijä was going to go.'
The Guajajara particle miamo, which Bendor-Samuel translates as 'in vain' is
likely a cognate as well. Another likely cognate is the Guarayu particle vyä 'unreal'.
This language also has a frustrative particle tei.
8.5 Intensifiers. Three intensifiers can be reconstructed as suffixes for Proto-Tupi-

Guarani: *-katu, *-acy, and *-ete.
(310) o-i-pota-katu 'He wants it a lot.' (Tb)
(311) a-'u-katu-katu really eat.' (Kb)
(312) i-katu-ahy 'It is very good.' (Gj)
(313) o-se'eg-ahy 'He speaks a lot.' (As)
(314) i-kato-ete 'It is very good.' (As)
(315) w-apo-ay-etewe 'He works fast.'(Kb)
(316) i-katu-ay-wete 'It is very very good.' (Wa)
9 Nominalizations
9.1 Nominalizations of Action, Agent, and Circumstance. Tupi-Guarani lan-

guages have three closely related suffixes which are used to nominalize verbs: *-a,
*-ar, and *-ab. The nominalized forms created by these suffixes refer to the action,
the agent, and its circumstances, respectively. The cross-referencing on these nomi-
nalizations is indicated by a Set 2 person marker, the unspecified possessor prefix,
or a noun.
(1) Nominalization of action
The first suffix is actually identical with the nominal case suffix. Just as it
indicates that a noun is acting syntactically as a noun, it indicates that the verb is
540 Jensen
acting syntactically as a noun; that is, it refers to the action of the verb or, in the
case of nonagentive intransitive verbs, to its abstract quality. It has two allomorphs:
*-a, with consonant-final stems, and *-0, with vowel-final stems.
(317) *c-epjak-a 'his being seen'
(318) *ceker-a 'my sleep(ing)'
(319) *ne r-eko-J&T 'his being (in motion)'
(320) *i-katu-0 'his goodness'
(321) s-ekar-a 'the search for him' (Tb)
(322) bebe 'action of flying' (Tb)
(323) t-oryv-a 'party (action of being happy)' (Pt)
(324) kir-a 'sleep (action of sleeping)' (Pt)
In Kayabi (Dobson 1973), the -a suffix occurs with all stems, regardless of
whether they end in a consonant or a vowel.
(325) pe-porowyky-a 'your (PL) work'
(326) kwasiar-a 'drawing'
(2) Nominalizer of agent

The agent nominalizer has three allomorphs: *-ar, *-car, and *-tar, after conso-
nant-final, vowel-final, and diphthong-final stems, respectively. It may have
occurred only with transitive verbs.
(327) *i-juka-car 'his killer'
(328) *ore r-epjak-ar 'the one who sees us (EX)'
(329) *i-pwaj-tar 'the one who orders it'
(330) i-apo-har 'its maker' (Gj)
(331) i-poz-tar 'the one who feeds it (him)' (Gj)
(332) pinaaetyk-at 'the one who is fishing' (Kb)
(3) Nominalization of circumstance

The nominalizer of circumstance also has three allomorphs: *-ab, *-cab, and *-tab.
The circumstance may be the place, time, or instrument.
(333) *i-jukä-cäb 'his death place or circumstance'
(334) *ore r-epjak-ab 'the place or circumstances of our being seen'
(335) *i-pwaj-tab 'the place or circumstance of his (its) being ordered'
(336) i-zuka-haw 'the place where he/it is killed' (Gj)
(337) 0-eko-a 'the place where he lives' (Wa)
(338) i-momyk-ap 'that which is used for sewing' (Kb)
In Kamaiurä and Assurini the allomorphs beginning with -f, that is, -tat —tar- (Km)
and -tar (As) for the agent, and -tap taw- (Km) and -taw (As) for the circumstance,
follow morphemes ending in a vowel. The Proto-Tupi-Guarani allomorphs used in this
environment were consonant initial: *-car and *-cab. In Kamaiurä and Assurini the
phoneme *c was eliminated, making the reflexes of *-car and *-cab vowel initial (339,
340), identical with the allophones which follow a consonant-final stem. Rather than
suffixing a vowel-initial allomorph to a vowel-final stem, speakers of these two
languages extended the use of another pair of consonant-initial allomorphs, *-tar and
*-tab, to occur with vowel-final stems (341, 342).
(339) *i-apo-car-a > i-apo-ar-a
(340) *i-apo-cab-a > i-apo-aw-a
(341) i-apo-tara 'its maker' (As)
(342) i-apo-tawa 'the instrument for making it' (As)
Some languages have extended the use of the nominalizer of circumstance to
include the nominalization of action, replacing the nominal case suffix (see sect.
9.5). Among these are Wayampi (C. Jensen 1983) and Guajajära, as indicated in
(343) and (344). If the nominal case suffix had been used in (343) the form in
Wayampi would be e-mo-katu-0-kwer.
(343) *ce mo-katu-cab-wer >
ISO CAUS-good-CIRC-DEVOLV
e-mo-katu-a-wer (WaA)
1 SG-CAUS-good-NOM-DEVOLV
'my healing (my being made good)'
(344) *i-jukä-cäb > i-zuka-haw 'the killing of him' (Gj)
Four languages which have eliminated absolutive cross-referencing in verbs have
also made changes in the cross-referencing system used with these nominalizations.
Urubu-Kaapor (345, 346) uses only Set 1 markers for nominalizations. Mbyä Guarani,
Chiriguano, and Kaiwa use Set 1 prefixes for nominalizations of circumstance (347)
and Set 2 person markers to cross-reference the P in nominalizations of agent (348).
(345) a-kwa-ha 'my knowing of it' (Ur)
(346) u-sak-iha 'the one seeing him' (Ur)
(347) o-mbo'e-a 'the action (or place) of his being taught' (GiM)
(348) i-mbo'e-a 'his teacher' (GiM)
9.2 Nominalizations of Patient. There are two Proto-Tupi-Guarani nominaliza-

tions referring to P. The suffix *-pyr refers to P without any reference to A. When
it follows a consonant-final stem, as in the Kayabi example (353), an epenthetical
vowel occurs (Appendix III. 15). The prefix *emi- refers to P in relation to A. Both
occur only with transitive verbs.
(349) *i-juka-pyr 'that which is dead (killed)'
(350) *ne r-emi-juka 'the one which you kill'
(351) i-zuka-pyr 'that which is dead (killed)' (Gj)
542 Jensen
(352) he-r-emi-'u 'that which I eat, my food' (Gj)

(353) i-powan-ipyt 'that which is woven' (Kb)
Like all nouns, if these constructions occur syntactically as a noun, they take a
nominal case suffix -a after a final consonant, as in (354) and (355), if this suffix is
retained in the language.
(354) s-emi-mojan-a 'that which he made, his handiwork' (Tb)
(355) i-juka-pyr-a 'that which is dead (killed)' (Tb)
The -pyr suffix has been eliminated by three of the languages which have also
eliminated absolutive cross-referencing: Wayampi, Chiriguano, and Urubu-Kaapor.
In Mbyä Guarani this construction now uses Set 1 prefixes, even though the suffix
still refers to P without reference to A (Dooley 1982:157).
(356) ita o-mboaty py-re (GiM)
rock 3-piled P.NOM-DEVOLV
'the rocks which were piled up'
The *emi- prefix has been eliminated in Urubu-Kaapor, except for the frozen form
h-imi-'u 'that which he eats, his food'. This is consistent with its elimination of all
reference to P in verbs.
9.3 Clause nominalizer. The predicate of a clause may be nominalized by the

suffix *-ba'e.
(357) *o-co-ba'e 'the one who goes'
(358) *i-katu-fea'e 'the one that is good'
(359) *o-jo-pwaj-ba'e 'the one that commands him/it'
(360) i-ro'y-wa'e 'the one that is sick' (As)
(361) o-i-su'u-ba'e 'the one that bit him' (Tb)
In Tupinambä, when the nominalizer follows a consonant-final stem, there are two
options: either the final consonant of the stem is deleted, or an epenthetical vowel y
is inserted (362).
(362) o-sem -f ba'e > oseba'e 'the one that leaves' (Tb)
> osemyba'e
In some languages the nominalizer begins with a nasal consonant: ma'e. It is
possible that there were originally two allomorphs, one which followed oral vowels,
the other which followed nasal vowels. For example, *o-mano-ba 'e > o-mano-ma 'e
'the one who died'. The one which originally would have followed nasal vowels
then became the generalized form in Guajajara, Kayabf, Kamaiura, Tapirape,
Wayampi, and Urubu-Kaapor.
(363) o-ho-ma'e 'the one that goes' (Gj)
(364) i-ka-ma'e 'the one that is fat' (Kb)
In Wayampi this nominalizer may be used to refer to S of the intransitive clause (365),
A or P of the transitive ckuse (366, 367; context determines interpretation, if A and P are
both third person), possessor (368), or object of the postposition (369):
(365) o-pyta ma'e (Wa)
3-stay NOM
'the one that stayed'
(366) e-nupa ma'e (Wa)
ISO-hit NOM
'the one that hit me (with an instrument)'
(367) a-nupa ma'e (Wa)
ISG-hit NOM
'the one that I hit'
(368) i-posi'a-tawa ma'e (Wa)
3-breast-yellow NOM
'the yellow-breasted one'
(369) a-me'e i-jupe ma'e (Wa)
ISO-give 3-to NOM
'the one to whom I gave it'
At the other extreme, languages such as Guajajära (Bendor-Samuel 1972:119) and
Tapirape (Almeida 1983:32) only allow this nominalizer with agentive and non-agen-
tive intransitive verbs. In these languages the nominalizer serves a complementary
function with the nominalizer -ar. These two nominalizers cannot be analyzed as true
complements of each other, however, since their basic nature is different. All the other
nominalizers which have been described involve a stem level nominalization. The verb
stem is cross-referenced in the same way as nouns and dependent verbs, using person
markers from Set 2. The nominalizer *-ba 'e, on the other hand, nominalizes a complete
verb construction, which includes the same type of cross-referencing as occurs on
independent verbs (357, 359). When the stems of these two types of nominalizations
are negated, they use different morphemes (sect. 10.1-2). The *-ba'e nominalization
uses the negation morpheme appropriate to independent verbs (370), and the *-ar uses
the morpheme appropriate to dependent verbs (371).
(370) n-oo-i ma'e (Wa)
NEG-go-NEG NOM
'the one that didn't go
(371) mojag-ar-e' em-a (Kb)
make-NOM-NEG-NC
One who doesn't make it'
544 Jensen
9.4 Adverbial nominalizer. The suffix *-cwar or *nwar indicates 'that which is
characterized by the preceding circumstance (indicated by an adverb or a postposi-
tional phrase)'.
(372) kope-wat 'the ones from here' (Kb)
(373) Cuiaba-pe-wat 'the ones from Cuiabä' (Kb)
(374) karamoe-war One from long ago' (WaA)
(375) -pe-swär-a 'that which is in the hand' (Tb)
(376) jawa-re-wa One who works with regard to jaguars,
jaguar hunter' (WaJ)
9.5 Anticipatory and devolved morphemes with nominalizations. All nominali-

zations, as other nouns, may receive the anticipatory (*-ram) and devolved (*-pwer)
morphemes (sect. 3.4).
(377) i-mojärj-är-äm-a (Tb)
3-make-NOM-FUT-NC
'the one who will make it'
(378) i-mojarj-ar-wer-a (Tb)
3-make-NOM-DEVOLV-NC
'the one who made it'
(379) he-r-emi-'u-kwer (Gj)
1 SG-LK-NOM-eat-DEVOLV
'that which I ate'
(380) e-r-emi-no-ra (Wa)
1 SG-LK-NOM-make-FUT
'that which I will make'
(381) i-juka-pyr-wer (Tb)
3-kill-NOM-DEVOLV
'that which was killed'
(382) o-poregeta mae-kwer (WaA)
3-speak NOM-DEVOLV
'the one who spoke'
In the Jari dialect of Wayampi, which has lost final consonants, the nominaliza-
tions referring to agent and circumstance are homonymous in the present. But with
the devolved morpheme, the final consonant of the nominalizers reappears, making
the nominalizations different.
(383) i-mo'e-a 'his teacher, the place where he is taught'
(384) *i-mo'e-car-er > i-mo'e-are 'his former teacher'
(385) *i-mo'e-cab-wer > i-mo'e-awe 'the place where he was taught'
The same is true of Kaiw , which has identical forms -ha in the present and
distinguishable forms -hare and -hawe in the past (Taylor and Taylor 1966).
10 Negation
10.1 The negative morpheme *n- . . . - / . The predicate of the independent clause
in Tupi-Guarani languages is negated by a split affix. The prefix *n- precedes the
person markers and has three allomorphs: */j- before vowel-initial morphemes, *na-
before consonants, and *n- or *ni- before the semivowel *y. When the *-/' suffix
follows a vowel, the two phonemes form a diphthong (Appendix III. 17).
(386) a-maraka º sing.' (Km)
(387) n-a-maraka-ite24 º don't sing.'
(388) sje r-osarj º am patient.' (Tb)
(389) na-sje r-osarj-i º am not patient.'
(390) ja-kua 'We (GENERIC) know.' (Wa)
(391) ni-ja-kua-i 'We don't know' or 'Nobody knows.'
In Tupinamba, which allows the sequence *Cj [Cy], the ni- allomorph does not
occur. The n- allomorph attaches directly to the semivowel j.
(392) n-ja-ker-i 'We didn't sleep.' (Tb)
It is possible that this was also the case in Proto-Tupi-Guarani, and that the ni-
allomorph developed in languages where sequence restrictions made it necessary.
In Guarayu the na- allomorph co-occurs with the semivowel: na-ja-mondo-i 'we
don't send it'.
When a noun occurs as the verb of the sentence, it is negated by this morpheme.
(393) paje 'shaman' (Wa)
(394) i-paje 'He has shamanistic qualities.'
(395) n-i-paje-i 'He does not have shamanistic qualities.'
In Wayampi, where si- has replaced ja- as the first person inclusive A prefix in
transitive verbs, the negative allomorph appropriate to ja- still occurs, as in (396).
(396) ni-si-'u-i 'We didn't eat it.'
Bendor-Samuel (1972:86) states for the Pindare dialect of Guajajara that an allo-
morph na'- occurs with the third person prefix i-, as in (397).
(397) na'-i-kag 'He is not strong.'
The negation prefix is often accompanied in Guajajara by one of two negative
post-verbals, -z (from *j) or kwaw.
(398) n-a-enu-katu-z (GjP)
NEG-1 SG-hear-well-NEG
•I don't hear well.'
546 Jensen
(399) n-u-puner a'i kwaw (GjP)

NEG-3-able little NEC
'He was not able to.'
Betts (1981:19) gives a Parintintin example of -/' in which it negates the verb
independently of«-. This is in a negative imperative form of the verb. (See sect. 10.4
for the normal negative imperative suffix.)
(400) t-ere-ho-i
PERM-2SG-go-NEG
'Don't go!'
Urubu-Kaapor (Kakumasxi 1986:358) has lost this morpheme. However, one unin-
flected form has remained: n-ixo-i 'there is none', derived from the verb ixo (*iko)
'to be'.
10.2 The negative morpheme *e'ym. The morpheme *e'ym is used in many Tupi-
Guarani languages as a suffix on nouns to mean 'without' or 'lacking', as in (401).
It also negates dependent verb forms (402, 403) and nominalizations (404, 405).
(401) a'eramu te-yar-e'em-a-mu (Kb)
therefore ISG-boat-NEG-NC-?
'Then I was without a boat.'
(402) o'iran awiäwa r-ur-e'ym amoä ere-jot
tomorrow airplane LK-come-NEG if 2SG-come
moneta je-nite-n (Km)
talk ISG-with-FUT
'If the airplane doesn't come tomorrow, are you coming to talk with
me?'
(403) o-ji-monyi i-kua e'y ame (WaA)
3-REFL-scare 3-know NEG CONSEQUENCE
'So he was afraid because he didn't know (it).'
The relative order of the negation morpheme and the nominalizer is opposite in
Kayabi (404) and Wayampi (405).
(404) mojag-ar-e'em-a (Kb)
make-NOM-NEG-NC
One who doesn't make it'
(405) y r-eko-e'ym-a (Wa)
water LK-be-NEG-NOM
'a place lacking water'
According to Rodrigues (1953), both orders are possible in Tupinambä, as in the
following cognates of (404):
mojaq-ar-e'ym-a (Tb)
mojaq-e 'ym-ar-a
However, the first is more common.
In Wayampi this morpheme negates a purpose clause in which the subject of the
proposed action is different from the subject of the main clause. This clause is
introduced by the prefix t- and the negation suffix follows the verb stem.
(406) o-mo-katu ja'yr-er t-o-posiko e'y F-ee (WaA)
3-CAUS-good child-COLL PURP-3-mess NEC 3-with
'He put it away so the children wouldn't mess with it
In Kamaiurä this morpheme is used to make a negative assertion.
(407) kamajura e'ym a-ko25 (Km)
Kamaiurä NEG ISG-be
am not Kamaiurä.'
According to Seki (1978), this morpheme occurs in Kamaiurä with nouns, nominali-
zations, and dependent verbs.
In Urubu-Kaapor the negation system has been reduced to the point that the
descendant form of *e'ym, i.e., ym, is the only productive negation morpheme other
than the free response form (sect. 10.5).
(408) e-raho ym 'Don't take it.' (NEG with IMP) (Ur)
(409) sawa'e ym '(He is) not a man.' (NEG of noun)
(410) paite ym '(It is) not far.' (NEG of adverbial)
(411) u-hyk we ym 'He hasn't arrived yet.' (NEG with independent V)
(412) a'i äka ym 'the headless old woman' (NEG of noun)
10.3 The negative morpheme *r«a or *rui. Examples of this morpheme were
found in fewer languages than the other negation morphemes. However, the fact that
it occurs in 5 of the 8 subgroups (Appendix IV) is a good indication that it can be
reconstructed for Proto-Tupi-Guarani. It negates adverbials (including postpositional
phrases). In some languages it also negates verbs or nouns.
Ruiz de Montoya (1892) actually lists two separate negative morphemes for Old
Guarani: ma (also referred to as ruguä /ruwaT) and ruguäj /ruwäj/. It is possible that
the second is actually a combination of ruä and the suffix -/ (sect. 10.1). It co-occurs
with na- (414, 416).
(413) awyje ruwä pa (GiO)
enough NEG INTER
'Isn't it enough?'
(414) na ce-ma'e ruwäj
NEG ISG-thing NEG
'It isn't mine.'
548 Jensen
(415) t-esa-ory katu pype ruwaj

UNSP-eye-happy good with NEC
'not with good eyes'
(416) na ce-r-emi-mbota r-upi ruwäj
NEC ISG-LK-NOM-want LK-by NEG
'It wasn't by my own will.'
According to Rodrigues (1953), ruä co-occurs with n- in Tupinamba as well. Weiss
(1972:36) shows that in the negation of adverbial phrases in Kayabi, the morphemes
n- (the na- allomorph) and -rü* co-occur, as in (417) and (418).
(417) na-'arimu-ru1 'not by day' (Kb)
(418) na-muku-ru1 'not far'
In Wayampi the morpheme ruä is highly productive. It negates adverbials (419—
421), nouns and pronouns (422). It does not co-occur with the n- prefix.
(419) ike rua 'not here (far away)'
(420) moka pupe ruä 'not with a gun'
(421) e-wari ruä a-poregeta

ISG-lie NEG ISG-speak
speak unlyingly.'
(422) ene rua ere-ino-ta
2SG NEG 2SG-make-FUT
'It isn't you that will make it.'
Example (423) in Kamaiurä is like Wayampi (422), except that the P is negated
rather than the A.25
(423) ije ruej je r-ecak
1SG NEG 1SG LK-see
'It's not I that he sees.'
(424) o-manö ruä sipoko (WaJ)
3-die NEG RHET.QU
'He died!' or 'Isn't it true that he died?'
Barbosa (1970) suggests a similar use in Tupinambä. He translates the sequence ruä
pe 'NEG INTER' as: 'Could it be that.. .'or 'It must be that...'.
Dietrich (1990a:302) observes that Chiriguano does not have the negation mor-
phemes common to Tupi-Guarani languages. Instead it has a morpheme -a (425,
426). This morpheme draws the stress to the final syllable of the stem and, in one
dialect, nasalizes the preceding vowel (425), although the suffix itself is oral. I
suggest that if this morpheme is related to any Tupi-Guarani negative morpheme at
all, it might be a reduction of the *rua morpheme.
(425) käwi 'good' kawi-a 'not good, bad' (Ch)

(426) typy 'deep' typy-a 'not deep, shallow'
10.4 The negative imperative morpheme *eme. A special negation morpheme is

used with imperatives, and occurs at the end of the clause. This is analyzed in some
languages as a suffix. In some languages the normal imperative prefix e- co-occurs
with the negative morpheme.
(427) e-ra-so Take it!' (Tb)
(428) e-ra-so-ume 'Don't take it!'
(429) e-jae'o 'Cry!' (GiM)
(430) e-jae'o erne 'Don't cry!'
In other languages the normal second person prefix replaces the imperative prefix,
so that it is only the negative morpheme that indicates it is an imperative.
(431) e-juka 'Kill it!' (Km and Wa)
(432) ere-juka-em 'Don't kill it!' (Km)
(433) ere-jukane 'Don't kill it!' (WaJ)
10.5 The free response negative morpheme *ani. The form used as a free re-
sponse to a question in most Tupi-Guarani languages is derived from *ani.
(434) am, e-raho ym 'No, don't take (him).' (Ur)
(435) ani, n-a-a-'ai 'No, I won't go.' (Wa)
Mbyä Guarani has two morphemes: 'ani, a strong negative imperative, and 'any,
the free response.
11 Demonstratives
Demonstratives have a wide function in Tupi-Guarani languages. The same mor-
phemes may refer to persons, objects, time or location, or they may make reference
to elements of a discourse. They may occur with other morphemes, such as the
temporal subordinate morpheme, postpositions, the suffix *-7 'DIMINUTIVE', and
the suffix *-ete 'GENUINE'.
Rodrigues (1981) charts the basic demonstrative stems for Tupinambä using the
parameters of visibility (visible versus invisible) and distance (near the speaker, near
the hearer, or far from both). Nine of the Tupinambä morphemes have cognates in
other languages. I shall list these, together with words from various languages which
are based on these reconstructed morphemes, in order to show the flexibility of
meaning. One other morpheme which was not documented for Tupinambä, *pe, also
appears in various languages. In the reconstructed forms I was able to use the
parameters of visibility and distance, but was usually only able to make a two-way
distinction (near/far) in the latter.
550 Jensen
*ko 'here, near the speaker, visible'

iko 'this one (visible)' (Tb)
(i)koba'e 'this one (visible)' (Tb)
kobo 'around here (visible)' (Tb)
ako 'this, that (demonstrative)' (Tb)
ko 'here' (Ur)
ko rupi 'along here' (Ur)
kotete 'nearby' (Ur)
koa, kua 'this one' (Ch)
ko'a-koty 'in this direction' (Kw)
*ke 'here, near the speaker'

ike 'here' (WaA)
kewe 'here' (WaJ)
ke'i 'nearby' (Wa)
ke'irua 'far' (Wa)
ke 'this (discourse, cataphoric reference)' (Wa)
ike 'here' (Tb)
ke-a, ki-a 'someone, some place (interrogative)' (Ch)
ki 'that one there' (Pt)
ki rupi 'around here' (Pt)
ki roki 'this one which' (Pt)
*kybo 'around here, in relation to more remote areas (contrastive)'

kybo 'around here in relation to more remote areas' (Tb)
kyvo kyty On this side (contrastive)' (WaA)
ky(w)oty On this side' (Ch)
*aipo 'anaphoric reference to citation or sound'

aj'po 'that which I spoke, thought, or felt' (Tb)
aepo 'that which was cited (anaphoric reference to citation)' (WaA)
aemo (?) 'with reference to', or 'with respect to' (Pt)
aipo 'that (sound)' (Gu)
*(')arj 'this one, now, here (visible or invisible)'
'ange'i (GiM)
'ärj 'this one, here, now (visible or invisible)' (Tb)
'ärja 'this (visible or invisible)' (Tb)
'ärjyba'e 'this (visible or invisible)' (Tb)
'arne 'there (visible)' (Tb)
i'ärj 'this (visible or invisible)' (Tb)
aga 'this one (demonstrative)' (Pt)
'here (adverb)' (Pt)
'a 'this one' (WaJ)
'äg 'this one' (WaA)
arne 'at this time (discourse, anaphoric reference)' (Wa)
agyvo 'like this, in this way' (WaA)
age'e 'right now, today' (Wa)

'äg 'this or that, low' (Gj)
*a'e 'he, that one there (visible or invisible)' [Lemle 1971]

a'e 'him, that (of which I spoke)' (Tb)
'there (invisible)' (Tb)
a'e 'this (referring to action or object)' (Pt)
a'e 'that one (invisible)' (Wa)
'that one (discourse, anaphoric)' (Wa)
a'evo 'like that (discourse)' (WaA)
a'eo 'like that (discourse)' (WaJ)
a'e reme 'at that time' (Wa)
a'e pe 'at that place, there' (Wa)
a'e 'third person referent' (Gu)
a'ese 'then' (Gu)
a'eve 'there' (Gu)
a'e ramo 'as a result of that (anaphoric ref.)' (As)
*wi or *wirj 'that one (visible), which may be far from the hearer also'
wi, wirj 'that one (visible)' (Tb)
wiba'e 'this, that (visible)' (Tb)
wiirja 'this, that' (Tb)
wime, wilme 'there (visible)' (Tb)
wime 'there (far from speaker and hearer)' (Wa)
wyi 'that one, farther away' (Wa)
awT 'this one, closer' (Wa)
gwi 'that' (Pt)
gwino 'with that one' (Pt)
*mo, *amo 'there, another, some (invisible)' [Lemle 1971]

amöba'e 'something' (Tb)
amome 'at times' (Tb)
amöamöme 'sometimes' (Tb)
amua'ga 'someone' (Pt)
amua 'some' (Pt)
mo 'group of things, some, many' (Pt)
mo 'some, a(n)' (Wa)
amö 'some, someone, something' (Wa)
amö reme 'sometime' (Wa)
amöamö reme Once in a while' (Wa)
amove 'sometimes' (Gu)
omo 'a certain' (GjP)
*pe 'that one'

pe 'there' (GiM)
peve 'there, that (place)' (Gu)
552 Jensen
pe 'that one, there' (Pt)

pea 'that one there' (Ch)
pe 'there' (Gj)
upea 'that' (Kw)
*wa 'they, those'

wä, awä 'they, those (invisible)' (Tb)
wä 'third person plural' (Kb)
wä 'third person plural' (Gj)
12 Particles
The Tupi-Guarani languages are rich in particles. They occur at specific places in
the clause. One especially common place for them to occur is post-initial, that is,
immediately after the first element (word, phrase, or subordinate clause) of the
sentence.
(436) ihe ke a'e u-sak (Ur)
1SG FOCUS 3 3-see
'He saw me.'
(437) ore te si t-oro-posiko (WaA)
1EX EMPH EXCL PURP-lEX-work
'We are the ones that ought to work!'
Another place where particles typically occur is at the end of a clause.
(438) naikoi 0-erekwar ko ky'y (WaA)
NEG.EXISTENTIAL 3-wife PL CHANGE.OF.STATE
'None of their wives existed anymore.'
(439) u-zekwa wä zi'i kury (GjP)
3-dawn PL PAST CHANGE.OF.STATE
'Then it began to dawn for them.'
Bendor-Samuel (1972:146-157) describes particles for Guajajara in initial (440),
post-initial (441), medial (442), and final (439) positions.
(440) aze arapuha ur
SUPPOSE deer 3.come
'Suppose a deer comes.'
(441) u-ahem ze o-ho pe pe
3-arrive THEY.SAY 3-go there to
'They say that he arrived there.'
(442) u-'aw u-pa kwez pe pe
3-lie.down 3-prone.position PAST there at
'He lay down over there just now.'
Comparative Tupi-Guarani Morphosyntax 553
Bendor-Samuel says that the medial particle follows any verb phrase, subject, object,
or auxiliary verb, but that it precedes any adjuncts. He describes nine positions of
final particles. Particles in these positions can co-occur, as in (443).
(443) -ho zaryz a'e wä rihi no
3-go grandmother 3 PL YET CHANGE.OF.TOPIC
POSITION: 1 2 5 7
'Granny and others went still.'
In Wayampi (A. Jensen 1993) it is not unusual for several particles to co-occur in
post-initial position.
(444) awi te ruä si po ko e-mo-katu (WaJ)
he EMPH NEC EXCL INTER DETERM ISG.P-CAUS-good
'He was the one that healed me, wasn't he?'
The series of five particles in (444) indicates a rhetorical question in which the
speaker believes that he is correct in his conclusion. The first particle, te, is often
best translated with a cleft sentence in English. The negative particle ruä conveys
the speaker's belief about his conclusion. The exclamation particle si conveys an
emotional response. The po indicates a question. The ko indicates that he wants an
answer to his question. The five particles together form a rhetorical question in
Wayampi.
12.1 Particles indicating the speaker's feelings. Many of the post-initial particles
convey to some degree the speaker's feelings. (Some of these same feelings are
communicated in English through intonation.)
Among the particles which occur in this position in Wayampi are the following:
ipe 'unrealized goal', ko 'deliberation', si 'surprise, exclamation', so 'disapproval',
te 'emphasis', to 'anger' (only in Jari dialect), and kua 'resolve'.
Particles of this sort in Guajajara (Bendor-Samuel 1972:150) include the follow-
ing: ete 'emphasis', kutu 'reaffirmation', mua'u 'mistake, deception', poko
'deliberation', ru'u 'uncertainty', tezyz 'frustration', tomo 'deliberation', and zepe
'incomplete success'.
Particles of this type in Mbyä Guarani (Dooley 1982) include: ko Opinion', po
'doubt', nda 'amusement', tavy 'discontent', tu 'discontent', katu 'lack of patience'.
Particles in Guarayu (Newton 1978) include: m'ä 'certainly', revo 'perhaps,' and
rule 'seeing but hard to believe'.
12.2 Temporal and verification particles. Bendor-Samuel (1972:150-151) reports

various temporal particles in Guajajara: roko 'past action', kwehe 'distant past', raka-
kwez 'past action, generally immediate past', ze 'speaker not eyewitness (past im-
plied)', kwez 'immediate past, completion', nehe 'future', and tar 'future'. The first
three of these occur in the post-initial position, kwez occurs medially, tar is post-verbal,
and nehe occurs finally. Other final particles are also associated with the passage of
554 Jensen
time: rihi 'still, yet (looking forward to change of state or action), ri'i 'action in the
past', ra'e 'unfortunate or otherwise amusing action, often in the past', zipi 'habitual
past action, often incompletely successful', and kury 'action or state at point of
change'.
Taylor (1984b:66) reports four past markers for Kaiwä, based on distance into the
past and whether the speaker witnessed the action. These are kuri 'recent past,
attested', va'ehve 'remote past, attested', ra'e 'recent past, unattested by speaker',
and araka'e 'distant past, unattested by speaker'. The particle araka'e also occurs in
Guarayu, meaning 'distant past.'
The same distinctions which are made in Kaiwä are also made in Tocantins
Assurini (Nicholson 1978:67). The particles in this language are raka 'recent past,
attested by speaker', rakokwehe 'remote past, attested by speaker', ra'e 'recent past,
attested by someone other than the speaker,' and rakwehe 'remote past, attested by
someone other than the speaker'.
In Wayampi there are two verification particles which imply past action: ipo
'unattested by the speaker' and je 'no longer verifiable (more distant past)'. These
occur immediately after the first constituent of the clause.
Cognates of ipo and je occur in various languages. The morpheme ipo is translated
as 'maybe' in Tupinamba and 'uncertainty or doubt' in Tembe. Its cognate aipo in
Guarayu is translated as 'hearsay'. Cognates of the morpheme je are translated as
'they say' or 'it is said that' in Tembe and Kamaiurä, and as a hearsay particle in
Urubu-Kaapor.
12.3 Grammatical particles. Some particles indicate grammatical function. One of

these is the interrogative particle, which is pe in Tupinamba, po in Wayampi and
Kamaiurä, and pa in the Guarani languages and Tocantins Assurini. In Kamaiurä it
occurs in initial position. In other languages it occurs post-initial.
Kaiwä (Taylor 1984a: 147-150) has four contrastive particles related to questions.
The particles tipo and pa expect an answer; tipo is the more specific of the two. A
particle po is used when the speaker is wondering and doesn't necessarily expect an
answer. Another particle nipo expresses that the speaker does not know and cannot
answer.
Another type of grammatical particle is one which indicates a change of state or
action, which contrasts with some state or action in the past. This particle, which
occurs in final position, is ky in Urubu-Kaapor, kury in Guajajära (439), and ky 'y in
Wayampi (438). In Wayampi, ky'y contrasts with mijä 'previously'.
A more theoretical discussion of particles can be found in Dooley (1990).
13 Ideophones
Ideophones are a part of good storytelling in many Tupi-Guarani languages. Some-
times sounds are employed in ideophones which are not part of the phonetic inventory
of normal vocabulary. In Kayabi (Weiss 1989), these include voiceless and whispered
vowels, front rounded whispered vowels, lengthened vowels, bilabial voiceless trills,
and word-final glottal stops. The following are examples of ideophones.
puuUUU Tiring of gun' (Ur)
tu tu tu 'thumping' (Ur)
tä tä tä tä 'banging' (Ur)
warn warn warn 'whine of mosquitos, flapping their wings rapidly' (Kb)
ky: tykyty 'macaw flying flapping its wings' (Kb)
pyutik 'shooting (an arrow) once' (Kb)
uuuu tarä 'arrival and landing of a large bird' (Wa)
py' moro py' moro 'moving and stacking objects' (Wa)
Py üü Object falling' (Wa)
14 Numbers
The numerical system of Proto-Tupi-Guarani is very rudimentary. Only three
numbers have been reconstructed (Lemle, 1971):
*ojepetei One'
*mokoj 'two'
*mocapyr 'three'
Whereas the cognates for 'two' and 'three' are quite straightforward, the only part
of the *ojepetei construction that occurs in all languages is pe. This means that the
form in various languages could actually be made up of the basic stem plus a
combination of affixes, which have become a permanent part of the word.
(445) pe One' + 'i 'DIMINUTIVE' > pe'i One' (Wa)
Forms in other languages include osepe (As), ojepe (Tb), pitei (Gj), ojipefl (Pt),
ojepete (Km), and pete 7 (Ur, Gi).
The concept of pairs seems to be important in Tupi-Guarani languages. The word
for 'pair', *iru, has resulted in forms like the following from Wayampi:
(446) niröi Odd number' (Lit.: 'not a pair')
(447) irote 'four' (Lit.: 'true pair')
(448) iröiröte 'multiple pairs,' that is, '6 or 8'
In languages of subgroup IV, the term for Odd number' has been reinterpreted to
mean 'three'. For example, in Assurini, nairoihi, and in Guajajara na'iruz.
Urubu (Kakumasu and Kakumasu 1988:71) has developed a numerical system up
to 20 using entirely indigenous vocabulary.
15 Constituent order
In all types of dependent constructions the verb usually occurs in the final position
of the clause and the morpheme signaling the construction occurs as a suffix on the
556 Jensen
verb. By way of review, examples of the oblique-topicalized construction (449, 450),

the subordinate clause (451, 452), and the serial verb (453, 454) follow.
(449) ka'a pe ure-r-eraha-n (GjG)
jungle to lEX.P-LK-take-OBTOP
'He took us to the jungle.'
(450) kwese sje r-a'yr-a sje r-ajyr-a (Tb)
yesterday 1SG LK-son-NC 1SG LK-daughter-NC
s-epjak-i
3P-saw-OBTOP
'Yesterday my daughter saw my son.'
(451) ma'e-asy-bor-a paje i-suban-eme (Tb)
thing-pain-NOM-NC shaman 3-suck-COND
'if the shaman sucks (treats) the patient'
(452) paje ma'e-asy-bor-a subän-eme (Tb)
shaman thing-pain-NOM-NC suck-COND
'if the shaman sucks (treats) the patient'
(453) o-ur kunumi kuap-a (Tb)
3-come boy know-SER
'He came to meet the boy.'
(454) sa-ropyta yhara sere-sahok-a ywyri (As)
UN-stayed.with boat lIN-bathe-SER atedge
'We stayed with the boat, bathing at the edge.'
Examples (451) and (452) show that although the verb occurs in final position of a
subordinate clause, the relative order of the subject and object is not fixed in
Tupinambä. Example (454) shows that peripheral information may occur after the
serial verb in Assurini. In the serial verb construction the only element that will
come between the independent verb and the dependent serial verb is the object (of
one or both verbs, depending on the transitivity of the verbs).
In clauses which have a single independent verb, the word order is variable.
Grimes (1996) lists the basic word order of various languages, as follows:
SOV Guarayu, Wayampi
SVO Mbyä Guarani, Paraguayan Guarani, Juma, Parintintin
OSV Kayabi, OSV or SOV Urubu-Kaapor
OVS Tocantins Assurini
VSO Guajajära
Kakumasu (1986) states that OSV was his earlier proposal as a basic word order for
Urubu-Kaapor, but that he has changed his conclusions and considers SOV to be
basic. In this language all six orders occur, in the following order of frequency:
SOV, OSV, VSO, VOS, OVS, SVO. (See also Derbyshire and Pullum 1986:17 for
their comments on Urubu-Kaapor constituent order.)
Harrison (1986) reports that in 200 pages of text the following orders were found for
Guajajära: VSO - 19, VOS - 4, SVO - 3, SOV - 2, OVS - 0, OSV - 0. His results
demonstrate that it is very unusual to have all three constituents in a transitive sentence.
Only 28 occurrences appeared in 200 pages of text. Nouns tend not to be repeated once
they have been introduced into the discourse.
In Wayampi all six word order possibilities occur, although OSV is almost nonex-
istent. The word order is dependent on discourse factors, with new or definite
information (as subject or object) occurring before the verb and old or indefinite
information occurring after the verb (A. Jensen 1982, C. Jensen 1980). In most
instances, logic will tell the hearer which noun is the subject and which is the object.
When there is doubt, the hearer will ask.
The reported word orders (Grimes 1996 and Kakumasu 1986) would indicate that
the basic word order for the family should be SOV or SVO. Considering that
dependent constructions are usually verb final, I suggest that SOV was the original
order for independent verbs as well. This area has not been sufficiently studied for
us to say what degree of flexibility was allowed for independent verbs in Proto-Tupi-
Guarani or what would have been the motivating factors for such flexibility.
16 Hypotheses concerning the functions of r-

There are two types of hypotheses regarding the linking prefix: that it originally
had an epenthetical value and has no function other than to signal word classes, or
that it has a grammatical function of some sort.
16.1 That r- is epenthetical. According to the first hypothesis, the r- prefix was
originally an epenthetical consonant. This is a reasonable suggestion from the stand-
point that certain other morphemes have allomorphs beginning with r when preceded
by a vowel-final morpheme (Appendix 1:23,24,40,44). The r- would keep the vowels
of the two morphemes separate. It would be necessary to determine whether the
epenthesis would operate at morpheme boundaries or between words.
Let us review what kinds of rules have already been described in this language
family for vowel or consonant sequences on the morphological level (C. Jensen 1989
and Appendix III). There have been two rules proposed for the insertion of epen-
thetical vowels to separate consonants at morpheme boundaries where a stem
combines with an affix (Appendix III.3,15). No rules have been proposed regarding
epenthetical consonants. When two stems combine, creating a consonant sequence,
the first consonant is eliminated in most languages of the family (Appendix III.6).
Rodrigues demonstrates for Tupinambä that when a low vowel is followed by a low
stressed vowel (in morphemes such as the serial verb suffix and certain nominaliza-
tion suffixes), the second vowel takes on the quality of the first vowel, and the first
vowel is deleted (Appendix III.7,10,12). These rules account for allophonic vari-
ations in Kayabf as well. In other rules he shows that in a sequence of two vowels
558 Jensen
where one vowel is a high vowel, the high vowel becomes asyllabic (Appendix
III.11,16). He has also proposed rules for the insertion of a semivowel: [y] when the
first vowel is a high front vowel and [w] when the first vowel is a back vowel
(Appendix 111.14,18). A rule for epenthesis of r- on the morphological level would
conflict with the other rules for handling vowel sequences. Furthermore, data dem-
onstrate that many vowel sequences do exist at morpheme boundaries without any
epenthesis taking place. Consider, for example, *o-apy > oapy (or owapy) 'it burns',
*ere-y'u > erey'u 'you drink', *oro-epjak > oroepjak see you SG'. In sum, r- is
not epenthesized at the morphological level, and a rule of epenthesis would actually
conflict with other phonological rules which operate at this level.
If the epenthesis operates on the word level, we are still faced with the fact that
its occurrence is restricted to situations in which the first of the two words is either
a noun or a person marker from Set 2. Syntactic rules in Proto-Tupi-Guarani are
such that any noun (functioning as such in a sentence) terminates with a vowel (sect.
3.3) and therefore automatically provides the right environment for the formation of
a vowel sequence. However, a verb may also end in a vowel, but no r- is inserted
between it and the following word. Furthermore, there are other sequences of words
in which the first word is a noun but no epenthesis occurs. In (455) from Tupinambä,
the word order is subject, independent verb, object, serial verb. Vowel sequences
occur at the boundary of the subject and verb and at the boundary of the verb and
object, yet in neither case is an epenthetical vowel inserted.
(455) kujä o-s-aro o-memyr-a s-ereko-feo (Tb)
woman 3A-3P-care.for 3COREF-child-NC 3P-keep.with-SER
'The woman cares for her child, keeping it with her.'
If the insertion of r- were governed purely by phonological rules, no distinction
should be made by grammatical role (noun, verb, postposition) or the relative order
of grammatical constituents. The r- does in fact have a grammatical interpretation.
The r- only occurs on a transitive verb if the verb is directly preceded by its object
(which takes the form of a first or second person marker or a noun, when absolutive
cross-referencing is employed). Examples (456) and (457), which have the r- pre-
ceding the verb stem, are variations of (455) put into a temporal subordinate clause.
The first clause can only mean that the woman is the object of the caring and the
second can only mean that the child is the object of the caring.
(456) kuja r-aro-reme 'when (someone) cares for the woman'
(457) o-memyr-a r-aro-reme 'when she cares for her child'
In sum, the r- cannot be an epenthetical consonant because its occurrence is
defined on a grammatical basis. At the most, it could have originally been a
phonologically conditioned morpheme, occurring before all vowel-initial stems un-
der the appropriate grammatical conditions.
16.2 That r- is a grammatical element. This prefix shows a certain grammatical

relationship between the stem to which it attaches and the preceding morpheme. It
occurs under the following grammatical conditions: 1) Noun immediately preceded
by the genitive, indicated by a noun, or by a first or second person marker of Set 2
(sect. 3.1). 2) Postposition immediately preceded by its object, indicated by a noun,
or by a first or second person marker of Set 2 (sect. 4). 3) Verb immediately
preceded by a noun or a first or second person marker of Set 2, indicating absolutive
cross-referencing (sects. 5.1-4).
The fact that some linguists consider *c- an allomorph of *r- reflects the desire to
explain why *r- co-occurs with the first and second person markers of Set 2, but not
with the third person prefix. Rodrigues suggests (p.c.) that the r- only occurs when the
preceding morpheme is a separate word (rather than part of a compound word). In
other words, it is a phrase level phenomenon. In (458) and (459) from Tupinambä, the
first is a compound word, with a very specific meaning. The second is a phrase. The
r- only occurs in the phrase.
(458) ita 'rock' + ekobe 'living' > itäekobe 'mercury' (Tb)
(459) > ita r-ekobe 'living rock'
In line with this, Rodrigues claims for Tupinambä and for Proto-Tupi-Guarani that first
and second person markers are independent words, with independent stress, whereas the
third person markers are prefixes, and unstressed. There is good reason for this analysis,
as the first and second person markers are identical with, or reductions of, free pronouns
(Appendix 1.7—11). By contrast there are no free pronouns which correspond to the
prefixes for third person. According to this analysis, r- does not co-occur with *c-
because *c- is not a separate word from the stem it modifies.
16.3 That r- was originally a phonologically conditioned morpheme. There is

still the possibility that the occurrence of r- was originally phonologically condi-
tioned: that it occurred with vowel-initial stems, just as the nominal case suffix -a
occurs with consonant-final nouns, and that it only occurs at word boundaries. To
explain why some vowel-initial nouns are Class I (for example, *a£a# 'head') and
therefore do not co-occur with the r- prefix, I suggest that originally (in Pre-Proto-
Tupi-Guarani) all members of this class may have been consonant initial. At some
time after the word classes became rigidly defined, some undetermined consonant
*C was lost.
(460) *i- Cakärj > i- akärj 'his head'
If the classes were already fixed at the time of the loss, the lexical items which lost the
undetermined consonant *C would not be transferred from Class I to Class II.
16.4 The question of allomorphs. Payne (1994) points out that "all the construc-
tions where [r-] occurs are P-oriented, or at least not -oriented." This is the case when
P and A are relevant categories (i.e., in verb constructions). Because *r- is P-oriented,
560 Jensen
the *c- morpheme (which has weakened in various languages to s, h, or 0) cannot be

one of its allomorphs. In the proto-language, as in such descendant languages as
Tupinambä, Guarayu, and Old Guarani, the independent transitive verb is conjugated
by an A prefix, followed by a third person P prefix (*c- or */-).
(461) a-s-ekar (Tb)
lSG.A-3P-seek
sought him.1
(462) a-i-potar (Tb)
lSG.A-3P-like
like him.'
Since s-, the reflex of *c- in Tupinambä, is immediately preceded by a morpheme
which refers to A (sect. 5.1), it cannot be an allomorph of *r-, since *r- is always
preceded by P.
16.5 The Inverse hypothesis. Payne (1994) suggests that r- is the marker of an
inverse system (in transitive verbs). I agree with this, but must emphasize that this
is not the primary function of r-. As I will argue in sect. 17, the development of a
direct/indirect system in independent verbs is relatively recent. Before its develop-
ment, the r- morpheme was already alive and well, functioning in various contexts,
where a noun or pronoun (first or second person) was tightly knit to the following
word (verb, noun, or postposition).
Furthermore, as an inverse marker the r- is largely redundant and limited in scope.
It is redundant in the sense that in most cases the person markers indicate clearly
whether the cross-referencing is direct (for example, *a- 'first person singular A') or
indirect (*ce 'first person singular P'). Even with the second person plural markers
*pe- and *pe, marking A and P respectively, there would not have been ambiguity
in Proto-Tupi-Guarani. First of all, the P marker was stressed. Second, the A prefix
was always followed by the third person P prefix as in (463).
(463) *pe-c-epjak 'You PL saw him.'
(464) *pe n-epjak '(Someone) saw you PL.'
Thus, even without the *r- morpheme (n- in this context), there would be no
ambiguity.
In some descendant languages, such as Wayampi (465, 466), where the P person
marker is no longer stressed, and where the third person object prefix is no longer
used, the *r- morpheme does eliminate ambiguity between A and P.
(465) pe-esa 'You PL saw him.'
(466) pe-n-esa '(Someone) saw you PL.'
Even so, the r- is limited in scope as an inverse marker, as it eliminates the
ambiguity only with Class II stems. With Class I stems the ambiguity still exists.
(467) pe-nupa 'You PL hit (someone) with an instrument'

or, '(Someone) hit you PL with an instrument.'
Furthermore, the direct/indirect contrast in cross-referencing is itself limited in
scope in Proto-Tupi-Guarani. It occurs only with independent verbs. Even then it
does not exist when both A and P are third person.
In sum, although in independent transitive verbs the r- can be analyzed as an
inverse marker, its function in this capacity has its limitations. It is important that
any such discussion about r- not detract from an understanding of its overall
function.
16.6 Other considerations. In the OBTOP and dependent verb constructions, where
the cross-referencing system is ergative-absolutive, the r- has the function of clarifying
in transitive sentences which of the two nouns is the A and which is the P. If the noun
immediately preceding the transitive verb is P, the verb receives only the r- morpheme,
as in the following example from Tupinamba.
(468) kwese sje r-a'yr-a sje r-ajyr-a r-epjak-i
yesterday 1SG LK-son-NC 1SG LK-daughter-NC LK-see-OBTOP
'Yesterday my son saw my daughter.'
If the noun immediately preceding the transitive verb is the A, the cross-refer-
encing on the verb is still absolutive, but this is marked by the third person prefix
*c- or */-, as in the following example from Tupinamba.
(469) kwese sje r-ajyr-a sje r-a'yr-a s-epjak-i
yesterday 1SG LK-daughter-NC 1SG LK-son-NC 3-see-OBTOP
'Yesterday my son saw my daughter.'
I suggest that the P in the first example is part of the verb phrase, while the P in the
second example is an example of object raising, with the P still being marked in the
verb phrase by s-. The r- should then be interpreted as a phrase indicator.
Another important consideration is the significance of the two marking systems for
agentive intransitive verbs. In the following examples, the independent verb (470) takes
the Á-oriented (Set 1) prefix while the dependent verb (471) takes the P-oriented (Set
2) markers.
(470) *ere-iko 'You (SG) are (in motion).'
(471) *ne-r-eko-rVmV 'when you SG are (in motion)'
Harrison (1986) refers to this difference as one of control (in independent verbs)
versus non-control (in dependent verbs). We might say that the independent verb is
more verbal than the dependent verb, and that the independent subject is more
agentive than the dependent subject. Payne (1994) suggests that the r- may have
been a genitive marker in Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani. Perhaps dependent verbs were at
one time treated as nominale. There is certainly a resemblance between two of the
serial verb suffixes and the nominalization suffixes of agent and circumstance
562 Jensen
(Appendix I, morphemes 21, 30, and 31). There is also a similarity in some lan-
guages between the temporal/conditional morpheme and the attributive case
morpheme which occurs with nouns (Appendix I, morphemes 23 and 44).
In sum, r- is a morpheme which operates on the phrase level to express a close
relationship between two words, such as object-verb, genitive-noun, and object-postpo-
sition. Its use with verbs may have been an extension of a genitive marker in Pre-
Proto-Tupi-Guarani. Its significance in relation to verbs is probably best understood by
its occurrence with agentive intransitive verbs. Whereas it may now be the marker of
an inverse system in transitive verbs, the direct-inverse distinction is probably a later
development, which accompanied the development of the person hierarchy in inde-
pendent transitive verbs. The r- morpheme may originally have occurred with all
vowel-initial stems; those Class I stems which in Proto-Tupi-Guarani are vowel initial
may have lost an initial consonant.
It would be good to know the reactions of native speakers of Tupi-Guarani
languages who have a sufficient degree of linguistic sophistication to discuss the
structure of their language. Their impression as native speakers could be significant
to our understanding of the r- morpheme.
17 A proposal for the development of the person hierarchy

It seems that linguists have devoted more of their efforts to explaining how a
language might acquire an ergative-absolutive system, than to explaining how it
might lose one. However, the Tupi-Guarani languages are good examples of the
latter. C. Jensen (1990) describes the progressive loss of ergativity in five Tupi-
Guarani languages: Wayampi, Mbyä Guarani, Kaiwä, Chiriguano, and
Urubu-Kaapor. Guarayu shows the same type of loss, though to a lesser degree. The
mechanism for the loss of ergativity was, for the most part, the replacement of one
cross-referencing system by another. (In one other language, Guajajara, a clause-fi-
nal nominative-accusative cross-referencing system was superimposed with almost
no alteration of the person markers used on the verbs.)
As these changes progressed through successive structures, changes in agentive
intransitive verbs preceded those in transitive verbs in Wayampi and the Guaranian
languages. Examples (472) and (473) from Wayampi show that dependent serial
intransitive verbs now take Set 1 prefixes referring to S. Transitive verbs take Set 2
markers referring to P.
Wayampi serial verbs

Intransitive
(472) a-a a-jau went to bathe.'
ISG-go ISG-bathe
Set 1 Set 1
Transitive
(473) o-o e-r-esa 'He went to see/meet me.'
3 -go 1 SG-LK-see/meet
Set 1 Set 2
Guarani nominalizations of intransitive verbs (474) take Set 1 prefixes, as do nomi-
nalizations of action or circumstance in transitive verbs (475). Nominalizations of agent
(476) retain Set 2 markers to cross-reference P.
Guarani nominalizations
Intransitive
(474) ere-o-a 'your going'
2SG-go-NOM
Set 1
Transitive
(475) ere-mbo'e-a 'your teaching'
2SG-teach-NOM
Set 1
(476) ne-mbo'e-a 'your teacher'
2SG-teach-NOM
Set 2
Table 22 is a list of the grammatical structures which underwent change by substituting
Set 1 person markers and the languages in which the substitution appears. By comparing
the extent of change in the various languages, we can see that the transition was progres-
sive, beginning in the least dependent verb forms (OBTOP and temporal subordinate) and
moving to the most dependent (nominalizations).
Table 22: Proposed ordering and grouping of changes
Oblique-topicalized Gu, Wa, GiM, Kw, Ch, Ur
Temporal subordinate verbs Gu (partial), Wa, GiM, Kw, Ch, Ur
IV Serial verbs Gu (partial), Wa, GiM, Kw, Ch, Ur
IV Nominalizations GiM,Kw,Ch,Ur
TV Nominalizations of action, circumstance GiM,Kw,Ch,Ur
TV Serial verbs Kw,Ch,Ur
TV Nominalizations of agent Ur
Harrison (1986:427) proposes that the ergative-absolutive system which appears in
dependent verbs is older than the person hierarchy which occurs in independent verbs.
He suggests that originally the basic word order was SOV, and that the free pronoun
closest to the verb eventually became more firmly attached to it: s-IV and o-TV. The
result would be an absolutive cross-referencing system. Harrison describes this as
564 Jensen
classical CB (Central Brazil) cross-referencing. From this system the person hierarchy
developed in independent verbs, by a process which Harrison refers to as creeping
accusativity.
When we propose that all cross-referencing in Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani was absohitive,
we hope to find evidence to support this claim. I suggest four types of evidence:
1) remnants of older constructions found in languages in which recent
changes have eliminated or substantially modified those constructions,
2) a model which shows how this change might have come about,
3) evidence of cognate forms and cross-referencing system outside the
Tupi-Guarani family, in the Tupi stock,
4) unique characteristics of the Oblique-Topicalized construction.
We will examine each of these four possibilities.
17.1 Remnants of older constructions found in languages in which recent changes

have eliminated or substantially modified those constructions. The progressive loss
of ergativity in the cross-referencing systems in Wayampi, Urubu-Kaapor, and the
Guarani languages has been accompanied by other changes. These include virtual
loss of the Oblique-Topicalized construction (see sect. 6:1) and major changes in the
Serial Verb construction (see sect. 6.3 for details). There are still, however, remnants
of the older systems in a few of the verb forms. These are shown in Table 23 (from
C. Jensen 1990).
Table 23: Remnants from Proto-Tupi-Guarani
Remnants of the OBTOP system in languages in which the system as such is no
longer found:
Wayampi: tui from *t-ub-i 'to be lying down'

ekoi from *c-eko-OBTOP 'to be in movement'
Mbyä Guarani itui from *i-t-ub-i 'to be lying down'

and Kaiwä: itury from *i-t-ur-i 'to come'
Urubu-Kaapor: tui from *t-uk-i 'to be lying down'

tur from *t-ur-i 'to come'
ihon from *i-co-OBTOP 'to go'
Remnants of the Serial verb system in languages in which the system has been
modified by (a) changing from Set 2 to Set 1 prefixes in intransitive verbs, or, in the
case of Wayampi, elimination of prefixing, and (b) whole or partial loss of the serial
verb suffix:
Wayampi: kupa 'PLURAL' from *kub-a 'being together'
Mby Guarani: imondovy from *i-mo-no-afeo 'sending it away'

imo'amy from *i-mo'am-a 'causing it to stand'
Urubu-Kaapor: indo from *i-mo-no-abo 'sending it away'

Such remnants support the hypothesis that it is these languages that have changed
from the earlier more ergative-absolutive system that is still dominant in most of the
Tupi-Guarani languages, and not the contrary.
17.2 A model for the development of the person hierarchy. The cross-refer-
encing system which occurs on independent transitive verbs can be derived from an
absolutive system by 1) the addition of Set 1 prefixes preceding P prefixes when P
is third person, 2) the redefinition of the extent of usage of first and second person
P prefixes in a person hierarchy rule in which hierarchically superior P is marked, a
rule which excluded the use of second person P person markers when P is hierarchi-
cally inferior, and 3) development of a set of portmanteau forms where the Set 2
prefixes were excluded.
17.2.1 Development of Set 1 A and S person markers

Stage 1. I suggest that Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani independent verbs had absolutive
cross-referencing.
1SG *ce potar 'you/he/she/they like(s) me'
1EX *ore potar 'you/he/she/they like(s) us EX'
UN *jane potar 'you/he/she/they like(s) us IN'
2SG *ne potar º/we/he/she/they like(s) you SG'
2PL *pe potar º/we/he/she/they like(s) you PL'
3 *i-potar º/we/you/he/she/they like(s) him'
1SG *ce r-epjak 'you/he/she/they see(s) me'

1EX *ore r-epjak 'you/he/she/they see(s) us EX'
UN *jane r-epj k 'you/he/she/they see(s) us IN'
2SG *ne r-epjak º/we/he/she/they see(s) you SG'
2PL *pe n-epjak º/we/he/she/they see(s) you PL'
3 *c-epjak º/we/you/he/she/they see(s) him'
1SG *ce ker º sleep'

1EX *ore ker 'we EX sleep'
UN *jane ker 'we IN sleep'
2SG *ne ker 'you SG sleep'
2PL *pe ker 'you PL sleep'
3 *i-ker 'he/she/it/they sleep(s)'
566 Jensen
ISO *ce r-eko º am (alive)'

1EX *ore r-eko 'we EX are (alive)'
UN *jane r-eko 'we IN are (alive)'
2SG *ne r-eko 'you SG are (alive)'
2PL *pe n-eko 'you PL are (alive)'
3 *c-eko 'he/she/it is (alive)'
At this point the cross-referencing system used in transitive verbs would look like
that in Table 24. This is the same system which occurs in dependent verbs in most
of today's languages.
Table 24: Original system of cross-referencing on independent transitive
verbs, Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani
Object

v s
ce ore jane ne pe We-
In anticipation of the changes that later would affect independent transitive verbs,
I expand Table 24 to show both A and P, even though only P is cross-referenced on
the verb. The result is Table 25. Where ÷ appears on the chart, reflexive prefixes are
used, detransitivizing the verb, so no transitive forms appear. The A, not shown on
the table, is indicated by a free pronoun.
Table 25: Old system of cross-referencing on independent transitive
verbs, expanded from Table 24, Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani
Subject Object
1 X X X ne pe i-/c-
v s
2 ce ore X X X i-/c-
3 ce ore jane ne P? i-/c-
Stage 2. At some point agentive intransitive verbs developed a new prefixing system
(Set 1 prefixes) which distinguished them in independent verbs from non-agentive
intransitive verbs.
*a-ker º sleep' *a-iko º am (being)'
*oro-ker 'we EX sleep' *oro-iko 'we EX are'
*ja-ker 'we IN sleep' *ja-iko 'we IN are'
*ere-ker 'you SG sleep' *ere-iko 'you SG are'
*pe-ker 'you PL sleep' *pe-iko 'you PL are'
*o-ker 'he sleeps' *o-iko 'he is'
My justification for proposing that the occurrence of Set 1 prefixes in intransitive verbs
preceded their occurrence in transitive verbs is based on the observation that more recent
changes occurred first in intransitive verbs in descendant languages (sect. 17).
Stage 3. At the next stage of development, these Set 1 prefixes became attached
by analogy to transitive verbs whenever the P was third person (indicated by *;- or
*c-), without eliminating the P prefixes. The Set 1 prefixes referred to A. When P
was first or second person, there was no change. This is illustrated in Table 26.
Table 26: Addition of Set 1 Prefixes to Transitive Verbs, by analogy
with Intransitive Verbs, Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani
V. Class I V. Class II
*ce potar *ce r-epjak

*ore potar *ore r-epjak
*jane potar *jane r-epjak
*ne potar *ne r-epjak
*pe potar *pe n-epjak
A A
a- a-
oro- oro-
ja- ja-
ere- *i-potar ere- [ *c-epjak
pe- pe-
o- ' o- J
The addition of these A prefixes had a differential effect, making explicit
which of the six possible interpretations of A was intended by the previously
single forms *i-potar and *c-epjak. The new system of cross-referencing is sum-
marized in Table 27.
Table 27: Intermediary stage following the addition of A prefixes,
Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani
Object
1SG 1EX UN |2SG 2PL 3
Cross-reference P Cross-reference A + P
Once this system became established, the i- and c- became redundant, since the Set
1 prefixes only occurred when P was third person. Eventually the third person P
prefixes were eliminated in several languages.
*aipotar > apotar
568 Jensen
The languages which eliminated third person P prefixes in independent transitive verbs
include Wayampi, Urubu-Kaapor, Guajajara, Tocantins Assurini, Kamaiura, Parintintih,
and Kayabi. In some languages in which the P prefix was deleted, remnants still appear
in certain words (sect. 5.1). The loss of the P prefix does not appear to have any
connection with further cross-referencing changes, since languages from Subgroups I
and VIII show cross-referencing changes, whereas languages from Subgroups IV
through VIII have eliminated the P prefix.
Table 28 is a modification of Table 27 which reflects the elimination of the third
person P prefix in some languages.
Table 28: Intermediary stage following the addition of A prefixes and
elimination of P in some languages, Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani
Object
1SG 1EX UN [2SG 2PL 3
Cross-reference P Cross-reference A (+ P)
17.2.2 The development of the person hierarchy

Stage 4. Let us consider some possibilities of what further changes might take
place once the two competing systems of cross-referencing were in operation.
One possibility is that the Set 1 (A) prefixes which now occur whenever P is third
person could be extended to occur with verbs when P is second person (Step 1) and
then first person (Step 2), as in Table 29.
Table 29: Hypothetical extension of A prefixes to all independent transitive
verb forms
As in Table 28 Object
1 3
Ste
P 1 Object
1 2 3
Step 2 Object
2
Cross-reference A (+ P)
Although this result did not happen in a direct way in any Tupi-Guarani language,
Step 2 illustrates Urubu-Kaapor, which only cross-references A.
Another possibility is the development of a person hierarchy from the scenario in

Table 27 or 28. Let us consider first the development of a straightforward hierarchy
rule "1 > 2 > 3". In this case the hierarchically superior nominal is marked on the
verb, as illustrated in Table 30. Once again the x's in the table indicate that reflexive
forms occur rather than transitive forms.
Table 30: Person hierarchy where "1 > 2 > 3"
Subject Object
1 ÷ ÷ >: cross-reference
2 >ß X X A(+P)
3 cross-reference P 7
This hierarchy is a simplification of what actually takes place in Tupi-Guarani
languages in the cross-referencing of independent transitive verbs. It was used by
Harrison (1986:420) to demonstrate for the first time the relevance of Silverstein's
agency hierarchy to Tupi-Guarani languages, and in doing so, it is natural that he
would speak in general terms. Of the languages cited in this paper, the one whose
cross-referencing system most closely fits the description of the "1>2>3" rule is
Kayabi, which uses first person A prefixes when Ñ is either second or third person.
Within Tupi stock, Aweti also fits this description. (This is one of the two languages
which are most closely related to the Tupi-Guarani family.) This definition of the
person hierarchy has two weaknesses in regard to Tupi-Guarani languages: 1. It does
not explain what happens when A and Ñ are equal in number (that is, third person). In
this environment, *o-i-potar and *o-c-epjak occur. The forms *i-potar and *c-epjak are
not acceptable as independent verbs. 2. It ignores the special forms which occur in
most languages when the A is first person and Ñ is second person.
Let us consider a refinement of the above rule: hierarchically superior Ñ is
cross-referenced on the verb. We are assuming that the development is still in effect
by which the A is marked by Set 1 prefixes whenever Ñ is third person. Nothing is
stated about what happens when A is hierarchically superior to a non-third person Ñ
(that is, a second-person P). Under the original ergative-absolutive cross-referencing
system, the second-person prefixes *ne and *pe could be used as the second person
singular object markers regardless of whether the subject was first or third person,
as in (477-480).
(477) *ne potar º/we like you SG.'
(478) 'He/she/they like(s) you SG.'
(479) *pe potar º/we like you PL.'
(480) 'He/she/they like(s) you PL.'
570 Jensen
However, under the refined person hierarchy rule, these prefixes can be employed
only when the P (2nd person) is hierarchically superior to A, as in (478) and (480).
This is only'the case when A is third person. When a first person A acts on a second
person P, as in (477) and (479), the cross-referencing is not governed by the person
hierarchy rule, since P is hierarchically inferior to A. On the other hand, there is no
indication that we should use A markers, since this set (1) is used only when P is
third person. There is a gap, as indicated by the question marks in Table 31. (The
x's in the table indicate that reflexive forms rather than transitive forms occur.)
Table 31: Person hierarchy where hierarchically superior objects are
marked, Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani
Subject Object
ISO 1EX UN 2SG 2PL 3
? ?
1 X X X cross-reference
A ( + P)
2 X ÷ ÷
3 Cross-reference P
This is the intermediary stage following the introduction of the person hierarchy rule
in Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani.
17.2.3 Filling the gap. To summarize developments up to this point, the person
hierarchy rule excluded the use of P markers *ne and *pe when the A was first
person, because in this case P is not hierarchically superior to A. However, the new
A prefixes were employed only when the P was third person. Some arrangement had
to be made to cover the cases where A is first person and P is second person.
Stage 5. To fill this gap, two portmanteau prefixes were developed:
*oro- º A acting on 2SG P'
*opo- º A acting on 2PL P'
This completes the system reconstructed for Proto-Tupi-Guarani independent tran-
sitive verbs, summarized in Table 32.
Table 32: Person hierarchy as it exists in Proto-Tupi-Guarani
Subject Object
ISO 1EX UN 2SG 2PL 3
1 X X 3L Cross-reference Cross-reference
A-P Set 4
2 >é ÷ ÷ A(+P)
Set 1 ( + 2)
3 Cross-reference P
Set 2
The two portmanteau prefixes seem to be a sort of compromise, not aligning
themselves with either the original ergative-absolutive system which marks Ñ (with
Set 2 markers) or to the new system which marks A (with Set 1 markers). They are
unlike Set 2 person markers in that they do not require the linking r- prefix between
the stem and the prefix, as can be seen by comparative examples (481-484) of a
Class II verb.
(481) *ce r-epjak '(You/he/she/they) saw me.'
(482) *ne r-epjak '(He/she/they) saw you SG.'
(483) *oro-epjak º/we saw you SG.'
(484) *opo-epjak º/we saw you PL.'
On the other hand, the *oro- and *opo- prefixes are unlike the Set 1 person
markers in that they refer simultaneously to A and P. The prefix *oro- is homony-
mous with the Set 1 prefix *oro- ºÅ×', but it has a different meaning. The Set 1
prefix refers only to first person exclusive A. The Set 4 prefix occurs when Ñ is
second person singular, and A is first person, either singular or plural. Those
languages which have both A and Ñ prefixes when the object is third person have a
contrast, as in (485) and (486), but those languages that deleted the Ñ prefix have
one word with two different meanings, as in (487) from Wayampi.
(485) *oro-i-potar 'We EX like him/her/it.'
(486) *oro-potar º/we EX like you SG.'
(487) oro-pota 'We EX like him/her/it' or (Set 1),
º/we EX like you SG (Set 4).' (Wa)
The *oro- and *opo- prefixes are unique in themselves. Perhaps it is the fact that
these two prefixes occur in a sort of buffer zone between two systems that allows the
variants of *opo- to show greater diversity in individual Tupi-Guarani languages than
any other person prefix (Table 33). Variations in this zone do not undermine either of
the two systems.
572 Jensen
Table 33: Forms corresponding to *opo-
opo- Old Guarani, Guarayu, Tupinambä, Parintintin, Kamaiura

po- Chiriguano
ro- Assurini, Mbya, Guarani
poro- Wayampi
apo-, apu-, apa- Kaiwä, Guajajära, Tapirape

(with 1SG A)
oropo-,urupu-, Kaiwä, Guajajära, Tapirape
ara- (with 1PL A)
NON-EXISTENT Urubu-Kaapor, Kayabf

Both *opo- and *oro- have been eliminated in Urubu-Kaapor and Kayabi. Their
deletion in Urubu-Kaapor is to be expected, since the entire person hierarchy has
also been eliminated. A is always cross-referenced, and P never is. The probable
pathway for their deletion in Kayabi is different. Kayabi is one of the languages in
which the third person P prefix was eliminated when the A prefix occurred, presum-
ably because of redundancy. For example, *a-i-potar > apotär. In time there
probably occurred a reinterpretation of the context in which the Set I A prefixes
could occur. Whereas *a-i- only occurred when a first person A acted on third
person P, in Kayabi a- came to apply whenever the subject was first person,
regardless of whether P was second or third person. The second-person P would be
made explicit by a free pronoun, as in (488—491).
(488) a-nupa ene hit you SG.' (Kb)
(489) a-nupa pee hit you PL.1
(490) oro-nupa ene 'We hit you SG.'
(491) oro-nupä pee 'We hit you PL.'
Reinterpretation of the scope of a-potar in Kayabi, a language which retains the
characteristic Tupi-Guarani absolutive cross-referencing in dependent verbs, does
not affect the person hierarchy, because the change occurred in the gap or buffer
zone, which was not covered by the rule.
At some intermediary stage some languages (Kaiwä, Guajajära, Tapirape) reinter-
preted po- from *opo- as a separate prefix meaning '2PL P', presumably by analogy
to */- and *c- '3 P', as in Table 34. A first person A prefix was then added to this
redefined P prefix.
Table 34: Reanalysis of po by analogy
a-i- a-c- a-po-
oro-i- oro-c- oro-po-
1A>3P 1A>3P 1A>2PL.P

In this case, the reinterpretation of *opo- as po- analogous to *;'- and *c- reflects
a mental association of this prefix with the new system of conjugation. What
remains unexplained is why similar variations did not develop for *oro- º A acting
on 2SG P'.
In Guarani, Assurini, and some dialects of Guajaj ra and Kaiw , *opo- has neutral-
ized with *oro- into a single prefix, oro-, while Wayampi has substituted poro- for
*opo-. All other languages retain *opo- or a direct phonetic consequence of it.
It can be seen that although nearly all Tupi-Guarani languages have special prefixes
when A is first person and P is second, there is a lot of variation in the forms. I suggest
that this was permissible because of the uniqueness of these forms having been
excluded from two wider-scope cross-referencing rules: one which called for the
marking of hierarchically superior objects, and the other which called for the marking
of subjects when the object was third person.
To summarize the cross-referencing system which developed for independent
transitive verbs: When P is third person the verbs are marked for A (Set 1), followed
in some languages by the prefix for third person P (Set 2). A person hierarchy rule
requires that hierarchically superior P be marked by person markers from Set 2.
When both P and A are third person, the first condition applies and the A prefix
must be used. When hierarchically superior A acts on a non-third person P (that is,
first acts on second), neither of the above conditions apply; this gap was resolved by
the development of a unique system of portmanteau markers (occurring in all
languages but Kayabi and Urubu-Kaapor). This complex cross-referencing system
has been extended to all syntactic structures which have undergone change in
Wayampi and the Guaranian languages. Urubu-Kaapor has eliminated the person
hierarchy rule as well as the set of portmanteau markers, so that all transitive verbs
cross-reference A.
The model of superimposing Set 1 prefixes on forms already prefixed for third
person P, as in Table 26, explains how transitive verbs might have begun to use A
prefixes. Table 31 shows what the system would be like if a rule developed which
required that hierarchically superior objects be cross-referenced. The gap, illustrated
by question marks, shows the scenario which may have permitted the formation of
the portmanteau prefixes. It also allows us to explain why the variety of forms in the
different languages is permissible.
17.3 The search for cognates outside the Tupi-Guarani family. If we look be-
yond the Tupi-Guarani language family to the Tupian stock for some evidence of
what the original cross-referencing system was like, we can only conclude that the
development of the personal pronouns, as well as the person markers of Sets 1, 2,
and 4 are much more recent than we might have expected.
In Satere-Mawe (Graham, Graham, and Harrison 1984), the Tupian language
probably most closely related to the Tupi-Guarani family, there is a comparable
system with a person hierarchy. Possible correspondences of person markers from
Set 1 are the following: a- SM, *a- P-T-G 'ISO'; wa- SM, *ja- P-T-G ºÉÍ'; uru-
574 Jemen
SM, *oro- P-T-G ºÅ×'; to- SM, *o- P-T-G '3'. From Set 2, the third person P
forms /- and h-, comparable to */- and *c-, co-occur with the Set 1 markers. In
Satere-Mawe they occur in other situations as well, where they are not called for in
the Proto-Tupi-Guarani languages. The Satere-Mawe prefixes for second person, e-
'2SG' and ewe- '2PL', have some similarity to the Set 1 P-T-G prefixes *ere- and
*pe-, but they are a more likely match with the Set 3 prefixes *e- and *peje-,
especially since occurrences of w in Satere-Mawe correspond to j in Proto-Tupi-
Guarani (Rodrigues, 1984/1985). Satere-Mawe also has a prefix aro- which
corresponds to the Proto-Tupi-Guarani prefix *oro- º A acting on 2SG P' from Set
4. The person hierarchy in Satere-Mawe is similar to that in Proto-Tupi-Guarani,
except that it has been extended to subordinate clauses as well.
If we compare the Tupi-Guarani cross-referencing system with Aweti, we find that
Aweti has one set of prefixes for intransitive verbs, and another for transitive verbs.
There is partial overlap between the two. The transitive verbs have a person hierar-
chy that fits the definition: "1 > 2 > 3". Intransitive prefixes which may
correspond to those in Proto-Tupi-Guarani are a- '1SG', üæï- ºÅ×', e- '2SG', o-
'3'. Prefixes in transitive verbs include those referring to A: a- '1SG', üæï- ºÅ×',
e- '2SG', and perhaps ti- ºÉÍ' (see sect. 5.1); and those referring to P: e- '2SG',
and üæï- ºÅ×'. Once again e- is more like the Proto-Tupi-Guarani prefix from Set
3 *e- than the one from Set 1 *ere-. The free pronouns 'en '2SG' and e 'ipe '2PL'
could correspond to *ene and *pe . . . e.
Going beyond these two languages, the possible cognates with the Tupi-Guarani
language family are limited. The prefix e- '2SG' occurs in Karo, Munduruku, Gavi o,
Surui, and Shipaya. There are also cognates of the second person singular pronoun
*ene: en in Karo, eet in Gavi o, en in Munduruku, een and eende in Surui, and ena in
Shipaya. It is also possible that the third person coreferential in Gavi o, a-, corresponds
to *o- (Set 3). Gabas (1994) summarizes that Karo is ergative, Surui is at least in part
ergative, and Gavi o and Munduruku are nominative-accusative.
Rodrigues (1985:380) has shown the cognates set out in Table 35. I have added
the Proto-Tupi-Guarani forms.
Table 35: Cognates in Tupian languages
Tupi-Guarani Tupi, non T-G
P-T-G Tupinamb Tupari Munduruku
1SG *wi- wi- w-, o- we-, ï-
2SG *e- e- e- â-
3 *i- i- ë- ß-
Tupari and Munduruku are both of Tupian stock, but are not Tupi-Guarani. The first
and second person prefixes correspond to the coreferential set (Set 3) in the Tupi-
Guarani system and the third person prefixes to those in Set 2. This shows also that
perhaps Set 3 prefixes originally had a broader scope (indicating more than corefer-
entiality) and that /- and t- may have been part of this set, being associated only later
with the personal pronouns and their reductions (Set 2). Rodrigues has shown that
these prefixes are cognates not only of Tupian languages, but also of Cariban
languages.
In sum, the languages of the Tupian stock are of little help to us in discovering
the original cross-referencing system for Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani except to say that
personal pronouns, their reductions in Set 2, and the person markers from Sets 1 and
4 apparently developed after the time that Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani separated from
most of the other Tupian languages. The development of the person hierarchy was
limited to the Tupi-Guarani languages, Aweti, and Satere-Mawe. It is of interest,
however, to consider that (previous to Pre-Proto-Tupi-Guarani) the */- and *t-,
prefixes which later indicated normal (not coreferential) third person, might have
originally been part of a set which included what later became coreferential markers
in Tupi-Guarani languages: *wi- and *e-.
17.4 Unique characteristics of the Oblique-Topicalized construction. If, as Ro-

drigues has suggested (p.c.), Proto-Tupi-Guarani is as much as 2000 years old, we
might wonder whether it is even possible to find a construction in its descendant
languages that would give clues as to what preceded the reconstructed system for
independent verbs. I suggest that there may indeed be such a construction, and that
it is the Oblique-Topicalized construction. There are various things about this con-
struction that make it unusual in comparison with the other verbal constructions. The
first of these is that we feel forced to consider it some type of dependent structure,
due to its absolutive cross-referencing, even though it does not fit any traditional
description of dependency. However, if we consider it to be essentially identical with
the former absolutive cross-referencing system on independent verbs, there is no
need to explain it away as a dependent form.
This construction is also unusual because of its word order constraints. Usually in
independent clauses the word order is somewhat free (based on discourse level
constraints or other factors). A more rigid verb-final word order could have been
characteristic of an older system.
Another unusual feature of the OBTOP construction is that the paradigm is
incomplete. There is a limitation as to what person (of subject) it may apply to. In
some languages it occurs only with third person subjects and in others it occurs with
first and third. It apparently does not occur with second person subjects in any
language. A paradigm designed to include all persons now ends up being a combi-
nation of OBTOP and independent verb forms. The incompleteness of the OBTOP
system may indicate that even during the time of Proto-Tupi-Guarani the OBTOP
system was in the process of being replaced by the new system, which had by then
been developed for normal independent verbs (as described in sect. 5). Rather than
being completely replaced, the OBTOP system was then emerging as distinct,
though incomplete, from the newly developed independent verb system.
Another unusual feature of the OBTOP system has to do with its suffix. The exact
form of the allomorph which occurs with vowel-final stems is problematic. In some
languages it is -n and in others it is -w or -j. If the final form were -w, we could say
576 Jensen
that one semivowel (j) replaced another (w) in some languages by analogy with the
-i allomorph, which occurs with consonant-final stems. However, it is more difficult
to account for the discrepancy between the -n in some languages and -w in others. I
suggest that the discrepancy is evidence of the OBTOP construction being an older
form, and that the -w and the -n might even have come from different sources, both
of which were in the process of being eliminated.
Finally, this construction was eliminated in all of the languages described in C.
Jensen (1990) as having undergone cross-referencing changes: Mbyä Guarani,
Kaiwä, Chiriguano, Wayampi, and Urubu-Kaapor. As a result, except for a few
remnants, no independent verbs in these languages have absolutive cross-refer-
encing, except as part of the person hierarchy.
In sum, the unusual features of the OBTOP construction could be evidences that
it was in the process of being replaced, even at the time of Proto-Tupi-Guarani.
Where grammatical constraints do not require its use, the normal independent verb
forms occur. The OBTOP may well be a remnant of the original Pre-Proto-Tupi-
Guarani system for independent verbs. If this is the case, cross-referencing for
independent verbs was absolutive, as it is in dependent verbs, and there may have
been an independent verb suffix. The development of a person hierarchy in inde-
pendent verbs was a move away from absolutive cross-referencing, which is
consistent with further cross-referencing changes in Mbyä Guarani, Kaiwä,
Chiriguano, Wayampi, and Urubu-Kaapor.
Except for the third person prefix of Set 2, the person markers from Sets 1, 2, and
4 appear to be relatively recent, having cognates only in Aweti and Satere-Mawe.
The second person singular pronoun *ene has cognates in the Tupian stock. The
source of other personal pronouns (on which Set 2 person markers are based) is not
known.
NOTES
Tupi-Guarani languages are situated in the range of 3° N to 26° S and at one

time from 33" to 65° W. Tupian languages (non-Tupi-Guarani) are located in
the geographical range of 52° to 65° W and 3° to 13° S. Rodrigues' criteria
for identifying members of the Tupi-Guarani language family (and excluding
others) appear in Appendix V.
An explanation of orthographical symbols, both their pronunciation, as well
as the relationship of sounds (in various languages) to the protophonemes, is
included in Appendix II. The languages from which data are cited in this
paper are referred to by the following abbreviations: As Tocantins Assurini,
Ch Chiriguano, GiM Mbyä dialect of Guarani, GiO Old Guarani, GiP Para-
guayan Guarani, Gj Guajajära, GjG Grajau dialect of Guajajära, GjP Pindare
dialect of Guajajära, Gu Guarayu, Kb Kayabi, Km Kamaiurä, Kw Kaiwä, Pt
Parintintih, P-T-G Pro to-Tupi-Guarani, SM Satere-Mawe, Tb Tupinambä, Tp
Tapirape, Ur Urubu-Kaapor, Wa Wayampi (all dialects), WaA Amapari dia-
lect of Wayampi, WaJ Jari dialect of Wayampi.
I do not consider myself qualified to discuss changes in such languages as
Guayaki, Siriono, and Cocama, because I am not familiar with the outside
influences which affected them. Hopefully, this paper will provide the frame-
work from which specialists in these languages can describe and discuss the
changes which have taken place.
Rodrigues (p.c.) recognizes the desirability of including lexical and grammati-
cal features as criteria for subgrouping, but takes the view that documentation
in these areas is not sufficient for all languages to apply such criteria system-
atically. Even for most of the better documented languages, it was not
possible to find reference to each of the morphemes included in my morpho-
logical reconstruction (C. Jensen 1989). The fact that a morpheme is not
documented does not necessarily mean that it does not exist.
To give an example, the reflex of *_/' is a semivowel [y] in Wayampi and
Urubu-Kaapor, [fL] in Tupinambä, and [dz] in the Guaranian languages. Dif-
ferences in pronunciation are probably not a difficulty, since they would not
likely be confused with another phoneme. However, in Tocantins Assurini,
the reflex of *j is s, which in Wayampi would be interpreted as the phoneme
5. The /c7 phoneme in Assurini has three sources: *_/, *pj, and a former
allophone of *f (before a high front vowel). The last two are also sources of
the /s/ phoneme in Wayampi, along with a few remnants of *c and occur-
rences of s which appear in borrowed words; /j/ is a separate phoneme. The
incomplete overlap of phonemes could be a major source of misunderstanding
from one language to the other. Other phonological features which distance
Wayampi from Assurini are the loss of final consonants in Wayampi and the
loss of nasalization and the vowel shifts in Assurini. Each of these changes
has potential for causing misunderstanding from one language to the other.
578 Jensen
The loss of final consonants may not seem particularly significant, but it
causes the elimination of certain allomorphs of suffixes which only occur with
consonant-final stems, making these forms in other languages potentially
unrecognizable to speakers of a language such as Wayampi that lacks them.
The loss of nasalization could create difficulty for Wayampi hearers, because
of the substitution of oral for nasal morphemes, especially when homonyms
result from the loss. The anticipatory morpheme in Wayampi, rä, which has
no other allomorphs, shows little superficial resemblance to the Assurini
allomorph woma.
No data analysis of a comparative nature can be done without extensive
preliminary field work by many linguists in many languages. Work by An-
chieta (1595) on Tupinambä, by Ruiz de Montoya (1639, 1640) on Old
Guarani, and by Hoeller (1932) on Guarayu were done many years ago; other
works are relatively recent. A large variety of linguistic material has been
written on Tupi-Guarani languages: dictionaries, complete grammatical de-
scriptions, linguistic papers on some particular aspect of a language,
interlinear texts, etc. Each of these has contributed in some way to the
reconstruction of Tupi-Guarani morphology. Berts' (1981) meticulously pre-
pared dictionary of Parintintin has provided much important information for
the reconstruction of allomorphs, although the examples in context are few.
The "Formulario Tupi," designed by Harrison in 1977 for a Tupi workshop
and based on Rodrigues (1953), was filled out by linguists working with
Tocantins Assurini (Nicholson 1977), Guajajära (Harrison and Harrison
1977), Urubu-Kaapor (Kakumasu 1977), and Wayampi (C. Jensen 1981); the
completeness of the paradigms in various syntactic contexts has been a
valuable resource. (In that workshop Harrison planted the seeds of my passion
for comparative Tupi-Guarani work). Grammatical descriptions and interlin-
ear texts have been the main sources for the examples contained in this paper.
I wish to congratulate all my Tupi-Guarani colleagues for their valuable
contributions, and to thank them for the material which has made possible a
morphological reconstruction. Special thanks are due to La Vera Betts, Wolf
Dietrich, Rose Dobson, Carl Harrison, Jim Kakumasu, Yonne Leite, Dennis
Newton, Aryon Rodrigues, Lucy Seki, and Helga Weiss, for data or for
clarification of data furnished in personal communications; and to R. M. W
Dixon, for his suggestions and encouragement. Special thanks is due to Des
Derbyshire, whose skill as an editor I have come to highly respect. Fieldwork
in Brazil is conducted with the permission of FUNAI (Fundacäo Nacional do
Indio). A majority of the grammatical Pro to-Tupi-Guarani morphemes in-
cluded in this paper were reconstructed as part of my master's thesis,
completed at the UNICAMP (State University of Campinas) in 1984 under
the orientation of Aryon Rodrigues. The Working Conference for Amazonian
Languages, held at the University of Oregon in August, 1987, provided an
environment for further interaction with other Tupi-Guarani linguists and for
acquisition and clarification of data, and provided stimulus for an expansion

of my original study. This conference was funded by grants from NSF
(BNS-8617854), NEH (RX-20870-87) and the University of Oregon Founda-
tion.
7 Some linguists have chosen to write certain allomorphs separately in their
practical orthographies, in order to facilitate the transition to reading in
Portuguese. For example, mb, nd, and ng in oral morphemes and m, n, and g
/rj/ in nasal morphemes; also, nh [n] in nasal morphemes and j in oral
morphemes. In some languages the phoneme *vv is pronounced and written as
gw or gu. As much as possible I have maintained the orthography used by the
respective linguists, one exception being the orthography of Ruiz de Montoya,
since his use of symbols would have created confusion of interpretation for
comparative purposes. Although much reference is made to Rodrigues (1953),
I have used the type of symbols and word breaks that he employs in his more
recent works. I have also adapted the examples from Guarayu and Chiriguano
to make them more consistent with the orthographic conventions used in
Brazil. A more complete elaboration of orthographic symbols appears in
Appendix II.
8 Kayabi and Tupinambä have cognates of this morpheme: wä 'third person
plural'. See also sect. 11.
9 Harrison (1986) analyzes the word heraha as 0-h-eraha '3-LK-take' (example
34). I have reanalyzed it as h-eraha in my paper to present a consistent
analysis with data from other languages. Similarly, I have reanalyzed 0-h-eko-
n as h-eko-n (example 189). However, the more flexible use of h- in this
language allows for his interpretation. See example (107).
10 A list of abbreviations follows these Notes.
11 Rodrigues analyzes the first and second person markers as separate words in
Proto-Tupi-Guarani and in Tupinambä. They are analyzed by some linguists
for other languages as being prefixes. I have abided by the decision of the
linguists whose data I cite.
12 In Wayampi, Kamaiurä and Kayabi the free pronoun *ice SG' was reduced
to ie by the elimination of the phoneme c. This was followed by the insertion
of a transitional semivowel, resulting in ije. The Set 2 form includes the
semivowel in Kamaiurä (example 9) and Kayabi (example 288).
13 The changes in the vowel of the nominal case (example 33), the oblique-topi-
calized (example 199), and the serial verb (example 225) suffixes in Kaiwä
(33) and Mbyä Guarani (199 and 225) can be explained by a diachronic rule
which neutralized post-stressed vowels to a single high central vowel, written
orthographically as y.
14 The word Tupa (example 108) was used by Catholic priests to refer to God,
and this usage spread to many tribes which have had extensive influence from
outside. Its original meaning, however, was 'thunder' or 'thunder-being'.
580 Jemen
15 These paradigms appeared in Nicholson (1977) with no gloss to clarify

whether the interpretation should be understood reciprocally or reflexively.
However, explanations in Nicholson (1978:50-51) indicate that the plural
examples with so in Table 10 should be interpreted reciprocally and the plural
examples with se should be interpreted reflexively.
16 I have rewritten the gloss for the prefix /'- (examples 136-139) as '3' to
conform with other glosses in this paper. Rodrigues (1990) had glossed it as
'REL,' though he interprets it to refer to 'third person P'.
17 It is not certain that the tentative *jepe and *pejepe (examples 151-157)
should be considered free pronouns. The comparable forms in Wayampi,
though not direct cognates, coincide with serial verb forms. In this language
it appears that a grammaticalized serial verb occurs for the purpose of mark-
ing the second person A, which cannot be marked on the independent verb.
It is also possible that there is a correlation between these two forms and the
comparable coreferential prefixes *e- and *peje-.
18 In example (211) from Kayabi, 0-eru-'a-a is a serial verb (sect. 6.3) following
the main verb 'bring'. Its form is directly descended from the Proto-Tupi-
Guarani serial verb form *c-ero- 'ar-a. Even though the final consonant of the
stem was eliminated, the original allomorph of the suffix was retained. The
old serial verb prefixes are used on the independent verb r-eru-a 'bring',
which is a direct descendant of the Proto-Tupi-Guarani serial verb *r-erur-a.
This example shows that the circumstances under which the original serial
verb construction is used are defined in Kayabi by other factors (on the
discourse level) (Dobson 1988). The independent verb would have originally
used the OBTOP construction (sect. 6.1) since it follows a subordinate clause.
19 Various morphophonemic rules (Appendix 111.7,8,10,11,12) produce addi-
tional forms, including -na (from *-ta) after a nasalized morpheme ending in
a diphthong, -amo and -mo (from *-abo) after a nasalized morpheme (termi-
nating in a high or a low vowel, respectively), and -bo (from *-abo) after a
low vowel.
20 When a final *b, in the stem is followed by a serial verb suffix or an agentive
or circumstancial nominalizer, it becomes *p.
21 These coreferential (Set 3) prefixes function on an absolutive basis at the verb
level, referring to the S or P on the dependent verb on which they occur. They
occur consistently in the same environments in which the Set 2 (absolutive)
person markers occur and never in the same environment as the Set 1 prefixes.
Furthermore, this set no longer occurs with serial verbs in those languages which
have undergone changes making them less ergative-absolutive (C. Jensen 1990).
This set has been eliminated (except for third person) in the Guaranian languages,
Wayampi, and Urubu-Kaapor, which have in varying degrees replaced the abso-
lutive system used in Proto-Tupi-Guarani dependent verbs with the
active/inactive system used in independent verbs. It has also been eliminated in
Guajajära, which has added a nominative-accusative cross-referencing system in
the form of clause-final clitic pronouns (Harrison 1986). At the sentence level,
these prefixes function on a nominative basis, since they are coreferential with
the grammatical subject (A or S).
22 In Urubu-Kaapor the symbol ÷ is used to refer to the phoneme /s/. This
phoneme was produced diachronically, palatalization of the phoneme *k when
adjacent to a high front vowel.
23 Example (267) is from *akarj 'head' + *'ok 'remove'. This is the result of
metathesis followed by the simplification of consonant clusters (Appendix
III.5-6).
24. The Kamaiura negation suffix -ite was probably formed by the combination
of the suffix *-/ 'NEG' and the particle te which occurs in various languages
and may be related to the morpheme -ete 'true, genuine'. Compare the free
response negative morpheme anite (Appendix 1.67) from *ani. The fact that
Seki (1978) recorded a vowel rather than a semivowel in such examples as
(387) does not necessarily preclude the formation of a diphthong with the
preceding vowel (Appendix III. 16).
25 I do not understand why different negation morphemes are used in examples
(407) and (423), unless kamajura in (407) has an adverbial function.
26 A change parallel to this hypothesis has occurred in Wayampi with the loss
of the consonant *c. A negative allomorph, na-, normally occurring only with
C-initial morphemes, is still used where the third person prefix has become
zero: *na-c-oryb-i > na-0-ory-i 'he is not happy'. One consonant likely to
have been eliminated at the beginning of stems would be the glottal stop,
which is rare in that position in Tupi-Guarani languages.
27 The system which occurs in independent clauses was referred to by Harrison
(1986) as a nominative-accusative system with a control/non-control intransi-
tive verb split and a person hierarchy split. In this paper I am describing it as
an active/inactive system, because the prefixes of the agentive IV correspond
with the A of the TV, while the prefixes of the nonagentive IV correspond
with the Ñ of the TV.
28 The / in t-ub-i and t-ur-i is a phonological irregularity of these two stems and
does not have any meaning. The /- and c- prefixes given in the various
protoforms are the third person prefixes from Set 2. The prefixes are not
always preserved in the remnant forms.
582 Jensen
ABBREVIATIONS
A subject of transitive verb LK linking prefix (2.2)

(sect 1.0) NC nominal case (3.3)
AC attributive case (3.3) NEG negation (10)
ANTIC anticipatory (3.3) NOM nominalizer (9)
CAUS causative (7.1) OBTOP oblique-topicalized (6.1)
CC comitative causative (7.1) P object of transitive verb (1.0)
CIRC nominalization of PERM permissive
circumstance (9.1) PL plural
COLL collective P.NOM nominalizer of patient of a
COMPL completive (8.1) transitive verb (9.2)
COREF coreferential (3.2, 4.2, 6.3) PURP purpose
DEVOLV devolved (3.3) RECIP reciprocal (7.2)
DIM diminutive (3.4) REDUP reduplication (8.2, 8.3)
EMPH emphatic REFL reflexive (7.2)
EX exclusive S subject of an intransitive verb
EXCL exclamation (1.0)
F feminine S ER dependent serial verb (6.3)
FRUST frustrative (8.4) SG singular
PUT future (8.1) SOV Subject, Object, Verb, relating
IN inclusive to constituent orders (0.1)
INTER interrogative TV transitive verb (1.0)
IV intransitive verb (1.0) UNSP unspecified possessor (2.1)
LC locative case (3.3) 1>2SG first person A acting on second
person singular P
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Appendix I
Reconstructions
The majority of morphemes in this list were reconstructed by the author of this
paper. Morphemes 1-6, 12-15, 18-23, 25-38, 43-47 were reconstructed as part of
my master's thesis in 1984 (C. Jensen 1989), under the orientation of Aryon Ro-
drigues. Morphemes 39-40, 48-56, 58-59 were reconstructed during the same
period but were not included in the thesis. The reconstructions of morphemes 16-17,
22 are revisions of forms reconstructed in my thesis and appear in C. Jensen (1990).
Morphemes 24, 41-42, 68-72, 74, and 76-77 were reconstructed for this paper.
Morphemes 8, 10, 57, 73, 75, and 78—80 were reconstructed by Miriam Lemle
(1971); morphemes 7, 9, and 11 by Aryon Rodrigues (p.c.); and morphemes 63—67
by Allen Jensen (1993). Orthographical symbols have been standardized for the
reconstruction. The citing of accented and non-accented forms does not necessarily
mean that the non-accented (orthographically unmarked) forms are phonetically
unaccented. It means simply that no accent was recorded. In cases where a mor-
pheme has different forms, depending on whether it is at the word boundary or
whether another affix occurs between it and the word boundary, this is indicated by
alternating forms, one with two hyphens.
Person markers (Set 1)
1. *a- '1SG Set 1'
a- (As,Ch,Gi,Gj,Gu,Kb,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb,Ur,
Wa)
a- (Tp)
2. *ere- '2SG Set 1'
ere- (As,Gi,Gj,Gu,Kb,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb,Tp,Ur,
WaJ)
re- (Ch)
ne- ~ -ere- (WaA)
3. *oro-'lEXSetl'
oro- (As,Gi,Gu,Kb,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb,Wa)
ro- (Ch)
uru- (Gj)
ara- (Tp)
eliminated in Ur
4. *pe-'2PLSet l'
pe- (As)Ch,GiM,Gj,Gu,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb,Tp,
Ur,Wa)
pe- (Kb)
5. *ja- ºÉÍ Set 1'
ja- (Ch,GiM,Gu,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb,Ur,Wa)
sa- (As)
za- (Gj)
c - (Tp)
sa- (Kb.WaJ) derived from t-ja-
Forms derived from t-ja-i-

ti- (Pt)
si- (Gj,Kb,Wa)
6. *o- '3 Set Ã
o- (As,Ch,GiM,Gu,Kb,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb,Wa)
u- (Gj,Ur)
Some languages have w- (or gw-) allomorph (Gj,Kb)
a- (Tp)
Person markers (Set 2)
7. *ce, ice '1SG Set 2, free pronoun' [Rodrigues]
ce (Ch.Gu)
se, ise (As)
ce (GiM)
sje, ise (Tb)
he, ihe (Ur)
he, ihe (Gj)
e, i(j> (Wa)
je, ije (Kb,Km)
ji, jihi (Pt)
8. *ne, ene '2SG Set 2, free pronoun' [Lemle]
ne, ene (As,Gj,Kb,Km,Tb,Wa)
ne, nehe (Pt)
ne (GiM,Gu,Si,Ur)
590 Jensen
9. *ore ºÅ× Set 2, free pronoun' [Rodrigues]

ore (As,Ch,Gi,Kb,Km,Pt,Tb,Wa)
ure (Gj)
eliminated in Ur
10. *pe, pe . .. e '2PL Set 2, free pronoun' [Lemle]
pe, pehe (As,Km,Pt)
pe, pehe (Km,Ur)
pe, pe'e (Tb)
pe, peje (Wa)
pe, pee (Kb)
pe (Gj, Gu)
pene (GiM)
11. *jane ºÉÍ Set 2, free pronoun' [Rodrigues]
jane (Ch,Gi, Gu, Kb,Pt,Tb,Ur,Wa)
zane (Gj)
jene (Km)
sane (As)
12. *(i- - jo-); (c yoc-) '3 Set 2, Class I and Class II, respectively'
i- ~ jo- (Ch,GiO,GiM,Gu,Kw,Tb)
i- (As,Gj,Kb,Km,Pt,Tp,Ur,Wa)
c- (Gu)
s— jos- (Tb)
h- ~ joh- (GiO)
h- (As,Ch,Gj,Km,Pt,Tp,Ur)
0- (Kb,GiM,Wa)
the 0 allomorph is usually replaced by morphemes specific for gender
and number in Kb and Pt
Coreferential person markers (Set 3)
13. *wi- '!SGSet3'
wi (GiO,Tb)
fei- (Gu)
1- (Pt)
we- (As,Tp)
te- (Kb), probably derived by analogy
from such irregular forms as \vi-t-eko
> teko, reinterpreting the prefix as te-
eliminated in Ch,Gi,Gj,Kw,Ur,Wa
14. *e- '2SG Set 3'

e- (As,Gu,Kb,Km,Pt,Tb,Tp)
15. *oro- ºÅ× Set 3'
oro- (As,GiO,Gu,Kb,Km,Pt,Tb)
ara- (Tp)
uru- (Gj)
eliminated in Ch,Gi,Gj,Kw,Ur,Wa, or reinterpreted as morpheme 3
16. *peje- '2PL Set 3'
peje- (Kb,Km)
pece- (Tp)
pese- (As)
pe- (Pt,Tb), replaced by morpheme 10
17. *jere- ºÉÍ Set 3'
jere- (Km)
sere (As)
cere- (Tp)
j'are- (Kb)
jane- (Pt,Tb), replaced by morpheme 11
18. *o- '3 Set 3'
o- (As,GiM,Gj)Gu,Kb,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb>Wa)
Some languages have a w- allomorph (Gj,Kb,Km).
a- (Tp)
Portmanteau person markers (Set 4)
19. *oro- º A with 2SG P Set 4'
oro- (As,Gi,Gu,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb>Wa)
ro- (Ch)
uru- (Gj)
ara- (Tp)
eliminated in Kb, Ur
20. *opo- º A with 2PL P Set 4'
opo- (GiO,Gu,Km,Pt,Tb)
po- (Ch)
poro- (Wa)
592 Jensen
ÏÃÏ- (As,GiM)
ara- (Tp)
apo- 41SG A with 2PL P' (Kw)
apu-'1SG A with 2PL P' (Gj)
apa- ' 1SG A with 2PL P' (Tp)
oropo- '1PL A with 2PL P' (Kw)
urupu- '1PL A with 2PL P' (GjP)
eliminated in Kb,Ur
Dependent verb suffixes
21. *-abo ta ~ -a 'dependent serial verb'
-afeo
-afeo ~ -abo (GiO,Pt,Tb)
-awu (Kb)
-wo (Tp)
-o (Gu)
-ta
-ta (As,GiO,Gj,Kb,Pt,Wa)
-a
-a (As,GiO,Kb,Pt,Tb,Tp)
-pa (Gj)
-m (Km)
eliminated except for remnants in Ch,GiM,Kw,Ur,Wa
22. *-i ~ (undetermined C) Oblique-topicalized'
-i (As,GiO,Kb,Km,Pt,Tb,Tp)
-j (As,Kb)
-w (Kb,m,Tb)
-n (Gj,Ur remnants)
eliminated except for remnants in Ch,GiM,Gu,Kw,Ur,Wa
23. *-VmV rVmV 'temporal/conditional (when/if)'
-erne reme (Tb)
reme (Wa)
mehe (Gj)
-amu ramu (Kb)
-amo ramo (As)
-ramo (GiM,Kw,Tp)
-amo ramo (GiO)
-ame rame (Pt)
-raha (Ur)
24. *ire ~ (ri)re 'sequential (after)'

-ire ~ -re (Gj,Kb)
rire (GiM)
-ire (Wa)
-ire re (Pt)
-re (Kb,Gu)
Valence-changing affixes
25. *je- 'reflexive'
je- (Ch,GiM,Gu,Kb,Km,Kw,Tb)
se- (As)
ce- (Tp)
ze- (Gj)
ji- (Pt,WaA)
i- (WaJ)
meaning 'reflexive/reciprocal' in Gj.Wa
26. *jo- 'reciprocal'
jo- (Ch,GiM,Gu,Kb,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb)
ju- (Ur)
so- (As)
ca- (Tp)
meaning 'reflexive/reciprocal' in Ur
27. *mo- 'simple causative'
mo- (As,Ch,GiO,GiM,Gu,Kb,Km,Pt,Tb,Wa)
mu- (Gj,Ur)
ma- (Tp)
28. *ero- ~ ro- 'comitative causative'
ero- ~ ro- (As,GiO,GiM,Gu,Kb,Km,Pt,Tb,Ur,Wa)
ro- (Ch)
era- ~ ra- (Tp)
eru ru- (Gj)
Linking prefix
29. *r- 'linking prefix (Class II stems only)'
r- (As,Ch,Gi,Gj,Gu,Kb,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb,Tp,
Ur,Wa)
594 Jensen
Nominalizations
30. *-ar ~ -car tar 'agent'
"-ar
-ar, -ar (As,Gj,Gu,Pt,Tb,WaA)
-at ar- (Kb,Km)
-ar a (GiM,GiO,WaJ)
/w
-ar (Tp)
-a (Ch)
*-car
-car (Gu)
-sar (Tb)
-har (Gj,Pt,Ur)
-har- ~ -ha (GiO,Kw)
-ar- ~ -a (WaJ)
-ar (WaA)
*-tar
-tar, -tar (As,Tb)
-tat ~ -tar- (Km)
-tar- —ta (GiO)
31. *-ab ~ -cab ~ -tab 'circumstance'
*-ab
-ab (Pt,Tb)
-ap ~ -aw- (Kb,Km)
-aw (As,Gj)
-äw (Tp)
-aw- ~ -a (Ch,GiM,Wa)
-aw- (Gu)
*-cab
-sab (Tb)
-ca (Gu)
-hab (Pt)
-haw (Gj)
-hap (Ur)
-ha haw- (Kw)
-aw— -a (Wa)
*-tab
-tab (Pt,Tb)
-tap taw- (Km)
-taw (As)
-ta (Wa)
In some languages this, rather than morpheme 43, refers to the action or
quality of a verb.
32. *-pyr 'patient'
-pyr, -pyr (Gj,Gu,Pt,Tb)
-pyt ~ -pyr- (Kb,Km,Tp)
- ~ -pyr- (GiO)
-py (GiM)
eliminated in Ur,Wa
33. *emi- Object'
emi- (As,Ch,GiM,GiO,Gj,Gu,Kb,Km,Pt,Tb,
Tp.Wa)
34. *-ba'e 'clause nominalizer'
-ba'e, -ba'e (GiM,GiO,Gu,Kw,Tb)
-bae (Ch)
-be'e (Pt)
-wa'e (As)
-ma'e (Gj,Kb,Km,Tp)
ma'e (Wa)
me'e (Ur)
35. *-cwär, *nwär 'nominalizer of adverb or postpositional phrase'
-swar, -nwär (Tb)
-cwa (GiO)
-war (As,WaA)
-wat war- (Kb)
-wa (Ch,GiM,WaJ)
-nar (Gu)
Unspecified possessor prefix
36. *0 nasalization of initial C ~ t elimination of initial V 'Unspecified
possessor'
0- (Ch,GiO,GiM,Gu,Pt,Tb,Tp,Wa)
nasalization of #C (Ch,GiO,GiM,Gj,Gu,Kb,Pt,Tb,Tp,Wa)
596 Jensen
t- (Ch,GiO,GiM,Gj,Gu,Kb,Pt,Tb,Tp,Wa)
elimination of #V (Ch,GiO,Gj,Gu,Pt,Tb,Tp,Wa)
Modificational suffixes
37. *-wacu ucu 'augmentative'
-wacu ~ -ucu (GiO, Gu) In Gu -ucu only appears in
some old forms.
-wasu ~ -usu (Tb)
-wahu uhu, -hu (Ur)
-hu uhu, -hü uhü (Pt)
-oho (As)
-wacu (GiM)
-wasu (Ch,Kw)
-wasu, -u (WaJ)
-wasu ~ -u, -usu (WaA)
-wahu hu (Gj)
-uu (Kb)
-(0)0 (Tp)
38. *-'i 'diminutive'
-'i, -' (GiM,Pt,Tb)
-'i (As,Tp,Wa)
-a'i (Gj)
-i'i ~ -'i (Kb)
39. *-pwer ~ -wer 'devolved, former'
-pwer ~ -wer (Tb)
-kwer wer (As)
-kwer er rjwer wer (Gj,WaA)
-kwe — (n)e —(r)e rjwe —we (GiMJCw.WaJ)
-kwer ~ -rjwer (Ur)
-kwer ~ -rjwer ~ -ruer ~ -awer (Pt)
40. *-ram ~ -warn ~ -am 'anticipatory, future'
-ram ~ -warn ~ -am (Tb)
-ruam arjwam ~ -aruam (Pt)
ra (Ch,Gi,Gu,Wa)
-warn (Gj)
-rom ~ -worn (As)
41. *-ete 'true, genuine'
-ete or -etc (As,GiM,Gj,Gu,Km,Tb,Wa)
-ete (Ch)
hete - ete ~ te (Pr)

jete (Ur)
-wete (Wa)
42. *-ran 'false, imitation'
-ran (Tb,Ur,WaA)
-ran (Gj)
-ra (WaJ)
Grammatical suffixes on nouns
43. *-a ~ -0 'nominal case'
-a ~ -0 (Pt,Tb,Tp)
-a (As,Kb,Km)
0 (Ch,Gi,Gj,Gu,Kw,WaJ)
In some languages this morpheme also refers to the action or quality of
a verb.
44. *-amo ~ -ramo 'attributive case'
-amo ~ -ramo (As,Tb)
-amu ramu (Kb)
-amo ro (Pt)
-amö ramo (GiO,Tp)
-ramo (Ch)
-rami (GiM)
-romo (Gj)
-ramo (WaJ)
-amo, romo (WaA)
-ram (Km)
45. *-pe 'punctual locative case'
-pe (As,Ch,GiO,Gj,Kb,Pt,Tb,Tp,Wa)
-fee (Gu)
-py (GiM)
-p (Km)
46. *-feo 'diffuse locative case'
-feo (GiO,Pt,Tb; and WaA in derivations)
-mo (As in derivations)
-mü (Kb in derivations)
-o (WaJ in derivations)
598 Jensen
47. *-i 'partitive locative case'

-i (GiO,Pt,Tb,Wa; and As in deriva-
tions)
Postpositions
48. *cupe 'to, for'
supe (Tb)
upe (Ch,GiM,Gj,Kb,Km,Wa)
upe (Gu, -u with 1st and 2nd person)
ope (As,Tp)
49. *pe 'to, for'
pe, pe (As,Ch,GiM,Gj,Kb,Km,Kw,Pt,Tb,
Ur,Wa)
50. *ece 'at, regarding, about'
ece (Gu)
ese (Tb)
ehe (As,Gj,Km,Kw,Pt,Ur)
ehe (GiO - 3rd person h-ece)
e (GiM - 3rd person 0-ece)
e (Ch - 3rd person h-ese)
e (Wa - 3rd person 0-ee)
ee (Tp)
are (Kb - 3rd person 0-ee)
51. *ecebe 'with (accompaniment)'
ecebe (Gu)
esebe (Tb)
ehebe (Kw)
ehewe (Gj)
ebe (Ch,GiM,WaA)
ewe (Tp,WaJ)
eewe (Kb)
52. *pabe 'with (accompaniment)'
pake (GiM,Tb)
pabei (Pt)
pawerjatu (Gj)
53. *koty 'towards'

koty, koty (Ch,Gu,Kw,Pt,Tb)
katy (As,GiM,Kb,Km,Tp)
koty ~ kyty (Ur,Wa)
kutyr (Gj)
54. *obake 'in front of
obake, obake (GiM,Gu,Tb,WaA)
ake (Ur)
uake (Gj)
owake (As,WaJ)
55. *enone 'ahead of
enone, enone (As,Ch,GiM,Gu,Pt,Tb,Wa)
enune (Gj,Kb)
56. *poce '(lying) with'
poce (Gu)
pose (Tb)
puhe (Gj)
poi (Wa)
57. pype 'in' [Lemle]
pype (As,Ch,GiM,Gu,Kb,Pt,Tp)
pupe, pupe (Gj,Km,Tb,Wa)
58. *upi 'with, by means of, according to, within an area'
upi, upi (Ch,GiM,Gj,Gu,Kb,Kw,Pt,Tb,Ur,Wa)
opi (As,Tp)
59. *cuwi 'from'
cui (Gu)
su'i (Tb)
uwi (Pt)
wi (Ch,Gi,Gj,Kb)
rji (Ur)
wyi (Wa)
hi, ohi (As)
Note: Morphemes 60—62 occur in some languages exclusively in derivations (see
sect. 4 of text).
600 Jensen
60. *är 'above'

ar, ar (Gu,Kb,Pt,Tb,Ur,WaA)
ary (Gi)
aa (WaJ)
61. *pyr 'near'
pyr, pyr (As,Gj,Gu,Kb,Pt,Tb,WaA)
PY (Gi,WaJ)
62. *wyr 'under'
wyr, wyr (Gj,Gu,Kb,Pt,Tb,Ur,WaA)
wy (Ch,Gi,WaJ)
Negation morphemes
63. *n-... -i ~ n a - . . . -i ~ ni- .. -i 'negation of predicate of independent
clause' [A. Jensen]
n - . . . -i ~ na-... -i ~ ni-.. -i (GiM,GiO,Kb,Wa)
n- ... -i ~ na- ... -i (Gu,Tb)
n - . . . -i (Gj.Pt)
n - . . . -ite (Km)
n - . . . -ihi (As)
64. *e'ym 'negation of dependent verbs and nouns' [A.Jensen]
e ym (Km,Pt,Tb)
e'y (GiM,Gu,Kw,Wa)
'ym (Gj)
y'ym (As)
e'em (Kb)
ym (Ur)
65. *rua or nil 'negation of adverbials, nouns, and verbs' [A. Jensen]
ruwa, ruwaj (GiO)
ruä (Tb,Wa)
rui (Pt)
ruej (Km)
-a, nasalizing preceding vowel (Ch)
66. *eme 'negative imperative' [A. Jensen]
erne (As,GiM,GiO,Gu)
ume (Tb)
em (Km)
ne (Wa)
67. *ani 'negative free response form' [A. Jensen]

am (Ch,GiO,Tb,Wa)
anite (Km)
am (Gu)
ahän (As,Pt)
any (GiM)
nan (Gj)
Demonstratives
68. *ko 'here, near the speaker, visible'
ko (Ch,GiM,Gj,Gu,Tb,Ur)
69. *ke 'here, near the speaker'
ke (Tb,Wa)
ki (Pt)
70. *kybo 'around here, in relation to more remote areas (contrastive)'
kyfeo (GiM,Tb)
kybo (WaA)
ky(w)o (Ch)
ky (Gu)
kyo (WaJ)
71. *aipo 'anaphoric reference to citation'
ajpo (Tb)
aipo (GiM,Gu,Kw,WaJ)
aepo (WaA)
aemo (?) (Pt)
72. *'arj 'this one, now, here (visible or invisible)'
arje (Gi)
'ar, (Tb,WaA)
ana (Pt)
'ä (WaJ)
(Gj)
73. *a'e 'he, that one, there (visible or invisible)' [Lemle]
a'e, a'e (As,GiM,Gj,Gu,Kb,Km,Pt,Tb,Ur,Wa)
hae (Ch)
602 Jensen
74. *wi or *wirj 'that one (visible), which may be far from the hearer also'
wi, wig (Tb)
wyi, äwi (Wa)
rjwi (Pt)
75. *mö, *amö 'there, another, some (invisible)' [Lemle]
mo, amö (GiM,Tb,Wa)
mo, amua (Pt)
omo (GjP)
amu (Kb)
amo (Ur)
76. *pe 'that one'
pe (GiM,Gj,Pt)
pebe (Gu)
pea (Ch)
upea (Kw)
peme'e (Ur)
77. *wa 'they, those'
wä, awä (Tb)
wä (Kb)
wä (Gj)
Numbers
78. *ojepetei One' [Lemle]
ojepe (Tb)
osepesowe (As)
pitei (Gj)
ojipeji (Pt)
ojepete (Km)
pete'i (Ur)
jepei (Gu)
pe'i (Wa)
peti (Ch)
petei (GiM)
79. *moköj 'two' [Lemle]
moköj (Gi,Km,Pt,Tb,Ur,Wa)
mokoi (As)
mokoi (Ch)
mukuz (Gj)
80. *mocapyr 'three' [Lemle]

mocapy (Gu)
mosapy (Tb; WaA some speakers)
mohapy (Pt)
mo'apyt (Km)
mapyr (Ur)
moapy (Gi; WaA some speakers; WaJ)
mapy (Ch)
forms based on negated form of *iro 'pair'
nairoihi (As)
na'iruz (Gj)
604 Jemen
Appendix Ð
Tupi-Guarani Phonemes and their Reflexes
Orthographical references:
Vowels (oral and nasal sets)
*i *y [i] *u
*e *a *o
Consonants
*p *t *k *' [?]
*c [ts] *c [ts]
*m *n *rj
*fe *r
Semivowels
*w *j [y]
Stress is nonphonemic. In most languages it is on the final syllable of the stem(s). In

Guarayu, Wayampi, and Chiriguano it is on the penultimate syllable. In Tocantins
Assurini it is on the penultimate syllable of verbs and the third to the last syllable on
nouns, due to the -a 4NC' suffix having become a permanent part of the stem.
Orthographic conventions:
The high central vowel *[i] is written orthographically as y.
The palatal semivowel *[y] is written as j.
The glottal stop *[?] is written with an apostrophe '.
Vocalic changes:
*a > (Tp)
*o > a (Tp)
*a > a (voiceless mid central vowel) (Gj)
Some *o > u (Gj.Ur)
Some *o > a (As)
*u > ï (As)
loss of nasalization (As,Gj,Tp)
Consonantal changes:
*P
*pu, *pw > f (Kb)
*pw > kw (As,Gj,Tp,Wa)
*PJ > Pi tPJ] (Gu), c (GiM), [c] (Tp), c [c] (Km), s (As,Gj,Kb,Ur,Wa)
*t
*ti > ti (Tb,Pt), ci (Gu), ci [ci] (Km), xi [ci] (GiM), si (As,Gj,Ur,Wa)
*k
ik > ÷ [s] (Ur)
*k# > g [rj] (As, some Wa)
some k > g [g] medially (Kw), finally (Kb)
written as v in (GiM,Gu,Kw,Pt,WaA)
*b# > p (Kb,Km)
*b > w (As,Gj,Kb,Ur,WaJ)
*m, *n, *rj
In some languages (Ch,Gi,Gu,Kw,Pt,Ur) the oral allophones are written
separately as mb, nd, ng.
rj written as g (As,Gj,Wa)
rj written as g (Kb, Pt)
*c, *c
*c [ts] > ÷ [c] (GiM), [c] Tp, s (As,Gu,Tb), h (As,Gj,Ur), 0 (Kb,Tp,Wa)
*c [ts] > s (Tb), h (As,Gj,Kw,Ur), 0 (GiM,Kb,Tp,Wa)
c written as s (Gu)
*w
*w > gw (Kw), gu (GiO,GiM)
Sometimes written as (Kb)
*j pronounced in various languages as [y], [z], or [dz]
*j > z (Gj, Tembe)
*j > s (As)
*j > x [o] (Tp)
In some languages the nasalized allophone [n] is written separately, as nh
(GiHKw,Pt).
Syllable final, j is written in some languages as i or as i (Kb).
606 Jensen
*Ã
*ô# > t (Kb, Km)
Some *r# > n (As)
Appendix IQ
Some Phonological Rules from Tupinambä which apply to

Tupi-Guarani languages in general
Proto-Tupi-Guarani Phonetic inventory (from C. Jensen 1989)

Non-syllabic segments (C):
p t k m n rj r c c w j
syllabic
consonantal
voiced
nasal
continuant
posterior
labial
high
Syllabic segments (V):

l e y a u o i e y a u o
syllabic + 4. +
nasal
posterior
labial
high
Rodrigues uses the following symbols:

+ morpheme juncture (affix + stem or affix)
* juncture of stems
# pause
Phonological rules (based on Rodrigues 1981)

A discussion of these rules and their occurrence in other languages appears in C.
Jensen (1989).
608 Jensen
1. Nasalization of voiceless consonants

-ace
]1Ì 1 ß -cons
\
ï- 1
+ cons [ + nas]/l+nas] -fsyl + syl Ã -syl
[-voice L
-cons -syl -nas [-nas
-syl J + voice. )
Any nasal, whether of consonant or accent (realized on the vowel), causes a

nasalization of the initial voiceless consonant of the following morpheme in the
same phonological word. For example:
nup 'beat' * katu 'well' > nuparjatu 'beat well'

mo 'CAUS' + JO 'go' > mono 'send'
akaij 'head' * peb 'flat' > akay * meb > 'flat head' (to rule 2)
2. Nasalization of accent
4-ace [ + nas] + cons [-syl]
—nas + nas
In Tupinamb this rule applied when there was a consonant cluster produced at
morpheme boundary by the combination of two morphemes. The rule is based on
the interpretation that the nasal accent did not co-occur with a final nasal consonant.
Accordingly, this rule is followed by another (6) which simplifies consonant clusters.
> akaq * meb > akaij meb > (rule 6) 'flat head'
3. Epenthesis of/y/
+ syl
0- + high / + cons + [ + cons]
+ post -lab
-lab
According to this rule an epenthetical vowel y [i] is inserted between two conso-
nants at a morpheme juncture of the type stem + affix.
'ar 'day' + -bo 'diffuse locative' > 'arybo 'in the day'
4. Weakening of labial consonants
+ cons
cons >[ + cont] + voic
lab _ —nas J
'ab * puku > 'ab * buku > 'long hair' (to rule 6)
kuab * me'er) > kuab * be'ey > 'show, give knowledge' (to rule 6)
okar * pyter > okar * byter > 'the middle of the plaza' (to rule 6)
5. Metathesis
Note that this rule from C. Jensen (1989) replaces Rodrigues' rule 6.
— syl
Structural description: [ + cons] — cons
— voic .
2
Structural change: 1 2 > 2 1

When the second of two consonants at the morpheme juncture (of two stems) is
a glottal stop, this metathesizes with the preceding consonant.
ipit 'skin' ^ Ok 'to remove' > ipi'rok 'to skin' (Kb)
6. Simplification of consonant clusters (5 in Rodrigues)
[ + cons] > 01 * [-syl]
In Tupinamba the first consonant in a consonant cluster, created at morpheme
juncture of two stems, is eliminated.
> ak rj * meb > akameb 'flat head'
'ab * buku > 'abuku 'long hair'
7. Vocalic assimilation
" - syl " + syl .
+ high |- ç
- high + cons
— post > á post / á post + 4- voic
+ lab â lab â lab . + lab .
— ace + ace
According to this rule, when the suffix of the dependent serial verb -abo or the
nominalizer -ab follows a low vowel, the first vowel of the suffix is assimilated to
the position of the preceding vowel. This happens only occasionally with the nomi-
nalizer as the normal allomorph following vowels is -sab in Tupinamba.
o+ so +abo > o+50 + obo > 'and went' (to rule 8)
o+ man + abo > o + mano + obo > 'and died' (to rule 8)
s + e'e + abo > s + e'e + ebo 'and scraped it' (to rule 10)
610 Jensen
8. Nasalization of voiced consonant to the right
-fcons -fsyl
+ voic nas] + acc syl
—nas +nas acc
This rule applies to dependent serial verbs.

> o + mano+obo > + manö + omo > (to rule 10) 'and died'
9. Nasalization of III
+ cons + syl
+ voic > [+nas] / + acc
—nas . + nas
-la
The r is nasalized after a nasalized accented vowel.

ff 'nose' * ram 'ANTIC' > tmam 'what will be a nose'
nupä 'beat' +reme 'when' > nupäneme 'when .. . beats'
irü 'partner' +ramo 'AC' > irünamo 'as a partner'
10. Suppression of accent
[ + ace] > 01 + + syl
+ acc
> s + e'e + ebo > s + e'e + ebo > 'and scraped it' (to rule 12)
apiti+äbo > apiti+abo > 'and killed it' (to rule 11)
> + manö + omo > o+mano + omo > 'and died' (to rule 12)
u 'eat' + ar 'NOM' > 'u + ar > 'eater' (to rule 11)
11. Asyllabification
+ syl > [-syl] / + syl
+ high •face
In Tupinamba, when a stem ending in a high final vowel is followed by an

accented vowel, the first vowel becomes asyllabic (semivowel).
> apiti+abo > apitjabo 'and killed it'
> 'u + ar > 'war 'eater'
Comparative Tupi-Guarani Morphosyntax 611
12. Elimination of identical low vowel

+ syl -I-syl
-high á post
á post â lab
P lab "· -f ace J
— ace
> s + e'e + ebo > s + e'ebo 'and grated it'

> o + mano + omo > o + manomo 'and died'
13. Nasalization of voiced consonant to the left
+ cons
+ voic ([ + nas])/ [ + syl] + ([-syl])[ + syl][ + nas]
. — nas .
> ero 'CC' + sem 'come out' > enosem 'come out with it'
14. Insertion of semivowel /j/
— cons + syl + syl
0 — syl / + high + high
4- voic . — post . . -lab .
-lab
In Tupinamba, the semivowel j is inserted between a high front vowel and a high
front or central vowel.
i '3' + ita 'rock' > ijita 'his rock'
/ '3' + ypy 'beginning' > ijypy 'its beginning'
15. Epenthesis of/i/
+ syl + cons
4-high cons] — voic
. — post. . + cont.
In Tupinamba, the epenthetic vowel is i when followed by the consonant s.

a+ 'ar +swer > a'ariswer º almost fell.'
1SG fall nearly
612 Jensen
16. Diphthongization
+ syl — cons
4- high -* — syl
— post + voic
— ace -lab
In Tupinamb , a vowel cluster in which the second of two vowels is a high front
vowel (i) results in a diphthong. This occurs with the partitive locative suffix,
negation of verbs, incorporation of object prefix, and the addition of a prefix to a
stem beginning with a high front vowel.
ku 'a 'waist' + / > ku 'aj 'at the waist'
n 'NEC' + a 'ISO* + karu 'eat' + / 'NEC' > nakaruj º didn't eat.'
a 'ISO* + i '3P' + potar 'want' > ajpotar º want it.'
ï '3' + iko 'be' > ojko 'he is'
17. Absorption of /i/
+ syl — cons
+ high — syl
— 0 1
. — post . . + voic .
In Tupinamb , an /i/ between a semivowel and a pause is absorbed.

n + a + porasej + i > naporasej º didn't dance.'
NEC ISO dance NEC
18. Insertion of/w/
fr \
— cons
— syl + syl
+ voic / + post [ + syl]
+ lab + lab
VL /
In Tupinamb , there is optional insertion of/w/ between two vowels when the first
is a back vowel.
ï '3 COREF' + ete 'body' > oete or owete 'his own body'
ï '3 COREF' + obake 'in front of > oobakÝ or owobaka
'in front of himself
kuab 'know' > kuab or kuwab 'know'
19. Devoicing of final consonants (1.3 in Rodrigues)
This devoicing was optional for Tupinamba.

sje rub > [serup] or [scrub] 'my father'
sje ra'yr > [sera?i*] or [sera?fr] 'my son'
Distribution of Proto-Tupi-Guarani phonemes

Only vowels and semivowels are permitted at the end of a non-final syllable.
The consonants which are permitted in final position are b, r, k, and nasals.
Sequences of consonant plus semivowel are permitted, except for *&.
Sequences of semivowels: *jwa and *vv/a are not permitted.
The velar nasal is not permitted initially.
614 Jensen
Appendix IV
Changes which Resulted in Subgroups
Rodrigues, 1984/1985,
with additions by C. Jensen
Subgroup I
1. loss of final consonants
2. *c and *c retained as separate phonemes
*c > [c] or [s]
*c > h or 0
3. reinterpretation of sequences as single phonemes *pj, *pw, *kw [C. Jensen]
4. elimination of consonant sequences [C. Jensen]
5. merger of *pw and *kw as [k ] (or &)
6. *pj > c or z
7. in Chiriguano, change of stress from final to penultimate syllable
Subgroup Ð
1. loss of final consonants
2. merger of *c and *c > c or s
3. merger of *pw and *kw > k\v or k
4. *pj remains intact
5. change of stress from final to penultimate syllable
6. palatalization of *tl / [C. Jensen]
Subgroup ÉÐ
1. retained final consonants
2. merger of *c and *c > c or s
3. *pw remains intact
5. stress unchanged
Subgroup IV
1. final C retained with or without modifications
2. merger of *c and *c > h
3. merger of *pw and *kw > kw [kw]
4. *pj > c or c
5. *j > c, c, s, or z
6. merger of 4 and 5 in some languages
7. merger of *b and *w with possible reinterpretation of final allomorphs
[C. Jensen]
8. palatalization of *f/ i [C. Jensen]
Subgroup V
2. merger of *c and *c > h or 0
3. *pw > /(bilabial)
4. *pj > s
5. *j expressed as affricate
6. merger of *b and *vv with reinterpretation of final allomorphs
[C. Jensen]
7. pronominal markers for third person include masculine, feminine, and plural
8. palatalization of *?/ i [C. Jensen]
Subgroup VI
2. merger of *c and *c > h
3. *pw > kw (Parintintih), v, or/(Tupi-Kawahib)
5. *j remains intact
6. pronominal markers for third person include masculine, feminine, and plural
7. palatalization of *tl i [C. Jensen]
Subgroup ÕÐ
3. *pw > hw or h, retained as separate from *kw
4. *pj > s
5. *j intact
6. merger of *b and *vv with reinterpretation of final allomorphs
[C. Jensen]
7. palatalization of *// i [C. Jensen]
Subgroup ÕÐ!
1. loss - partial or complete - of final consonants
3. merger of *pw and *kw > kw [kw]
4. *pj > s
616 Jensen
5. *j intact
6. in most languages, merger of *b and *w [C. Jensen]
7. palatalization of *</ /
Appendix V
Distinguishing Properties of Tupi-Guarani Languages
Rodrigues 1984/85
This is the set of criteria developed by Rodrigues to identify Tupi-Guarani lan-

guages and to exclude those languages which are Tupi but not Tupi-Guarani.
1. The existence of prefixes marking the subject on transitive and (agentive)
intransitive verbs in independent clauses, including forms identical with or
phonologically derivable from: a- T, ere- 'you', ja- 'you and F, oro- 'he and , pe-
'you and he', o- 'he, they' (also , you and he').
2. Personal pronouns referring to the possessor, the subject of stative (nonagen-
tive) intransitive verbs, and direct object, as well as the subject of intransitive verbs
in dependent clauses, including forms identical with, or phonologically derivable
from: ce T, ne 'you\jane 'you and , ore 'he and , pe(e) 'you and he' (also ace
, you and he').
3. Relational prefixes including r-, which indicates that the determiner of the
prefixed word is the word which immediately precedes, applicable to one class of
words which includes 'eye', 'face', 'lower lip', 'blood', 'body', 'leaf, 'house',
'name'; for example, Tupinambä paje r-esä 'shaman's eye', sje r-esa 'my eye'.
4. The phoneme j [y] (or its alveolar or alveopalatal equivalents: [z], c, dz, z) in
words such asjacy 'moon\jaku 'guan (bird)',^ 'axe'.ywni 'mouth', ajuru 'parrot',
ja'e 'clay pot', kujä 'woman', jub 'yellow', paje 'shaman', peju 'blow'.
5. The phoneme c [ts] (or c [ts], s, h, or zero) in words such as cy 'mother', cok
'larva', cu'u 'chew, bite', -\vacu, -ucu 'large', -ubicab 'great, important, chief, cam
'cord', eca 'eye', co'o 'game animal'.
6. The phoneme c [ts] (or s, h, or zero) in words such as co 'go', ceta 'be many',
ocenub 'he hears it', pycacu 'new', pocarj 'medicine', pycyk 'grasp', pyca- 'night'.
7. The words ita 'rock' and eir 'honey, bee' with / (and not wi, kwi, or ky).
8. Basic vocabulary including forms phonologically derivable from: jacy 'moon',
ybak 'sky', -ata 'fire', jepe'ab 'firewood', ybyra 'wood', -apo 'root', ka'a 'jungle',
-eca 'eye', fi 'nose, beak', juru 'mouth', nami Outer ear', jyba 'lower arm', poti'a
'chest', -etymä 'lower leg', -o'o 'meat', aba 'person, who?', ma'e 'thing, what', pira
'fish', wyrä 'bird', kujä 'woman', puku 'long', porarj 'beautiful', oby 'blue/green',
618 Jensen
peb 'low, flat', moköj 'two', mano 'die', me'er) 'give',ye'e;; 'speak', apo 'make', ata
'walk', -epjak 'see', ma'e 'look'.
9. The word petym (and not pe) 'tobacco' (literally, 'planted tobacco').
CUMULATIVE INDEX TO VOLUMES 1-4
This index incorporates and supersedes the one published in volume 3. Coverage has been
extended and improved, and many new subjects have been indexed for all four volumes.
Bold italic numerals followed by a colon refer to volumes; plain Arabic numerals refer to
pages; boldface page ranges in an entry indicate whole chapters devoted to that topic or written by
that person. Thus '7:viii, 15, 33-127; 2:73-9' means, 'in volume 1, pages viii and 15 and the
entire chapter in pages 33 to 127 inclusive; in volume 2, pages 73 to 79 inclusive'. For very gen-
eral topics like 'verbs', references to the general topic are first listed by volume ('3:80, 127-9,
185, ...') and then as subclassified by language (e.g., '(Guajajara) 7:410, 43Ã) and by subtype
('benefactive verbs, 1.297, 585, 595').
The different spelling conventions of English, Spanish, and Portuguese give rise to many ortho-
graphic variations for names of languages (and tribal groups). Systematic regularization has not
been attempted here, and alternate spellings for names of languages are not covered exhaustively.
Some nonstandard spellings are included where difficulties in identifying languages might arise,
but in addition it will be helpful to bear in mind the following alternations when searching for a
language name:
b~ v c~k c~s ch~tx g-j
gu~hu~w j~h x~sh y~j z~s
A purely English case-insensitive alphabetical ordering is used: accents on vowel letters are
ignored for alphabetization, so ò is equated with c and ç with n. The prefixes "Me" and "St." are
alphabetized literally (not equated with "Mac" and "Saint").
Abbott, Miriam, 2:8; 3: v, 4,9, 23-160 (Warekena) 4:304-12, 396

abbreviation lists, 7: ix-xiii; 2: ix-x; adjective phrases, 7:187-8, 301-2, 396;
3:ix-x; 4:218-19,424-425,480-81, 2:209-10,416-7;
577 (n. 2), 582 (Piraha)7:301-2;
Aberdour, Cathy, 7:474-6, 515, 517, 519, (Sanuma)2:209-10;
521,561 (Urubu-Kaapor) 7:396;
Achagua language, 3:13, 355-499 passim (Yagua)2:416-7
Ache language, see Guayaki adpositions, 7:52-3, 59,99-100,178-9
Adams, Patsy, 7:478 286-8, 382-384,409-10,412-3,
Adelaar, Willem F. H.,3:13 448-51; 2:154-64,288-9,291-2,
adjectives, 7: 87,133, 187-8, 209-10, 310-11, 337-40 378-83, 530-1, 576;
272-5,411-2,533,578-9; 3:129, 3:41-3, 84-5, 110, 253-4, 274-5, 331;
204-5, 320, 337; 4:304-12, 396; 4:45, 327-34;
(Apalai)7:87; (Apalai)7:52-3,59,99-100;
(Arawakan)7:533,578-9; (Arawakan) 7:530-1,576;
(Canela-Kraho) 7:133, 187-8; (Canela-Kraho) 7:178-9;
(Guajajara) 7:411-2; (Guajajara) 7:409-10,412-3;
(Macushi)3:129; (Macushi) 3:41 -3, 84-5, 110;
(Paumari) 3:204-5, 320, 337; (Paumari) 3:253-4, 274-5, 331;
(Piraha)7:209-10,272-5; (Piraha)7:286-8;
(PreAndine Arawakan) 7:578-9; (PreAndine Arawakan) 7:576;
620 Index
(Sanuma)2:154-64; (Canela-Kraho)7:185-6;
(Unibu-Kaapor) 1:382-384; (Guajajara) 7:416;
(WaiWai)4:45; (Paumari) 3:12;
(Yagua) 7:448-51; 2:288-9,291-2, (Wai Wai) 4:81,120-23,177-82;
310-11, 337, 337-9, 340, 378-83 (Warekena) 357-66;
adverbs and adverbiale, 7:48-9, 65, 87, 111, (Yagua) 2:253-9, 361-7
209-10,578,600-1; 2:37,204-7; Aguaruna language, 7:458,463
3:88-90, 97-8, 107-9,130-2; 4:35-6, Aikhenvald, Alexandra, 4:5, 11, 225-440
66-8, 79, 125-9, 183-5, 199-212, 396-8; Aimore" people, 7:6, 7
(Apalai) 7:48-9,65, 87,111; Akawaio language, 3:9, 23
(Arawakan) 7:578, 600-1; Akewere (= Tocantins Suru0 language, 4:495
(Macushi) 3:88-90, 97-8,107-9, Algonkian languages, 7:425
130-32; Alicea, Neftali, 7:463
(Pirahä)7:209-10; Allin, Trevor R., 3:359, 362
(PreAndine Arawakan) 7:578, 600-1; Almeida, Francisco Antonio de, 7:4
(Sanuma) 2:37, 204-7; Almeida Serra, Ricardo Franco de, 7:7
(Wai Wai) 4:47-8, 79,125-8, 129, Amage (= Amuesha) language, 7:12
183-5, 199-212; Amahuaca language, 4: viii, 8,12, 14, 443-85
(Warekena)4:396-8 Amahuaca people, 4:444
adverb phrases, 7:188, 302-3, 396; Amanay6 language, 4:495
2:210-11,417; 5:129-32,338; Amapä (territory, French Guiana), 7:471
4.396-8 Amapari dialect of Wayampi, 4:508, 512,
(Canela-Krahö)7:188; 514, 534-5, 537, 544, 552
(Macushi) 3.129-32; Amarakaeri language, 3:365
(Paumari) 3:338; Amazon (river), 7:14-15,440,472;
(Pirahä)7:302-3; 2:251-2
(Sanuma) 2:210-11; Amazonas (state, Brazil), 3:161, 200,
(Urubu-Kaapor)7:396; 471-2; 4:491
(WaiWai) 4: 35-6, 125-8; Amazonia (region), 7:1-10; 4: 5-8
(Warekena)4:396-8; Amazonian Indian art, literature, science, etc.,
(Yagua) 2:417 4:6
adverbial clauses, 7:262-8; 2:324-6; Amele language, 4:478
3:69-70, 73-82, 225-35; 4.77-80; Amerind languages, 3:13
(Macushi) 3:69-70, 73-82; Amisha (= Amuesha) language, 7:12
(Paumari) 3:225-35, 320; Amoishe (= Amuesha) language, 7:12
(Pirahä) 7:262-8; Amorim, Rute, 4:424
(Wai Wai) 4:77-80; Amsterdam (Holland), 3:355
(Yagua) 2: 324-6 Amuescha (= Amuesha) language, 7:12
Africa, 4:443 Amuesha language, 7:12-13, 505, 536, 559,
agency hierarchy 7:416,420-1,424 567-642 passim; 3:13, 355-499 passim
agglutination, in Maipuran 3:376 Amuesha people, 7:462
agreement, 7:185-6, 416, 513-8, 532-5; Amuexa (= Amuesha), 7:12
2:253-9,361-7; 3:12; 4:11,13,27,81, Anamb6 language, 4:495
120-23,177-82,357-66; anaphora, 7:68-72, 163-4, 217-8, 255-62,
(Arawakan) 7:513-8, 532-3, 534-5; 358-63; 2:89,330-4; 3:61-7,223-5;
Index 621
4:70-76,269-70,313-15; Asheninca language, 7:462,473, 567-642

(Apalai) 7:68-72; passim; 3:13, 355-499 passim
(Canela-Krahö) 7. 163-4; aspect, 7:40,42-4, 47-9, 103-6, 167,
(Macushi)3:61-7; 180-4, 290-7, 386-9,453-4, 518-20,
(Paumari) 3:223-5; 525, 586-8; 2:82-5,154-61,173-95
(Pirahä)/: 217-8, 255-62; 282-3 340-1 384, 388-96, 398-9; 3:34,
(Sanuma) 2:89; 117-21,278-82,322; 4:12,114-17,
(Urubu-Kaapor) 1:358-63; 263, 336-52, 382,445-51, 465-7,494;
(Warekena) 4:313-15; (Amahuaca) 4:445-51;
(Yagua) 2: 330-4 (Apalai), 7:40,42-4,47-9, 103-6;
Anamoim (town, Brazil) 4:225 (Arawakan) 7:518-20, 525, 586-8;
Anchieta, Jose de, 1:380, 395; 4:4, 13,494, (Canela-Kraho) 7:167,180-4;
578 (Macushi) 3:34,117-21;
Andean languages, 1:12 (Paumari) 3:278-82, 322;
Andean-Equatorial languages, /: 12-13,471 (Pirahä) 7:290-7;
Anderson, Stephen R., 2:462 (PreAndine Arawakan) 7:586-8;
Andes (mountains), 7:14 (Sanuma) 2:82-5,154-61,173-95;
Apalai language, 7: 15, 17,33-127; 3:9; (Tupi-Guarani) 4:494;
4:9,15 (Urubu-Kaapor) 7:386-9;
Apanjekra (village), 7: 128 (Wai Wai) 4:12, 114-17;
Apiakä language, 4:495 (Warekena) 4:263,336-52;
Apinaje people, /: 128 (Yagua) 2:282-3, 340-1,384, 388-96,
Apurinä (Ipurina) language, 1:\7,469-642 398-9
passim; 2:8; 3:13, 359, 355-499 passim Assurini (Asurini) language, 4:495, 577
Aquidauana (municipality, Brazil), 1:472 Atabapo (river, Venezuela), 4:227
Arana, Julio C6sar, 2:4 Atacuari (river, Peru), 2:317
Arara language, /: 13 Atroari (Atrowari) people, 4:6, 25
Arariba (post, Brazil), 1:472 Auaris (river, Brazil), 2:17
Arauän (Arawan) languages, 1:471, 515, Australian aboriginal languages and people,
556; 2:9; 3:3,10-12,161,363,365, 7:414; 4:8,443
369,374,376; 4: v, 4, 15,422 auxiliary verbs, 7:48, 103, 301, 395-6,
Arawakan languages, /: 467-566; 567-642; 410-1, 536-7, 608-9; 2:207-9, 305,
3:355-499 passim; 4: v, 11, 15, 380 307, 324-5, 362,413-6 3: 127-9,
Arawetd language, 4:495 331-4,350; 4:29,393-5,529,531;
areal typological characteristics of Amazonian (Apalai) 7:103;
languages, 7:414, 428-9,474; 4:14-15 (Arawakan) 7:536-7, 608-9;
Arecuna language, 3:9, 23 (Guajajara)7:410-l;
Argentina (nation), 7:15 (Macushi) 3:127-9;
Arik6m languages, 7:13 (Paumari) 3:331-4, 350;
Ariquena language, see Warekena (Pirahä) 7:301;
art, Amazonian, 4:6 (PreAndine Arawakan) 7:608-9;
Arua language, 7:13 (Sanuma) 2:207-9;
Aruak language, 4:422, 496 (Tupi-Guarani) 4:529, 531;
Ash, Ruth Wallin, 3:355 (Urubu-Kaapor) 7:395-6;
Ashaninca language, see Asheninca (Wai Wai) 4:29, 124;
622 Index
(Warekena) 4:393; Bolshoi Ballet,/: 7

(Yagua) 2:305, 307, 324-5, 362,413-6 Bora people, 3:362
Ava (= Canoeiro) language, 4:495 Borgman, Donald, 2:7,15-248; 3: v
Aweti language, 4:497, 574-6 Boswood, Joan, 3:162
Axininca language, see Asheninca Boudin, Max H., 7:394
Brasilia (city, Brazil), 7:470; 3:11
Bakairi (Bacairi) language, 4:4 Brazil nut traders, 7:213
Bailena, M.,/: 615 Brazilian linguists, 4:3-5
Baltar, Tatiana, 4:424 British Academy, 7: v, 561
Baltazar (town, Venezuela), 4:227 Burgess, Eunice, 7:199,469-566 passim;
Baltazar, Humberto and Manoel, 4:424 2:18; 3:162,359
Banavä-Jafi (Banawä) language, 3:11; 4:4 Butler, Nancy, 7:489, 503, 508, 511, 523,
Baniva-Yavitero languages, 3:366-7 561; 3:359
Baniwa (= Baniva) language, Bybee, Joan, 2: 364
(of Guainia), 4:11, 225, 227-9;
(of liana, = Maniba) 3:366; 4:11, 225, Cabiyari language, 3:13, 355-499 passim
228, 334, 360, 365, 369, 371, 380, 386, 390, caboclos (peasants), 3:6
422,423 Cabral, Pero Alvares, 2:3
Baptista, Priscilla, 3:359,433,460,472 Cacataibo language, 4:479
Bare (Bare") language, 3:367; 4:5,11, 225, Caduveo (= Guaicuru) language, 7:13
229, 360, 369,380, 386, 390,422,423 Cahocuma language (dialect of Yagua),
Bare (town, Venezuela), 4:227 2:75-6, 259, 324, 342, 352, 361, 373, 427,
Barker, James, 2:17 438, 445
Barra do Corda (city, Brazil), /: 128 Cahocuma (area, Peru), 2:252
Baruzzi, Roberto G. 1: 9 Cahuachi, Pedro Diaz, 7:461
Basque language, 1:413-5,474 Campa language, 7:505, 523, 536, 559, 567,
Batoui (river, Brazil), /: 472 631 -5; 3:13, 360, 363, 366; see also
Baure" language, 1:472, 505; 3:13, 355-499 Asheninca
passim Campbell, B., 7:469-566 passim
Becher, Hans, 2:17 Campbell, Lyle, 3:11,13
Betern (city, Brazil), 1: 2, 199, 326; 4:4 Campbell, R., 7:469-566 passim
Belize (nation), 1:14; 3:362 Campinas (town, Brazil), 4: 225
Bendor-Samuel, David, 1.358, 378,416-7, Camuchivo language, 2:252
437; 2:8 Canamantf language, 3:11
Bendor-Samuel, John, 7:511; 3:359, 380, Canary Islands, 4:4
384, 390, 394,489 Canela-Kraho language, 7:15,128-99,
Betts, La Vera, 4:578 414-5,425-6; 4:15
bilingualism, 7:326,471; 2:251; 3:23 Canoeiro (= Ava) language, 4:495
Biocca, Ettore, 2:17 cannibalism, 7:23
Black Carib (= Garffuna) language, 1:14, Capanahua language, 2:8; 4:478
505; 3:359,362 Capertya, Raimundo Roberto, 7:199
Blake, Barry, 1:455,474 Captain, David, 3:375
Bohurä language (dialect of Piraha), 1:200 Caquinte language, 7:473,567-642 passim
Bolivia (nation), 1:1, 14-15,504, 568; Carib (= Galibi) language, 7:33
3:362-3,366; 4:491,495 Cariban (= Carib = Kariban) languages, 7:13,
Index 623
15-16,474,560; 2:252; 3:3,9,23; (Urubu-Kaapor) 7:341-8;
4: v, 3, 8, 12, 14,15,575 (Wai Wai) 4:50-53, 174;
Carib people, 7:15; 3:9 (Warekena) 4:239-42, 366-71,422;
Caribbean islands, 7: 14-15 (Yagua) 2:279, 284-7
Caribbean Maipuran languages, 3:375, 379 Cauvachi language, 2:252
Carlson, Bob, 2:459 Cayapo people, 1:15
Carson, Neusa, 1:23; 3:9 -10, 25 Celtic people, /:5
case, /: 84-5,167-8, 271, 368,495-500, Central Waica language, 2:7
591-2; 2:7,118-26,278,348; 3:11, Centre Nacional de Documentacion e
83-5, 250-4; 4:12, 80-82, 287-93, Informacion Educational, /: 637
445-6,468,505-8; Chaco languages, 7:13
(Amahuaca) 4:445-6,468; Chafe, Wallace, 7:445,463; 2:300, 302-3,
(Apalai)7:84-5; 305; 3:13
(Arawakan) 7:495-500,591-2; Chagnon, Napoleon A., 2:6,17
(Canela-Kraho) 7: 167-8; Chamicuro language, 3:13, 355-499 passim
(Macushi)3:83-5; Chan6 people, 4:496
(Paumari) 3:11,497-500; Chapacuran languages, 3:3
(Pirahä) .7:271; Chapman, Shirley, 7:469-566 passim; 2:8;
(PreAndine Arawakan) 7:591-2; 3: v, 4, 10-11,161-352
(Proto-Tupi-Guarani) 4:505-8; Chaumeil, Jean-Pierre, 2: 251
(Sanuma) 2:7,118-26; Chavez, Jorge, 4:476
(Urubu-Kaapor)7:368; Chibcha Proper languages, 7:12
(Wai Wai) 4: 80-82; Chibchan languages, 2:9
(Warekena) 4:287-93; Chile (nation), 7:14
(Yagua) 2:348 China (nation), 7:8
Casement, Roger, 2:4 Chipaya language, 3: 363
Cashibo language, 4:479 Chiriguano (Bolivian Guarani) language,
Catrimani (river, Brazil), 2:17 7:15; 4:13,495-6, 518, 527, 531, 535-7,
Caumari language, 2:252 541 -2, 548-9, 562-3, 572, 576, 579
Caura (river, Venuzuela), 2:17-18 chomeur,7:428,499; 3:11
causatives, 7:49-51, 78, 142-3, 219-20, Chomsky, Noam, 7:228, 256-7
265-6, 297, 341-44, 347-8, 505-6, Cikyana people, 4:25
593-4, 624; 2:44-5, 47-53, 51-3, 200, Cinta Larga language and people, 7:13, 426
279, 284-7; 3:40-1, 78-9, 184-7, clarification component, 2:299-300
292-5; 4:50-53, 174, 239-42, 366-71, classifier pronouns, 2:145-9
422, 532-4, 593; classifiers, 7:511-13, 374-5, 445-9;
(Apalai) 7:49-51,78; 4: 298-9;
(Arawakan) 1:505-6, 593-4; (Arawakan) 7:511-13; 2:129,144-9;
(Canela-Kraho) /: 142-3; (Sanuma) 2:129, 144-9;
(Macushi)3:40-l,78-9; (Warekena) 4: 298 -9;
(Paumari) 3:184-7, 292-5; (Yagua) 2:374-5, 445-9
(Pirahä) 1:219-20, 265-6, 297; clefts, 7:619-20; 2:296-7, 373-4, 415;
(PreAndine Arawakan) /: 593-4, 624; 3:234-5; 4:254-7,260-61,265
(Proto-Tupi-Guarani) 4:532-4, 593; Clements, George N., 2:434
(Sanuma) 2:44-5, 47-53, 200; clitics, 7:416-7; 2:59, 253-9, 361-9,
624 Index
398-9,418-28; 4:314-15,319,345, (Arawakan) 1:552-3,620-3;

365, 382, 385, 399,405-8,410; (Macushi)3:73-4;
(Guajajara)/: 416-7; (Paumari) 3:246-7;
(Sanuma) 2:59; (Pirahä) 1:264-5,295;
(Yagua) 2:253-9,427-8, 361-9, 398-9, (PreAndine Arawakan) 1:620-3;
418-28,422-4; (Wai Wai) 4:118-19;
(Wai Wai) 4:46; (Yagua) 2:321, 323-4, 326, 339-41, 347
(Warekena) 4.314-15, 319, 345, 365, 385, Congress of Americanists, 3:6
405-8,410 Conselho Indigenista Missionärio, 2:5
Clovis culture, 3:13 consonants, /: 120-24, 188-90, 315-21,
Cocama (= Kokama) language, 4:495,496, 399-400,429-44,437,461, 637-8;
497,577 2:220-23; 3:140-48, 346-9,432-57;
Cocamilla language, 4:495 4:148-52, 160-64, 399-405,477-9,
Cockburn, Alexander, 3:1 577-81,607-13;
code-switching, 3:9 (Amahuaca) 4:477-9;
Coelho, Lenita and Elias, 4:424 (Amuesha) 1:637-8;
Cole, Peter, 4:478 (Apalai)7:120-24;
collective marking, /: 88, 218, 596-7; (Asheninca) 1:637-8;
2:36-7; 3:90-1; 4:97,101,129-31, (Canela-Krahö) 1:188-90;
300-301; (Guajajara)/:437;
(Apalai)7:88; (Macushi) 3:140-48;
(Arawakan) 1:596-7; (Maipuran) 3:432-57;
(Macushi)3:90-l; (Paumari) 3:346-9;
(Piraha)7:218; (Piraha)J: 315-21;
(PreAndine Arawakan) /: 596-7; (Sanuma) 2:220-23;
(Sanuma) 2:36-7; (Tupi-Guarani) 4.577-81, 607-13;
(Warekena) 300-301 (Urubu-Kaapor) /: 399-400;
Colombia (nation), /: 1, 15, 504,557; (Wai Wai) 4:148-52,160-64;
2:251; 3:13,362-3,375; 4:11 (Warekena) 4. 399-405;
comparative clauses, 1:52, 80-1, 143-6, (Yagua) 1:429-44,461
221-3,344-6,346,412,623; 2:53-6, constituent order, 1:16-20, 33-7, 59-60,
163-4, 269-70, 288-9, 291-2, 288-93; 73-4, 84,122,128-37,201-8, 326-35,
3:41-3,187-8; 4:53,136; 408-9,440-65,452,454-7, 459, 472-95
complement clauses, 1:270-1; 2:335-7; passim, 546, 558-9, 604-9; 2:19-34,60,
4:271-2 129,164-5, 204-5, 253-64, 281,
completive aspect, 1:42, 47-9; 2: 388-93 300-302, 317, 327, 339-40, 342, 349-52,
compound nouns, 2:448; 4:511 359-60; 3:10-11,24-31,56-7,83-4,
Comrie, Bernard, 1.275, 277, 290; 2:279, 113,163-73, 196-8; 4:10-12, 26-36,
384-5,388,391,393,398; 4:368,443, 444,494,555-7,575
453,468 coordination, /: 39, 52-5, 146-51, 211,
conative aspect, 3:120 214-5, 223-8, 347, 349-50, 538-42,
conditionals, /: 75-7, 264-5, 295, 552-3, 622-5; 2:34-6,57-9,294-9; 3:31-5,
620-3; 2:321,323-4,326,339-41, 43-5, 65,134-6,189-94; 4:39-41, 54,
347; 3:73-4,246-7; 4:118-19; 245-7
(Apalai)/:75-7; (Apalai) /: 39, 52-5, 79-80;
Index 625
(Arawakan) /: 538-42, 622-5; demonstratives, 7:88, 105-7 177-8, 285-6,

(Canela-Kraho) 1:146-51; 374,412,483,492,532-3,572-3; 2:151,
(Macushi)3:31-5,43-5,65, 134-6; 374-5,453; 3: 33, 65, 105, 107-9,
(Paumari)3:189-94; 199-200,261-3,263,277; 4:313-19,
(Pirahä)7:211,214-5,223-8; 494,549-52,601-2
(PreAndine Arawakan) 7: 622-5; (Apalai) 7:88;
(Sanuma) 2: 34-6, 57-9; (Arawakan) 7:532-3, 572-3;
(Tupi-Guarani) 555-7; (Canela-Krahö) 7:177-8;
(Urubu-Kaapor) 1:349-50 (Guajajara) 7:412;
continuative aspect, 2: 393; 4:339-40 (Macushi) 3:33, 65,105-9;
continuous aspect, 3:121 (Palikur)7:483;
copular clauses, 7:33, 36,48-9, 64, 73, 81 -2, (Paumari) 3:199-200, 261-3, 277;
204-5; 3:79-80,168-9, 323-4; (Piraha)7:285-6;
4:30-31, 34, 37,43-4, 242-4; (PreAndine Arawakan) 7:572-3;
(Apalai) 7:33, 36,48-9, 64, 73, 81-2; (Proto-Tupi-Guarani) 4:494, 549-52,
(Macushi) 3:79-80; 601-2;
(Paumari) III 168-9, 323-4; (Sanuma) 2:151;
(Pirahä)7:204-5; (Terena) 7:492;
(Wai Wai) 4: 30-31,37,43-4; (Urubu-Kaapor) 7: 374;
(Warekena) 4:242-5 (Warekena) 4:313-19, 324-5;
Coreguaje language, 2:9 (Yagua) 2:374-5,453
Corona (town, Venezuela), 4:227 Deni language, 7:469-566 passim;
Costa, Raquel, 4:5 3:11-12,363
Cotingo (river, Brazil), 3: 23 Derbyshire, Desmond C, 7:1-28, 13, 14, 17,
Creole languages, 7:513; 3:11 20, 37, 48, 96, 109, 293, 315,425,437,453,
Crocker, William H., 7:128,199 457, 458, 461,469-566, 638; 2:1-12, 18,
Croese, Rob, 3:355 459; 3: v-vi, 1-18, 25, 26, 119, 145,
Crofts, Marjorie, 7:414,426; 4:26 161-352, 355, 376, 380, 382; 4: v-vi,
Crowell, Thomas, 3:162 1-20,61,63,424,476,578
Cuba (nation), 3:360 Derbyshire, Grace, 3: vi; 4: \
Cue, Sandra L., 2:7, 18 Desano language, 4: 3
Cuiba language, 3:363 Diaz, Manungo, 2:459
Culina language, 7:472,478, 515; 3:11, 363, Diaz, Pedro, 2:427,459
374 di-intransitive clauses (in Pirahä), 7:206
Cumaru (mine), 3:7 Dietrich, Wolf, 4:578
Cunha, Cristiane, 4:424 Dik, Simon, 2:302
Cunhuä (river, Brazil), 7:471 direct speech, see quotation
Curripaco language, 3:13, 362, 355-499 discourse, 7:41-3, 48, 70-1, 83-4, 113-7,
passim 151-3, 228-35, 306-7, 350-3, 358-9,
429-31, 431,442,445-6,488, 625-36;
Dana, Harvey Eugene, 7:247 2: 212, 266,427-98, 59, 59-66, 61-6;
Davis, Irvine, 3:162 3:45, 65-7, 80, 194-201, 243, 263,
Davis, SheltonH., 7:2, 15 340-4 4:10, 54-7, 73, 75, 133-9,
deforestation, 1:2-3; 2:5; 3:5; 4:7-8 233-4, 247-61, 363-6,444-6, 452-3,
Demini (river, Brazil), 2:17 471-6;
626 Index
(Amuesha) 7:626-31; (Yagua) 2:269-71

(Apalai) 7: 41 -3,48, 70-1, 83-4, 113-7; Emerillon language, 4:495,496
(Campa) 1:634-5; Emmerich, Charlotte, 4:5
(Canela-Krahö)/:151-3; emphasis marking, 7:176, 202, 211, 234-5,
(Guajajara) 7: 429-31; 299; 2:197; 3:138,200-1,340-1;
(Macushi) 3:45, 65-7, 80; 4:257-61,385,397
(PaumarO 7:488; 3:194-201, 243, 263, (Canela-Kraho)7:176;
340-4; (Macushi) 3:138;
(Pirahä) 7:228-35,306-7; (Paumari) 3:200-1,340-1;
(PreAndine Arawakan) 7: 625-36; (Pirahä) 7:202, 211, 234-5, 299;
(Sanuma) 2:59-66, 212; (Sanuma) 2:197;
(Urubu-Kaapor) /: 350-3, 358-9; (Warekena) 4:257-61, 385, 397
(WaiWai)* 54-7, 133-9; England (nation), 3: vi
(Warekena) 4:233-4, 247-61; English language, 7:455,463; 2:296,
(Yagua) 1.442, 445, 456; 2:266,427-98 316-7,329,342,354,400; 3:9,23,25,
Dixon, Robert M. W., 7:419,424-6; 2:253, 115,234-5
256-7,361; 4:4,424,578 epenthesis, (Macushi) 3:148;
Dobson, Rose, 4:578 (Pirahä) 7:319;
Dominican Republic (nation), 3:360 (Proto-Tupi-Guarani) 4:557-8;
Dooley, Robert, 7:309,446; 3:162, 300, 302 (Yagua) 2:432-8
Dorigo, Carmen Teresa, 4:5 equative clauses, 7:36, 80-1,134,143-6,
Downing, Bruce T., 2:346-347 205, 221-3, 270, 346-7; 2:56-7,
dual marking for mothers, 2:377-8 289-90; 3:27-8,41-3,168-9,188,
Durbin, Marshall, 7:15; 3:23 243-6; 4:31-2, 38, 53-4, 73, 85, 88,99,
Dutch language, 4:25 242-4;
(Apalai) 7:36, 80-1;
Eastern Arawakan languages, 7:557 (Canela-Krahö) 7:134,143-6;
Eastern Maipuran languages, 7:471 (Macushi) 3:27-8 41-3;
East-West Guiana languages, 3:23 (Paumari) 3:168-9, 188, 243-6;
Ebeling, C. L., 7: 21 (Pirahä) 7:205, 221-3,270;
Ecuador, 4: v (Sanuma) 2:56-7;
Ekdahl, Elizabeth M., 7:489, 503, 505, 508, (Urubu-Kaapor) 7:346-7;
511,513,522-3,526; 3:359 (Wai Wai) 4:31-, 53-4, 85, 88, 99;
Ekdahl, Muriel, 7:561 (Warekena) 4:242-5;
ellipsis, 7:41-3,139-40, 213-15,222, (Yagua) 2:289-90
224-5, 336-9; 2:39-43, 269-71; Equatorial languages, 7:12,471
3:35-6, 175-7; 4:233-7, 269-70; Erebato (river, Venuzuela), 2:17
(Apalai) 7:41-3; ergativity, 7:19,408,417-29,487-9, 571,
(Canela-KrahO) 7:139-40; 589; 3:10-12, 83-4, 164-5, 487-9;
(Macushi) 3: 35-6; 4:10, 12-15, 89,422,445,477, 479, 562,
(Paumari)3:175-7; 574;
(Pirahä) 7:213-15, 222, 224-5; (Amahuaca) 4:445,477,479;
(Sanuma) 2: 39-43; (Arawakan) 7:571,589;
(Urubu-Kaapor) 7:336-9; (Guajajara) 7:408,417,417-8,418-29;
(Warekena) 4:233-7, 269-70; (Macushi) 3:10, 83-4;
Index 627
(Paumari) 7:487-9; 3:11-12, 164-5, Galväo, Ernesto, 7:3

487-9; Garifuna (= Black Carib) language and people,
(PreAndine Arawakan) 1:571, 589; 3:13, 355-499 passim
(Proto-Tupi-Guarani) 4:562 garimpeiros (artisanal placer miners), 3:7
Eskimo-Aleut languages, 3:13 Caspar, J., 7:606, 608, 620, 626
Essequibo river (Guyana), 4:9, 25 Gaviäo language, 7:13; 2:8-9; 4:574
Europe, 2:5 Ge (= Je) languages, 7:15-16, 128,414, 429,
Evans, Clifford,/: l, 3-4 474,560; 2:9; 3:3,6; 4: v, 15
Everett, Daniel L., 1:20, 200-325; 2:7,9; gender, 7:96, 317, 500, 514, 531-6, 569,
3:v,4; 4:4 635; 2:197; 3:12,254-9,286-9,377;
Everett, Keren, /: 201,220, 288, 293, 311 4:297-8,313,357-66;
exclamatives and exclamations, (Apalai)7:96;
(Pirahä) 7:309-10; (Arawakan) 7:500, 514, 531-6, 569;
(Urubu-Kaapor) 7:402; (Campa) 7:635;
(WaiWai) 4:129 (Maipuran) 3:377;
existential clauses, 7:135; 4:242-4, 266 (Paumari) 3:12, 254-9, 286-9;
extinction of languages, 7:9-10, 13; 200; (Piraha)7:317;
2:5; 3:363-4 (PreAndine Arawakan) 7:569;
(Sanuma) 2:197;
Fanshawe, D. B.,3:432 (Warekena) 4:297-8,313,357-66
Fearnside, Philip M., 3:5 genitives, 7:44-7, 59, 73-4, 84-6, 89,
Fillmore, Charles W., 7:462 96-99, 159-70, 204-5, 243-4, 285,
focus, 7:202, 625-36; 2:25-6,74-5, 369-72, 542, 573-5; 2:126-8, 134,
186-5,198-201,303-5; 4:56-7, 349-50, 362-4; 3:39-40, 85-6, 177-8,
133-4, 374-80; 254-9, 264, 272, 378-9; 4:82-4, 192-3,
(Arawakan) 7:625-36; 293-304,513-4,561;
(Piraha)7:202; (Apalai) 7:44-7, 59, 73-4, 84-6, 89,
(PreAndine Arawakan) 7:625-36; 96-99;
(Sanuma)2:25-6,74-5, 186-5, 198-201; (Arawakan) 7:542, 573-5;
(Wai Wai) 4:56-7, 133-4; (Canela-Kraho) 7:159-70;
(Warekena) 4:374-80; (Macushi) 3:39-40, 85-6;
(Yagua)2:303-5 (Maipuran) 3:378-9;
Foley, William A., 2:413 (Paumari) 3:177-8, 254-9, 264, 272;
Franchetto, Bruna, 7:23; 3:4,10; 4:5 (Pirahä) 7:204-5, 243-4, 285;
French Creole, 7:471 (PreAndine Arawakan) 7:573-5;
French Guiana (nation), 7:14-5,3:13; (Proto-Tupi-Guarani) 4:561;
4:491,495 (Sanuma) 2:126-8, 134;
Fromkin, Victoria, 7:17 (Urubu-Kaapor) 7:369-72;
frustrative aspect, 3:120; 4:137, 538-9 (Wai Wai) 4:82-4, 192-3;
Fundaâo Nacional do Indio (FUNAI), (Yagua) 2:349-50, 362-4
7:199; 4:578 genocide, I:, 10; 2:3-5; 4: v, 6-7,9
Furtado, Mendonga, 2:4 Ge-Pano-Carib languages, 7:12
Germanic languages, 7:414
Gabas, Nilson, 4:5 Giacone, Antonio, 3:359
Galibi (= Carib) language, 7:33; 3:9 Gildea, Spike, 4:3-4,9
628 Index
Gilij, Filippo Salvadore, 3:363 passim

Gi-Paranä (river, Brazil), 1:13 Guana language, 3:360
Givon, Talmy, 1:17,19, 453, 455; 2:277; Guanano language, 4:452,453,479
4:443,468,470,476 Guaranilanguage, 7:15, 419; 2:9; 4:13,
glosses, abbreviations for, 7: ix-xiii; 495, 518, 555-6, 562, 564, 572-3, 578,
2:ix-x; 3:ix-x 580
Goeje, Claudius Henricus de, 3:367 Guarayu language, 4:13,491,495, 508, 514,
Goiäs (state, Brazil), /: 128 516, 518, 522, 528,531, 553-4,556, 560,
Goldsmith, John, 7:317 562-3, 572, 579
Gomez, Floriane, 7:409 Guarequena language, see Warekena
Goncalves, Cristina Helena R. C., 2:9 Guaricuru, misspelling of Guaicuru, 7:6-7
Gonzales-Nanez, Omar, 3:375 Guatemala (nation), 7:504
Goodland, Robert J. A., 1:2 Guato language, 7:23
Gorotire Kayapo (reserve), 3:7 Guayabero language, 3: 363
Graham, Al,/: 232 Guayaki (= Achi) language, 4:495-7,577
Grajau dialect of Guajajara, 4:507, 526, 556 Guaycuru (= Waikuruan) languages, 7:13
Greek language, ancient, 7: 247 Guiana highlands, 7:15
Green, Diana, 7: 481-4, 511, 521, 561; Guianas (region), 7:1,15; 3:10
3:359 Guinau language, 3:367
Green, Harold, 7:481-4,511, 521, 540, 551, Gurupi (river, Brazil), 7:326
561; 3:359 Guyana (nation), 7:15; 3:9, 13, 23, 360, 363
Greenberg, Joseph H., 7:1,11-12,15-16, Guzman Blanco (town, Venezuela), 4:227-8
273, 413-4,441, 451-2,457,459, 474; Gwazazara, see Guajajara
2:8,252,451; 3:13
Greenberg type 8 languages, 7:22-3,414-5, habitual aspect, 7:167; 2:282-3; 3:118;
451; 2:8 4:346
Greenberg universal 3, 7:451-2 Haiman, John, 4:443, 468,470,479
greetings and farewells (Wai Wai), 4:58 Haiti (nation), 3:360
Gregores, Emma, 7:419 Hames, Raymond B. 7:3
Griffiths, Glyn and Cynthia, 7:13 Hamp.EricP., 7:15
Grimes, Barbara, 3: 362, 365-6 Hanbury-Tenison, Robin, 7:8
Grimes, Joseph E., 7:311,416,461, 513, Harakmbet language, 3:363, 365, 369
522; 2:9,18; 3:162; 4:10 Harbert, Wayne, 7:262
Guahibo language, 3:363, 374 Harper, Kay, 3: v
Guahiboan languages, 3:363 Harrison, Carl H., 7:19, 407-39,474,
Guaicuru people, 7:6-8 560-1; 2:8; 3:v,4; 4:578
Guainia (river, Colombia), 4:227 Hart, Raymond, 3: 362
Guaipunavo language, I:s 13 Haurpe language, 7:12
Guajä language, 4:495 Hawkins, John A., 7:23,414,440,454,457,
Guajajara language, 7:15, 358, 378, 380, 384, 458,462,463; 2:8,414-5,451-3
390,407-37,440; 2:8; 3:4; 4:12, Hawkins, Robert E., 4:10,25-224
14-5,495, 501-3, 507, 512-4, 518-9, Hawkins, W. Neil, 3:9; 4:10,25-26
522-3, 526, 534, 538-46, 552-3, 555-6, hearsay marking, 7:298; 4:139
562, 568, 572, 578, 580 Hecht, Susanna, 3:7
Guajiro language, 7:505; 3:13, 355-499 Heelas, Richard 7:9
Index 629
Heinrichs, Arlo, 1:200 (Warekena) 4:420-21;

Heinrichs, Vi, 7:200 (Yagua) 2:262, 317, 321, 330,457-8
Heitzman, Allene, 7:581, 637 Ignaciano language, 7:505, 568; 3:13,
Hemming, John, 1:2,4-6, 8-9, 23; 355-499 passim
2:3-5; 3:4-5,8 A/AL, see International Journal of American
Hildebrandt, Martha, 3:359 Linguistics
Hishcariana = Hishkaryana, see Hixkaryana impending action aspect, 3:120
Hispaniola (island), 3: 360 imperatives, 7:43, 61-4, 84, 62, 100, 104,
historical linguistics, /: 427, 453-4; 2:317, 158-60, 166, 212, 233, 246-9, 296,
320; 3:13-14,355-499; 4:487-618 356-7,614-5; 2:41,73-81,78-81,
Hixkaryana language, 7:13, 20, 33,48; 314-6; 3:49-55,217-20; 4:28,61-6,
3:9-10, 119,145; 4. v, 3,9, 10,25,61,63 176-7,263-4, 269, 393, 525, 549;
Hoff, Berend, 3:9, 359, 362, 366, 370, 390, (Apalai) 7:43, 61-4, 84, 100, 104;
450 (Arawakan) 7:614-5;
Holmer, Nils M., 3:359 (Canela-Krahö) 7:158-60, 166;
Hömpryxy, Luiz Carlos Jaco, 7:199 (Macushi)3:49-55;
Honduras (nation), 3: 362 (negative) 7:62; 2:78-81; 4:28,64-5,
Hopper, Paul J., 7:151, 280,497; 2:325, 393, 549;
383,405,410 (Paumari) 3:217-20;
Hora (= Jora) language, 4:495 (Piraha) 7:212, 233, 246-9, 296;
hortatives (Wai Wai), 4:63-4,177 (PreAndine Arawakan) 7:614-5;
Howland, Lillian, 3:355, 359 (Sanuma) 2:41,73-81;
Huachipaeri language, 3:365 (Tupi-Guarani) 4:525, 549;
Huber, Randy, 3:375 (Urubu-Kaapor) 7:356-7;
Huichol language, 4:452 (Wai Wai) 4:28, 61-6, 176-7;
Huitoto people, 3:362 (Warekena) 4:263-4, 269, 393;
Huitotoan languages, 2:252 (Yagua) 2:314-6
Huxley, Francis, 4:6 imperfective aspect, 2:399-93,4:447-51
Inapari language, 3:362, 366
Igana (river, Brazil), 4:227 Inca people, 7:5
ideophones, 7: 111, 124-7, 35, 42,198, 323, inceptive aspect, 3:120-1
402; 2:41-2,160-1,198,223,228-9, incorporation, 7:109-11, 262, 296, 300-1,
262, 317, 321, 330,457-8; 3: 36, 149-51, 394-5,530-1; 2:204-7,412-3;
350-1; 4:129,214-7,420-21,494, 3:126-7,324-31,328,382; 4:123-4
554-5; (Apalai) 7:109-11;
(Apalai) 7:111,124-7, 35,42; (Arawakan) 7:530-1;
(Canela-Kraho) 7:198; (Macushi)3:126-7;
(Macushi)3:149-51,36; (Maipuran) 3:382;
(Paumar03:350-l; (Paumari) 3:324-31;
(Piraha)7:323; (Piraha) 7:262, 296, 300-1;
(Sanuma)2:41,42, 160-1,198,223, (Sanuma) 2:204-7;
228-9; (Urubu-Kaapor) 7:394-5;
(Tupi-Guarani) 4:494, 554-5; (Wai Wai) 4:123-4;
(Urubu-Kaapor) 7:402; (Yagua) 2:412-3
(Wai Wai) 4:129, 214-7; Indian Protection Service, 2:4
630 Index
Indo-European languages, /: 428, 454 (Arawakan)/: 541;

Indonesia (nation), 4:7-8 (Canela-Kraho) 1:190-2;
Ifleri language, 3:362 (Paumari) 3:349;
ingressive aspect, /: 104-5, 183; 3:120-1 (Pirahä) 1:210-3,236, 308-10;
INIDE, 1:637 (Urubu-Kaapor) 1:353;
Institute Caro y Cuervo, 3:355 (Wai Wai) 4:61;
intensifies, 1:299; 2:207, 300, 308, (Warekena) 4:416;
410-11; 3:322-3; 4:539; (Yagua) 2:267
(Paumari) 3:322-3; intransitive clauses, /: 33-5,42,49,51,61,
(Pirahä)/: 299; 77-8, 132-3, 203, 331-3, 508, 609-11,
(Sanuma) 2:207; 616-8; 2:26; 3:163-4; 4:29,34,
(Proto-Tupi-Guarani) 4:539; 50-52,229-31;
(Yagua) 2:300, 308, 410-11 (Apalai) 7:34-5, 61, 77-8;
interjections, 2:218-9; 4:145-7 (Arawakan)/: 609-11;
interlocking subject and object, 2:29 (Arawakan)/: 508;
International Congress of Americanists, 3:4, (Canela-Kraho) /: 132-3;
355 (Paumari) 3:163-4;
International Journal of American Linguistics (Pirahä) /: 203;
(=/.ML), 3:368; 4:3 (PreAndine Arawakan) /: 609-11,616-8;
International Phonetic Association (IPA), (Sanuma) 2:26;
4:177 (Urubu-Kaapor) /: 331-3;
interrogatives, l: 55-61, 95, 153-8,178, (Wai Wai) 4:29, 50-52, 83;
353-355,410, 445, 482, 573, 613; (Warekena) 4:229-31
2:66-73, 150,302-5,308-14,318, Inuya river (Peru), 4:444
328-9; 3:46-9, 62, 73,110, 177, IPA, see International Phonetic Association
201-17, 272-3, 323-4, 235-46, 309; Ipurina language, see Apurinä
4:58-61, 135,261-3; Iquitos (city, Peru), /: 2,440; 2:251
(Apalai) 7:55-61,95; Irwin, Howard S. /: 2
(Canela-Krahd) /: 153-8, 178; Ishkariyana language, see Hixkaryana
(Guajajara) 7:410; Island Carib language, /: 14; 3:13, 355-499
(Macushi) 3:46-9, 62, 73,110; passim
(Palikur)/:482; Italian language, 2:252
(Paumarf) 3:177, 201-17, 272-3, 323-4, iterative aspect, 2:393-6,3:118
235-46, 309; Ituxi (river, Brazil), 3:11,161
(PreAndine Arawakan) /: 573, 613; Izocefio language (dialect of Chiriguano),
(Sanuma) 2:66-73,150; 4.495, 496
(Urubu-Kaapor) /: 353-355;
(Wai Wai) 4:58-61,135; JA ARS, 2:459
(Warekena) 4:261 -3, 286-7; Jackson, Evelyn, /: 561
(Yagua) /: 445,2:302-5, 308-14, 318, Jakway, Martha, 3:359
328-9 Jamamadf language, /: 17,469-566 passim;
intonation, /: 55-6, 61, 123, 190-2, 210-3, 2:9; 3:11,363,374
236,308-10,353,541; 2:267; 3:349; Japan (nation), 3:7
4:61,389,416; Japanese language, /: 413
(Apalai) 7:55-6,61, 123; Jäpiiryä, Alchico, 2:459
Index 631
Jarawara language, 4:4 Kayapo people, 7:128; 3:6-8

Jari dialect of Wayampi, 4:491,496, 506, 512, Keenan, Edward L., 7:17, 277, 455,472;
514,544,549,553 2:133,277
Jari (river, Brazil), 7: 33 Kewa language, 4:452
Jaruära language, 3:11 Keyser, Samuel J., 2:434
Jatapuzinho river (Brazil), 4:25 Kindberg, Lee, 7:469-566 passim, 581
Je,see Ge languages Kindberg, Willard, 7:469-566 passim, 580,
Jensen, Cheryl J. S.,2:9; 4:12-13, 489-618 590-1, 595, 597,599-600, 637; 3:380
Jespersen, Otto, 2: 277 Klimov, Georgii Andreevich, 2:257
Jesuits, 2:4 Klumpp, Delores, 3:355, 359, 375
Jivaroan languages, 7:12, 458; 4: v, 6 Koehn, Edward, 7: v, 17, 33-127; 3:9
Jora language, 4:495 Koehn, Sally, 7: v, 17,33-127; 3:9
Journal of Amazonian Languages, 4:4 Kokäma language, see Cocama
Juma language, 4:556 Koop, Gordon, 7:469-566 passim
Juruä (river, Brazil), 7:4,471 Koop, Lois, 7:477-9
juxtaposition, see parataxis Krahö people, 7:128
Kreen-Akrore (= Krenakore, Kren-Akorore)
Kaapor language, see Urubu-Kaapor people, 7:9-10; 4:6
Kadiweo (= Kadiueo = Guaicuru) language, Kuikuro (= Kuikuru) language, 7:23; 3:4, 10
7:8,13 Kumati-cachoeira (town, Brazil), 4:225
Kaiwä language, 4.13, 495, 506-7, 518, 523, Kumpaco dialect of Baniwa of Icana, 4: 225,
528, 537-8, 541, 545, 554, 562-4, 572-3, 371
576
Kajapo language and people, see Kayapo Lafer, Betty Mindlin, 7:9
Kakumasu, James, /: 17, 326-403; 3: v; Lambert, Jack Walter, 7:4, 7-8
4:578 Landerman, Peter, 2:252; 3:355
Kamaiurä language, 7:23; 2:8; 4:3, Landin, David, 7:13; 3:4
495-6, 501, 503, 507, 518, 522, 526, 532, Landin, Rachel, 7:13
538, 540-2, 545, 547-9, 554-5, 568, 572, Langacker, Ronald W., 2:277
579, 581 language death, 4:229
Kamaracoto language, 2:8; 3:9, 23 Lathrap, Donald W., 7:2,4, 16
Karaib languages, see Carib Laureano (town, Peru), 4:444
Karapaw Yana people, 4:25 Lefebvre, Claire, 7:276
Karitiana language, 7:10, 13; 2:9; 3:4 Lehmann, Winfred P., 7:429,474; 4.424
Karitiana people, 7:10 Leite, Yonne, 7:23; 4:5,578
Karo language, 4:574 Lesser Antilles (islands), 3:362
Karutana language and people, 4:227-8 Lewis, Norman, 7:9
Kashayalanguage, 4:452 Lightfoot, David, 7:21
Katwena people, 4:25 Lima (city, Peru), 7:637
Kaufman, Terrence, 3:3,12-13, 355, 363, Lingua Descriptive Series, 2:6
365-7, 375 Lingua Geral Amazönica Creole language, see
Kaxuyana language, 4:3 Nheengatu
Kayabi language, 4:495, 504, 506, 509, Lingua Geral Paulista Creole language, 4:495
513-5, 518-9, 521-3, 525-7, 533-7, Linguistic Inquiry (journal), 4:3
539-44, 546, 548, 554-8, 572-3, 579-80 Lizot, Jacques, 2:17
632 Index
location markers, (Sanuma) 2:75,165, 4:8, 11, 13, 225, 228, 240, 320, 334, 369,
202-4; (Yagua)2:411-12 380, 386,419,422,423
locative phrases and clauses, 1:208, 286-7, Maipure language, 4:422
578,601; 2:161-3,209-10,338-9; Maku language, 4:386
3:112,253-4,315-7,380; 4:282-3 Makusi = Makusi, see Macushi
(Macushi) 3:112; Malaya (nation), 2:4
(Maipuran) 3:380; Mallinson, Graham, 1:455,474
(Paumari)3:253-4,315-7; Manaus (city, Brazil), /: 2, 4, 280; 3:6
(Piraha) /: 208, 286-7; Mandahuaca language, 3:433
(PreAndine Arawakan) /: 578, 601; Maniba language, 3:366
(Sanuma) 2:161-3,209-10; Mansen, Karis, 3:359
(Yagua) 2: 338-9 Mansen, Richard, 3:359
Lokono language, 3:13, 355-499 passim Mantey, Julius R.,/: 247
Longacre, Robert E., 4:468,479 maps of South America, /: vi; 2: vi;
Loos, Eugene, 2: 384; 4.12 3:viii,361; 4: viii, 226,492
Lorenzo (= Amuesha) language, 7:12 Mapuera river (Brazil), 4:9, 25
Loukotka, Cestmir, 1:8, 11 -14; 2: 252; Maquiritare language, 2:17
3:360, 363 Maracacume (river, Brazil), /: 326
Lovejoy, Thomas E., 3:5 Marajo (island), /: 3
Lowe, Ivan, 3:162 Maranhäo (state, Brazil), 1:128, 437; 4:495
Lutzenberger, Jos6,3:7 Martins, Valteir and Sylvana, 4:424
Lyons, John, 2:385 Masamae language, 2:252
Mashco-Piro languages, 3:362
Macahuachi, Mamerto, 2:459, 468 Mason, John Alden, /: 557; 3:360
Machiguenga language, /: 567-642 passim; Matacuni (river, Venuzuela), 2:17
3:13, 355-499 passim Matisoff, James, 2:440; 3:13
Macro-Carib languages, /: 12; 2:252; 3:13 Mato Grosso do Sul (state, Brazil), /: 472
Macro-Chibchan languages, 1:12, 200 Mato Grosso (state, Brazil), 1: 8, 13,472
Macro-Ge languages, 1:12, 15 Matsos language, 4:478
Macro-Ge-Pano-Carib languages, /: 16 Matteson, Esther, 3:358-9, 365-6, 368-71,
Macro-Panoan languages, 1:12 375, 379-80, 433,457,459, 472, 504, 513,
Macro-Tucanoan languages, 1:12-13 515-16, 556-7, 573, 576, 581, 587,
Macu language(s), 1:13 590-1, 593-4, 599-600, 637
Macushi language, /: 23; 3:4, 9-10, Mawayana people, 4:25
23-160; 4:6,9,14-15 Mayoruna, see Matsos
Madagascar (nation), 7:17 Mbaya-Guaicuru language, 1:13
Madeira (river, Brazil), /: 4 Mbyä (Brazilian Guarani) language, 4:13,
Madiga language, 3:11 491, 495, 501, 507, 508, 516, 518, 541-2,
Madre de Dios (area, Peru), 3:362 549, 553, 556, 562-5 572,576, 579
Maia, Marcus, 4:5 McCarthy, John,/: 321
Maici (river, Brazil), /: 200 Meira, SeYgio, 4:4, 5
Maicuru (river, Brazil), 1. 33 Mearim (river, Brazil), 1:437
Maiongong language, 2:17 Meggers, Betty J., /: 1, 3-4
Maipuran languages, 1:12-13, 469-642 Mello, Fernando Collor de, 3:7, 8
passim; 3:9-10,12-14,322,355-499; Mendes, Chico, 3:7
Index 633
Mendes, Francisco, /: 7 (Apalai)7:123-4;
Merrifield, William, 3: v (Paumari) 3: 349;
Mexico (nation), /: 17 (Pirahä) 7:317-21;
Migliazza, Ernest C, 2:7,17 (Sanuma) 2:173-81, 226-7;
Ministry of the Interior (Brazil), 2:6 (Wai Wai) 4:156-65;
Miranda (city, Brazil), 1:13,472 (Warekena) 4:416-19
Mishara language, 2:252 Mosonyi, Esteban, 3: 355, 366, 375
Missäo Evangelica da Amazonia, 2:15; 3:23 Mosonyi, Jorge, 3: 355, 359, 362, 375, 378
MIT (= Massachusetts Institute of Tech- Moynahan, Brian, 7:9
nology), 4.5 Mozombite, Laureano, 2:468
Mojo language, 4:422 Mucajai (river, Brazil), 2:17
Mond6 language, 1:13 Mucatyurirya, Estela, 2:459
mood and modality, 7: 100,106-7,184-5, Munduruku language, 7:414,415, 425, 426;
246-7, 295-6, 389-90, 522-3, 529, 613, 2:9; 4:574
615; 2:195-7,314-6,385-6,400-3; Mufioz, Juan, 3: 359
3:122-3,282-3,285-6; 4:352-1; Munro, Pamela, 7:461, 463; 2:277,459;
(Apalai) 7:100, 106-71; 4:468,470
(Arawakan) 1:522-3, 529, 613, 615; Mura language (dialect of Pirahä), 7:200
(Canela-Krahö) /: 184-5; Muran language family, 4:3,15
(Greek) 7:295; Mura-Piraha language, 7:200
(Latin) 7:295; Murinyapata language, 7:425
(Macushi) 5:122-3; Museu Emflio Goeldi (Belom, Brazil), 4:4
(Paumar03:282-6; Museu Nacional, Rio de Janeiro (Brazil),
(Pirahä) 7:246-7, 295-7; 7:199,437; 4:5
(PreAndine Arawakan) 7:613, 615; Muysken, Pieter, 7:288
(Sanuma)2:195-7;
(Urubu-Kaapor) 7:389-90; Nadeb language, 7:13, 16; 2:8-9; 3:4
(Warekena) 4:352-7; Na-Dene languages, 3: 13
(Yagua) 2:314-6, 385-6,400-3 Nadobo (= Nadöbö) language, see Nadeb
Moore, Dennis A., 7:10, 13; 2:9; 4:4 Nambicuaran languages, 7:12
Morique language, 3:374 Nambikuara language, 7:12,16; 2:8-9
morphology, N "ndeva language, 4:495
(Arawakan) 7:469-566, 504-11, Napo (river, Peru and Ecuador), 7:4,440;
569-604; 2:252
(Arawakan) 7:500-537; National Museum of Rio de Janeiro (Brazil),
(Canela-Kraho) 7:192-7; 7:199,437; 4:5
(Macushi) 3:9; National Science Foundation (NSF), 7:114;
(Maipuran)3:379-80; 3:vi,355; 4:579
(Pirahä) 7:322-3; Nazaro (town, Brazil), 4:225
(PreAndine Arawakan) 7:569-604; negatives and negation, 7:62,64-5,64-7,
(Tupi-Guarani)4:491; 65-7, 67, 89-90, 149, 160-3,161, 234,
(Urubu-Kaapor) 7:385; 235, 249-55, 357-8, 520-4, 615;
(Wai Wai) 4: 165-214; 2:78-89,317-30; 3:34-5,55-61,80,
(Warekena) 4:419-20; 218, 220-23; 4:91, 95, 195, 201, 211-12,
(Yagua) 2:445-56 morphophonology, 264-9, 324, 385, 388-9, 399, 494, 545-9,
634 Index
600; 594-5;
(Apalai) 7:64-7, 89-90; (Sanuma) 2:142-4;
(Arawakan) 7:520-4, 615; (Urubu-Kaapor) 7:376-8;
(Canela-Krahö) /: 149, 160-3; (Wai Wai) 4:49, 76-7, 88-96,129,183,
(Macushi) 3:34-5, 55-61, 80; 185-6;
(Paumari) 3:218, 220-3; (Warekena) 319-22;
(Pirahä) 1:234-5, 249-55; (Yagua)2:280-l, 291-2, 335-7, 349,
(PreAndine Arawakan) /: 615; 352-360,449-50
(Proto-Tupi-Guarani) 4:494, 545-9, 600; Northern Carib languages, 3:23
(Sanuma)2:78-89; Northern Foothills (region), 3:3
(Urubu-Kaapor) 7:357-8; Northern Maipuran languages, 4:11, 225, 228,
(WaiWai)4:91,95,201,211; 240, 320, 369, 380,419,423
(Warekena) 4:264-9, 324, 385; nouns, 7:230, 369-72, 371, 529, 574-78;
(Yagua)2:317-30 2:128-9,144-9,156-7,351-2,
Negro (river, Brazil), /: 4; 4:225, 228, 386 445-452; 3:88,254-9,307-8; 4:80,
Newton, Dennis, 4:578 85,107, 173,187-98, 217,493, 503-14;
National Endowment for the Humanities (Arawakan) 7:529, 574-78;
(NEH), 3: vi, 355; 4:579 (Macushi) 3: 88;
New Guinea (nation), 1:11,4:443 (Paumari) 3:254-9, 307-8;
Nhamundä river (Brazil), 4: vi, 25 (Pirahä) 7:230;
Nheengatu (Lingua Geral Amazonica) creole (PreAndine Arawakan) 7:574-78;
language, 1.280; 4:11, 225, 228, 330, (Sanuma) 2:128-9, 144-9,156-7;
495,497 (Tupi-Guarani) 4:503-14;
Nies, Joyce, 3:359 (Urubu-Kaapor) 7:369-72;
Nijamvo language, 2:252 (Wai Wai) 4:80, 85,107,173,187-98,
Nimuendaju, Kurt, 1:4, 128, 280 217;
Ninarn language, 2:7,17 (Yagua)2:351-2,445-452
Noble, G. Kingsley, /: 16,472, 515; 3:360, noun phrases, 7:84-100, 167-74, 271-2,
363,365-8,371,375,390 368-72,411-2,607-8,84-100;
Nomatsiguenga language, /: 567-642 passim 2:118-44, 348-360, 34-7; 3:83-99,
nominalizations, 1:55, 73-4, 89-98, 163, 250-67; 4:80-96,287-322,493,513;
172-4, 251, 262-3, 277-80, 376-8, 536, (Apalai) 7:84-100, 607-8;
542-5; 2:142-4,280-1,291-2,335-7, (Canela-Kraho) 7:167-74;
349, 352-360, 449-50; 3:68-72, 89-90, (Guajajara)7:411-2;
92-9, 240, 263-7, 379; 4:12, 29,49, (Macushi) 3: 83-99;
76-7, 88-96,129, 183, 185-6, 319-22, (Paumari) 3:250-67;
494, 539-45,563, 594-5; (Pirahä) 7:271-2;
(Apalai) 7:55, 73-4, 89-98; (PreAndine Arawakan) 7:607-8;
(Arawakan) 7:536, 542-5; (Sanuma) 2:34-7,118-44;
(Canela-Kraho) 7:163, 172-4; (Tupf-Guarani)4:513;
(Macushi) 3:68-72, 89-90, 92-9; (Urubu-Kaapor) 7:368-72;
(Maipuran) 3: 379; (Wai Wai) 4:80-86;
(Paumari) 3:240, 263-7; (Warekena) 4:287-322;
(Pirahä) 7:251, 262-3, 277-80; (Yagua) 2:348-360
(Proto-Tupi-Guarani) 4:494, 539-45, 563, Nuevo San Martin (town, Peru), 4:444
Index 635
number, /: 16, 61, 107-9, 144,185-6, Orellana, Francisco de, /: 4, 8; 2:3
205-6, 392-4,416-7, 500, 515,578; Origüera, Toribio de, /: 8
2:17, 144, 197-8, 354-8, 377-8,445-6, Orinoco (river, Venuzuela), 2:17; 4: 227
453; 3: 89-91, 123, 254-9, 286-9; orthography, 7:471; 2:221,429-30; 3:3;
4:300-304; 4:579
(Apalai) 7:61, 107-9; OSV constituent order, 7:16-8, 326-31,
(Arawakan)/:500,515; 408-9,472,475-6, 479-81,485;
(Canela-Krahö) 1:144,185-6; 4:556-7
(Guajajara)7:416-7; Ott, Rebecca H., 3:359,430
(Macushi)3:90-l,123; Oett, Willis G., 3:359,430
(Paumari) 3:254-9, 286-9; OVS constituent order, 7:16-8, 33-4, 331,
(Sanuma) 2:17,144,197-8; 408-9,447,451,473,475,487-8,497,
(Urubu-Kaapor) 1:392-4; 499; 4:14, 27,445-6, 556-7
(Warekena) 4:300-304;
(Yagua) 2: 354-8, 377-8,445-6,453 Pacaas Novos language, 4:4
numerals, Pacaya language, 2:252
(Apalai) 7: 88; Paezan languages, 7:12
(Arawakan) 7:578; Pajonal Campa language, 7:567-642 passim
(Guajajara)/:412; Paläcio, Adair, 7:23
(Macushi) 3:89; Paleo-American languages, 7:12
(Paumari) 3:337; Palikur language, 7:469-566 passim; 3:13,
(PreAndine Arawakan) 1:578; 355-499 passim
(Proto-Tupi-Guarani) 4:494, 555, 602-3; Panare language, 4:3, 452
(Sanuma) 2:151; Pano, Eleazar, 2:459
(Urubu-Kaapor) 1:374-5; Panoan languages, 7:15-16; 2:8, 384-5;
(Warekena) 4:312-13; 3:3,372; 4: v, 3, 8,12,15,443,444,
(Yagua) 2:349,453 477-9
Papago language, 7:457,462
obligation marking (Wai Wai), 4:65 Para (state, Brazil), 7:33, 199; 3:6; 4:491,
oblique-topicalized construction in Tupi- 495
Guarani, 4:526-8, 556, 561, 575-6, 580, Paraguay (nation), 7:15; 3:360; 4: v, 491,
592 495
Ocaina people, 3:362 Paraguay (river), 7:472; 3:360
Odmark, Mary Ann, 1:539, 553; 3:162 Parakanä language, 4:495
Oiampi language, 1:14; 2:8,9 Parkwoto people, 4:25
Oiapoque (river, French Guiana), /:471 Parara language, 2:252
Oldfield, Margery L., 3:6 parataxis, 7:37-41, 39,40, 52-3,137-9,
Old Guarani language, 4:494,495,496, 522, 208-13, 211 -3, 335-6, 622-5; 2:34-9,
547, 560, 572, 578 264-91; 3:31-5,173-5; 4:36-42,
Olson, Mike, 2:413 231-3
Omagua language and people, 7:8; 4:495 Paraua (river, Brazil), 7:326
operator-operand theory of constituent order, Parecis language, 7:469-566 passim, 638;
7:452 3:13, 355-499 passim
oral literature, Amazonian, 4:6 Paressi-Saraveca(n) languages, 7:471
Oregon Foundation, 3:355 Parima (river, Brazil), 2:17
636 Index
Parintintin language, 4:495-6, 501, 504, 509, (WaiWai)4:ll,47-50;
514, 518-9, 522, 540, 546, 555-6, 568, (Warekena) 4:239
572, 578,588-606 passim, 615 (Yagua) 2:277-87, 357
Parker, Stephen, 3:359,455 Patamona language, 3:9,23
Parque Nacional de Xingu (Brazil), 7: 472 Paumari language, 7:459,469-566 passim,
participants (in discourse), 7: 305-6,442, 487-9,515; 2:9; 3:4,9,10-12,
591-7,625-36,630-1; 2:62-3,253, 161-352,363,374; 4:15
361-369; 3:196-201 4:54-5,248,250, Payne, David L., 7:462-3,469-566 passim,
453,475-6; 568, 575, 579-80, 583-4, 589-91, 596,
particles, 7:70-1,88-9,111-20,188, 604, 607, 637; 2:8, 259-60, 299-302,
225-6, 236-8, 303-8, 397-8, 601-2; 331, 334, 354, 367, 384,422,445; 3: v, 10,
2:212-8,266,307-8,418-428; 3:67, 12,355-499; 4:11,13
111-12,133-9,339-45; 4:10,12, Payne, Doris L., 7:440-65,474,476, 560;
129-47,398-9,494,552-4; 2:7, 9, 249-474; 3: v, 4, 382
(Apalai) 7:70-1, 88-9,111-20; Payne, Judith, 7:469-566 passim, 568, 580,
(Arawakan) 7:601-2; 596,607,637; 2:296; 3:355,380,469
(Canela-Krahö) /: 188; Payne, Thomas E., 7:463; 2:7,249-474;
(Macushi) 3:67, 111-2, 133-4, 136-9; 3: v, 4; 4:476,478
(Paumari) 3:339-45; Peba language, 2:252; 4:15
(Pirahä) 1:225-6, 236-8, 303-5, 307-8; Pebas (city, Peru), 2:251, 317
(PreAndine Arawakan) 1:601-2; Peba-Yaguan languages, 7:440; 2:252
(Proto-Tupi-Guarani) 4:494, 552-4; Pedra Furada archaeological site, 4:6
(Sanuma)2:212-9; Pemon language, 3:9, 23
(Urubu-Kaapor)7:397-8; Pefia, Hilario,2:313,459
(Waiwai) 4:10,129-47; , Espinosa, 2:252
(Warekena)4:12; perfective aspect, 2:388, 93, 398-9;
(Yagua) 2:266, 307-8,418-428 3:117-8; 4:336-9,342-4,447-51
Paru (river, Brazil), 1.33 Perlmutter, David M, 7:499; 2:277
passives, 7:47-9, 53, 142, 186-7, 219, 341, person, 7:61, 107-9, 185-6, 297, 392-4,
394,428, 508-10, 536, 588-9, 611 -2, 416-7, 574, 585-6, 610, 618-9; 2:197;
634-5; 2:46-7, 198, 277-87, 357; 3:53-4, 123, 286-9; 4:120-21, 293,
3:37-40, 123-6, 180-4,289-306; 4.11, 322, 565-73, 588-92;
47-50, 239 (Apalai) 7:61, 107-9;
(Apalai) 7:47-9, 53; (Arawakan) 7:574, 585-6,610, 618-9;
(Arawakan) 7:508-10, 536, 588-9, (Canela-Krahö) 7:185-6;
611-2; (Guajajara) 7:416-7;
(Campa)7:634-5; (Macushi) 3:53-4,123;
(Canela-Krahö) 7:142,186-7; (Paumari) 3:286-9;
(Guajajara)7:428; (Pirahä) 7:297;
(Macushi) 3:37-40, 123-6; (PreAndine Arawakan) 7:574, 585-6, 610,
(PaumarO 3:180-84, 289-306; 618-9;
(Pirahä) 7:219; (Sanuma) 2:197;
(PreAndine Arawakan) 7:588-9, 611-2; (Tupf-Guarani) 4:565-73, 588-92;
(Sanuma)2:46-7, 198; (Urubu-Kaapor) 7:392-4
(Urubu-Kaapor)7:341,394; (Wai Wai) 4:120-21;
Index 637
(Warekena) 4:293, 322 Warekena), 4:302

person hierarchy, 4:568-73 Polynesian languages, 1:413
personal names, /: 232 Pombal, Marquis of, 2:4
Peru (nation), 1: v, l, 15,440,474, 504, 513, Pongo de Manseriche (gorge, Peru), 1:2
561,567,637; 2:4,8,251,429,459; Popjes, Jack, 1:128-99,414; 3: v
3:360,362,366,376; 4:491 Popjes.Jo, 1: v, 128-99
Pet, Willem Jan A., 3:359 portmanteau affixes, 4: 27
phonology, Portugal (nation), 2:4
(Amazonian languages) 4:3; Portuguese language, /: 121, 128, 200, 223,
(Apalai) 1:120-5; 231,269,470-2; 2:5,252; 3:9,11,23,
(Canela-Krahö) /: 188-98; 25, 161, 187, 246, 282, 337, 345, 346; 4: v,
(Macushi)3:140-8; 6, 12, 225, 228, 330, 332, 360, 370, 497,
(PaumarQ 3:346-9; 509, 579
(Pirahä) 1.308-323; Posey, Darrell, 3:6, 8
(Sanuma) 2:220-9; possessives, 7:44-7, 59, 73-4, 84-6, 89,
(Urubu-Kaapor) /: 399-401; 96-99, 159-70, 204-5, 243-4, 285,
(Wai Wai) 4:148-65; 369-72, 542, 573-5; 2:126-8, 134,
(Warekena) 4:399-419; 349-50, 362-4; 3:39-40, 85-6, 177-8,
(Yagua) 2:429-44 254-9, 264, 272, 378-9; 4:45, 68-9,
Piapoco language, 3:13, 355-499 passim 187-98, 244-5, 293-304, 320, 423,493,
Pickering, Ida Lou, 3:359 503-5;
Pickering, Wilbur N., 1:474-7, 505, 508, 513, (Apalai) /: 44-7, 59, 73-4, 84-6, 89,
515,517,519,521,524; 3:359,366, 96-99;
469-566 passim (Arawakan) 1. 542, 573-5;
Pike, Kenneth,/: 188,312, 315 (Canela-Krahö) /: 159-70;
Pindaro dialect of Guajajara, 4:503, 507, 513, (Macushi) 3:39-40, 85-6;
518,522,545-6,552 (Maipuran) 3:378-9;
Pindaro (river, Brazil), 1:437 (Paumarf) 3:177-8, 254-9, 264, 272;
Pino, Jos6,4:476 (Pirahä) l: 204-5, 243-4, 285;
Pirahä (= Mura-Pirahä) language, 1:16, 20, (PreAndine Arawakan) 1:573-5;
200-325; 2:9; 4:3,4 (Proto-Tupi-Guarani) 4:493, 503-5;
Piro language, /: 505, 536, 567-642 passim; (Sanuma) 2:126-8, 134;
3:13, 355-499 passim (Urubu-Kaapor) 1:369-72;
Piro-Apurinä languages, 1:567-642 passim; (Wai Wai) 4:45, 187-98;
3:366 (Warekena) 4:293-304, 320;
Piro-Mantineri language, 3:366 (Yagua) 2:349-50, 362-4
plural, /: 88, 217, 246, 596-7; 3:307-8; Postal, Paul M., /: 446; 2:277
4:300-304; postpositions and postpositional phrases,
(Apalai) 1. 88; /: 52-3, 59,99-100, 287, 382-384,
(Arawakan) 7:596-7; 409-10,412-3,448-51; 2:154-64,
(Paumari)3:307-8; 288-9, 291-2, 310-11, 337-40 378-83,
(Pirahä) l: 217, 246; 530-1,576; 3:41-3,84-5,253-4,
(PreAndine Arawakan) /: 596-7; 274-5, 331; 4:45, 75, 78-9, 102-10,
(Warekena) 4:300-304; 129, 185-6,212-14,514-16,598;
simple, emphatic, and double (in (Apalai) 1.52-3, 59, 99-100;
638 Index
(Arawakan)/:530-l,576; (Arawakan) 7: 514, 532-3,547, 569-74;
(Guajajara) 7: 409-10, 412-3; (Canela-Krahö) 7:164,174-8;
(Macushi)3:41-3, 84-5; (Macushi) 3: 33,46-7, 63-5,73, 80-2,
(Paumari) 3:235-4, 253-4, 274-5, 331; 99-110;
(Pirahä) 7:287; (Paumari) 3:200-1, 203, 267-74;
(PreAndine Arawakan) 1:576; (Pirahä) 7:216, 218, 232 246, 280-86;
(Proto-Tupi-Guaranf) 4:514-16, 598; (PreAndine Arawakan) 7:569-74;
(Sanuma) 2:154-64; (Sanuma) 2:29, 75-6, 79,144-54 151-2;
(Urubu-Kaapor) 1:382-384; (Tupi-Guarani) 4:497ff;
(Wai Wai) 4:45, 75, 102-10,129,212-14; (Urubu-Kaapor) 7:369, 379-82;
(Yagua) 1:448-51; 2:288-9,291-2, (Yagua) 2:310-3, 342, 361-78;
310-11, 337, 337-9, 340, 378-83 (Wai Wai) 4:70-76, 85,96-102,187-98;
Powlison, Esther, 2:267,316, 354,445,448, (Warekena) 4: 322-6
453 demonstrative and deictic, 7:177-8,
Powlison, Paul, l: 447,451,461; 2:251, 313, 285-6,572-3; 2:151; 3:33,65,
317, 320, 329, 354, 357, 379-80, 385,400, 105-9; 4:72-4,97,297,313-19,
406,411,429,445,448,451,453,459,468 324-5, 549-52;
Prado, Rodrigues de, 1:7 indefinite, 7:176, 573; 3:104-5;
pragmatics, 1:151-3, 204, 228-35, 350-3; 4:101-2,323-4;
2:59-66, 299-308, 369; 3:45,194-201, interrogative, 7:178, 573; 2:310-3;
234; 4:10, 54-7, 247-61, 363-6,444-6, 3:46-7,73,110; 4:100-101,325-6;
452-3,477 personal, 7:175-7; 2:29, 75-6, 79,
(Canela-Krahö)7:151-3; 149-51; 3:63-5,99-104; 4:70-72,
(Macushi) 3:45; 97, 322-3;
(Paumari) 3:194-201; possessive, 7:285, 369, 573;
(Pirahä) /: 204, 228-35; reflexive, 7:98,140,178, 382, 547, 573;
(Sanuma) 2:59-66; 2:152-4,342; 3:109-10; 4:44-6,
(Urubu-Kaapor)/: 350-3; 237-9
(Yagua) 2: 299-308, 369 Proto-Arawakan language, 7:16,474, 504,
PreAndine Arawakan, 1:13,471, 567-642 515,556; 3:365; 4:380,423
passim; 3:366; 4:11 Proto-Eastern Newiki languages, 7:557
preliterate societies, /: 235 Proto-Jamamadi-Jaruara language, 7:556
Preto (river, Brazil), 7:13 Proto-Madi language, 7:505
Priest, A. M., 7:416 Proto-Caribbean language, 3:476-8
Priest,?. N., 7:416 Proto-Maipuran, 3:355-499 passim; 4: 380
Prince, Ellen, 7:446 Proto-PreAndine Arawakan language, 7:581
procrastinated action aspect, 3:119-20 Proto-Tupi and Proto-Tupf-Guarani languages,
Program of National Integration, 3:4 7:16; 4:13,14,491-618 passim
pronouns, 7:29, 33,46-7, 63-5, 73, 75-6, Puinavean languages, 7:13; 3:3
79,80-2,99-110, 144-54,164,174-8, Pullum, Geoffrey K., 7:1-28, 17,457,472,
216, 218, 232, 246, 280-6, 342, 361-82, 474,561; 2:1-12; 3:v-vi,l-18;
514,532-3,547,569-74; 2:310-3; 4:v-vi,l-20
3:200-1, 203, 267-74; 4:70-76, 85, Puquina language, 3:363
96-102, 187-98, 322-6,497ff; purpose clauses, 7:77-8, 265,410, 552-3,
(Apalai)7:95-98; 596,620-2; 2:99-100,324-5; 3:76-8;
Index 639
(Apalai) 7:77-8; 339-41,511,596; 2:45-6,75-7;
(Arawakan) 1.552-3, 596, 620-2; 3:37-40,177-80, 380; 4:47, 237-9,
(Guajajara)7:410; 371-4,593;
(Macushi) 3:76-8; (Apalai)7:43-7;
(Pirahä) 1: 265; (Arawakan) 7:511;
(PreAndine Arawakan) 7:596, 620-2; (Canela-Krahö) 7:140-2, 178;
(Sanuma)2:99-100; (Macushi) 3:37-40;
(Warekena) 4:272-3; (Maipuran) 3:380;
(Yagua) 2: 324-5 (Paumari) 3:177-80;
Purus (river, Brazil), 7:4,471-2; 3:11, 161 (Pirahä) 7:215-9, 297;
Putumayo (river, Peru and Colombia), 2:4, (PreAndine Arawakan) 7: Arawakan 596;
251 (Proto-Tupi-Guarani) 4:593
(Sanuma) 2:45-6;
quantifiers, 7: 88,144, 374,483, 532-3; (Urubu-Kaapor) 7:339-41;
4:308-12, 318 (Wai Wai) 4:47;
(Apalai)7:88; (Warekena) 4:237-9, 371-4;
(Arawakan) 1.532-3; (Yagua) 2:75-7
(Canela-Krahö) 1.144; reduplication,
(Palikur)/:483; (Apalai)7:43-4,124;
(Urubu-Kaapor) 7:374; (Arawakan) 7:502;
(Warekena) 4:308-12, 318 (Canela-Krahö) 7:183;
Quechua language, 7:276,3:372-3 (Paumari) 3:209, 281, 308, 337, 349, 350;
questions, see interrogatives (Proto-Tupi-Guarani) 4:538;
quotation and quotative clauses, 7:42, 84, 213, (Sanuma) 2:198, 202, 228;
232, 268-71, 338, 341,480,482,484, (Warekena) 4:348-52
549; 2:86-7,109-14,334-5; 3:28-9, Reed, Judy, 7:637
62,240-3; 4:11-12,26,32; reflexives, 7:43-7, 97-8, 140, 178, 215-9,
(Apalai)7:42,84; 230, 297, 339-41, 382, 510-1, 547, 586;
(Arawakan) 7:549; 2:43-5, 52-3, 75-7, 152-4, 271-4, 342;
(Jamamadi)7:480; 3:37-40,109,177-80, 299-300, 380;
(Macushi) 3:28-9, 62; 4:44-6,237-9,371-4,593;
(Palikur)7:482; (Apalai)7:43-7,97;
(Parecis)7:484; (Arawakan) 7:510-1;
(Paumari) 3:240-3, 243; (Canela-Krahö) 7:140, 178;
(Pirahä, 7:213,232,268-71; (Macushi) 3:37-40, 109;
(Sanuma) 2: 86-7, 109-14; (Maipuran) 3:380;
(Urubu-Kaapor)7:338,341; (Paumari) 3:177-80, 299-300;
(Wai Wai) 4: 26; (Pirahä) 7:215-9, 230, 297;
(Yagua) 2: 334-5 (PreAndine Arawakan) 7:586;
(Proto-Tupi-Guarani) 4.593
racism, 7: 7 (Sanuma) 2:43-5, 52-3;
Ramkokamekra (village, Brazil), 7:128 (Urubu-Kaapor) 7:339-41, 382;
Ramos, Alcida R., 2:17 (Wai Wai) 4:44-6;
Raposo, Joäo Macarico, 3:153-60 (Warekena) 4:371-4;
reciprocals, 7:43-7,140-2, 178, 215-9, 297, (Yagua) 2:75-7, 271-4
640 Index
Relational grammar (RG), 1:421, 428, 499; Russian language, 2:279

3:11
relative clauses, /: 74-5, 88, 98, 171,178, Salesian Catholic missions, 4:228
223, 275-7, 346, 545-9, 573, 616-20; San Jos6 de Loretoyacu (city, Peru), 2: 324;
2:34-6, 55-6,133-42, 152-4,163, 293, (dialect of Yagua) 2:445
324, 342-7; 3:70-3, 109-10, 238-40; San Miguel de Däbipe (town, Venezuela),
4:232, 257, 270, 273-8, 318, 326; 4:227
(Apalai) 1.74-5, 88,98; Sanchez, Jorge, 7:580,596,607; 3:469
(Arawakan) 1.545-9, 573, 616-20; Sandalo, Filomena, 4:5
(Canela-Kraho)7:171, 178; Sandberg, C.D., 7:426
(Macushi) 3:70-3,109-10; Sanuma (= Sanema = Sanumä) language and
(Paumari) 3:239-40; people, 7:16; 2:7,15-248; 4:15
(Pirahä) 1: 223, 275-7; Säo Luis (city, Brazil), 7:326
(PreAndine Arawakan) /: 573, 616-20; Säo Paulo (city, Brazil), 7:472
(Sanuma) 2:34-6, 55-6,133-42,152, Sapir, Edward, 2:257; 3:13
163; Sater6-Maw6 language, 4:497, 573-6
(Urubu-Kaapor) 7:346; Schauer, Junia, 3: 359
(Warekena) 4.232, 257, 270, 273-8, 318, Schauer, Stanley, 3:359
326; Schwartz, Arthur, 2: 347; 3:11
(Yagua) 2: 293, 324, 342-7 Schwartzman, S., 7:10
repeated action aspect, 1:40, 43-4 science and natural history, Amazonian, 4:6
Resigaro (= Resigero) language, 3:13, Scotland (nation), 3: 362
355-499 passim Searle, John, 7:233, 235
reversative aspect, 3:119 Seely, Merrill, 2:18
Ribeiro, Darcy, /: 9-10, 13, 568 Seki, Lucy, 7:23; 4:578
Rice University, 4:3-4 selectional ambiguity, 7:409
Richards, Joan, 7: 469-566 passim; 3:355, semelfactive aspect, 7:105,2:393-6
359 Sepatini (river, Brazil), 3:161
Rio Icanna Baniva language, 3: 366 serial verbs, see verbs
Rio Negro languages, 3:13 Serie Linguas Indigenas (book series), 2:9
Rivet, Paul, 2:252; 3:362 SeYie Lingiiistica (book series), 7:470; 3:11
Rodman, Robert, 1:17 Shafer, Robert, 3:366-7, 370,433
Rodrigues, Aryon D., /:3, 6, 15-7, 21, 278, Shaler, Dotty, 7:581,637
358,429,437; 2:7,9; 3:4,10,365,368; Shamatari people, 2:17
4:13,491-581 passim Shanks, Ann, 7:637
Romance languages, /: 419; 2:364 Sharanahualanguage, 4:3
Rondonia (state, Brazil), 4:491,495 Sharpe, Priscilla Baptista, 3:355
Rouse, Irving, 3:359 Shaver, Harold, 7:591, 622, 637
Rowan, Orland, 1.469-566 passim; 3: 359 Shebayo language, 3:362, 366
Rowan, Phyllis, 3:359 Sheffler, Margaret, 4:26
rubber industry, 2:4, 251 Sheldon, Linda, 7:201, 317-8
Ruiz de Montoya, Antonio, 4.494, 547, 578, Sheldon, Steve, 7:200-201, 215-16, 237-8,
579 242, 249-50, 280-94, 306, 319-21
Rupununi (river, Guyana), 3: 23 Sherew people, 4:25
Russell, Robert, 3:362 Shipaya language, 4:574
Index 641
Shipibo language, 4:479 (Maipuran) 3:379;
Shrishana (= Yanomami) language, 2:17 (PaumarO 3:169-70, 225-50;
Shuar people, 4:6 (Pirahä) 1.213, 262-71;
Silverstein, Michael, /: 416; 2:253, 361 (PreAndine Arawakan) 1.604,620-2;
Sioli, Harald, 3:5,7 (Sanuma) 2:59, 86-7, 89-118;
Siriono language, 4:495,496,497,577 (Urubu-Kaapor) 1. 335, 363-68;
Snell, Betty A., 1:595, 599, 602, 612, 637; (Wai Wai) 41-2,76-80;
3:355,359 (Warekena) 4: 270-87;
Scares, Marflia Faco, 4: 5 (Yagua) 2:260-1,334-7
Social Science Research Council (U.K.), Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1: v, 21, 199,
7:561 470; 2:6,18,249,459; 3:v, 1,161-2;
South America, maps, 1: vi; 2: vi; 4:26, 444, 476,477
3:viii,361; 4: viii, 226, 492 Surinam (nation), . 15, 33; 3:360, 363;
South American linguistics, 2: 8-9 4:9,25
South Arawakan languages, 1:557 Surui (= Suruim) language and people, /: 9,
Southern Maipuran languages, /: 471 14; 4:495,574
Souza, Tania Clemente de, 4:5 Surumu (river, Brazil), 3:23
SOV constituent order, 1:17, 33-4,128-30, SVO constituent order, /: 331,408-9, 447,
201-3, 326-31,408-9,472-95 passim, 451 -60 passim, 472-95 passim; 4:11,14,
497; 4: 14, 27,445-6,468,494, 556, 557, 229, 556-7
563 Swadesh, Morris, 3:374
Soviet Union, 1:7 Swift, Kenneth, 1:462, 604, 632, 637
Spanish language, /: 15,452, 625; 2:252, switch-reference, 4.8,12,443-85
316,429; 3:9; 4: v, 6, 225, 360, 370 syllables, 1:120,190; 2:222-3,429-32;
Sparing-Chavez, Margarethe, 4:12, 443-85 3:145-7, 346, 389-90; 4:150-2, 402-4,
speech acts, 7:211 408-9;
Spinalba, La (opera), /: 4 (Apalai)/: 120;
spirituality, Amazonian, 4:6 (Canela-Kraho) /: 190;
Steele, Susan, 1:425,453; 2:385 (Macushi) 3:145-7;
Steward, Julian Haynes, 1:3 (PaumarO 3:346;
Storto, Luciana, 4:5 (Proto-Maipuran) 3:389-90;
St. Vincent (island), 3:362 (Sanuma) 2:222-3;
stress (in phonology), 1:122, 312; 2: 77-8, (Wai Wai) 4:150-2;
222; 3:348-9; 4:155-6,409-10,412 (Warekena) 4:402-4,408-9;
Suarez, Jorge A., 7:419; 3:363 (Yagua) 2:429-32
subordination, 1:59, 65-7, 73-84, 164-7, Symposium on Arawakan Linguistics, 3:355
213, 262-71, 335, 363-68, 539, 542-55, Syntax Research Center [now Linguistic
604, 620-2; 2:260-1, 334-7, 86-7, Research Center], University of California,
114-8,89-118,102-9,59; 3:67-83, Santa Cruz, 1: v; 3:vi
169-70,225-50,379; 4:10,41-2,
76-80, 270-87; Ta-Arawakan languages, 3:13, 367
(Apalai) 1:59,65-7, 73-84; Tacanan languages, 2:385; 3:3; 4:15
(Arawakan) 1.539, 542-55; Taino language, 3: 360, 367
(Canela-Kraho) /: 164-7; Takunyapo language, 4:495
(Macushi) 3:67-83; Tapajos (river, Brazil), 1:4
642 Index
Tapauä (river, Brazil), 1:472; 3:11,161 texts,

Tapieto language, 4:495,496 (Amahuaca) 4:472-4;
Tapirape" language, 1.23; 4.495, 501, 504, (Macushi) 3:153-60;
515, 518-9, 521, 523, 525, 542, 543, 572 (Sanuma) 2:112-18,232-48;
Tariana (= Tariano) language, 3:13, 355-499 (Wai Wai) 4.221 -4;
passim; 4. \ 1, 225, 227, 330, 360, 369, (Warekena) 4.249,429-40;
371,380,386,390,422-3 (Yagua) 2:468-74
Taruma language and people, 7:12; 4:25 Thompson, Sandra Annear, 7:151, 280,497;
Tastevin, Constant, 3:362 2:325, 383,405,410,459
Taulipang language, 3:9, 23 Thubron, Colin, 7:6-8
Taushiro language, 1:463 n8 timber industry, 2:4
Taussig, Michael, 2:4 Timbira people, 7:128
Tavares, Petronila da Silva, 4:4,5 Tirio (Trio) language, 7:33; 4:4, 9, 25
Taylor, Douglas, 7:14; 3:356, 359, 362, Tiriquin (region, Venezuela), 4:227
366-8, 370-71, 374, 380, 390, 432,439, tgcachiy (bird), 7:447
440,450,476 Tocantins (= Trocarä) Assurini language,
Taylor, Kenneth I., 2:17 4:495, 501, 504, 508, 514, 515, 518,528,
Tello,Celina,2:459 532, 534, 535, 538, 539,540-2, 554-6,
Tembo language, 4:495, 554 568, 572, 573, 577, 578,588-606 passim
temporal clauses, 1:135-6 263-4, 305, 578; Tocantins Surui (= Akewere) language, 4:495
2:210; 4:278-82,383-4 Tokana (town, Brazil), 4:225
Tenetehara language, 1:437 Tomäs, Pedro Angelo, 4:424
tense, 7: 100-104,179-80, 271, 290, 385-6, Tomo (town, Venezuela), 4:227
529-30, 586-8; 2:165, 335, 339, Tonu (town, Brazil), 4:225
384-8; 3:67-8, 85-7, 113-7, 275-8; Toototobi (river, Brazil), 2:17
4:10-11,110-14,139,334-6,447-51; topic marking and topicalization, 7:41 -2,
(Apalai) 7:100-104; 202, 203, 211, 228, 229, 230, 233,417,
(Arawakan) 1:529-30, 586-8; 604; 3:64; 4:54-6;
(Canela-Kraho) /: 179-80; (Apalai)7:41-2;
(Macushi) 3:67-8, 85-7, 113-7; (Arawakan) 7:604;
(Paumari)3:275-8; (Guajajara) 7:417;
(Pirahä) 7:271,290; (Macushi) 3:64;
(PreAndine Arawakan) 1:586-8; (Pirahä) 7:202, 203, 211, 228, 229, 230,
(Sanuma) 2:165; 233;
(Urubu-Kaapor) 1.385-6; (PreAndine Arawakan) 7:604;
(Wai Wai) 4:10-11, 110-14; (Wai Wai) 4:54-6
(Warekena) 4:334-6; Torä language (dialect of Pirahä), 7:200
(Yagua) 2:335, 339, 384-8 Torero, Alfredo, 3:363
Terena language, 1.17,492-3, 638; 3:13, Tovar, Antonio, 3: 360, 365, 368, 373-4
355-499 passim, 360, 366, 469-566 Tovar, Consuelo Larrucea de, 3:360
passim Tracy, Frances V., 3: 359
Teribe language, 2:9 Transamazon Highway, 3:4
terminative aspect, 3:121 transitive clauses, 7: 33-4, 42,49, 50, 51, 74,
terminative clauses, 4: 283-6 128-31, 201-3, 206, 327-31, 506-7,
terrefirme (interfluvial forests), 7:2 609-11,616-8; 2:26-33,201-2;
Index 643
3:24-7, 125,164-8, 198,209-12, Uarequena or Uerequena language, see

289-98, 302-5; 4:27-9, 52,83,229-31, Warekena
357-60; Umaritiwa (town, Brazil), 4:225
(Apalai)7:33-4; United States (nation), /: 7; 2:5
(Arawakan) 7: 609-11, 616-18; universal aspect, 1:103
(Canela-Kraho) 7:128-31; Universidad Central de Venezuela, 3:363
(Macushi) 3:24-7, 125; Universidade de Brasilia, /: 199
(Paumari) 3:164-6, 198, 209-12, 289-98; Universidade Estadual de Campina (= UNI-
(Pirahl) 7:201-3; CAMP), 2:6; 4:578
(PreAndine Arawakan) 1:609-11; University College London, 1: v, 561
(Sanuma)2:26-31,201-2; University of California, Santa Cruz, 1: v;
(Urubu-Kaapor) 1.327-31; 3:vi
(Wai Wai) 4:27-9, 52; University of Campinas (= UNICAMP), 1.21
(Warekena) 4:229, 357-60 University of Colorado, Boulder, 3:13
travel, marking for mode of, 2:28 University of North Dakota, 1: v, 561
Trinidad (nation), 3:362 University of Oklahoma, 7: 114
Tripp, Martha Duff, 1:462, 606-7, 619, 621, University of Oregon, 2: vi, 9, 249; 3:355;
625, 627, 629,631, 637; 3:359, 430 4:476,578-9
Trocarä (= Tocantins) Assurini language, University of Pittsburgh, 4:4
4:495 University of St. Andrews, 3:362
Tropical Forest languages, /: 12-4 unspecified arguments, 3:37-40; 4:237-9
Tucano (= Hixkaryana) language, 1:13 Uraricaä (river, Brazil), 2:17
Tucano (Tucanoan) language, 2:9; 4: 386 Uraricuera (river, Brazil), 2:17
Tucanoan languages, 2:9; 3:3; 4: v Urco Mirafto (city, Peru), 1:461
Tuparf language, 4:574 Uru language, 3:363
Tupi language, 1:278 Uruan languages, 3:363
Tupi people, 1:6, 7 Urubu language (= Gaviäo), /: 13
Tupi-Kawahib language, 4:495, 615 Urubu-Kaapor language and people, 1:15, 17,
Tupian languages, 1:13-16,414,426,429, 18, 326-403; 4:6, 12-13, 495,497, 509,
437; 2:8-9; 3:3; 4: v, 3, 14,491, 512, 516, 518-23, 525, 527, 529-31,
573-5 535-8, 541-2, 546-7, 549, 554-6, 562-5,
Tupi-Guarani languages, /: 14, 326, 358, 378, 568,572-3,576-8,580-1
380, 395,407,415,419,427,429,437,474,
560; 4:8,12,14, 15,487-618 Vainilla (dialect of Yagua), 2:75-6, 258, 324,
Tupinambä language and people, 1:14, 280, 352, 361, 373, 391,453,445,468
429; 3:4; 4:4-5,13,494-7,501-3, Vainilla (area, Peru), 2:252
506, 508, 512-4, 516, 518-9, 521-2, Valenti, Donna, 3:372,457
525-8, 530, 532-6, 538-40, 542, 544-6, Valenzuela, Pilar, 3:362
548, 549, 554-61, 572, 577-9, 607-13 vafzea (flood plains), 1:2
Turiacu (river, Brazil), /: 326 Vaupes (river, Brazil), 4:227
Turiwara language, 4:495 Venezuela (nation), 7:15; 2:17,221; 3:9,
Tuuna Yana people, 4:25 13,23,362-3,366,375; 4: v, 3, 7, 11,
typology,/: 16-20,408-13,413-4,428-9; 225, 227-9
2:7-8 Vennemann, Theo, 7:452-3
Ventuari (river, Venezuela), 2:17
644 Index
verb classes, 1:88, 218, 513, 515, 596-7; dummy verbs, /: 140; 2:271;
2:36-7; 3:90-91,97, 101,129-31, instrumental verbs, /: 596; 2:403-6;
334-7; meteorological verbs, /: 593;
(Apalai)/:88; morphology of verbs, /: 192-7, 385;
(Arawakan)/: 596-7; motion verbs, 2:190-1; 3:185;
(Macushi) 3:90-91; perception verbs, 3:330-1;
(Pirahä)/: 218; position verbs, 2:174;
(PreAndine Arawakan) 1:596-7; positional classes of verbs, /: 288-90;
(Sanuma) 2:36-7; postpositional verbs, 3:331;
(Wai Wai) 4:97,101,129-31 purpose verbs, /: 410;
verbs, /:58, 103, 140, 192-7, 213-14, 219, receptive verbs, 2:189,198-200;
288-90, 297,301, 338-9, 385, 395-6, reciprocal verbs, 1:297,596;
410-1,431, 504-5, 515, 527-9, 579-600, referential verbs, 1:595-6;
592-6, 599-600, 608-9; 2:42-3, reflexive verbs, 1:297;
131-2,156-7,164,174,190-91, serial verbs, 2:413; 4:12, 341,380,
198-202, 207-9, 271, 383-4,403-6, 386-95, 529-32, 562, 580;
413-16; 3:80,127-9, 185, 300-301, speech verbs, 3:80; 4:32,74;
324-31, 334-7, 350; 4:12,110-24, stative verbs, 2:200-1;
165-82; thematic marking of verbs, 1:527-9;
(Apalai)/:58; transitive verbs, 2:201-2; 4:357-60,
(Arawakan) 1.504-5, 513, 515, 527-9, 368, 518;
579-600; valency of verbs, 1:219; 4:366,456-7,
(Canela-Krahö) 1:140,192-7; 494, 532, 593;
(Guajajara) /: 410,431; volitional verbs, /: 410
(Macushi) 3:80; verb phrases, /: 100-111,179-87, 288-301,
(Paumari) 3:185, 286-9, 300-301, 385-397; 2:164-209,198-202,
324-31,334-7; 383-416; 3:113-29, 275-337;
(Pirahä) /: 213-4, 219,288-90, 297; (Apalai)/: 100-111;
(PreAndine Arawakan) 1:579-600; (Canela-Kraho) 1:179-87;
(Sanuma) 2: 38-9, 42-3, 131-2,156-7, (Macushi) 3:113-29;
164,174,189-91, 198-209; (Paumari) 3:275-337;
(Urubu-Kaapor) /: 338-9, 385; (Pirahä) l: 288-301;
(Wai Wai) 4:32, 74, 110-24, 165-82; (Sanuma) 2:164-209;
(Warekena)4:12; (Urubu-Kaapor) 1.385-397;
(Yagua) 2:271, 383-4,403-6,413; (Yagua) 2:383-416
auxiliary verbs, /:48, 103, 301, 395-6, Vichada (territory, Colombia), 3:363
410-1, 536-7, 608-9; 2:207-9, 305, Vickers, William T., 1:3
307, 324-5, 362,413-6 3:127-9, Vieira, Marcia Maria Damaso, 4:5
331-4, 350; 4:29, 393-5, 529, 531; Vila Nova (town, Brazil), 4:225
benefactive verbs, 1:297, 585, 595; Villacorta (city, Peru), 2:252
causative verbs, /: 593-4; Villas Boas, Claudio and Orlando, 1:6
compound verbs, 2:131-2, 204-5, 207-9; Vincentian language, 3:362
dative verbs,/: 592-3; vocatives, 1:61, 211, 304, 606
derivation of verbs, /: 599-600; Voegelin, Carl F. and Florence M., /: 8,
directed verbs, 1:595-6; 11-15,471-2,556-7; 2:252; 3:10,13
Index 645
Vogel, Alan R., 3:11,12 491,495-6, 501,503, 505-6, 508-9,

voice, 7:186-7, 394, 611-2; 2:198; 514-6, 518-20, 525, 527-31, 533-9,
3:123-6,289-306; 4:380; 541 -9, 552-7,560, 562-5, 568, 571-3,
(Sanuma)2:46-7,198; 576-81
(Paumari) 3:180-84, 289-306; Wayana language and people, 1:33; 4:4
(PreAndine Arawakan) 7:611-12; Weber, David, 2:347,462; 4:476
VOS constituent order, 1:16-20, 331,408-9, Weir, E.M.Helen, 7:13, 280; 2:9; 3:4
472, 489-93 passim; 4:14, 557 Weiss, Helga, 4:578
vowels, /: 100, 108,121-4, 189-90, 316-21, Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological
399-401,437,637; 2:221-6,429-44; Research, 7:437
3:143-8, 347-9,457-81; 4:148, 152-4, Werikena language, see Warekena
156-60,164-5,401-5,416-19,477,607, Wheeler, Al, 3:359
609,611-13; Wichita language, 7:421
(Amahuaca) 4.477; Wilbert, Johannes, 2:17
(Apalai)/: 100, 108, 121-4; Williams, Edwin, 7:16
(Campa) 1:637; Wilson, Eunice, 3:359
(Canela-Krahö) /: 189-90; Wilson, Peter, 3:355, 359
(Guajajara)7:437; Wise, Mary Ruth, 7: 14,458,462,469-566
(Macushi) 3:143-8; passim, 567-642; 2:384; 3: v, 162,355,
(Maipuran) 3:457-81; 359, 372, 376, 379, 380, 382,430,431,458,
(Paumari) 3:347-9; 488; 4:476
(Pirahä) 7:316-21; Witotoan languages, 3:13,484
(Sanuma)2:221-6; Wojokeso language, 4:452,453
(Tupi-Guarani) 4:607, 609, 611 -13; Woodbury, Anthony, 4:478
(Urubu-Kaapor) 7: 399-401; word classes of Pirahä, 7:323
(Wai Wai) 4:148, 152-4, 156-60, 164-5; word order, see constituent order
(Warekena) 4:401 -5,416-19; Work Papers of the Summer Institute of
(Yagua) 2:429-44 ttnguistics, North Dakota Session, 7: 561;
VSO constituent order, 1:17, 330-31, 2:9; 3:355
408-37 passim, 440-60 passim, 472,491, Working Conference on Amazonian
4:556-7 Languages, 3: vi
Wright, Pamela S., 3:11
Waica people, 2:17
Waiwai (Wai Wai) language and people, Xavante people, 7:9, 15, 128; 2:9
7:13; 4: v, viii, 8-11,14,15, 25-224 Xerente people, 7:128
Wallin, Ruth, 3:359,433,460,472 Xetä language, 4:495
Wambeke, Armand van 1: 3 Xie river (Brazil), 4:11, 225,4:227-9
Wapishana language, 3:13, 355-499 passim Xingu Assurini language, 4:495
Warekena (Guarequena) language, 4: viii, 8, Xingu (river, Brazil), 7:9, 15; 3:10
11-12,225-440
warfare, Amazonian, 4:6 Yagua language, 7:16, 440-465,474, 560;
Wan' (Pacaas Novos) language, 4:4 2:9,249-474; 3:4
Waurä language, /: 469-566 passim, 638; Yahähi language (dialect of Pirahä), 7:200
2:8; 3: 13, 355-499 passim Yamamadf language, see Jamamadi
Wayampi (= Oiampi) language, 2:9; 4:13, Yameo language, 2:252
646 Index
Yanomami (= Yanomaman) languages and
peoples, l: 16; 2:7,17; 4:7,15
Yarinacocha (lake, Peru), /: 3
Yaulapita language, 3:374
Yavari (river, Peru), l: 440; 2:251
Yavitero language, 3:13,355-499 passim
Yekuana language, 2:17
Yekuana people, 2:7
Yerbabuena (city, Colombia), 3:355
yes/no questions, see interrogatives
Yucuna language, 3:13, 355-499 passim
Yuku (town, Brazil), 4:225
Zaparoan languages, /: 463

Zoro people, 1:10
Handbook of Amazonian Languages
Edited by Desmond C. Derbyshire and Geoffrey K. Pullum
Mouton de Gruyter · Berlin · New York
The four volumes of this handbook bring together a body of descriptive and the-
oretical work on a group of languages virtually absent from current linguistic
discussion. The languages of the Amazonian region have been so little docu-
mented - particularly in respect of their grammatical structures - that even wide-
ranging comparative and typological studies often fail to take account of them. Yet
this group contains much interesting typological diversity and sometimes presents
unique structural characteristics, not attested in other areas of the world.
Volume 1. 1986. The language families represented include Carib, Tupian, Ge,
Peba-Yaguan, and Arawakan. Two typological studies present evidence of previ-
ously unattested combinations of properties, some of which are specifically pre-
dicted to be impossible under certain current theories of language universals.
Preface · Map of South America · Abbreviations · Desmond C. Derbyshire and
Geoffrey K. Pullum, Introduction · Part I: Grammatical Sketches · Outline of
Contents for Each Chapter in Part I · Edward and Sally Koehn, Apalai · Jack
and Jo Popjes, Canela-Krahö · Daniel L. Everett, Pirahä · James Kakumasu,
Urubu-Kaapor · Part II: Word Order and Typological Studies · Carl H. Har-
rison, Verb Prominence, Verb Initialness, Ergativity and Typological Disharmony
in Guajajara · Doris L. Payne, Basic Constituent Order in Yagua Clauses: Im-
plications for Word Order Universals · Part III: Comparative Arawakan Stud-
ies · Desmond C. Derbyshire, Comparative Survey of Morphology and Syntax in
Brazilian Arawakan · Mary Ruth Wise, Grammatical Characteristics of PreAndine
Arawakan Languages of Peru
Handbook of Amazonian Languages
Edited by Desmond C. Derbyshire and Geoffrey K. Pullum
Mouton de Gruyter · Berlin · New York
Volume 2. 1990. The languages investigated have typologically interesting word

order patterns and case-marking systems: Sanuma is SOV; Yagua is VSO with
accusative case-marking.
Map of South America · Abbreviations · Desmond C. Derbyshire and Geoffrey
K. Pullum, Introduction · Donald M. Borgmann, Sanuma · Doris L. Payne and
Thomas E. Payne, Yagua
Volume 3. 1991. The languages investigated have interesting word order patterns
and case-marking systems: Macushi is (probably) OVS and consistently ergative;
Paumary is SVO with co-occurring ergative and accusative case-marking systems.
Preface · Map of South America · Abbreviations · Desmond C. Derbyshire and
Geoffrey K. Pullum, Introduction · Part I: Grammatical Sketches · Outline of
Contents for Grammatical Sketches · Miriam Abbott, Macushi · Shirley Chapman
and Desmond C. Derbyshire, Paumari · Part II: Maipuran (Arawakan) Classi-
fication · David L. Payne, A Classification of Maipuran (Arawakan) Languages
Based on Shared Lexical Retentions · Chris Barker and Geoffrey K. Pullum, Cu-
mulative Index to Volumes 1-3

(Handbook of Amazonian Languages, 4) Desmond C. Derbyshire, Desmond C. Derbyshire, Geoffrey K. Pullum-Handbook of Amazonian Languages-De Gruyter Mouton (1998)

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Handbook of

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication-Data

(Revised for vol. 4)

Die Deutsche Bibliothek - Cataloging-in-Publication-Data

Handbook of Amazonian languages / ed. by Desmond C. Derbyshire and

© Copyright 1998 by Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co., D-10785 Berlin

Map of South America viii

Part I: Grammatical Sketches 21

Part II: Typological Study: Amahuaca (Panoan) 441

Part III: Comparative Study: Tupi-Guarani 487

Cumulative Index to Volumes 1-4 619

Summer Institute of Linguistics

University of California, Santa Cruz

(iii) Professor Daniel L. Everett, chair of the Department of Linguistics at the

(iv) The distinguished expert on Australian languages Robert M. W. Dixon reports

Contents of this volume

indirect speech constructions; and lack of coordinating conjunctions, hence reliance

Overview of the four volumes

Dixon, Robert M. W., and Alexandra Aikhenvald, eds.

Hawkins, W. Neill, and Robert E. Hawkins

Nugent, Bob L., and Vera Penteado Coelho

SYNTAX OF THE SENTENCE OR CLAUSE

SYNTAX OF PHRASE TYPES

15 Noun phrase structure

SYNTAX OF THE SENTENCE OR CLAUSE

(1) Oy-ok pen Þ-eska kamara.

(2) Tooto komo ni-win-tika-cow.

(3) O-pi-ci xe w-0-a-sl.

(4) Wayway owl

(5) Es-etaka-xi 0-tom-o, kas-ko yi-wya.

(6) Kimiya pen n-ahsi-ya-kne okoymo.

It is somewhat rare to have transitive verbs accompanied by both a free form

(7) K-en-cow so yuruma.

(8) Apapa n-aar-e ha-m.

(10) Kanawa w-ahsi-ya-st

(11) Oy^-enw-o okwe.

(12) Aw-^-enw-o kamara.

(16) Ow ahsi-ko. cf. Oy-ahsi-r es-ko.

(17) Noro wece w-een-a-si.

(18) Xirko w-eefi-a-si. cf. Ow marha wH0i-een-a-si.

(19) Ehce-ma-no wi-if-a-si.

(20) K-ehce-ma-cho ci-i-so

(21) Anik-no ri-so ki-wc-e-sl

(22) Anik-no ri-topo min.

(24) O-mxik-rf ni-wink-o.

(26) N^0-a-y mariya a-hyaw?

(27) Mariya n-0-a-y o-hyaw wahra-yi-tho mak.

(28) Meren 0-x-a-kne noro y-ewto-n.

(29) Cu-cu-re xa n-0-a-s aw-ewna-ii.

(30) Noro y-anto-n me w-0-a-si.

(31) To-hra w-0-a-si.

(32) Exe-hra wi-x-a-kne

(33) Oy-etapa-r es-ko

(34) Et-atpo-ra w-0-a-si.

(35) ×ßñÌ mikro!

(36) Rikomo pana-ta-nmek-ne amoro.

(37) Moso wiifa.

(38) Way-pin mik xipM.

(39) Cuure y-ayi-ne ro moso o-pi-ci.

(40) Wo-ne-nhM mik 0-x-a-kne.

(41) Amfie mak k-mok-ya-si yamoro, 0-k-e-kne o-wya.

(42) K-wayh-ya-s okwe, ka-hr es-ko.

(43) [Oyakno komo, tahwore rma ehcoko, opona xa encoko. Ow xa akurun

1.6 Peripheral constituents. Peripheral clauses may be added to a main clause of