ELITES IN THE ANCIENT WORLD

UNIWERSYTET SZCZECIŃSKI

ELITES
IN THE ANCIENT WORLD
Szczecińskie Studia nad Starożytnością
vol. II

Series editor:
Danuta Okoń

Volume editor:
Piotr Briks

Editorial staff:
Michał Baranowski, Piotr Briks, Małgorzata Cieśluk, Danuta Okoń

in cooperation with:
Kamil Biały, Jerzy Pachlowski, Kamila Swinarska

Szczecin 2015
 Dyrektor Wydawnictwa Naukowego
Wydziału Humanistycznego US MINERWA
prof. dr hab. Barbara Kromolicka

Redaktor Naczelna
dr Katarzyna Szumilas

Recenzent tomu
dr hab. Sebastian Ruciński

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 Table of contents
Preface............................................................................................................ 7

Stefan Zawadzki
Mesopotamian Elite in the First Millenium BC.............................................. 9
Piotr Briks
Reforms of King Josiah of Judah (640–609 BC) – defeat or success?......... 35
Henryk Kowalski
The Priests in Rome during the Late Roman Republic: Religious
Elites and Power Elites................................................................................. 49
Aleksey Egorov
The Party of Sulla: The Union of Aristocrats and Marginals ...................... 61
Daria Dymskaya
Anti-elite of Roman Society of 60-s. BC: The Catilinarians ........................ 81
Mireille Corbier
The Women of the Domus Augusta .............................................................. 91
Christer Bruun
The Town Elite in Imperial Ostia: The Contribution of the
Augustales to Its Renewal .......................................................................... 107
Candice Greggi
Le sang des élites romaines ....................................................................... 133
Danuta Okoń
The Origo of Severan Senators – A Comprehensive Approach ................. 153
Andrzej Wypustek
NUDAS VIDERE NYMPHAS in a Inscription from Aque Flavianae:
Abduction of Hylas? ................................................................................... 167
Michael Sommer
Les notables de Palmyre – Local Elites in the Syrian Desert in the
2nd and 3rd Centuries AD.......................................................................... 173
Peter Herz
P. Aelius Septimius Mannus. A Governor of the 3rd Century AD and
his Origins................................................................................................... 183
Katarzyna Maksymiuk
The Parthian nobility in Xusrō I Anōšīrvān’s court ................................... 189
Benet Salway
Redefining the Roman Imperial Elite in the Fourth Century AD ............... 199

Abbreviations............................................................................................ 221

Bibliography.............................................................................................. 223
 Katarzyna Maksymiuk
(Uniwersytet Przyrodniczo-Humanistyczny w Siedlcach)

The Parthian nobility in

Xusrō I Anōšīrvān’s court
On 30 Mehr/28 April 224 CE at the battle in the plain of Hormzdagān,
the local ruler of Fārs Ardašīr vanquished the Parthian monarch Ardavān IV
(216–224)16. The Arsacid Dynasty that ruled the country for nearly 500 years 17
was dethroned from Ctesiphon while the the Sasanian dynasty of Persia took
over power18.
Sources rewritten by order of Persian rulers (Pārsīg) in 6th century di-
minish the role of the Parthians (Pahlav) in the official history of Iran. In
Xwadāy Nāmag a method of the Parthian reign recalculation to half of its
actual duration was applied19. Propaganda forgery of Xusrō I (531–579) so
called Nāma-ye Tansar 20, shows Iran before power takeover by the Sasanian
dynasty as a decentralized and corrupted state but even as “heretical” one.
Contrast to the weak power of the Arsacid royal house had to be kingship of
Šāhānšāh Ardašīr (224–242) who centralized administration relying on the
Mazdean faith21.
The below deliberations are aimed at showing dominant role of the Parthi-
an nobility in Persian government system22. They are also attempt to answer
the question whether administrative reforms initiated by Kawād I (488–496,

16
Tabarī (1999) 815–818. 821, Maksymiuk (2005) 32–35, Daryaee (2010) 236–255.
17
Ghirshman (1962), Bivar (1983), Olbrycht (2010) 161–222, Olbrycht (2013).
18
Christensen (1944), Frye (1983) 116–180, Schippmann (1990), Daryaee (2009), Olbrycht
(2010) 223–285, Maksymiuk (2011), Maksymiuk (2012)
19
Shahbazi (1990), Olbrycht (2010) 216.
20
Boyce (1968).
21
An ideology of early Sasanian kings: Rahim Shayegan (2011).
22
Elites in Sasanian Iran: Tafazzoli (2000), Rubin (2004), Wiesehöfer (2007), Howard–
Johnston (2008), Gyselen (2008), Pourshariati (2008), Börm (2010), McDonough
(2011).
190 Katarzyna Maksymiuk

498–531) and continued by his son Xusrō I Anōšīrvān23 were directed against
status of the Parthian noblemen in Iran.
The picture of Iran that emerges from late Sasanian propaganda sources
is in contradiction to information that royal inscriptions of the 3rd century
C.E contained. Two texts: Šāpur I (242–272) from Naqš-e Rostam (ŠKZ)24
and Narseh (293–302) from Pāikūlī (NPi)25 show the influential presence of
the Parthian dynastic families within authority structures of the Sasanian Em-
pire since its inception. The great noble families: Wārāz, Sūrēn, Andēgān and
Kārin26 are mentioned on the court list of early Sasanian kings as wuzurgān.
There are only vassal kings and dynasts (šahrdārān) and princes of the royal
blood as well as members of royal families (wāspuhragān) having a higher
rank. Furthermore, Moses of Khorene informs that after the battle in the plain
of Hormzdagān only the Arsacids of Armenia and Kārin clan took up fights
against Ardašīr I. The other Parthian dynastic families recognized the author-
ity of Sasanian usurper27. This record accords with the text of the ŠKZ, in
which representatives of the Kārin family: Pērōz, Gōk and Ardašīr were men-
tioned. The Sasanian-Parthian confederacy confirms usage of both languages
(Middle Persian and Parthian) in the most of the first Sasanian kings’ inscrip-
tions and several appeals of Narseh to the Parthians and Persians in NPi28.
The circumstances of the accession of King Šāpur II (309–379) are evi-
dence of powerful status of the Royal Council which consisted of the great
Parthian clans. After Hormozd II’s death (309) great statesmen striving to keep
their status in the state killed the oldest son and natural heir – Ādur Narseh
and blendened the second one. The youngest Hormozd escaped on the Roman
territory. The courtiers and the clergy placed the crown on the womb of his
mother when she was pregnant with Šāpur II29. In the midst of the supposedly
powerful ruler Šāpur II the house of Sūrēn Pahlav played the key part. Ac-
cording to classical sources a member of Sūrēn clan commanded Persian army
30
, but what is of greater importance he carried out negotitions which result-
ed in the peace treaty of 363. He was also active in the negotiations with the
23
Rubin (1995), Gariboldi (2006).
24
Back (1978) 284–371.
25
Skjærvø (1983).
26
ŠKZ 29/24/57,31/25/62, 32/26/62; NPi 16, 23, 32, 46.
27
Moses Khorenats’i, 2. 71.
28
NPi 5, 10, 32, 74, 75, 78, 83, 86.
29
Agathias, 4. 25. 2–5; Ḥamza Eṣfahāni, 38; Tabarī (1999) 836.
30
Ammianus Marcellinus, 24. 3. 1, 24. 4. 7; Zosimos, 3. 15. 5–6, 3. 19. 1–2.
 The Parthian nobility in Xusrō I Anōšīrvān’s c 191

Emperor Valens (364–378)31. Ammianus Marcellinus describes this digni-

tary’s status as the Second Person After the King (Surena potestatis secundae
post regem)32. Another representative of the Parthian clan in Šāpur II court was
Mehrān commanding the army that made military moves against Julian the
Apostate (361–363) in Xūzestān in 36333. The Sūrēn family kept their status in
the court in the 5th century. Their representative Mehr-Narseh Sūrēn was acting
during the reign of four Sasanian kings (Yazdgerd I, Bahrām V, Yazdgerd II
and Pērōz)34. The title wuzurg framādār of Mehr-Narseh35, given in text Sūr
ī saxwan36 is placed directly below the King and the princes of the blood. This
is corroborated by the evidence of Ammianus Marcellinus saying about high
rank of house of Sūrēn. Mehr-Narseh’s three sons obtained titles which might
suggest they were leaders of the Sasanian society classes in Iran: Zurwāndād
became hērbedān herbed the leader of the clergy, Kārdār as artēštārān salar
commanded warriors and Māhgušnasp titled wāstaryōšān salar took the lead
of the cattle breeders37. After Yazdgerd II’s (439–457) death Rahām (Bahrām)
of the Mehrān family of nobles, a military commander had killed Hormozd
III (457–459) and enthroned his younger brother Pērōz (459–484). The new
King’s marriage to a daughter Aštād of the Mehrān house enhanced the family
status. At the same time her brother and the King’s brother in law Īzad Gušnasp
was named foster brother of Pērōz 38. Rivalry for influence on the court intensi-
fied when Kawād (488), a younger son of Pērōz, ascended the throne. His moth-
er was Zarmehr’s daughter of the clans Kārin. The dominant role in the young
King’s court played hazāruft Suxrā his maternal uncle. No one had access to
the king besides the all-powerful hazāruft. In public opinion Suxrā controlled
everything except the king’s crown39. Kawād managed to rid of the uncle’s tu-
telage with the support of the spāhbed Šāpur of Ray, from the Mehrān family40.

31
Ammianus Marcellinus, 25. 7. 5, 30. 2. 5; Malalas 13. 27, Zosimos, 3. 31. 1.
32
Ammianus Marcellinus, 30. 2. 5.
33
Ammianus Marcellinus, 25. 1. 11, 25. 3. 13.
34
Tabarī (1999) 866, 868, 871, 872; Pourshariati (2008) 60–70; Gyselen (2008a).
35
Back (1978) 498: MNFd 1–2.
36
Daryaee (2007) 6.8
37
Tabarī (1999) 870, Daryaee (2012).
38
Ełišē, 242, Ghazar P’arpec’i’s (1985) 3. 60, Pērōz with military assistance from the
Hephthalites: Tabarī (1999) 872 (sic!).
39
Ebn Esfandīār, 94–95, Firdawsī, 38. 1–2, 39. 2–3, 40. 1–2; Tabarī (1999) 877, 880, 885.
40
Bel‘ami, 147–148; Firdawsī, 40. 2; Ghazar P’arpec’i’s, 3. 79–80, 88–89; Tabarī (1999)
885.
192 Katarzyna Maksymiuk

The crucial event during the reign of Kawād was a social revolution called
the Mazdakite movement41. Mazdak – a religious reformer and a heretic of
the Mazdean faith – propagated the antagonism between Light and Darkness
(the Mixture of Light and Darkness in human being and the cosmos came
into being by coincidence)42. Initially he was solely a religious leader but his
doctrine had tremendous social consequences in the Public Sphere. Mazdak
went against a background of social misery and hunger and he was aiming at
achieving social justice. He preached the distribution of wealth. Sharing of
women postulate hit previous social standards, mainly the widespread polyg-
amy of the rich and lack of wives for the poor. Despite pacifist guidelines of
Mazdak’s doctrine it was disastrous drought that accelerated social upheaval
radicalization and resulted in outbreak of the Mazdakite uprising. The nobles
rebellion in 496 resulted in Kawād’s ouster and his brother Zāmāsp’s eleva-
tion to a throne43. The majority of sources inform that the main reason for
dethroning Kawād was his support for the Mazdakite doctrine 44. Some ex-
treme thesis impute to him employing social unrest for fights against the great
dynastic families45.
Kawād regained his throne after three years and initiated major adminis-
trative reforms46. The King’s first decision was to carry out political purges47.
At the same time Zarmehr Kārin, who was a son of the Suxrā killed by the
King48, in the name of Kawād massacred the Mazdakite heretics49. Mahbod
Sūrēn became the King’s trusted adviser. He contributed the deposition of
Siyāwuš who was supreme commander arteštārān salar and negotiator in
peace talks with Rome. About 525 Siyāwuš was accused by Mahbod of de-
liberate mishandling of peace negotiations and thus sabotage of the propos-
al for endorsement of Xusrō by Justin I (518–527). He raised Lazica’s case
although he was not empowered to do it. Siyāwuš was sentenced to death

41
Shaki (1978) 289–306, Crone (1991), Wiesehöfer (2009).
42
Shaki (1985) 527–543.
43
Firdawsī, 40. 3.
44
Agathias, 4. 27. 6–28. 1; Bel‘ami, 148–149; Firdawsī, 40. 6; Procopius, 1. 5. 1; Tabarī
(1999) 886; Yeshu‘ the Stylite, 23.
45
Rubin (1995) 229, Nafisi (2013) 948.
46
Firdawsī, 40. 4–5, Tabarī (1999) 960–961.
47
Kawād killed those who wanted to have him executed, i.a. Gušnaspdād: Procopius, 1. 5.
4–6, 1. 6. 18.
48
Zarmehr accompanied Kawād during his escape: Firdawsī, 40. 3–4, Tabarī (1999) 886.
49
Firdawsī, 40. 7.
 The Parthian nobility in Xusrō I Anōšīrvān’s c 193

officially for his wife interment what can suggest his sympathies with Maz-
dak’s doctrine50. The power struggle between great noblemen intensified after
Kawād’s death. Mahbod Sūrēn demanded voting on a new king election from
the Royal Council. On the basis of Kawād’s testament presented by Mahbod
his older son Kāvūs was ousted. The Council enthroned Kawād’s youngest
son Xusrō I Anōšīrvān51. The new king was affianced with a lateral branch of
the Sūrēn clan (in some sources Ispāhbudhān)52. Xusrō’s wife was a daughter
of the commander of the Kawād I’s 53 army named Bōē and Šāpur’s sister54.
The King’s enthronizing met no wholehearted acceptance. As a result of un-
successful nobility’s plot against Xusrō and bringing to power his juvenile
nephew Kawād (about 532) both King’s brothers Kāvūs and Zāmāsp lost
their lives. There was Šāpur, the maternal uncle of Xusrō I, among other con-
demned55. After several years Zaurān eliminated Mahbod Sūrēn in a similar
way56. Īzad Gušnasp from the Mehrān family, who i.a. negotiated fifty-year
peace with Byzantium became ambassador after Mahbod57.
In the present study one should rethink the rather popularly accepted thesis
saying that the Mazdakite uprising diminished the great noblemen what en-
abled Xusrō to finish a series of his father’s reforms. Moreover the initiated

50
It seems that Siyāwuš’s death about 528 finished the Mazdakite movement and it is the
terminus post quem for the beginning of reforms; Procopius, 1. 11. 25; Hartmann (2005);
Daryaee, Safdari (2010) 3.
51
Procopius, 1. 21. 20–22.
52
Ispāhbudhān was the Title of two dynasties of Tabarīstān: Ebn Esfandīār (1905) 91;
Karimian (2008) 108; In my opinion Ispāhbudhān clan is Sūrēn one in fact. There was no
Ispāhbudhān /Aspāhbed family. Ispāhbudhān /Aspāhbed is not the family name but rather
mistaken form of the spāhbed title. On the basis of text, Sebeos (1999) 14: Hormozd
(IV) killed the great asparapet, Parthian and Pahlaw, who was descended from the
criminal Anak’s offsprings. He was the father of Xusrō II’s mother and two sons, Besṭām
and Bendōy. Armenian tradition generally names the murderer as Anak, a member of
the Parthian Sūrēn family. Agathangelos (1976) 13; Moses Khorenats’i (1978) 2. 67,
especially 2.74.
53
asṭbīd: Yeshu‘ the Stylite, 59; ἀσπέtioς: Theophanes, 228; ἀσπαβέδης: Procopius, 1. 9.
24.
54
Procopius, 1. 11. 4.
55
Procopius, 1. 23. 4.
56
Firdawsī, 41. 3. 1–2; Ζαβεργάνης: Procopius, 1. 23. 25, 2. 26. 16–19.
57
A detailed account of a mission of Īzad Gušnasp is likely included in a work compiled
by Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus: Constantine Porphyrogenitus, 89–90; Menander
Protector, 11; Procopius, 2. 28. 16–17, 2. 28. 31–44. 8. 15. 1–7, 8. 15. 19–21.
194 Katarzyna Maksymiuk

significant changes were aimed at consolidating central authority through

weakening of the dynastic families’ power.
Let me analyse this problem by an example of the military and administra-
tive reforms. According to Tabarī until the Xusrō’s reign there was only one
supreme military commander (Iṣbahbadh al.-bilād, Erānspāhbed, artēštārān
sālār) in Iran58. With no doubt this title defines the overall military leader but
not the cavalry commander. In the playing chess manual vizārišn ī catrang ud
nihišn ī nēvardašēr appears artēštārān sālār (contemporarily called queen)
as the chief of the warriors and aswārān-sālār (horse or knight at present)
as the chief of horsemen59. Despite this Kārnāmag ī Ardašīr ī Pābagān as
well as Muslim authors (the latter drew upon information based on the lost
Gah-nāmag) confirm that the spāhbed title denoted the highest military rank
60
. He led diplomatic missions e.g. Sūrēn61 during the reign of Šāpur II, Bōē62
and Siyāwuš63 during the reign of Kawād. Šāpur of Ray Mehrān was also
a supreme military commander but there is no knowing about his diplomatic
activity64.
The basis of military reform in 6th century was replacement of the single
commander by four spāhbeds beholden directly to the king65. The quadripar-
tition of military power was employed: a quarter of the east (kust ï xwarāsān
spāhbed ), a quarter of the south (kust ī nēmrōz spāhbed), a quarter of the
west (kust ï xwarbārān spāhbed ) and a quarter of Ādurbādagān (kust ï Ādur-
bādagān spāhbed). The term abāxtar (north) was generally avoided because
of its negative religious connotation66.
A reply to the question if the reform had to weaken the Parthian dynastic
families’ influence will be possible on the basis of spāhbeds origin study who
were appointed to the four quarters of the realm by Xusrō I.

58
Tabarī (1999) 869; spāhbed by the name of Raxš in ŠKZ 30/24/58 and NPi 16, 32 is
mentioned
59
Daryaee (2002) 300, Maciuszak (2003) 95–97.
60
Christensen (1944) 265, 524–525; Nyberg (1964) 16. 8.
61
See note 549.
62
 See note 571.
63
vadrasta,daran sala,vnhj: Procopius, 1. 6. 18, 1. 11. 25.
64
Bel‘ami, 147; Tabarī (1999) 869.
65
Tabarī (1999) 894, Gyselen (2001), Gyselen (2001a), Gyselen (2007).
66
Firdawsī, 41. 1. 3, Daryaee (2002a) 11–14, Daryaee (2007) 66 note 7, Daryaee, Safdari
(2010) 2–4.
 The Parthian nobility in Xusrō I Anōšīrvān’s c 195

On the basis of the discovered collection of bullae (seals in the form of

clay impressions) dated to the reign of Xusrō I we can specify 6 spāhbeds:
Čihr-Burzēn, Gōrgōn, Sed-hoš, Wēh-Šāhbur, Xusrō and Bahrām67. In the
present study we will also take advantage of a seal of Wistaxm dated to the
reign of Xusrō II Parvēz (590–628)68.

1. Čihr-Burzēn …bed ud hujadag Xusrō wuzurg ērān – kust ī xwarā<f>ān

spāhbed He probably originated from Kārin clan. According to Nihayat
and Dınawarı the family of Kārin were appointed to the governorship
of this region by Xusrō I69.
2. Gōrgōn ī Mehrān … ud hujadag Xusrō wuzurg ērān – kust ī Ādur-
bādagān spāhbed
3. Sed-hoš ī Mehrān šahr aspbed ud hujadag Xusrō wuzurg ērān – kust
ī Ādurbādagān spāhbed
With no doubt members of the Mehrān family are shown on both seals.
Gōrgōn of the seals is likely to be identified as the Gołon Mihran mentioned
by Sebeos when describing Armenian war in 573–57570. Bahrām VI Čōbīn
(590–591) was probably his great-grandson71. Sed-hoš is not mentioned in
any literary sources.

1. Wēh-Šāhbur aspbed ī pārsig ud šahr (?) bed ud hujadag Xusrō wuzurg

ērān-kust ī nēmrōz spāhbed
Admittedly in the Armenian chronicle P’awstos Buzandac’i Sūrēn ap-
pears twice in connection with pārsig72, but in most cases he is known as
Pahlav. One cannot rule out that the title of pārsig might have been reserved
for the Sūrēn family. Gyselen thinks so when supposing that at least a group
of them adopted the dynastic epithet73.

2. (Xu)srō ādurmāhān …k Xusrō wuzurg ērān-kust ī nēmrōz spāhbed

67
Gyselen (2001) 35–45.
68
Gyselen (2001) 18–20, dates the seal to the Xusrō I but Poushariati’s argumentation
that it concerns maternal uncel of Xusrō II is persuasive. Pourshariati (2006) 163–180;
Poushariati (2008) 107–110.
69
Dīnawarī (1967) 102–103, Nihayat (1996) 380.
70
Sebeos (1999) 68, 70.
71
Poushariati (2008) 103.
72
P’awstos Buzandac’i’s (1985) 4. 36.
73
Gyselen (2001) 39, 46.
196 Katarzyna Maksymiuk

3. Bahrām ī …(Xu)srō ādurmāhān …k Xusr(ō)… ērān-kust ī nēmrōz

spāhbed
Both spāhbeds lineage remains unclear. Perchance they were sons of
Adarmahān marzbān of Nisibis74. 

4. Wistaxm ī ud hazārbed …hud(ag)… Xusrō wuzurg ērān-kust

ī xwarō<f>rān spāhbed
Presumably Wistaxm should be identified with Besṭām, maternal uncle
of Xusrō II from the Ispāhbudhān family 75. In my opinion Ispāhbudhān clan
is Sūrēn one in fact 76. Anyway with no doubt we can face the fact that he
was a member of the Pahlav family. One should accept that spāhbed in kust
ï xwarāsān was Pahlav as a result.
Study on spāhbeds identity can corroborate the continued participation
of the Parthian dynastic families in the post-reform period. There is not any
doubt that function of spāhbed xwarāsān was transferred by Xusrō to Kārin,
spāhbed Ādurbādagān to Mehrān whereas xwarvārān to Sūrēn /Ispāhbudhān.
Of course one can assume that allocation of the territories far from homelands
of the families had to weaken their power in the empire77. The question is the
following: if Xusrō’s assumption was such why a member of Mehrān family
became spāhbed in the traditional lands of this family that is Ray in Gūrgān?
If reforms had to destroy the power of the major Parthian families why in
three out of four kust ī the power was given to the members of the Parthian
nobility?
None of the Persian kings was powerful enough to implement changes
without an agreement with the Royal Council. Even Xusrō, who was shown
in Arabic tradition as an all-powerful monarch and whose Arabic name Kesrā
became synonym of a king (like Caesar or Charles the Great in the culture
of Europe), was not all-powerful. The most important Xusrō’s cooperators
originated from the Parthian nobility. They were not only in command of the
army like Šāpur of Ray from Mehrān (known also as Mermeroes under re-
cords of Procopius and Agathias) or mentioned above spāhbeds but they also
supervised diplomacy (Mahbod Sūrēn at the beginning, Īzad Gušnasp from
74
Chronicle of 1234, 74; Chronicle of 724, 145. 12–19; Evagrius, 5. 9, 5. 20; John of Ephesus,
6. 6, 6.13, 6 17; Theophylact Simocatta, 3. 10. 6–11.1, 3. 17. 8.
75
Pourshariati (2008) 104–110.
76
See note 570.
77
Pourshariati (2008) 97.
 The Parthian nobility in Xusrō I Anōšīrvān’s c 197

Mehrān family later). One should also mention that Wuzurgmihr ī Bōxtagān,
winārbed of Xusrō whose wisdom was a legend of the East, came from the
Parthian Kārin family78.
On the basis of the above information one should assume that Sassanian
rulers governed on the basis of major Pahlav families to which they very
often were blood relations through marriages to women of the most import-
ant clans. Thus one cannot presume that 6th century reforms were aimed at
undermining the power base of the Parthian dynastic families in Iran because
nor Kawād nor Xusrō were able to implement them without the Parthian
wuzurgān’s approbation.

Plates:

1. Ardašīr’s I rock relief, Fīrūzābād I, Iran (Eugène Flandin 1840)

2. The Pahlav inscription of Šāpur I (ŠKZ), on the west wall of the Ka‘ba-ye
Zardošt, Naqš-e Rostam, Iran
3. Mehr-Narseh (Gyselen 2008a, 46)
4. The seal of Xusrō ādurmāhān (Daryaee, Safdari 2010, 8; Gyselen 2007,
III/16)

78
Khaleghi Motlagh (1989) 427–429, Shaked (2013) 216–275.
198 Katarzyna Maksymiuk
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