Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Mario Diani†
This article presents an approach to the study of the consequences of social movements that
focuses on their capacity to produce "social capital." By social capital I mean ties that are
based on mutual trust and mutual recognition among the actors involved in the relationship,
although they do not necessarily imply the presence of collective identity. The influence of
social movements may be regarded as dependent on their structural position, i.e., on the
solidity of the linkages within the movement sector as well as—more crucially—of the bonds
among movement actors, the social milieu in which they operate, and cultural and political
elites. Therefore, the impact of a given movement or movement sector will be assessed in the
light of changes in its components' relative centrality in various social networks. The broader
the range of social capital ties emerging from a period of sustained mobilization, the greater
the impact.
While social movement research has consistently expanded in the last years, analyses of
movement outcomes are still largely unsatisfactory. Analysts have often set themselves either
tasks that were virtually impossible to achieve, such as the assessment of movements' impact
over broad social and political changes; or, conversely, too narrow goals, such as the
evaluation of the effects of specific protest campaigns or movement organizations. Both
strategies have somehow failed to grasp the complexity of social movements as
multidimensional phenomena.
As an alternative, I suggest we adopt a mesolevel perspective, focusing on changes
in the structural location of movement actors (individuals and/or organizations) in broader
social networks. This approach assumes that social influence is usually related to the position
that actors occupy in social networks. The more central actors are in a given network—in
other words, the more they control exchanges among different components of that network—
the greater their influence and, ultimately, their power will be (Knoke 1990: chapter 1).
________________________________________________
* This article originates out of my involvement in the comparative research project "Public Participation and
Environmental Science and Technology Policy Options—PESTO," directed by Andrew Jamison at the Policy
Research Institute, University of Lund, Sweden. The project is funded by the European Commission—DGXII in the
framework of the Targeted Socioeconomic Research Program (contract SOEI-CT96-1016). A preliminary version was
presented at the Second European Conference on Social Movements held in Vitoria, Euzkadi, Spain (October 2-5,
1996). I am grateful to Bill Gamson, Hank Johnston, Alberto Melucci, Chris Pickvance, Robert Putnam, Sidney
Tarrow, and three anonymous reviewers for their criticism and encouragement. I also wish to thank Marco Giugni,
Ruud Koopmans, and several contributors to the volumes they are respectively editing, for granting me access to their
unpublished materials.
† Mario Diani is Professor of Sociology at the University of Strathclyde, Glasgow. Address: Department of
Government, University of Strathclyde, 16 Richmond St., Glasgow G1 1XQ, Scotland. E-mail:
mario.diani@strath.ac.uk.
129
130 Mobilization
It would be unfair to suggest that social movement scholars have made no effort to
investigate the effects of contentious collective action.2 Expanding on seminal works like
Gamson's (1990 [1975]), several studies have devoted more than scattered attention to the
long- and short-term consequences of social movements.3 However, if the spectrum of
1 Elisabeth Clemens's neo-institutional approach to movement outcomes is in many respects close to the
perspective advocated in this paper, in particular her insistence on the importance for movements of replacing
existing "webs of interdependence" with new patterns of relationships (Clemens, forthcoming).
2 Here I treat terms like "outcomes," "effects," and "consequences," as synonymous. Others (e.g. Amenta and
Young, forthcoming) propose that "outcomes" be restricted to deliberately pursued consequences.
3 See in particular a forthcoming book edited by Marco Giugni, Doug McAdam, and Charles Tilly, which
presents an overview of different research perspectives and results. Other recent contributions range from the
analysis of the relationship between protest and reform cycles in several European countries (Tarrow 1989;
Kriesi, Koopmans, Duyvendak, and Giugni 1995) to the impact of the pro-choice movement in the USA
(Staggenborg 1991) or that of antinuclear protests on energy policy in Western democracies (Rudig 1990; Flam
1994). Additional important insights have been provided in cognate fields such as the historical study of
revolutions (Tilly 1993) or urban politics and policy (Lowe 1986).
Social Movements and Social Capital 131
4 This is also due to the greater problems attached to the study of informal grassroots groups: their radicalism
renders access difficult (Kriesi 1992), and/or their lack of written records renders systematic analysis a la Gamson
virtually impossible (see in particular Gamson 1990: 277-321).
132 Mobilization
fully applies, however, to studies that focus on specific campaigns or SMOs. These
studies still represent the substantial bulk of work in the field (McAdam, Tarrow, and
Tilly 1996). While they enable analysts to take into account the diversity of movement
actors' goals and orientations, and the dynamics of the conflictual process, they are
strongly exposed to risks of ad hoc explanations.
Another increasingly popular response to the problem of causal attribution has
been to move the focus away from single SMOs or campaigns to broad mobilization
processes (Tilly 1978, 1995; Tarrow 1989; Kriesi et al. 1995). By concentrating on
sustained conflicts developing over long time spans, the advocates of the political
process approach have produced accounts of protest waves and their outcomes which are
empirically better grounded than traditional macrolevel approaches, without confining
themselves to too-small objects of investigation. Recently, Kriesi et al. (1995: 209-212)
have elaborated an encompassing typology of movement outcomes, which also takes
cultural outcomes into account. This may be regarded as a response to previous criticism
of political process approaches (Melucci 1985), charged with focusing on political action
and ignoring movements' contributions to cultural innovation—at least, to innovation not
bearing directly on political culture and public life.
However, Kriesi and his associates have not systematically attempted to explain
those outcomes in the light of available data on protest activities. Rather, they have
(wisely) confined themselves to ad hoc assessments of different movements' impacts in
different contexts. Other scholars adopting this perspective have been similarly careful
not to exaggerate the general theoretical implications of their findings (Tilly 1993:
chapter 7), or to point out that, while movement action may be plausibly regarded as one
important determinant of political change and, eventually, revolution, the direction of the
relationship might as easily be reversed (Tarrow 1991: chapter 6). As the Italian
experience of the 1960s and 1970s suggests, if protest cycles often stimulate cycles of
reform, significant reform attempts by political elites may in turn stimulate the spread of
large-scale contentious protest (Tarrow 1989).
To sum up, available accounts of movement outcomes perpetuate the tensions
between improving the explanatory capacity of our models and efforts offering broad,
sweeping interpretations of macrolevel changes. Studies focusing on single SMOs or
campaigns usually demonstrate higher explanatory capacity, thanks to their restricted
research focus, but struggle to generalize their findings. The latter offer more
encompassing accounts of social movement effects, but the number of intervening
variables which are virtually impossible to control renders the empirical foundations of
these contributions much shakier. As for political process approaches, they are in
principle better equipped to cope with the dynamic nature of collective action. However,
their advocates are extremely critical of the current state of theory (Giugni, forthcoming;
Tilly, forthcoming). They deny in particular that we have adequate causal theories of
social movement dynamics able to relate movement outcomes to the broader processes
through which social movements develop (Tilly, forthcoming).
It seems to me that one shortcoming common to many analyses is their
unsatisfactory conceptualization of "movement outcomes." They largely focus on the
determinants of success/failure, or on the factors accounting for different outcomes—
however defined—rather than discussing what an outcome is (Giugni, forthcoming). But
as long as we keep defining outcomes as broad changes in policies, cultural perspectives,
or lifestyles, we shall hardly move towards the sophisticated theories that Tilly
advocates. The problem of causal attribution will resurface again and again. My
suggestion is that we scale down our ambitions for causality claims and focus on the
Social Movements and Social Capital 133
emphasizing norms and mutual obligation (1990: 311). Also, while some have focused
primarily on the consequences of social capital for individuals (Coleman: 1990: chapter
12), others have stressed the positive effects of social capital on collective goods: "dense
networks of interaction probably broaden the participants' sense of self, developing the
"I" into the "we," or (in the language of rational choice theorists) enhancing the
participants' 'taste' for collective benefits" (Putnam 1995: 67).
Recent interest in social capital is probably due to the recognition that
opportunities open to those who are embedded in social networks.5 However, I suggest
we concentrate on the social ties which entail sentiments of trust and mutual recognition
among social actors, rather than on their consequences. There is a broad consensus
regarding the centrality of social networks as a constitutive component of social capital.6
Moreover, attention to mutual trust allows us to differentiate between social capital and
other forms of stable interactions driven by instrumental calculations (e.g., market
relationships, at least in their ideal-typical form), or by authority principles (e.g., the
linkages originating from membership in a given state).
But how does this notion of social capital relate to social movement analysis?
And how may it contribute to our understanding of social movement outcomes?
Answering the first question is quite straightforward. It is easy to reformulate a
substantial number of studies of social movement organizations and networks in terms of
social capital. First, the rise of collective action and its subsequent developments are
affected by the distribution of social capital within potential movement constituencies.
Mobilization processes rely heavily upon previous networks of exchange and solidarity
(Klandermans, Kriesi, and Tarrow 1988; McAdam 1988; Gould 1995); individual
involvement in collective action depends upon identification with other members of the
social group, and upon the presence of mutual trust (Pizzorno 1977); alliance building is
easier when movement organizations share some core activists and can thus rely upon
interpersonal channels of communication (Diani 1995: chapter 5). Second, we can also
point to the importance of social capital linking movement actors to political and social
elites. For example, its existence can be regarded as conducive to more open attitudes by
the elites towards political challengers, and therefore as a determinant of greater
openness of the "political opportunity structure."
Addressing our second question—the relationship of social capital to movement
outcomes—is more difficult. Let us start with the general remark that social networks do
not just constrain action—as the largest body of research on networks seems to suggest
(Wellman and Berkowitz 1988). They are also outcomes of action, inasmuch as social
action persistently generates new types of interdependence and sometimes new
solidarities (Cook and Whitmeyer 1992; Emirbayer and Goodwin 1994). Simmel (1955)
offered what has become a classic formulation of this argument when he stressed the
integrative function of conflict not only within, but among collectivities. To put it in our
terms, while bonds based on collective solidarities—i.e., social capital—show a strong
capacity to persist even over long time spans (Rupp and Taylor 1987; Gould 1995), they
rarely go through different political phases unchanged: on the contrary, new social bonds
and new identities are also constantly generated (Melucci 1984). This applies to
5 They may be individual benefits such as job opportunities, personal help, patronage from political
representatives, or broader collective goods like those described by Putnam (1993, 1995).
6 Putnam for example adopts Coleman's definition of social capital as the starting point of his analysis of civic
traditions in Italy (1993: chapter 6).
Social Movements and Social Capital 135
In order to illustrate the argument presented above, I will distinguish between the
political and cultural impact of social movements, and between their internal and
external impact (Rucht 1992). By political impact I refer to the complex of activities
meant to affect all stages of the political and policy process. By cultural impact I mean
the even broader set of actions meant to shape the processes by which contemporary
societies produce and reproduce moral standards, information, knowledge, and life
practices.7
The "internal vs. external" distinction separates the impact of movement action
on their chances to mount further challenges at later stages (internal impact) from the
movement's capacity to build bridges to their social environment. On the one hand,
movements consist of more or less loose networks of actors who, in spite of their
heterogeneity, exchange resources and information and share solidarity and beliefs. In
7 It goes without saying that both distinctions are purely analytical. In practice, as our examples will
demonstrate, the boundaries between internal and external, and political and cultural outcomes are thin at best.
136 Mobilization
Let us start our exploration with the most obvious example of social capital
creation by social movements, namely, the impact of social movement mobilizations on
subsequent collective action. Few would deny that protest groups' chances of success are
greater the stronger their roots in the communities they want to mobilize (Woliver 1993).
Similarly, few would dispute that protest waves produce solidarities which last after the
most contentious phases are over, and provide favorable ground for later insurgency
(Melucci 1984; McAdam 1988).
However, not all mobilization campaigns have necessarily the same effects on
the production of social capital, as the case of environmental and antinuclear
mobilizations in Italy suggests. Between 1976 and 1978 massive antinuclear opposition
developed for the first time (Farro 1991; Diani 1994). A number of demonstrations took
place, and antinuclear forces organized summer-long camps on proposed new plant sites.
However, the antinuclear front was deeply divided into conflicting internal components.
Radical left-wing organizations, opposing nuclear power in the context of their global
challenge to capitalist forms of production, established only occasional alliances with
moderate oppositional coalitions. Nor did the early antinuclear committees founded by
concerned scientists and environmentalists overcome the potential for dispute over either
divergent partisan affiliations and/or disagreements over strategies.
During that early phase of antinuclear action, little social capital was produced
in the movement. Factionalism and ideological incompatibilities largely prevailed over
the early timid attempts to forge a sense of common purpose among antinuclear forces.
No permanent coordinating networks emerged from the conflict, nor did solid ties of
mutual trust develop among the different actors in the campaign. Failure to develop
extensive ties among critics of nuclear power in the late 1970s affected the structure of
the environmental movement in the mid-1980s. Even then, systematic cooperation among
movement organizations with different approaches developed only among the most
central, core organizations. At the grassroots, barriers among groups with different
Social Movements and Social Capital 137
orientations (in particular, between conservation and political ecology groups) persisted,
especially when activists had different political backgrounds. Having or having not been
active in political ecology or other new social movement groups in the 1970s still
represented for many 1980s activists a criterion for selecting allies (Diani 1995: 118-
126).
What lessons can we draw from this example? First of all, personal involvement
in collective action at a given time was not merely a predictor of later participation; it
also produced loyalties and identities which in turn affected the pattern of
interorganizational exchanges during new mobilization campaigns. Second, the Italian
case suggests that collective action does not just produce ties and solidarity, and
therefore, social capital, without further qualifications. Rather, the type of social capital
being produced varies according to the salience of political cleavages and identities. In
the 1970s, bonds and mutual trust developed among those activists who shared a given
perspective on environmental problems (for simplicity, either a conservationist or a
political ecology perspective), but not among those holding different views. Therefore,
the temporary coal-itions which developed locally during the first wave of antinuclear
opposition created the preconditions for the later growth of a political ecology sector in
Italy. However, these ties were not strong enough to overcome traditional left-right
barriers, which largely prevented cooperation among conservation associations, local
opponents of nuclear energy, and more radical groups. On the contrary, the impact of
these differences persisted well into the 1980s. In conclusion, while the early antinuclear
movement in Italy had some impact in slowing down the construction of nuclear plants,
its impact in terms of social capital was quite modest. When environmental action
restarted in the early 1980s, and took momentum after the Chernobyl accident,
movement activists could rely upon previous linkages and mutual trust only to a limited
extent.
Sometimes the community ties and associational linkages in which both activists
and prospective constituents are embedded present a distinctive subcultural profile.
Contemporary ethnonationalist movements, especially those that developed in
authoritarian regimes, from Franco's Spain to the Soviet Union, have largely relied upon
previously existing solidarities in such cultural institutions as the local churches
(Johnston 1994, Johnston and Snow, forthcoming). Social movements also create new
cultural infrastructures. This may be particularly evident after intense phases of political
contention, such as in Italy in the second part of the 1970s (Melucci 1984); but is a
permanent feature of contentious collective action, as shown by the American women's
and lesbians' movements (Taylor and Whittier 1992; Taylor and van Willigen 1996).
The infrastructures which provide movement sympathizers with opportunities
for alternative lifestyles, broadly understood, may take several distinct organizational
forms. They may be close to the traditional model of the secluded, "world-rejecting"
countercultures, or to the model of the religious sect. Examples include the agricultural
communes which have developed in Western countries since the 1970s, or the
neoreligious groups that, if they did not originate outright from the social movements of
that period, nonetheless provided an alternative perspective to many movement militants
who were frustrated by political radicalism (Leger and Hervieu 1983; Robbins 1988).
Other times, symbols and lifestyles adopted by movement activists are quickly integrated
into mass culture, thus deprived of their antagonistic potential (Sassoon 1984)—the
138 Mobilization
8 See however Donati (1996) on the pervasive impact of the commodification and commercialization of public
thus conclude that broadcasting stations and other movement cultural agencies play a
double role: they represent an organizational resource for the movement, and at the same
time a source of social capital.9
9 One should not overlook the recently increased importance of virtual networks such as the internet, based on
10 One might object that many of the ties linking movement leaders to elites are actually based on mechanisms
140 Mobilization
network ties is a useful corrective to the naive assumption that the cooptation of
movement leaders is automatically a sign of movement success. The cooptation of
leaders may result in the simultaneous weakening of their ties to the rest of the
movement. In order to check this it would be useful to investigate to what extent they (1)
become integrated in new elite networks while (2) remaining integrated in old movement
networks. If both occur, this intermediate position allows coopted movement leaders to
act as "brokers" between otherwise noncommunicating worlds, and thus to create new
social capital for movement organizations (Marsden 1982; Gould and Fernandez 1989).
For example, representatives of the postpartum support and breast cancer
movements in the U.S. have managed to develop conspicuous collaborative ties to health
professionals, doctors and administrators, and scientific researchers. They have been
recognized as legitimate participants in cultural and political debates on these issues, but
have never loosened their ties to the grassroots of these movements (Taylor and Van
Willigen 1996). In this case, new social capital has clearly been created. In contrast, one
should not conclude from the simple hiring of former environmental leaders as
consultants to top corporations that the environmental movement has increased its social
capital and therefore its influence. This may well be a plausible hypothesis, but it should
be tested by looking at the persistence of the ties between the "Green" consultants and
their former groups. Should relationships of mutual trust persist between the former and
the latter, then the claim that the influence of the movement has increased would be
substantially strengthened.
of political exchange and patronage rather than on trust, and thus do not qualify as indicators of social capital. To
a large extent this is an empirical problem: it refers to our capacity to identify those ties that imply trust between
actors, and therefore social capital. In principle there is no reason why relations of trust, which do not equate to
collective identity, should not develop between movement actors and established actors.
Social Movements and Social Capital 141
11 Once again it should be noted that the notion of social capital adopted in this paper emphasizes the presence
of trust and mutual recognition among actors who may or may not share a specific collective identity.
142 Mobilization
CONCLUSIONS
12 For an introductory discussion of this issue see Yearley (1992: chapter 3).
Social Movements and Social Capital 143
cultural innovation, social movements both rely crucially on previous social capital and
have to be able to generate new forms of it if they are to exert a lasting influence over
their social environment.
While I regard this approach as complementary rather than alternative to
existing perspectives, I also feel it offers a number of distinct advantages. First, it is
realistic: it does not claim to account for macrolevel changes that are virtually impossible
to link with specific causes due to their multidimensionality. More modestly, it
recognizes the unpredictability of global outcomes and focuses instead on patterns of
linkages that, in their relative stability, may be better predictors of movement actors'
influence in the middle rather than long term. At the same time, this point of view is not
restricted to the analysis of single campaigns or organizations. Instead, it allows us at
least in principle to look at the structural location of a given movement sector. Third, it
can be conveniently applied to the study of both reform and radical political and cultural
movements. While the distinctions I have proposed between internal and external and
political and cultural impact should be regarded as purely analytical, still it seems
plausible to expect movements with different characteristics to have impacts on certain
networks rather than others. The outcomes of world-rejecting, subcultural movements
should be assessed mainly in terms of their capacity to strengthen communitarian ties
between adherents and sympathizers. Likewise, when dealing with political reform
movements, while the reinforcement of internal linkages will still be important, greater
attention will be paid to the creation of social capital between movements and political
elites. Finally, by regarding networks as a product as well as a precondition of action,
this approach assigns greater importance to agency than structural approaches, without
surrendering to the tendency to ad hoc explanations displayed by many advocates of the
autonomy of social action.
In conclusion, it is worthwhile to discuss how the perspective I have outlined
above could translate into a specific research strategy. In a very preliminary fashion I
would focus on four steps:
First, a convenient time span should be identified for the analysis. One should
specify the points in time against which changes in the structural location of movement
actors should be assessed. The broader the movement whose impact is being analyzed,
the longer the period to consider. If focus were on social movements' impact over a
society as a whole, then a reasonable choice would be a long wave of protest (e.g., the
1967-1975 protest cycle analyzed by Tarrow [1989] in Italy).
Second, one should then identify the key movement actors (individuals and/or
organizations) at the start of the time period under investigation, and reconstruct their
structural location in both movement networks and broader social networks.
Third, the same procedure should be repeated by looking at the actors' positions
at the end of the period of interest. One should allow for the emergence of new
movement actors in the process by looking at their connections to previously existing
actors, and allow for the disappearance of others.
Fourth, researchers should not restrict their focus to the structural position of
movement actors within certain social milieus. They should also look at the relative
position of these milieus within broader social circles. For example, when assessing the
impact of environmental movements, one should not just assess the position of
environmental movement organizations within environmental policy or media networks;
the relative importance of these policy and cultural networks vis-a-vis other policy or
cultural networks should also be taken into account.
144 Mobilization
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