Shahbaz to Get a Deal From Generals But deal with Zardari to be unmitigated disaster
Shaheen Sehbai
WATCHING a petrified khadim-e-aala Shahbaz Sharif publicly begging for a deal from the Generals, offering to form a national unity government, giving up civilian control over national security, foreign and economic policies, rebuffing his brother on stupid confrontationist policies, meant three simple things: 1. His big bro has surrendered and given up the “kyoon-nikala” fight; 2. Misguided, ignorant Destroyer- in-Chief of her father, Maryam, has been given a big dose of Valium to sleep quietly; and 3. Shahbaz has been told to accept anything and everything for just one concession --- let the family go and keep our stolen money without a conviction. This also means that Nawaz and Maryam are not coming back to face the courts or campaign in the elections. Practically they have conceded defeat on the ground. If the scenario gets a little murkier, they may announce a boycott arguing internationally that they were hounded out and the election without them was a farce. Those who will still contest on the N ticket will do so on their own strength, as the party symbol has become a big drag. Hence a chunk has already abandoned the symbol to contest as an independent. From following a sick and dying lion, they have jumped on a military jeep. Nothing turned out to be a bigger disaster for the party than Nawaz’s fits of dissent and his daughter’s foolish arrogance. She must have learnt by now that made-up good looks do not always bring good results. In this situation Begum Kulsoom Nawaz’s medical condition has become a huge problem. If she is on a deathbed, how long will she be allowed to survive and whether she would be brought back to Pakistan for burial, if she expires before elections. If she is not that sick, Nawaz will lose more face for using her as a political tool. So Nawaz and his party is fast becoming a non-factor, which brings up another huge problem for the so-called deep establishment --- the importance and re-emergence of Asif Zardari as a player. According to insiders who have been talking to key men in the establishment, the original thinking was that if without any direct interference, Nawaz and family were sidelined, mainly through court decisions, a moderate leadership under Raja Zafarul Haq, Khaqan Abbasi or Choudhry Nisar could come up and take control of the party to keep it relevant in parliament. Many of the N-leaguers were still acceptable to the decision-makers as they had not been a part of the loot and plunder that the Sharifs and their cronies were indulging in. With them in the new parliament and with Imran as the emerging player, a coalition of goodies could have been formed, keeping Asif Zardari and his cronies still at an arms distance. There would then be no need for a huge shake-up, especially at a time when Pakistan needed a cohesive internal leadership that could meet the regional and international challenges with a clear focus and well considered policies. The collapse of Nawaz narrative and the mass exodus from his party have shaken the think tanks of the Establishment. Realizing the implications a section of the decision makers started a quiet dialogue with Asif Zardari and it continued for some time. Zardari was desperately trying to open this window after the “brick-vs- bricks” speech and he jumped on the idea. His long stays and talks in Lahore and Islamabad, a low-profile demeanour, almost near absence from the scene, leaving son Bilawal to keep the jiyalas engaged, gave him enough confidence to start making demands. Some of his trial demands like letting Dr Asim Hussain go or keep trials of Uzair Baloch and Sharjeel Memon at bay gave him confidence. As a shrewd negotiator, when he felt the other side was stuck, he started making tougher demands like immunity from corruption cases in shape of a second term in the Presidency. The latest news is that the Establishment is sharply divided, as there was a huge backlash and a grossly negative feedback when this idea started circulating in key circles and finally got out in the public domain. The problem being considered and discussed was that Imran Khan was gaining strength but his own house was not in order and the political vision and maturity of Khan could not be trusted with a free hand given to him for running the show. “Khan could lead the pack but he has to be tightly controlled and with Nawaz out, there is no one but Zardari who can do this,” a senior international bureaucrat told me while visiting Washington. Initially Zardari wanted that his position in Sindh should not be challenged or artificially changed. That was not guaranteed. The GDA is gaining strength and PTI is encroaching. Zardari even got ready to share power with GDA like the Balochistan formula or 2.5-year terms. GDA wanted the first term and there was a breakdown. The wild backlash came as more people were not ready to trust Zardari and his past was worse than even the Sharifs. So the choice now is either an unpredictable Imran Khan or a black-faced Zardari. A combination that could stick without shaking the system is yet to emerge. Serious thought is being given to these choices and if there is no consensus, the confusion and lack of clarity could even threaten holding of elections in time. Many think a few more weeks may not matter. Imran, meanwhile, has to convince a skeptical Establishment that he would be a responsible leader and not act on wishes, whispers and whims of the few in his close circle, the insider said. “Imran does not have dependable and seasoned intermediaries who could talk on his behalf and give firm assurances. He himself hardly has time to indulge in such talk, living in his own dreamy world of fantasies while his top party leadership is tearing itself apart.” But Zardari’s return to the presidency will be an absolute and an unmitigated disaster for all the top people including the honorable judges of the Supreme Court, the army generals, civil society and some sections of the media who have tolerated abuses, losses and insults but have worked hard to clean up the system That would signal an end to the two-year long campaign against top-level corruption, the theory of the supremacy of the law and the constitution, a complete compromise on the high moral stand of the establishment that they would not let any harm come to the country. Return of Zee would be fatal a blow to their face. A Nawaz thrown out because of Panama and a Zardari, despite his unexplained billions now dished out to children as gifts, will throw up monumental questions. The only constitutional and acceptable solution out of this quagmire would be to clean up the system before the elections and the solemn affidavits submitted by all candidates have provided this God-given opportunity. Measured on this single yardstick, ruthlessly and honestly, many of these sharks will be netted before they enter a new parliament. If care is not exercised now and the impression of selective accountability, targeting some and sparing others, persists, the entire effort would go waste. If Sharifs, Zardaris, Khans, waderas, Choudhries, other looters and plunderers make their way back into the system, using one or the other pretext or loophole, Pakistan would come back to Square-1, as it existed before Panama. Who will then be responsible for the consequences? Obviously those now in the corridors of real power, the decision-makers.