TEN

d repeated d ema . ls o f homosexualicy. As had cheir colleagues,

¡,it M d ' and Quiroz Cuarón hinged much of their argumenc on
. _:s ns e a~~:cularly Margarito's "funnel-shaped" (infundibular) ~nu~.2
Mexican Sexology and s1arico's
g ' p case was one of h und reds chat dealc wich homosexualicy1 . in
:gd . che cwentiech century. Such cases carne to light fol owmg
Male Homosexuality , ' u~::iucion (1910-2.0) during reform movements~su~h as chose
ico¡s nRprosutut1on,
. . eugemcs,
. and che rehabilicacion of cnmmals-chat
. . .
GENEALOGIES AND GLOBAL CONTEXTS , 1860- 19 57
. 1sec o ,. h 'ght kind of citizen-nationalists, build msmuuons to
. ~ ..ht to rorge t e n h .d 13 To cases
Ryan M . Jones ~ · h and discipline chose who strayed from t at 1 ea . ese
·e: e em, d l · b
ated how medica) and legal professionals deploye an ec e~uc attery
~tr inological and sexual sciencific perspectives as well as an _mcellecrual
rl.~ ~it inclusive of conflicting theories and approaches. Mex1can sexolo-

In Dmmb« ,9¡6, , ,cl,phon, ali alm«! ,u,ho<id« ,o , munl,, m ,,;,;,, • •• ,j','¡,I_'.[,

c,'l · &iibil y 1'deological and methodological polyglots. Among them co~ld be
. dwc:re m, dk,I doc'°"• ju<im, p,y<hi,mm, . ,ndomnologm,
· · • ."'·mmolo-
western Mcxico City. There they discovered a bloodied body in a ~hahbf , ",.¡,i ,_ . 'c~,.~•.~·1
• ,,l.ll . ·ses and even ·ournalists and laypeople. They read widely across
.
owned by a thuty-five-year-old merchanc named Margarito. During ·
~~
d,..,ll_i\ "- Cf;..'~~. •~,(lo e11gen1ci
·t :..f- · · · • ,~u-,g,
. d 'recced
' 1
1
' cheir findings ·
coward global conversanons th roug h local
• J
tions, eighceen-year-old Aurelio-who wich his mother lived as a bo!l~ •r'•~~• ,~~ \1'"'\:• t~• 0 • 'ici·onally circulaced publications, and parcicipated in internauona
Margarito's house-accused Margarito of murdering che viccim lor . .:••,JJJ·~§t~• · · ·
• .· · . -~)I .,, _,.. o nm,
from che house. Officials learned thac Margariro and che victim wrn: ·'.!: •'l ~i~' ,i:.,,·,.:nces.
lovers and that when drunk, Margarito often made similar adv,,;w~ •~ -~r~:-. ·;, ·•.11ous scholarship has approached che development of Mexican sexual
Aurelio in order to "make !ove to him as a man and a woman.'' -;· -~ ··• .,.,_ '1, ~ :ind its rclationship to homoscxuality in two ways. Sorne scholars have

Margarito, who had seemed generous for taking in Aurelio and h11 r!,, . -~· -:. ,! microhiscories of fin-de-siccle Mexican inscitucions, including Belén
had in fact used his financia) leverage to sexually exploit Aurclio. Con, •· ~'ti, ,n,1 che C astañeda asylum, in which sexual knowledge was produced . For
two "distinguished medica) jurists" examined boch men and found L.~ m. Mex1co's mosr wcll-known homosexual scandal-rhe •Famous 41•
scigmata that confirmed rheir sexual deviance: in cheir words, M~irP: , llrt: in 1901- provoked scientific interese in sexual deviance and in disci-

exhibiced "signs ofpassive pederascy• while Aurclio showed "acrive
Nevercheless, when two other eminenc medica! juriscs-Drs. J.k nj~
Argüelles Medina and Alfonso Quiroz Cuarón-published rheir an.úvat
che case in che prominenc Mexican criminological journal Cmn,n,¡f¡,, •
focused squarely on Margarito. In cheir "expert reporr"-based on a bar
of somacic, endocrinological,.social, and psychological examinariom •t
explored che causes ofMargarico's criminalicy and his sexual deviane<:,,a
thac had earned him che nickname "El Puco• (rhe masculine form of p.
"proscirute," used as a pejorative describing male homosexuals). Their e
sions: Margarico was a dangerous criminal, anchropometrically abno
and a mencally "weak" epileptic. He suffered from an "inversion of che se:
instincc" and feminizingglandular dysfunctions. They also labded him.
"amphigenic," passive homosexual, despite Margarito's marriagc, eighc
,11i, ' mg ir.4 Ochers have locaced che field 's origins in che second half of che
u1rierh cenrury, when stare institutions and sexological practices appeared
be more clearly scienrific or modern in character.5 This lacrer approach,
1•evcr, implies rhat Mexico lagged behind ocher countries or possessed
ly an incomplete fidd of sexual science beforehand.
'Ihis chapter, in contrast, focuses broadly on che inherent eclecticism of
lo.xican sexology as a deliberate praxis rhat produced a specific form of
1wlcdge useful in disciplining sexual deviance. Indeed, while Mexican
al science mighc appear incoherent-because of irs unruly appropria-
1s oí inrerdisciplinary, transnational, and transcemporal inA.uences-ic
rc:nheless proved coherent because of ics overall aim: to produce modern
•
~ ~Lcn-~ubjeccs and rcform rhose who deviared from char ideal. By incorpo•
:ing a mulciplicicy of cucring-edge ideas produced by modern scientific
'iciplines- boch global and local in origin- as well as older ideas abouc rhe

232
ME X I C AN SE X O l O G Y ANO M Al E H O M OS E X U Al l T Y • 233
body rhar scill carried diagnosnc, social, and policica1 valuc, Mcxica
ogy provided che analycical frameworks and mechods nccessary to 'a
che modernization projects of che Mcxican state and "solve• pcrcc,ve
problems like homoscxuality.
Thus, by focusing on chis eclccticism, a more useful chronology 1s r~
chat sicuaccs che origins ofMexican sexual scicnce in che nincccench C"
and wichin global circuits of incdleccual and mechodological exchang
scccions thac follow explore: (1) che sexological, criminological, and ideo
cal genealogies expressed in Margarito's case and similar cases; (1.) thc de
menc oí modern innovacions in and che enduring significance of anatom
•signs• for understandings of sexual deviance between 1860 and 196
brielly, (3) Mexico's fim officia1 sex-change opcranon in 1954-an cveo,t
showcascd Mexican sexology on a global scage, chac offered a suppo\cd
for homosexualiry, and chac soughc to reshape a devianc body inco 1h.1
legibly ideal cicizen.
l. ECLECTICISM , MOOERNITY, LEGIBILITY
By che time chac Argüdles Medina and Quiroz Cuarón evaluatcd MargJ
case, sexology had bccome wdl imegrated inro Mex1c;in mcd1cal ¡urh
dence. On a nacional levd, it devdoped largdy wichin che field~ oí mm
ogy and medicine fro m che mid-nineteench cenru ry. Early tcxrs off ' '1crw1\e ~o<lomy cases were tried in courts uncil at leasr che 1880s; while
medical-forensic and legal incerprecacions ofsexual dcviance. Setology ,, ,,
Jacer be influenced by, and influential in, other ficlds-puucularly psych1
biocypology, endocrinology, and anchropology. As a conscquence, thcrc .
no separare discipline of sexual scicnce in Mcxico per se; rarhcr, sewlo
were specialiscs in ochcr fidds. On a transnarional scalc, Mex1can ,c);ul
was inherendy eclectic, pulling influences from lralian criminal amhrol'
ogy (irsclfhighly ecleccic), German and American sexology, Ausm an pw~
ogy, French medicine, Spa nish endocrinology, and Latín American mcJ
jurisprudence, among ochers. Such knowlcdgc was fush 1onable, p.irmul
as liberal social rcformers looked to Europc for modcls of uvil11.mon a
soughr ro claim Mexico's righcful place as a leading, modern Western natío
In chis way, Mexican sexology was from che bcginning a produce forn1
wichin a global environment and through cra nmational exchanges.
Mex1can sexology neverchdess did not emerge ;is a produce of epmel'i
shifis bccween •cradition• and "science," as has bcen posited for other lo
234 • R Y A N M J O N ES
¡s,by Michcl Foucault and Howard C hiang.6 lt inscead incorporated ideo-
. , 1and cultural residucs from carly modern underscindings of che body,
ilC,,
,fance, and sin that would hold rclevance well into che cwcnticth cencury.
iat is, chere was no clcar break where •craditional" views on scxualicy, as
,ediated chrough practices of rcligion, confession, and bodily expression,
,replaced wich a purcly clinical sdmtia sexua/is. Instead, anatomical
:hs~ remained c:ssencial in Mexican sexual science and were reilied by che
¡¡r,t/~to1-influenr1al. Europhilc, positivist technocrats in Porfirian Mexico
·'18?6-,910) -in medical-forcnsic manuals and legal codes chac shaped dis-
(Oursc for decades. Lacer ficlds, including psychoanalysis and endocrinology,
.in nirn concinucd to read bodily confessions chat rclied on che rdevance of
~.,.u:om1cal cruchs. In chis way, sexology functioned as bochan e.s sential cool
r moderruzing Mexico anda vector for earlier cultural knowledge to per-
ir. lt inAuenced Mexican liberalism and modernity, parcicularly in tc:.rms of
• "nin~ who was fit for citizenship, as wcll as served as a means to maincain
,,;.,,r.d conunuity wich che pase.
,\ briefdiscussion of sodomy illuscrates chis poinc. Sorne prominent schol-
, .h.11 e claimed, based largcly on readings of literary sources, chat sodomy
'lS nnr di, cusscd in nineceench-cencury Mcxico, except for a few scray refer-
\, ~ Lite 111 che cencury. This view has concribuced to che nocion of a •void •
, "~ which conrinuicics from che colonial era did not cross to modern
.~x,co.7 A bevy of hiscorical sourccs and recent scholarship demonstrate
•wt, did not condemn pcople to deach as in colonial New Spain, chey srill
·1ed arbitrary semences ofhard labor and imprisonmenc.8 Numerous news-
.per, repo rceJ on sodomy chroughouc che lacter half of che cencury.9 An
18,> amele in Gaata J;féd1<a de klb:1<0, che councry's prcrnier medical jour-
1I. foc used on anal disease and referenced sodomy. 10 Most important were
,m1rn. medical manuals, such as Rafael Roa Bárcena's 1860 texr, which
lduded sect1ons on pederascy- then synonymous with sodomy anda Kpub -
1c mme· - and others discussing wounded ind dysfunctio nal body pares,
1duding the anus. 11 Toe more influencial 1877 Compendio dr mrdi<ina Irga/
,fti:red a lcngchy discussion of sodomy as ;i "public outrage• in ics hrst chap-
ior.12 Such cexrs would shape Mexic;in medical and legil opinions for
Boch the 1860 and 1877 texcs reAected a transicion in Mex1Can thinkmg
abouc sodomy, viewing it not so muchas a sin, bue rae her as a med,c~I condi-
:1on or dangerous form of public social deviince. This vicw bcc une cmhnned
M EX I CA N S íX O I OGY ANO M AlE H O M OS I XU AI IIY • 7JI
ll'!e!!'P" ----.

with sodomy's official, ¡f incomplete, decriminalization in the 1871 Có
Penal. che culmination of midcentury liberal legal reforms. In che e<>
introduction, Minister of Jusrice Antonio Martínez de Castro srared
although sorne acts constituted a "very grave offense to moralicy," rhose
"did not disrupt che public peace" should be cast aside. The inspirarion
13
rhis change carne from earlier French and Spanish codes. Privare so
acts, rheoretically, lay outside che law's purview, except when they "offend
decency, when chey cause[d] scandal, or [we]re executed through violenc
Bringing such acts to light outside rhesc contexts only scandalized che,p
Jic-prcciscly what decriminalization sought to avoid. D ecriminaliza
was thus a sign for Mexican liberals of the nation's evolving modern it){ ·...
part of a "racional• approach to engaging criminaliry. lt also meant there!i. ·
theoretically no legal reason an orherwise upstanding individual who p
riced prívate same-sex sexuality could not be a legitimare citizen.
Yct alrhough Mardnez de Castro removed sodomy, aurhoriries u sed u:
charges-"outrages against public moralirl and corruption of minot, -~"-:t '-1..
· 0 sirivism, social science, and sexual science. Italian thinking carried special
eighr. Criminal anthropologist Cesare Lombroso's discourses on "born"
and "occasional" criminals and "atavism," found in mulriple editions of his
< ~uomo delinquente, would remain foundational into che next cenrury.
17
' cxican scholars engaged Lombroso's work, and in his Archivio di psichia-
ia, antropologia crimina/e, e scienu penali (1880), Lombroso lisred receiving
'aceta Médica journals from 1878 to 1880. By 1890, Mexican newspapers
.published essays on criminal anthropology, including an arride devoted to
Lombroso's ideas and those of psychiarrists Enrico Ferri and Richard von
,_J(ral:Ii:-Ebing. In November 1892, El Siglo Diez y Nueve published a rhree-
.. pare series entided "La antropología criminal" that contained a detailed sum-
nmry of Lombroso's work, along with rhat ofochers, including French crimi-
nologist Alexandre Lacassagne. 18 The latter's view of che prominence of
i.' · '..,_,ci.11 factors over heredity in producing crime were integrated into Mexican
'1{iill ·, tdminology along with Lombroso's views, despite their secming conrradic-
".:'.,. t ~is. By che 1920s, borh che supposed social and hereditary causes of crime

prosecute homosexuals. Through rhese charges, privare sexualiry be, -~ • • · -:1. •• ·.r2.wrcd in official evaluations of rhose arres red.
ublic concern and could again be regulared. By che lace 1800s, such lh ~· : . , e :~-~ ! ombroso's convictions about physical scigrnata resulting from homo-
P ,.t ... 1'•
hdpcd reinforce converging discourses on che dangers of male dfcniina, ·.-:.. •, ~ .-~r,nl acrivity remained especially inlluenrial in che Mexican public sphere,
female masculinicy), gender inversion, and sexual deviance as chesc ht · 'i:~--~~i.:pire rhe emergence of schoJarship discounring his logic. Echoes of
more publicly visible and discussed in che press, polirics, and scholar\h1p. "-;1 . ·~ ~-,1.,,mbrmo's idea thar pederasrs could be discinguished by feminine hairst yles
visibilicy worried ~fficials. In 1~74, for e~ample. O~. José María Reyes ª].y~ /'~\' · <:.lorh_ing informed reacrions_ro ch~ Nove_mber_ 1901 "Famous 41~ scandal.
in che Gaa:ta Médtca for che social necess1cy of promrur1on to forcsrall 1!. ~·• . , · ;•. ~rn.,li~t~covercd che evcnt-in wh1ch police raided a drag ball-for weeks,
ing" behaviors like pcderast y, bestialiry, and masrurbation, wh ich hi:, lik~ •~· / ~ it remaineJ a rhetorical rouch point for wricers, politicians, and artists
councerparts in various global sices, ried to mental insrabilicy and frminin · ·. ilr dcc.1tb. Some scholars have labded che scandal as che "birrh • of Mexican
hysceria.1s Male youchs had co be prorecred from behaviors thac_rhre,ai . .., osexualiry- rh,n is, thc moment in which male effcminacy and ho mo-
cheir viriliry, minds, and civic fimess. Prosticution, which social rdormtr~ t.111.iry werc conflared as referring ro che same behavio rs and subiectivi-
scrutinized, neverthdess was preferable to losing mento "self-ab use,.. 1. "'' hen viewed in light of discursive sh ifts rclated ro sexual science.
ti \v ' che
and sexual pcrversion because ir preserved hereronormaciviry. ·can be read lcss as an episremic "birth • and more as a key moment
Reyes's reaccion- echoed by orhers and emerging bcfore f.imou~ w . n .i larger process of making homosexuals legible. This process occurred
like Magnus Hirschfdd mused on che subje_cr- \onca_¡ned imporra1;~ COnri:xt in whic~ r~e effc minace homosexual became rcad as represenra-
for Mexican medical-lega l engagemenr w1rh sexuahry rherufter. , . of homosi:xuahry itsdf. Around che effeminate homosexual. tensions
rropes included fears of sexual chaos and degradacion on moral, bo( rgcd between libcralizing polirics, che emcrgcnce of criminal antluo-
narional levcls; a linking of masculin ity to heteronormarive bodi
. .h ..
iY ,mJ sexology, the cxpansion of public discourse on homoscxual't
• y.
behaviors; and che conflation of chese bodies and behav1o rs wir cltl • e emcrgencc of raxonomics of modern human rypcs (normal vs. devi•
Thus, ic should noc be surprising char malc sexual deviance would b. hat cnabled the rientljicos' project to order modcrn Mexico.
majo r 'fo~us of Mexican sexology. A long with loca_! ~orcnsic 111 r r_he scandal, Mexican criminologist Carlos Roumagnac, :i sd f-srylcd
Mexican sexologists rurned co European schools of crumnal anchto osian acolyre, produced rhe most important rurn-of-rhc-ccnrury

231 • R V A N M JO N ES M EXICA N SEXOLOOV ANO MA LE HO M OSEXU ... ll 1Y • 131

positivist scudy linking sexuality and crime. Roumagnac deployed a v,
of the born/occasional binary; both caballos (effeminate hornoscxua
played che passive role) and mayares (situational homosexuals who play
active role) lived in Belén, a prison known for violent sexual hieraro
Roumagnac's views functioned not just as a Mexican version of an ~
theory, bue rather as a Mexican version of a globalized cheory cxp
through a circuir between ltaly and che Americas. In chis sense, che"
passive binary" that would dominare academic pcrspectives on gend
sexualicy during che mid-cwentieth cencury, famously in works by~
Paz and Osear Lewis, was not only a Mexican idea, nor a "I;.a:
Mediterranean" modcl generaced through a largcly cultural read:
Spanish colonialism.21 Instead, it was a discourse with truly global'
that, by the cwencieth century, became rchearsed chrough discoursc
ual science.
Prison homoscxuality rernained a concem in lacer scudies.22 Crirnio,
Raúl Carrand. yTrujillo mixed Lombrosian and ~reudian thoughc ~n
essay that recalled Reyes's fears about che dangers posed when rnen
"natural " sexual oudets. 23 Raúl González Enríquez raised similar et
in his 1933 monograph o n Lecu mberri prison .24 González Enríquo:
exernplificd Mexican sexological eclecricisrn; he appcaled to nurneroti
ars to support his argument~, and once again, che noc1on that homú~
could be recognized as distinct t ypes loomed largc in his text. Both
y Trujillo and González Enríqucz advocated conjuga! vi,1c, - opcr
M exico smce 192.4 and touted as bolstcring heteronorrnative, monor,
fa mily rclationships-to •cure" pri~on horno\exuality. The idea woul<l
to Latín America, che United Stare,, and hcyond as one oí Mem o'
contributions ro sexual science.2~
Mexican scholars addcd 01her approac.hes bcyond pmon , tud1~~
ideolog1cal toolkit~. By che 1910~. rhcy inc01 pouted rndonmol11
larger concerns about sexualiry .ind hygiene. Dr. Alfomo Od1oa, l<'r
ple, claimcd chat "sexual hyg1ene is occupied with che bcttermn
human race· and as~crted that glamh were rc,pons1blc for pmpn ,,
fcrenttation .26 Orga111Lat1on~ like thc YMC A and che Ateneo Je 1 '
spo nmred semina rs bringing ;exology. phys1, .11culture. and rncm,tl
ro )0ung men as part of cra1ning thcrn to he virile uci1ens. 11rn,. ,1,
World War l Europc. bodies becamc 1.entral 10 Mex1c,n1 reu>1htrt11.ll
che Revolution (1910-191.'0), rhcreby reaffirming the need for cht· '
1
gaze\" of c n m inologms and sex<Jlogi\t\. ~ By che 19i.o~. ,exology f
238 • R Y A N M JO N f S
,minently in methods used by che burgeoning system of schools, p risons.
Ld youch tribunals casked wich forging or reforming citizens. Endocrinology
LJd' psychology gained traccion chcrcafter, alrhough supporting racher than
)placing prcvious techniqucs. An ongoing process wherc scxology bolstcred
rsccms of social control serving che postrevolutionary stace's disciplinary,
~
10 dernizing airns would ensure sexual science's value in ddineating normal
m deviant.
11. A CATALOGUE OF LEGIBLE OEVIANCE :
MARGARITO ' S CASE
was in this context that Argüellcs Medina and Quiroz Cuaró n, among
.cxico's forernost medica! jurists, analyzed Margarito's • intcrcsting problern
,omoscxuality." 28 Toe case is a pivota! one for undcrstanding the matura-
1n of Mexican scxology. The doctors invokcd a range of scicncific cheories
mechods explicidy and implicidy from Austrians Freud and Julius Bauer,
mo-German Kraffi-Ebing, ltalians Lombroso and Nicola Pende,
.iards Gregorio Marañón and Manuel Ruiz-Maya, and Peruvian Susana
,o, arnong ochers, along with older paradigms about che body. Thcir
ysis illuminaces how in Mexican scxology oftcn-contradictory theories
mcchods, global and local in origin, coexistcd; how chcse rhcories and
.ods could be deployed together in order ro shore up any individual
ach 's weaknesses; and how praccitioners used ecleccicism to advance
reformi;t goals. Moreover, such cclecticism did nor rcsult from a dearrh
,dern inforrnation or techniques; Mexicans at times were at che forc-
nt nf applying new methods- for insrance, Freudian psychoanalysis-in
r t ,l\t·~. lnstcad , eclecticism reprcsented a deliberare approach.
~n,ider their conclusions about Margarico's homoscxu.uiry. Arguelles
ln,, and Q uiroz C uarón notcd fivc rclevam fucts: (1) Margarito had chil-
.\~) he denicd having had homosexual rcbtions; (3) Aurclio affirmcd
ht Jnd Margarito had madc !ove as if they "were a ma n and wonun•; (4)
mediul examinacions found signs of passivc ¡x-derasry o n Marg.iriro
,ccive on Aurclio); and (~) Margarito suffered hypogeniulism and haJ
nd1bu l.1r anus. Of chcse poims. che J od ors e~¡x-o~ly c rnph i siLcd
,rn.1ly'>('~ over M.i rgarico's cemmo11y. For instarn·e, Arguelles Med ina
.liro, C uarón decermined thar alrho u~h Margarito had sircd t h ild ren,
,l dad nor preduJe ho mommalit y. Such indi11.m o ns, thr y a1~ued .
M Í X IC A N S I X O l O O Y A N O M A 1 ( ti O M O S l X U A l 1 1 ' 1 Jt
 could coexist in so-called amphigenic homosexuals.29 Here they deploy..
term used by Freud in his Three Essays on the Theory oJ Sexuality (19
Amphigenic homosexuals were •psychosexual hermaphrodites" whose se
object choice included individuals ofboth sexes.30 They differed from ~~
lute inverts, who sought sexual objects of che same sex, and from contin
invercs, produced in single-sex environments. This taxonomy had alr
proven influemial in Mexico; criminologist González Enríquez used th
types in his Lecumberri study. 31
Labeling Margarito as an amphigenic homosexual, however, proved ~n~
the opening gambit. Since interactions between Mexicans and scxologist.1
frequently took place in state jurisdictions, this meant that medica! jur·
did not simply want to describe sexuality like Freud, but to pass judgmenn•art
sexual deviants in the service of the nation. Freud's amphigenic category thus
offered che doctors a way co discounc Margarito's claims ofheterosexuality'¡¡~
counterfeit, while Lombroso's "born homosexual"-a pathological bé,i,n1;
with a special physiognomy and psychological traits linked to criminalit ·
and femininity-provided che framework for understanding the case:.,; ~
moral and legal terms. Argüelles Medina and Quiroz Cuarón chus folloW'c
che modcl advocaced by peer jurisc Carrancá y Trujillo, himscl f a LombrO\r,1
disciple, who pioneered che use of Freudian thoughc in his "psycho-lcg~l
analysis" of criminal cases published in Criminalia. 32
Argüelles Medina and Quiroz Cuarón bolstered cheir argument w1t.J:>
analysis based on endocrinological cechniques; Margarico's endocrine dr
function , they argued, was proof of his homosexualicy, regardless of h is rn, .
cimony. Although chey could not find a "major" endocrine syndrome, chcy
conduded chat Margarico ncvercheless suffered from a "smalr syndro
that manifested in incersexual, rathcr than scxually differcntiated, som.it.ic
signs. Specifically, che doctors diagnoscd him with hyperchyroid ism and
hypofunctional pituitary and adrenal glands. Thesc observacions ~how<:d
chat Margarito's body had been "feminizedt the overactivc chyroid scrved J5
a "feminizing gland," while che pituicary and adren al glands, normally "vir
ile," underperformed.33 Here che doccors invoked lcalian eugenicisc Pende's
cheory of che body's "pocential bisexualicy" and. inherenc intersexualicy.34 For
Pende, proper sexual differenciation required che harmonious rclease a
action of hormones as pare of che "pluriglandular origin" of bodily s
Margarito's syndrome evinced disharmony. Worse, Margarito suffered fror
"hypogenitalism"-insufficiendy functioning testicles- placing hinl
between a normal individual and che "perfect castratcd typc." D rawing 6
240 • A Y A N M . JO NE S
iauer's observations, Argüclles Medina and Quiroz Cuarón concluded thac
[e cause ofhis dysfunction was his testicles' prcmature "senility" and loss of
'v,ital energy."35
.Argüclles Medina and Quiroz Cuarón found physical evidence for this
,prnbined endocrine dysfunction in Margarito's "feminine" hair patterns.
,is beard was "juvcnile" and sparse; his pubic hair was triangular, scarce on
r.li;,is pcrineum, and absent around his anus; and he lacked hair on his chest,
'b¡¡ck, and pares of his arms and hands. In recognizing these patterns, che
d@ctors likcly had been influenced by Lombroso's observations ofbody hair
arnong criminals in his 1876 Crimina/Man and by Gregorio Marañón's later
o,bservations in La evolución de la sexualidady los estados intersexuales (1929).
Marañón, himsclf influenced by Hirschfeld and Universidad de Concepción
(Chile) professor Alexander Lipschücz, described numerous hair differences
1.,~cween che sexes. For example, while boys had "feminoid" pubic hair during
pubcrty. chcir hair expanded to a diamond as chcy matured.36 Margarito
:rr.ckcd chis hair, and thus, Argüclles Medina and Quiroz Cuarón argued, he
:.-nuincd devclopmcnrally arrestcd, with abnormal secondary sexual charac-
,•:ri,ti..:s confirming his endocrine problems and homosexualicy.37 Visual
·;nalys1s, as it had been with Lombroso, rcmained critica! for creating the
~·a:alogucs used to discipline deviance.
Alrog.:cher, che doctors concludcd chat Margarito's cndocrine syndromes
undcrmmed his physical, mental. and psychological well-bcing-a diagnosis
·echomg what O choa had asserred in 1914: "lt is indubitable chat in the man,
,iilccrnal sccrccions of che generacive gland influence much about his health,
vigor, character, and inrellccrual faculties." 38 lndeed, the doctors asserted
rh.u Margariro posscssed oligofrenia, a condition of incerrupted menea!
d.:vdopmcnr and weakness that lefi: his mental abilitics comparable to thosc
of a working-class cwelve-year-old child.39 Sincc the doctors also viewed thc
mencally dcficient as "strongly crotic." they asserted that it was not uncom-
mon to find chat individuals like Margarito wcre "pederasts committing
sexual crimcs."tO Margarito also suffered from cpileptic attacks, which che
doccors inrerpreced as furcher evidencc of criminality. Argücllcs Medina and
Quiroz C uarón noted chat both Lombroso and Kraffi-Ebing viewcd crimcs
.í\S "poorly imerprcted epileptic phcnomena.''1 1 Homosexual men were chus
unable to control their inclinations or fully understand che.ir actions.
1
Margarito's oligofrenia, in their view, rendcred him overly emocional, as
,demonsrrated by his tendency while drunk to fice from rooms crying.4 2 As
in their analyscs of physical signs, che doctors reached for an older logic,
MEX I CAN SEXOLOGY ANO MALE HOMOSEXUAL 11'Y • 241
implicidy rácrencing nineceenth-cemury notions of hysreria as a characc
mic of deviance or che feminization of men. ln period ccxcs, che male hyster
"was still frequendy envisioned as an effeminate heterosexual, an ove
homosexual, ora physical or emocional hermaphrodite."43 Influential Itali
forcnsic doctor Arrigo Tamassia asserted in 1878 that sexual inversion cou
be hereditary; epilepsy, hysteria, insanity, and mental disorders characteriz
sexual inverts' family histories. Margariro's emocional instability chus e,
roborated che endocrinological "feminization" that Argüelles Medina
Quiroz Cuarón had discovered, as well as bolscered claims that he was pto
to irracional actions, including passionate murder. His crime was "plan
by an oligofrenico and executed by an epileptic: imperfeccly planned a:
execuced in an impulsive and brutal manner."'44
Criminologists frequemly ciced passionate crimcs as hallmarks of ho
sexual interaccions; scholars including Reyes (1874 ), Kraffi-Ebing (18
Lombroso (1896), and Solano (1935) had linked epilepsy to sexual devia
impulsivicy, and brucalicy. Ro umagnac's 1904 scudy drew connecct
berween crime and sexu al deviance thar later scholars, like Gon:
Enríquez, echoed explicidy.4S Similarly, m ainstream ncwspapcrs and tabJ
linked cnme, violence, and homosexualiry. In April 19}8, rwo jailcd 1
t1dos "provoked a grand scandal" whcn onc sp1llcd hot coffce on thc ot
who respo nded by slici ng the former's forehcad.46 In Septcmber 19,9
m ore hadan alccrcat ion in wh ich one bit che orher in che face aftcr an u1
cering joke.~7 In che m inds of Mcxican scholar, , such events confirme~
ho moscxuals were beholden ro cnminal pass1ons and po\ed wh.n P<'r
criminologist Solano in a 1935 Cr,mznaba a mele called .in "cv1denc
danger: She warned of che conrag1ous narure of abnormal sexualtt y. hy,,.
0
and epilepsy, asserting t hat there wa~ a c.<"1tain \Cxual pathological a
becween che m sane, criminal~. and homo~exual, "I~ r or che Jo
Marganto's dcviance, crime, and inducemenr of Au1cl10 into homo,c
would have fit chese descripuom pcrfc..dy
Argüellcs Medina and Qu1 roL ( uaró11's 1.00- lu,ums thU\ fic \Ht h11,
lating nacional and rransniltional J1s~our'>Cs link111g , e.:u.1.l <lcn,rnn
a nd ps~cholog1c.i.l and somauc d efiuenues I he1r ob..crva110~\ ,11rrvlt
what M ex1can psych1atnst Alfonso M ill.ín . d ar<', t<'í o! rhc 111
Castañ ed a asylum, observed in another mfluent1al ( nmm.ih.1 ,HU< le
sexuals were "v1cums• of che "reu rdac1on uf norm.al .111d h abuual n '
.u~-dcYelopmenr: As such, the •sexual pcnert 1, a ,ubjecc whose dir
cal age 1s greater chan his biolog1<.al and ~uual age .in md1\ 1du
2'2 • R Y A N M JO I'< E S
parallclism bctween chronological and biological stagcs 1s d isoricnrcd.""9 To
che doctors, Margarico clearly was scuck in an "earlier• stagc of devclo p-
rnenc-one chat Mcxican scholars asscrced normal ceens grcw out of- and
crapped in a form of what Pablo Ben has called "sexual chaos:so His incom-
plccc devclopmcnt, while descrving creatmenr, could not be allowed to again
tdverscly affcct ochers.
Yet in making their case, Argüclles Medina and Quiroz C uarón provcd
¡_elccuve in choosing cvidence to support thcir analysis. While chey no ccd
:hat Margarico's genitals were •normal" in form and volume- cvidcncc he
1v_ as not as dysfunctional as chey claimed-this evidence had lictle impact on
chcir diagnosis that Margarito simulcaneously suffcred from "juvenile" and
•~enile" maladics. Their observations of his body hair cxcludcd circulating
¡exolog1cal knowledgc produccd by Marañón thac admitted considerable
'.,t.irian on in che topography and chronology of"virile pilosiry• dueto age, as
,di as work by Lipschücz in Chile criticizing European modcls (such as
.ombroso's body cypes) and affirming echnic differenccs in normal bod y-
,air patterns.51 As such, Margarico's smooth body was not in and of itsclf
Leccssarily abnormal, and other options-such as grooming pattcrns- did
,e figure in che doccors' perspcccivcs. In chis respect, che modernicy of their
,gic proved compromised. Moreovcr, che doccors admitted no potcntial
tlhus berween assercions ofMargarito's mental dcficiencics and his abiliry
1111an1pulare Aurclio. One wonders if efforts to "type• Marga rito scemmed
·.much from a desirc to reinforce scereocypical links bcrween ho moscxual-
·cpilcp,y. and criminaliry-chcrefore providing an • inreresting problcm•
'rzmm,i/1,1 rc.iders-as chey did from o bjective cvaluacions. Argticllcs
idina and Q u1roz C uaró n assembled an analysis chat confirmeJ, unsur-
,ingly, preconcepu ons of how homoscxuality would manifcst itsclf: as a
loprncnt.11 ret.1. rd ano n or degeneratíon o f m ind and body; in a feminine,
,mn,irc form; and as a dangerous devolucio n that poscd cxisttmial th rc.1.cs
tt" public and nation. The net rcsulc was ro produce a certain k.índ of sexo-
.al knowledge, a catalogue of devíancy resonating with nario nal impera-
-~.111ned at d1~c1plinmg socit-cy.
111. REAOING ANAL " TRUTHS"
db Medina and Qu1roz C uarón thus idenrificd Ma rguiro as a J ;angn-
t\lmmnu.1.I Neverthdess, ont form of cv1dence carried mor<' wcíght in
M [i< t C AN S t KOlOGV ANO M A l C H O M OS l .. V A llfY • H J
t~ll c-.u..1l,~tu.·. t hl.' •n \lth~• n-..1J frx>m M.,~ J.flt\; S ..1nu$....; Al-,..lVI.' ..111 d~c.
' '
~ \c\l,' .UI m.-Ji,. .ti 1unst~. ~-..-,.11wvrlcrs ..rnJ ~"<'J.\\fo~ists rdiN un ..1n.11 truths
'"' Jt'{"('rn\11\C J e, l..lfü"<'. ,, di lllt\) thc rwl.'ntieth ,·l.'n tury. The~ aut h()rittcs
, Ít'"\\~ · si~ns ""'': p.tssw"I.' pnlcrast} • rn,·h ~s t hc info11,Hbul.-r ,rnus .is rrnmp•
in~ ,:~'_)\mtl.'rinJ 1,-..1tt,,ns h.)und in mhcr fumu of phy~k-al. roc1o1.I. or tcstimo-
ni.11 cvkkn~ : that is.•m c.i.rlia vk\\ 1.)f .m.ito mir-.i.l unpo rt-ancc formcd the
l\>u111.l.mon ol..111.i..ly s,s.. r.uher th.m being rcpl;i,·cd by l..1rc.r pcrspc-cti,-cs. fal.'n
ps~, -hi..1trist M ili.in affirmcd t h.H t hcsc signs mnaincd rrit k.i.l º fu r t hc
mt-d11..-o•k g;-.1l Ji.lgnostic ,1fthc- p.iss:ivc ho mosa u.11:"
l hc 1111port'.1n.--c e>Í :mal rrm.hs cmc.rgcd " "<'11 bdo rc modcm scxology. .1nd
their pcrsistc-n.:c in .:-;iscs like Mugariw's oftcrs c,; dcncc ofrhc conrinuity of
•u ·.idm on.i..l• ,·icws o n ~cxuality e-Yen as ncwcr furms ofknowk d8(' emc11,'C\i.
As cu ly .is Rl.'n;iisnncc- Eumpc. sccular .m d ~l igious offici.1ls .,Jjudil',mng
s0<.l0mr tria.Is ronr r;ictcd doctors ro ,-ondun anal cxaminacions looking fur
crnchs o n both vin ims and che .iccuscd ; thc s:unc- w-as crul.' in che- Spanish
Empirc duri ng che si.xrCl.'nth and sc,·cncecnth cl.'nt urics.\ " Thc p rcscncc- or
abscncc- of somau c stigmata rould makc o r break a c.i.sc, and cheir 1mport.1ncc-,
as e, 1dc-ncc- grcw thcrea!tcr. lralian Paolo Z acchiú mulcivolumc- Qu,umonts
mtd1co-leg.Jk.1 {1611- s1) o ffcrcd p rotocols in which hssurcs. hcmo rrho,ds.
and anal looscn ing wac signs of pl.'nct rario n and assc-rccd thac thc pents
sho uld be cxamincd to sec if it was capable of rommitting tht' ;icts.ss Two
ccnturies btcr. Spaniard Mateo O rfila argucd in h is Tratado dt mtdwn.r
úgal (1847) that sodomy or pcderast y would leave a "rcccum distcndl.'d in tht"
form of a fu nnel•-an idea he rcferenced fro m Frcnch physician ~I Khd
C ullerier.~ Other ~,gns included a ~phincter "Jilatcd and without re~m
0
anee: and º chickcned , sl.ick, and m fl.1m cd tlesh. l mt.icio n and ,well1n,
suggcsccd that che n 1mc ha.d JUSC occurrcd."
Likc Orfila, mosc medica! jurim Sdunn iuJ m .cpci,•c p an nen. (,crma
forens1c sde.nusc J . L. C aspcr wrou: m his l illndboolc far rhe Pmmu o
Fortns/C J.ftdw nt (18s2.) chac hab1tual pasm·e sodomy len { W O 11nport:i11
m:i.rks: a "horn-likc dl.'prcss1on . cowards che ,m us a nd a Hnoorh 1ond1
tion oftht slcin around thc ,m us, apparend y au~111g from che frcq uc-nr \trud1
i ng and frin ion of che skin: 58 In contr.ist, Frcnch forcmi<. php1u.111
Ambro1se Tardieu, m w
atttntats aux m<?ws (185-), ,ugued th;ic borh pa,m
and activl.' pcder;ists m uid be 1dcnu ficd th rough s1gns. A Lthes had "poin1
pcniscs" similar ro thosc of dog), whdc p,m 1vc~ had cXC'C)\tvdy devdopt
but tocks.~9 Mexicans acccsscd thcse text~ d irccd}, chro ugh scholars lik
Lo rnbro~o. and via local mm like Roa Bárccnú man ual and H 1d.ilgo
24' • A Y A N M J ON ES
C.trpi,.,"s 1.'\>111¡x-11dmm. \\ h t.:h ,·,tcJ Ottil.i. C.ts pcr, .intl T ,1,ru1<"11 M n1,,111s
cum,ne,I h<•th .i.rtiY('S ..1ml p..1~ ivcs. o ttC'J1 ,·h.i.~1 ng-c.1ch wn h cnmc-~~ 11e, c1
1hck5S. ~1T.1rer intt'tTSt. if nm .1l"-.1>~ pu nbh mcm . "-.is lc-viC'\.I at t'<', cpt h·c-
P-'rrnc~
As i\lcxk.1n se.x-okl&)' nwu rcd . ;in..110 111ir.1l p.ir.ld igms srill c.1mcJ ~•~n•h
c mr weight in me<.l i,-al jurisprudenrc. In ;in 1:-l$Q 1..-asc• .i.ud1Qm i<"s t·u,nt ned
rwo lllt'II c-:mghc h.ivingsc.'< nc.ir th<' Ou.1c.1 c.u hcdra~ both cxh ib1ted s1¡.t1n
1
of J'C'CC nt su.6< In J.muary 19H. Mc.x.ko C ity policc a~sred .l 1wcnt y-1h rc<-
year•old sh 0<1nakcr .md an illirerntl.' thirty-ycar-old man. ncither oí who m
w2s vil.'wcd as o urn,:i.rdly dfc min.1tc.1>1 Whcn exam inc-d, both men ~ ow,:d
"signs• ofho mose.xual anjvit y: c>nc- h.1d "spillcd spcrm on his pcnis: anJ t hc
orha had "signs of pcdt'nst y on h is .mus." These signs wc rc uscd ro jum fy
incu cc-r.i.tion. Simil.uly. in l\lay 19 z.8. po licc su rpriscd eighrc-el\-)'1.'JI--Old
Manuel S.í.nchcz O mivl.'ros kissing an o ldc-r m.111. Autho ricies rcm ittl.'d
S.inchc-z O ntiveros ro che Tribunal de M.eno rl.'s. M e.xico C ity's s~ ciahzcd
yo uth court. fuunded in 19i.7. Thcrc, he and tho us;rnds of ochcrs faccd exam1-
nations of their bodic.s. sociological backgrounds. hcrediry, educuion al and
psychological devclopment, and sexual cxpericnces. During c-valuacio ns.
Sánchez O mi,·c-ros cxhibited •signs of passivl.' pcdc-rascy."62 Youths as wd J as
Jdulrs wo uld be cxaminc-d for such indicatio ns for dc-cades; in thc 1950s.
surgeon Rafud Sandoval C am acho looked for signs whcn detcrmining how
to surgically ªcu reº a homosc,'< ual patil.'nt.63
C omcxtualizcd this way, Mcxican casl.'s can be scen wichin a lo ng crajcc-
tocy thac placed the "truth • oí malc sexual dcvi:i.ncc o n thc body and, espc-
cially, che anus, even as ncwer, o nl.'n rnntradictory approachcs appcarl.'d in
psychology. l.'ndocrinology. and rdated ficlds chat challcnged rh1s bodily
logic. ln cffl.'ct, M cxican jurisprudl.'ncc treatcd rhc anus as the m alc corollary
to t he hymc-n and thl.' vulva; ali chrl.'c wc-rc sites of truth proving that scxu¿j
activiry, dc-vianc or o the.rwise, had occurrcd. H ymcnology and invcscigacions
of infu nd1bular anal o r vulvar distortio ns broughc bodil.'s undcr statl.' scru-
t1ny and invokcd ccnturil.'s-old cultural bdicfs about bodily intl.'g riry.64 Thc
eummc<l, med icalized boJ y w;is a feminizcd body, as mcn lost chcir ;igency
undcr che stace's gazc; it chus was a self-fulfilling idea, sincc agcm s wo uld look
for Íl.'minine bodily crurhs while humiliating thd r puiem s in che Sl.'a.rch .
That ho mo~cxual s wnc stereot yp ic.tlly rcgardcd as bcing fcmininc m akc-s
rhesc parallcls cvcn more miking.
Thc significance of this logic pcrsisred even alter thl.' infund ibular :i.nus
.1nd ot hc-r physil-a l m gmaca had bccn discrcdi tcd as not otfcring c.xplanatory
M ( XI C AN S f X O l O O Y ANO M A l [ H O "4 0 S ( X l/ A l I f Y • io
uuchs. For inscance, while Tardieu and ochers had argued thac che infundib
ular anus was a pachognomonic sympcom of passive pederascy, French docto
León Henry Thoinoc in 1911 ciced how che buccocks could be normal i~1
young or habitual passive pederasts, while normal individuals who were sli~
or dderly could have che deformity. Traumas, lcsions, and emociona·
responses could cause ic, as could a muscle concraccion, which could have an
number of causes besides anal penecracion.65 Semen, liquids, and stains 0
66
both parcners offered beccer evidence of sex.
H ow chen can che persistence of chese signs as evidence in Mexico b
explained? O ne explanacion might be che imporcance of embodied expeui
ence in Cacholic culture. Bodies had meaning and served as sices of sin a~
salvacion discursively in che foundacional liceracure and political writing ¡
Mcxico chroughouc che cwentieth cencury. In curn, Mexican medica! juris
employed cheir logics of bodily signs because such logics made sense in
policical and cultural climace in which ic was bdieved chac homosexual typc
could be physically recognized-a modernizacion, in ocher words. of che oldc
stigmaca idea. Such recognicion formed an imperacive part of scruccuring c
modern nacio n-scace and delineacing citizens from noncitizens. Scigma
referenced culcural beliefs thac still resonaced despite che decríminaltzati
of sodomy and decades of secularizing liberal reforms, showing che stat
limits (or disincerest) in expending political capital on a group long maligne¡
In chis way, as Mexico modern1zed. long-hcld belicfs abour bod ily mg
mata and newer knowlcdge converged at che momcnr whcn ncw social ,l.l 111
like aftminado1- legible homosexuals gencrally assu med co be cffcmin,ne
appe.1red more v1sibly and when che Mexican state took a greacer rncere,c ·
producing virile cicizeM. That dfeminace males u•r,r homo,cxu,d, .1
homosexuals 1crrr dfeminate males became a ~cnc:ral1zcd 1.1utology .ift
1901; ne.,,erchde)S, mc:tho<ls were mil nee<le<l w drline,ue die norm.d h
the dc:,•ianc. In chis, che ,mm trumpcd gendc:r, bn.rn<<' v. hile femi n1
appearances and gc:nder performJ nce, m.i.rl...c:d man~ men .1, Jn u nt, " '111,
srigm.ita v."t"rc cra1rs ali homo\Cl.ual\, indudin¡? tho~e \\ho werc not c.,
identifiable, purponedly share<l.
IV · AN ATOMICAL "SOLU TION S "
Xe,errhdess. ifhomo ~exu.lls could h<" rec,~n izr,l, mc:d 1..-.i.l-lc:gal ·,t•lm,,¡-
ror homo_~u.tl1~· snl! f.1ccJ cc:rr.1ín l1m1l.H10m. Authontlt") tnt"d \,H I
: •s 11 'r A "4 M J C' ~ E 5
mechods of concaining homosexuality between 1880 and 1960, from educa•
tion campaigns to forced rehabilitation, increased police raids, and amplified
prison conjuga! visits. Such effo rcs expressed che perceived social respon~ibil-
iry to help dc:viants, as wcll as che social obligacion to prevc:nt chc:m from
contaminaring ochers. These, however, failed to reduce homosexualicy, which
<:ontinued ro grow in visibility. Wo rse, the promise ofhormonal cherapies-
.which had proponencs like Eugene Sceinach, Serge Voronoff, Marañó n,
Pende, and Ochoa-had noc been realizcd. Spanish neurologisc Gonzalo
·L,aÍOra-exiled to Mexico due to che Spanish C ivil War- asscrtcd in che
Mexican journal Endocrinologla in 1942. chat hormonal chcrapies for adule
homosexualicy generally failed.67 Becter cescing and methods, and earlier
1
uearmc:nc, were needed-an idea that mirrored criminological pcrspectives
,about rc:forming youchs in youch cribunals beforc chcy becamc irredcemable
adules.
Throughout the period, adverriscmencs olferc:d «cures" for sexual, psychi-
cal, and somatic dc:viance and degradation. These included rejuvcnating ton-
'ics, glandular cherapies, and cures for mascurbation, homosexuality, and
''lsecret illnesses."68 The incenc behind such remedies-chat homosexualicy
could and should be treated-was shared by prominenc scholars like Mc:xican
Lcopoldo Bac:za y Acévez, who in 1950 echoed Marañón and claimcd that a
humosnual deservc:d to be castigarc:d no more rhan a d iabc:cic. Bacza y
AtévcL\ asscrcion promoted a d ifferenc form of naturalizing and pathologiz-
í]lg homosexu,1licy, onc: chat fu rchcr shifced che: cerra in away from psychoso-
c1.1l criminaliry-and fro m sodomy as a crime-toward creatmcnc and
_pvtenrially integracing homoscxuals inco che nacional bod y. Alrhough not
.dl.lred by ali scholars or commc:ncators in che period-man y of who m con-
;1nue,I to evoke rhe crirninal/pachological view of ho mosc:xualicy- th is
•l'lllvm~ logic forc:shadowc:d rhe comribucion thac surgc:on Rafael Sandoval
l am.1thú made in h is 1957 srudy ofhomoscxualiry. Starcing in 19H, Sandoval
{ .1111.1t ho and rhree colleagues conducted a series of operations o n n vcnry-
"nt )t".U old J. O. B. (whose real name w,ts Jorge).1,9 Sandoval C anucho's
1
mnhurwn wa~. in his vicw, a ~cure• for ho moscx ual ity; th rough his mc:rh-
,d,, che body muid be treated, c:ven · resrored ~ ro a proper hc:tcronormativ'C'
ltdcr thJr remc:Jied rhc origins of chr indi,,idual's distrc.-ss and foresr.il!ed
k1.u h.um
L11-c- h1s pred1::fes~or~, S.rndm~I Ca mach o re.2d wídcly o n homo~c.xu.iliry,
t1ng bding European rhinkers including C arl \X'estphal. Hmchfcld,
"lri.h. ~foil. Lombroso, C harcot , \'alemin M.agnan, Kratn-E.bing. FreuJ,
1,1 [XI C AN SE ~ O l O G Y AN O "4 Al l H O M O$ E X U Al I T 'r • 2 •
Ellis, and Auguste Forel, as well as American activist Donald Webster Co¡¡
Sandoval Camacho recognized cwo homosexual types: those wanting to b
"cured; and chose expressing pride and happiness in thei1 sexuality. He di~
missed both as deploying "defense mechanisms"-che first fighting to pr~
serve sclf-worch, while che second suffered "shame and remorse" and use
"boascfulness" to ddlect judgment. Whether innate or contingent, homo
sexuality remained pathological. Sandoval's solucion was to merge surg~~
with psychiatric and hormonal therapies. Homosexuality appeared incurab1!
only because psychoanalysis left an irresolvable, "implicit ancagonis¡µ
between che psychic and che somatic." Toe psyche and body needed to !:}e
aligned to enable an individual's "reintegration into society, with his physical
appearance corresponding with his comportment." 70 Sandoval Camacfu,;
chus sought to make good on ongoing, if gradual. shifts in Mexican sexologi
cal thoughc-for example: (1) homosexuals should be treated, not incarcc~
ated, so chey could be brought back into che civic fold; and (2.) anatomy, nq
just che psyche and biochemiscry, needed fixing. Jorge was an ideal cand1d2.r
because boch psychoanalysis and hormonal therapies had failed him.
To scarcJorge's creacment, Sandoval Camacho and his colleague, followc:.
a process of interviews and tests similar to bue more daborate than rho~,
used by Argüelles Medina and Quiroz Cuarón. In Novembcr 19s2., docto
interviewedJorge, who described how as a child he had preferred girls' ((,;i
pany, played with dolls, and role-played as a mother. As a teen, he "1m1t.mf' 1
his sisters' mannerisms and habits, occupied himsdf in domescic labors
found pleasure in creating menus, [and] saw to washing, ironing, and \ewin
his brother's clothing." At rhirtcen, he had his firsr sexual encountc:r w1ch.
"masculine, call, well-built, good-looking" parrner wich whom he fdt "pe
tecced" and who provokcd an enjoyablc: "feding of volupruosity." lhm h
sought out similar men for sex cwice a wc:ek. Jorge chus exhibited rhe \OCi
background and behaviors commonly associated wirh homosex uality ar t
time.7 1
Doctors gave Jorge tests that rdlecced both state-of-thc:-arr aJvancc~
including refinemencs of previous approaches- and che concinuing in ílue
of preferred methods. These induded anthropometric examinations, whi
remained fashionable in Mexican social science; Binet-Simon and Ra~
imelligence teses; a Rorschach psychodiagnostic; and blood, thematic app
ception, and Szondi tests. Each offered evidence of parhologics. His pu
hair hada pronounced criangle, and he had an infund ibular ,mus, althou
his genitalia were normally sized. His Rorschach test revealed "sexual ca
2'8 • RYAN M J O NE S
plexes" causing insecurity and aggression toward sociery, while his Szondi
cese revealed "feminine sexual tendencies accompanied by che necessity of
constituting himself as a receptacle oflove andan intense desire of receiving
renderness" and "hysteria." Doctors concluded he had a "conscious and
'unconscious opposition to che contradiction between his physical appear-
rílnce and psychological processes of a feminine character" and suffered wich
'an "intersexual syndrome" associaced with feminine mannerisms and habits.
Worse, his "scrong depressive and hysterical states" led him to consider sui-
cide. For Sandoval. Jorge fit che scereocypical homosexual profile, and an
i ntervention-sought by boch Jorge and che doctors-was required before
matters soured.72
Unable to otherwise reformJorge into a virile citizen, Sandoval Camacho
and his colleagues chose instead to surgically inscribe developmem onto his
bodv. Surgery "solved" Jorge's pathologies; complememary hormonal and
2,ychiatric creatmencs helped him adjust to his new feminine status. Sex
,c~,,.gnmcnt made his body legible as normal-to him, his doctors, and
\kman ~ociety, which read about his transition in newspapers and saw pho-
o, of him in femini ne poses, doing domestic chores, and holding a Virgin
". tue He had successfully been heteronormativized, the "natural • order
~tJbil i,ed rhrough surgically diminating his homosexuality, his original
_.~rn ininity legitimatized rather than perverse. "Saved " from further pacho-
),,g1(al degencrat ion, his anatomy now "matched• his appearance and indi-
~.wom . He was now Marta, a normal woman, and not Jorge, a deviant
•!fanm,1do role-playing likc a child in drag. Follow-up examinations and press
i11tcrv1cw\ suggested that Marta was happy with che results and that her
índin:mons now had posicive expressive outlecs.73
Sandoval C amacho's procedure was che first in Mexico to be profession-
ally conducted and intcrnationally publicized. Alrhough not che firsc nation
:o conduce sex-reassignments-celebrated cases, such as chat of Chriscine
)orgemen, existed in Europe- after Marta's case, Mexico became an early
.1rgkal destination. Female impersonators like Ray Bourbon and patie.nts of
Amerkan sexologist H arry Benjamín sought treatmcnt therc since such
rrearments were not available in rhc United States.74 In chis way, Mcxica.11s
stakcd claim to a role in shaping global sexologicaJ disc-ourse, on homose.xu-
ity. Sandoval's "cure• afnrmed chat by che 19so~. sexological scicnce coulJ
ump stigmata, cven ifit ~till requircd bodily signs in irs asscssmenr of nor-
1alcy and deviance (and, by exrension, citizen and noncitizen). Over.111.
1:tndov.il's "a naromical solution• reAected both che tr.ijectory in which
M ~X I C AN SE X O LO O Y ANO M A I E H O M OS t X U A I ti Y • JO

,o, Marta (Jorgel Olmos and doctors 1954 Courtesv of the Arch,vo General de la Nac,o
Mex,coC11y
Mcxican sexology dcvdoped and its cclccttc1sm and sdectivity. lt incorpQ
rated both che late~t techniqucs and a bodily focus that harked back to
centuries-old lcgacy. Ncvcrthdcss, while the trcatment was inccnded to no
malize unruly bod1es, che ti ming of 1ts emergcncc also allowcd for its appr<1
priation by individuals who arciculatcd ncw subjecr pom1ons-1ncludrn
bcing gay, transscxual, or tramgendercd- as pan of cmcrging tramnatiom,!
homophile and homosexual liber:mon movcmcnts thac challcngcd che ve(''
\ame paradigms of state-~ancn oned hctcronormativc moderniq.
CONC LU S ION
My intent has not bcen to ofler an exh.ausrivc account ofMexican ~xology bu
to empha.sii:e 1ts cclecuci~m and to pinpoinc a vcnion of what AmoId I hvid~Q!l
has callcd an •anacomical scyle of reasoning" that remaincd critica! to the fü•
7
and ics deployment in its fim century. \ Rathcr than super~edcd by orh
approache~. chis signs-base<l bo<ldy loga. remaincd fl exible and potent evcn l
it was cornbined with ncw knowledge in order to nafl "soluciom" that rcilÍ\
both che bo<ly's importancc and che precmincnce of mo<lem ~cknc-c in re,tr
turing chat bo<ly to fit national airns and cultural sensibilities.
250 • R V A N M JO NE S
Mcxico mirrorcd its "Latin" councerparts, insofar as sexual sciences in
Spain, Italy, and othcr Latín American countrics were also ccleccic. lt partid-
paced in many of thc samc networks identified by Chiara Beccalossi and Kun
MacMillan, in their chapters in chis volume, bctwecn ltaly, Spain, central
Europe, Argentina, Cuba, and Chile. Orhcr cransatlancic and regional ner-
works, involving France, Brazil, and Peru, also were prominent. Together,
chesc circuits might be thought of as making up a larger Latin sexological
sphere predicated in pan on cultural similarities, historical legacíes, and 1111-
guistic affinities. But Mexico also interacted with multiplc circuits ofknowl-
edge beyond chis Latín sphcre and with genealogies oflmowledgc stretching
back centuries in order co craft a ficld that was simultancously Mexican,
cransnational, and transtemporal, locally applied and globally oriented. That
is why a "Frcudianization" anda "Lombrosianization" of Mexican thinking
could coe.xist, why bodies and stigmata remained useful for analysis, and why
"cures• sought holistic, if scill anacomically on enccd , solutions. Throughout
the period, Mexican scxology scayed importanc to projects designcd to nor-
malize citizens, transitioning from identifying and punishing deviams to
surgically correcting them. In othcr words, Mcxican sexual science played an
instrumental role in construccing che ways in which citizenship was bascd, at
least in pan, on che management ofintimatc anatomical truths.
lt is important to stress thac these innovacions occurred not in isolation,
but as pare of Mexico's parcicipation in larger global sexology debates in
which Mexico di<l not just rcceive knowledge, bue also produced and distrib-
utc:d it. By che 1930s and 1940s, severa! well-respected, widdy read Mexican
journals exisced, including Criminalia; Eugenesia (eugenics}: Cauta 1\1idica;
Ps1quu (psychiatry, mental hygiene, and neurology}; Endocrinología; and
Cim cia, founJed by Spanish expatriares. Ali published on homosexuality.
Numerous foreign scholars from Latin Amcrica, the Unitcd States, Europc,
and che Philippines comributed to che journals and wcre members of organi-
zations hcadquartered in Mexico. Such contributions show chat the journals'
1magmed communic y extended globally. Book publishers also rcleased local
,u1d foreign sexology books: because of che prominence ofMexican publish-
ing hou~es in Latin America, chesc books reachcd a wider audicncc rhan chey
would have otherwise. For example, publishers rdeased C ub.in Dr. Jost
Agu\tÍn Martínez's lecrnrcs on homosexualiry- E/ homouxuaiumo _'I <u
lrtltJ1111mto (1947)- and the tr.inslated version of Cory's groundbrcaking.
gay-liberationist 11,r Homosr.,ual in Amrma in 19\1, 011c ycar aficr lt)
fngli~h la11gu.1ge debut.
MíXr C AN S(X OLOGV ANO MA L[ H O M OSfKllALlfY • a 1
 Mex1co Ciry-like Buenos Aires, Tokyo, Shanghai, and sites in Europc:,
the United Staces, and dsewherc-thus servcd asan important nodc in glo-
bal sexology circuits. Mexican sexology was produced in a cosmopolitan.,
well-connccted city; chis cnsured it was cclectic, global in nature, and
grounded in the cvolving fidd. Me.xican se.xologists cngaged with foreign
knowledge, infuscd it with local episcemic and cultural truths, and deployed
it as pare of modernization. Despite che presence of older logics and
approachcs within Mexican scxology, its production within a modern1zing
context made it transferable. Further srudy is required to ascertain how inAu-
ential Mexican approaches, including those beyond conjuga! visits and sex-
reassignment surgerics, proved globally; however, given Mexico's prominenc
w1thin regional and global circuits, chis outcome cannot be discoumed. B
che time ofSandoval's scudy, Mexico had emerged asan international powcr,
that claimed che right ro be a leadcr in che nonaligncd world; as such, it
sexology was likdy one of its ideological exports.
In sum, che trajectories and genealogies of Me.xican sexology above rai5
questions about what constitutes ª Western" se.xology that should still be-
e:xplored in greater detail, and chey highlight how various Mexican anori
produced sexology in a globalized, multisited, and cross-referencial proce~1
lndeed, in cheir unruly appropriations of ideas new and old. Mexican \exolo
gises like Argüelles Medina, Quiroz C uarón, and Sandoval C amacho ~aw
themsd ves as producen, no t simply pass1ve recipienrs, of sexual ~t:1cnrc
imminently applicable to modernization, both at home and glolnlly.
NOTES
1. Bc:njamin Arguelles Med ina a nd A lfonso Quiroi C.ua ró n, "Un
romin co-funcional," Cr,mmalui 4 , no 4 (0cccml~r 19r;). q1- n.
1. I b,d .• 1n-46.
3 Sc:c, for eJ1.impk Kachc:rmc: Ela1ne Bliu, Comprom1std PoJ//1/J>W /'111,11wt1111
Public H ealth, ,zn d Po/Jiu, ,n Rtvolu11on11ry Mexuo (.1ty (U111H r\ll y P•r
Pcnmylva nia Srnc: Univc:rnty Pres), 2.010); Alc:xand ra Mmn.í \tcrn, •· fh,. 1J,,ur tJ
Eugenio' in Vc:racruz, Me.xic..o. RadtCal Politia, Public lfrahh, and l ,11n \inw,
0 nly 5tcr1liza11on Law." 1-/iJpani< Am,r,can I fotor,,·,d Rr11uw 91 no l
-431-4 J: and Rolxn Buffingwn. ( nmmal ,md Cit1,;rn ,n A1odrm Mtxi<o 1 uu,1,
Urnvcrmy of Nc:bra.ska Prcu, 1000).
4 . 5cl'., fo r cxa.mplc:, Pablo .P1,ca10, "l ntcrprct.at1Qns ofSou.al11y m Mcx1<0 ( 11
0
Pcuont: A CmtC.aJ Vc:rsion ofRoumagn;i( in Tht r amou141· .' i,xualuyand ,.""·'
:.ontrol ,n Mexuo, 19(11, cd. Roben M cKcc l rwin, 1-Jwud J Ml C.•ugh .. n, 1
U • " fAl'I M JONE.
Michdlc Rosío Na.sser (Nc:w York: Palgravc, 2.003), 151-66; Cristina Rivera-G ana,
"Bcyond Mcdicali:iation: Asylum Doctors and In mates Produce Sexual Knowledgc:
at che: lnsanc Asylum Út Castañeda in Late: Porfirían Mc:xico," m Irwin,
McC.tughan, and Nasscr, 1hr FamouJ 41, 167-90; and Roben Buffingron, "Los
Jotos: Contc:stc:d Visions of Homosc:xuality in Modc:rn Mcxico." in Sex 11nd
Sexual1ty in Úttin Amrru,z, c:d. D;inid Baldc:rston and Donna Guy (Nc:w Yorlc.:
Ncw York Universiry Press, 1997), 118-31.
5. See, for c:xamplc:, Ca rlos Monsiviis, "Thc: 41 and thc: Gran Redada," in Tlu
Famous 41: Sexual.Jty and Social Control m Mex-i,o, 1901, cd. Robert McKec: Irwin.
Edward J . McCaughan, and Michellc Roslo Na.sscr (Nc:w York: Palgravc, 2.003),
139- 68; and Fabrizzio McManus, "Homosc:.xualiry, Homophobia, and Biomcdical
Scic:ncc:s in Twc:ncic:th Ccmury Mc:xico." Sexuality a11d Culture 18 (1014): 235-56.
6. Michcl Foucault, 1hr Ordrr o/Thmg1: An ArthArok,gy ofthe Human Snmw
(London: Roudedgc:, 2.002.); Michd Foucaulr, 1hr HiJtory o/Srxual,ty, vol.1. Ar,
lntroduction, (Nc:w York: Vincagc: Boolcs, 1990); Howard Chiang, "Epistcmic
Modcrnity and rhc Emergcnce ofHomoscxuality in China," Grndrr11nd HtStory 2.2.,
no. 3 (2.010): 610-57.
7. C arlos Monsivfo, "Ortodoxia y heterodoxia c:n las alcobas," Drb,zte FtminiJta
6, no. 11 (April 1995): 183- 2.12.; and Roben McKcc: Irwin, Mexi<11n Masculinilits
(M inncapolis: Univcrsity of Minnesota Pre$$, 2.003). 0n che ninetcc:nth-ccntury
vo1d , scc M artín Nesvig, "Thc Complacatc:d Tc:rrain of Latin American
Homosc:xuality." H upanu Ameruan H iJtorical Revirw 81, no. 3 (2.001): 689-72.9.
8. Sc:c Alc:jand c;i Palafox Mcncgaui, "Sodomía y masculinidad en I¿ ciudad de:
Méuco (1821- 1870): A r,uario de ESiudios Ammcanos 7 i , no. 1 (1015): 2.89- 32.0. My
fonhco mang monograph "Erorac Rc:volutions: Malc H omoscxuality, Nation, and
Modcrn1ty m Twc: m ic:ch C c:ncury Mcxico• also cxplorc:s discussions of sodomy in
legal case:~ and che public sphc:re.
0
9 Sc:c Notic1u sueltas: Dmmo Fc:dcr.u," El Ómnibus, 0 ctober 1 , 18~2.; "Putc:s
de polid a," El S,glo Dut. y Nurvr, Fcbruary 12., 1868; and "Sentencias." i:'/ M onitor
Rtpubl11ano, Sc:ptc:mber u, 1893.
10. A11101110 Ca réaga, "Blenorragia anal." Cau t,z Mldu ,z dr M b:iro IS, no. 9
(May 1 , 1880).
11 Rafael Roa Bárccna, A/anual razonado dt prJaica cnm,na/ y m ldm,-lrgal
r,,,r,..,mtxic,ma (Mc-xico C u y: lmpr. dC' Andradc y Escalantc, 1860). The tcxt had a
sctond ed111on in 1869.
11 Lu15 Hid algo) C upio, Comper,d 10 dr 1'udicina Lrgt1I, vol. 1 (Mc:xico Ci1, .
l111p1cm.a ele Ignacio fac;ila nre, 1877).
11. Jdfrcy Merrid. anJ Bry.int T. Ragan, " lmroduction." 111 H om ostxuaÍJty m
AlodtYIJ /'r11nu, cd. Jdfrc:y M c-m ck and Brpnt T. Rag;in (0xfonl: 0xford
l n1Hrrnv Prc:ss, 1996), 4 , R1Chard Ocm inson and Frannsco ViLqun C arda, "/ os
lm 1-,blt, • A 1 ÍISroryofMalt Homosrx1'alJ17 m Sp,un , 11,0- 1119 (Card1tT: U nivn m y
o/ \X .!, Pro\, i oo7), 6.
14. Amonio Mut!Mt de C a.)1ro, Código prn11I p,,r.i rl D11tnto Frdo.1/ ,
7rmtor,o de la Ba1a Ci,liforn,4 sobrr drl1to1drlfa rro <11m11n 1pttr4 tod.. ú l<rp,.b/u"
M t lt I C " 1'I II C JI. O l O O Y A 1'I O M " l l H O M O I f lt U A l I T-. · 7U
Mr:i:u,m.i 10hr, de/1101 ,ontr,1 /11 Ft'der111ión (1S71) (Veracruz y Puebla: Librerías "!.;,
lluscrac16n." 1891), 4 4 - 4~. See a l~o Buffington, Cnmin11l and Ci1tu 11 m M odert
M o:,w .
1s. José M arlJ Reyes, "Higiene p ública: Estudio sobre la prosmució n en México,
<iauta Méd1C11 de Mlx ico 9, no. 2.3 (December 1s, 1874): 44S- S7•
16. Sec Pahlo Ben's chapter in chis volumc.
17. C hiara Bcccalossi, "Sexual Deviancies, Disease, and C rime in Cesar<:¡
l.ombroso and the ' ltalian School' of C riminal Anthropology." in Dmau nn'd
Crmu: Soc111l PathologieJ and the Ne111 Politio o/Hralth (London: Routlcdgc, 10 1~j
18. "La antropologla criminal." pts. 1- 3, El S,glo Duz y Nueve, Novembcr 14- ,¿.
1891.
19. See che essays in Robcrt M cKec lrwin, Ed McC aughan, and Michelle Roci
Na.sser, 1hr Famous 41: Srxuality and Social Control in Mrx uo, 1901 (New York•
Palgrave Macmillan, 1003).
2.0. C arlos Ro umagnac, LoJ cr1mmale1 en M éxico: Emay o de pncología crm11n,1
(Mex1co City: El Fénix, 1904).
2.1. See Octavio Paz, El laberinto de l-11 101,dad (M exico
C uadernos Americanos, 19so); and O sear Lew1s, Thr Childrm o
Yo rk: Random H ouse, 1961).
2.2.. Sce my forthcoming essay "J-lomosexuality, Nation, and d,c Islas Mari,
Penal C olony, 192.s- 1940."
13. Raúl Carrand y Trujillo, "Sexo y p enal." Crimma/111 1, no. 1 (~cptcmhcr
1933): 2.6- 31.
2. 4 . Raúl Gonzilcz Enrlquez, El problema uxual del homb,e m la pm1tmo,,n
(Mexico City: Editorial Citlalrepetl, 1971).
2.s. "Science: Sex ín che Calabozo," Time, September 2.2., 1941
2.6. Alfonso R. Och oa, Sobre /aJf unczonn Ji11ológua1 dr la1 glándulaJgmrrad,,
raJ (Mcxico C ity: Tipografía Económ ica, 1914).
2.7. On Europc, see Ana Cardcn-Coyne, "From P1ccn lO Who lc: Ih
Scxualization o f Muscles in Postwar Bodybuilding." in Body Par/J: (r,11,,1
Exploratiom in Corporralily, ed. C hristophcr For rh and !van C roz1er (bnh.1111
M D: Lexingco n Books, 2.oos).
2.8. Arguelles M edina :i.nd Qu1roz C uar6n, " Un peritaje ,omát1co-funoonal.
141
2.9. lb1d., 2.4 2., 2.4s.
30. Sigmund Freud , Thru füJaJJ on the 1htory o/Sexu11lt1y, u am . James ~tr.1thq
(N ew Yurk: fl asic Books, 1962.), 1 2.. Toe idea of .1.mph1gcnic homosex uals built upo
~,hola rship by Kraffi-Ebing, H avdock Ellis. Albcrr M nll, anJ H1rsch fcld.
31. Gonzále2. Enrlquez, El probú ma uxual, 93
32.. R aúl Carrancá yTru¡illo, "Un ensayo judicial de la psrcotécnica," Cmn111al1h
6 ( Februa ry 19¡4). On Freud 's ,nAuence on Mcxrca n mcd ical jurisprudence, ,e
Rubén Gallo, Frt ud'1 M exi<o: lnto the W i/d J ofPJychoanalym (Uoston: M IT Prrn
2.0 10}, c~p. chap. S (199 - 2.3-4).
'~• • RY/\N M J ONí S
H· Arguelles Medina and Quiroz C uarón, "Un peritaje somático-funcional ,"
2.40 -41.
34. Lo renzo Benadusi, 71,, Enemy o/1hr Neu, Mm,: Homoux 1111li1y in F11so1I
Ita/y, trans. Suzanne Dingee and Jcnnifer Pudney (Madison: Univermy of
Wisconsin Press, 2.0 12.).
3S· Argiiellcs Medina and Quiroz Cuarón, "Un peritaje somático-funcional,"
140- 41.
36. Gregorio Marañón, The Evol111ton o/Se.t and /11urux11al Co11d11ions, trans.
Warrc B. Wclls (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1932.), 51. On Marañón and
Lipschiitz, see Kurt MacMillan's essay in chis volume and MacMillan, "Hormonal
Bodies: Sex, Racc, and C onstitucional Medicine m che Iberian-American World,
1900-19so" (PhD diss., Univcrsity ofC alifornia ar lrvine, 2.013).
37. ·n,eir conclusions mirrored rhosc by the Brazilian Leonídio Ribeiro. See
James N . G reen, "Doctorrng the Nacional Body: Gcnder, Race, Eugenics, and che
'lnvert' in Urban Brazil, ca. 1910 - 1945," in Gtnder, Sexuality, and Power in Latin
Americ11 Jtnce lndependmu, ed. William E. French and Katherine Elaine Bliss
(Lanham, MD: Rowman & Litdefield, 2.0 0 7), 198-99.
38. Ochoa, Gldndula1gmrradorm, 2.0-2.1.
39. Arguelles Med ina and Qu1roz Cuarón, "Un peritaje somático -funcional,"
145
40. l biJ., 2. 4 6.
4,. Ihicl
41 11.,,J , 2..¡s
·H· Ma rk ~- Mrcale, Hpurual Mm: TIJt Hidden Hwory o/Malr Ntrvous JllnrsJ
(Ca mbridge, MA: 1-larv:ud Univcrsity Press, 2.008), 2.00, 2.81.
.¡ 4 A1 gi1clles Medina and Quiroz Cuuón, "Un peritaje somático-funcional."
2.46.
45. Rou magnac, L oJ crimmalrs en M lxico.
46. "Un.1 riña de invemdos," El Naoonal, April 2.7, 1938, 9.
47 "R,ña d e homosexuales en la d rccl dd C a rmen." El Nacional, September 8,
1939, \ CC. 2., p. l .
48. Susana Solano, "El ho mose.xualismo y el estado peligroso." Crmimalia 2., no .
10 {Junc 193s): 138. O n ho mosex ua lit y and insaniry, see Beccaloss1, "Sexu:r.l
Dcv1ancies."
4 9. Al fo nso Millán , "Carácter antisoc ial de los homosexuales." Crimmalia ~.
no. 4 (Dcccmber 1934): so , s1.
so. Sec Pablo Bc n's chapter in chis volume. A 19lOS deba1e 011 sexual eJuc.uion
in schools ,nduJcd claims that homosexuality Wjs a "pha.se• ofhuman devclopmenr.
Sce Pedro Z uloaga, "La educ.ición sexual," F.I Nacional, September 17, 1913, scc. 1,
p. ¡.
sr. Sec, for example, M.ua ñón, Et,o/"tion o/So .., ss- s6.
si. O n an.11 truths, ,ee lv.111 C rot ier, "Ali che Appcarances Wcre Pcrfc:ctl)'
Natu1 :r.l: lhe Anus of rhc Sodo mice m Nineceench-C cntury Mcd1cal Dtscou r)e," in
MI K I C AN !; E KO l OGY Al'IO MAlF H O M O S F X UAl ll Y • 1b~
 ..
.,~

Body Pans: Cr,tu ul Exp/orallom in Corportahty, ed. C hristopher Forth and Ivan 71. Ibíd., 36.
Cr~zier (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2.oos), 66. 73. See, for examplc, Sandoval Camacho, Una contribuoón experimmtu!, 111-
\l - Mili.in, "Caricrer antisocial." s1. 11; and Asociación de Editores <le los Esrados (AEE), "Marca Olmos está feli z." El
H· Kacherine D. Watson, Form sic Mtdicmt m IVestern Socuty: A History (Ne Siglo de Torreón, May 7, 1954, 1.
Yor~: Roudedge, 2.010), 116-17; Zeb To rcorici, "'Hcran Todos Putoi ': Sodonrnica 74. Joanne Meyerowitz, H ow Stx Changed: A History ofTransstxUA!uy m the
Subcultures and D1sordcred Dcsirc in Early Colonial Mexico." Ethnoh,story H, no, Unittd Sta/es (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univcrsicy Press, 2.001}, 86, 147, 187.
1 (Winter 2.007): 35-67. 75. Arnold Davidso n, 7ht Emergmu ofSexua./1Jy: Hiuorual Eputrmology and
ss See Georgc Ro us.scau, "Policing che Anus: Stuprum and Sodomy accordin tht Fonnation ofConcepts (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univermy Press, 1001).
to Paolo Z.lcchia's Forcnsic Medicine." in Homostxua.lily m Early Modn-n Europ
cd. Kennech Bo rris and George Rousseau (New York: Routledge, 2.008).
s6. Mateo O rfila, Tratado tÚ m<dicma úgal, vol. 1 (Madrid: Imprenta de Do
Josc Maria Alonso, 18,p), 159.
57. Clcrninson and Vázqucz García, "Los ln vzsibú1, • H-36.
s8. C1ced in Crozicr. "Ali che Appcarances."
59. A mbroise Tard ieu, Les attmtat, aux mll'urs (Grcnoble: Editions Jéró
~iillon, 199s).
60. Sec Mark Ovcrmycr-Vclazquez, Vmons o/ the Emtraúl C,ry: Modtrm
Tr11dztson, and the Form,ztwn oJ Porjinan Oaxaca, l'vftx,co (Durham, NC: Du
t.:niversity Prcss, 1.006), 106; and Kachryn A. Sloan, Runuway Daughttrs: Stdumo
Eú,pement, an.J Honor 111 Nmeteenth-Cmtury J.fexi<o {Albuquerquc: Univers1cy
;-..ew 1'.kxico Press, 2.008), 199.
61. See Archivo H istó rico del D1scmo Federal (AHDF ¡, Carcdn, Le,·umbci:
caja 12., cxp. 2.9s íLuis Sinchcz Agu1lu; , ,¡nd A HDF Carccles, Lccumbcm, ca¡;.
cxp 2.98 lLcocad10 Torres Rod rigucz1. Januuy 11 , 1911
61. "Arch ivo General de [.¡ 1'ac1ón, Con.sc¡o Tutela.e para )'.fcnorcs Infracto
cap 2., cxp 11-8: Manuel Sánchcz Onn~cros." May 1918
63. Rafael Sand0\·a1 Camacho, Una contr1buczón txpcnmmtal al o tud,o d,
~mos.a11,1/ui,,.d (Mexw:o C1ty, 19s-
64 . Hi<ulgo y Carp10. Comptndzo tÚ nuds.111,1 /r,:al, 1 19. Fr.i..nciKo Flore
lwnnt en J.lb.uo 1~1cx,co C1ry· Oti~ina T1p de la 5e, reta na de Fomento, 18!,
6s Lcon Henry Thoinot, .\fuúwúg.il .4,pt, lJ 11_{ .\for11/ OJfm~t., rrws. .-\r
v.:· \lt'cyuc Ph1la.dclphi.a FA. Da,~ 19¡-. 10 7. 11s-1S.
66 lbsd.. 101-,
6.., Gonulo Lafora. "Los upo~ <le ho rno~iu.ah,d;&IÍ ,. la< hormonas scxu
E.,uit,cn,,,~ ÍS 194¡
68 S<c •5o1o curo hombres Ex•IÚ,or Oct~r 11, 1941 4 · "El rr ,1.t.r"
a.:.tual M rc¡l.f\cncc,micmo ~ co ruhc1.1ón • El l'nurrul, O ~•1.bcr \ 1. 1946
p 1 . and · Deb1Jtda.d w:xual , cnfcrmcd.1.,lcs sccret.¡s: b., e/.Jur. Apnl 19 14
•9 XC • Rcport;a¡c sráfico dd hr,mbrc q1.1C ,e'°"' ,e rcc en mu,cr • A BC, t.
1•\ 4 • 1 1 a ~ chn c-.cm :n dcc.i..J l1l a t ,rchco mm~ artKlc
- o Sandova.l Cama..M L = "'"1,,bu. wn ,xp,r1wu111;1/, 31- ,1 \ i
C.a=ho , C"Jaborators .,.ere ~1arc,, Antc,n,c, Dupor,t Muñoz. Carlm IJ
Brihtnca. and Antonio Mcrc~io Monees
- 1 lb.d . ,s - )6.

25,e • •.., A lt Y .J O -,. f ! M fXrCA N S[XOLOGY A~ O r,l/1,. l f· kO r,I OS(XU Al lf"f • 111