arms & armour, Vol. 12 No.

1, Spring 2015, 53–66

The Chemistry of Swords: Using

Analytical Chemistry Techniques
to Investigate Medieval Swords
John Worley
Curator, Uppsala University Museum, Museum Gustavianum

A report is presented of a series of analytical chemical tests that were car-

ried out as part of the Fyris Swords project on two inscribed swords found
in central Uppsala, Sweden UMF/B 78, which has a short inscription with
religious connotations inlaid in a yellowish metal presumed to be gold, and
UMF/B 74, which has a long and complex inscription also with religious
overtones, inlaid in a ‘whitish’ metal, believed to be silver. The touchstone
method is described in detail and its potential as a micro-destructive ana-
lytical technique for archaeological samples is discussed. Nondestructive
analysis by X-ray fluorescence spectrometry is also described.

keywords  Fyris swords project, metal analysis, touchstone method, XRF

spectrometry, micro-destructive archaeological analysis.

Archaeology is inherently an interdisciplinary subject, the point of which is to

reconstruct past events using the material remains of those who once experienced
those events. Simply stated, the accuracy of archaeological interpretation is depen-
dent upon the quality as well as the quantity of evidence that can be gathered. The
more definitive the test results the more precise the resulting interpretation. As a
consequence the resulting speculative narrative, meant to contextualize the tested
material, is more accurate. It is archaeology’s reliance on material evidence that
creates a need for scientific methods of analysis.1 The definitive nature of the data
provided by the natural and physical sciences, via the detailed analysis of archaeo-
logical material, can then be interpreted and used to strengthen the cultural/his-
torical hypotheses, provided by the humanities and social sciences. These enhanced
hypotheses are then weaved into a speculative narrative which describes the reality
from which the object originated.
The problem with using scientific methods of investigation on archaeological mate-
rial is that often these analytical techniques involve the destruction of the item, or

© The Trustees of the Armouries 2015 DOI 10.1179/1741612415Z.00000000048

54 JOHN WORLEY

at least a piece of the item, under investigation. For example, a method has yet to
be developed that would allow for the analysis of the internal metallurgy of a sword
blade without first cutting into the blade and either exposing or removing entirely the
area that is to be studied. Obviously this would only be possible on objects that have
no real historical or archaeological value, which is in itself something that is difficult
to determine. Put simply, that which is destroyed today cannot be analysed tomorrow
by what will almost certainly be better and more informative methods.
This is why nondestructive, and to a lesser extent micro-destructive, techniques are
important for the investigation of archaeological material as they leave the histori-
cal, and oftentimes irreplaceable, item either undamaged, or nearly undamaged, for
future generation.
Since February 2006 The Fyris Swords project has been investigating a number
of medieval swords found in central Uppsala, Sweden, during the last decade of the
nineteenth century.2 Although the project includes several swords, two inscribed
swords have captivated our attention and are currently the focus of our research.
The first sword, UMF/B 78 (Figure 1), has a short inscription with religious conno-
tations inlaid in a yellowish metal which was presumed to be gold (Figure 2).3 The
second sword, UMF/B 74 (Figure 3), has a long and complex inscription also with
religious overtones. It was inlaid in a ‘whitish’ metal, which was believed to be silver
and written in an abbreviated form of Latin on one side and symbols on the other.

figure 1  UMF/B 78, Museum Gustavianum, photo M. Paomees.

figure 2  The inscription in the fuller on either side of the blade of UMF/B 78, Museum
Gustavianum. Photo J. Worley.
 THE CHEMISTRY OF SWORDS 55

figure 3  UMF/B 74, Museum Gustavianum, photo M. Paomees.

Both inscriptions fit into a broader pan-European tradition of similarly inscribed

swords.4 The similarities of the lettering and general message, i.e. invocation,
benediction, makers name etc., denote a complex, yet common European cultural
construct.
In keeping with the interdisciplinary approach discussed by Worley and Wagner
in 2013,5 the aim of this article is to explain a series of analytical chemical tests that
were carried out on UMF/B 78 and 74. The goal with this analysis was to make
use of the definitive nature of the results from scientific methodologies to deter-
mine the metallic composition of the inscriptions. The tests were conducted by Dr
Jean Pettersson, Dr Roland Pettersson and Professor Jonas, Analytical Chemistry,
Department of Chemistry-BMC at the University of Uppsala, Sweden, Jakob Thyr
at K-Analys AB, also in Uppsala and the author. A further goal of this investigation
is to gauge the potential of the touchstone method, described in detail here, as an
analytical technique. If this method proves successful then it would allow for the easy
and micro-destructive removal of samples from archaeological materials for analy-
sis in the laboratory. This would in turn provide valuable and definitive contextual
information to further our knowledge of the past.

The specimens: UMF/B 78 archaeological context and

typological information
The first sword, UMF/B 78, currently in the care of the Uppsala University museum,
Museum Gustavianu, is a stray find but a fairly straightforward provenance has been
found and there is no real doubt as to the general area where this weapon was found.
Because it is a stray find, however, the problem, is that it has no find context at all.
It was found during repair work on the steamboat dock along the banks of the Fyris
River in central Uppsala Sweden in early 1896 with two other swords and a wooden
mallet.6 Of the three weapons that were found, however, 78 stood out because on
either side of the blade about 140 mm from the crossguard there are inscriptions
inlaid in a yellow metal, initially believed to be gold.
The sword itself is somewhat small compared with other swords from this period
with an overall length of 893 mm and a fuller length that is approximately 76% of
the blade length measured from the crossguard to the tip. The fuller is fairly visible
on account of its depth and tapers slightly with the blade. The fuller runs up into
56 JOHN WORLEY

Table 1
Some measurements for UMF/B 78

Overall length: 893 mm Weight: 957 g

Blade length (from crossguard): 737 mm
Blade thickness (at crossguard): 5.5 mm
Fuller width (at crossguard): 14.5 mm
Tang length: 150 mm
Pommel height: 38 mm
Blade width (at crossguard): 51 mm
Fuller length (from crossguard): 560 mm
Fuller depth (at crossguard): 2 mm
Crossguard width: 140 mm
Pommel width: 41 mm

the tang above the crossguard some 65 mm. The tang tapers slightly at first then
more dramatically closer to the pommel. The pommel is not at all common for the
period. It is in the form of an eight-sided diamond measuring 38 mm in height and
41 mm in width. Some measurements for UMF/B 78 are given in Table 1.
Typologically the sword fits into the Oakeshott system, the only problematic issue
being the relatively short blade length.7 However, on account of the length of the
fuller relative to the rest of the blade, the narrow fuller and to a far lesser extent the
crossguard, perhaps the weapon could be classified as an Oakeshott XIa with a style 1
crossguard and an unclassified pommel.8 It is important to note that it is possible that
the sword has been re-pommeled. If indeed the sword is typologically classified as an
Oakeshott XIa, then, and this is disregarding any possible date that can be gathered
from the lettering of the inscription, this weapon most likely dates to the latter half
of the twelfth or the early thirteenth century.9

The inscription: symbols and text

The letters of the inscription are framed by symbols.10 On both sides of the blade the
inscriptions begin with a cross potent and end on the one side with what could be
a simplified form of a tree-of-life, a lily or a fleur-de-lis.11 Significantly, in Christian
symbolism, both the lily and the fleur-de-lis are signs for the Virgin Mary12 The sym-
bol at the end of the inscription on the other side of the blade is not nearly as legible
but part of it looks like an ellipse, but the rest of the symbol is illegible.13
As regards the letters, the one side is largely illegible and is not discussed here.14
On the legible side however the text has been interpreted, by Wagner and myself,
tentatively and on account of the lily and the cross potent, as possibly being an
invocation. To judge from the lily, it may well have been an appeal to the Virgin
Mary.15 It is also possible that it was a prayer to Jesus himself and if that is the
case then perhaps the letters can be read as ‘NIA’ (with the first ‘N’ being a ligature
of ‘IN’) which would be an acronym for ‘in nomine Iesu, amen’ (or ‘In the name
of Jesus, amen’).16
Judging from a typological dating of the style of lettering and taking into account
the date from the sword typology discussed above, the sword can be said to have been
made around the year 1200.17
 THE CHEMISTRY OF SWORDS 57

The specimens: UMF/B 74 archaeological context and

typological information
This second sword is also in the care of the Uppsala University museum, the Museum
Gustavianum. UMF/B 74 is a stray find, the archaeological background of which is
somewhat problematic. According to the museum’s catalogue, the weapon was found
during dock work, just downstream from a bridge known as the Islandsbron and was
acquired on April 30th, 1896. That is to say, this weapon was supposed to have come
from the same find context as 78 discussed above. However, there is a question mark
directly after the catalogue entry of the original handwritten catalogue which implies
some uncertainty as to the sword’s origin.18
Although 74 looks large compared with 78, in reality it is closer in size to the aver-
age sword from this period. It has an overall length of 1020 mm and a blade length
of 845 mm. The tip of the sword has been broken off and although it is impossible to
tell exactly how much is missing, it is unlikely to be more than a few centimetres. The
fuller takes up about 86.4% of the blades length. It is narrow, taking up about a third
of the blade width, and tapers slightly with the taper of the blade. The fuller does not
have well defined ridges and runs about 31 mm up the tang. The tang itself is 110 mm
long and tapers towards the pommel. The crossguard is long and slender and tapers
slightly from the middle out towards the ends. The pommel of this sword is massive
measuring 53 mm in height, 60 mm in width and is 50 mm thick.
If the blade length is taken into account, the fuller length relative to the blade length,
the width of the blade relative to its length and to a lesser extent the crossguard and
pommel, this sword can perhaps be classified as an Oakeshott XI or XIa, with a style-1
crossguard and a heavily modified type-H pommel.19 It should be noted that the crafts-
manship of the blade stands in direct contrast to that of the pommel and crossguard. Add
to this the fact that the pommel is inordinately large compared with other swords from
roughly the same period and perhaps the conclusion can be drawn that the sword has
been re-pommeled. Small marks and scratches on the blade indicate that the sword may
well have been in circulation for some time and has perhaps had more than one owner.
Perhaps the new owner wanted to drastically change the handling characteristics of the
sword and for this reason changed to a much heavier pommel.20 If indeed the sword can
be typologically classified as has been done here then it could be roughly contemporary
to 78, perhaps a generation or two older dating to the latter half of the twelfth century.

Table 2
Some measurements for UMF/B 74

Overall length: 1020 mm Weight: 1601 g

Blade length (from crossguard): 845 mm
Blade thickness (at crossguard): 5 mm
Fuller width (at crossguard): 18 mm
Tang length: 110 mm
Pommel height: 53 mm
Blade width (at crossguard): 51 mm
Fuller length (from crossguard): 730 mm
Fuller depth (at crossguard): 1.8 mm
Crossguard width: 220 mm
Pommel width: 60 mm
58 JOHN WORLEY

The inscription: symbols and text

The inscription on 74 is long and complicated.21 On the one side it consists of letter
combinations framed by elaborate variations of cross potents and on the other side of
five different symbols also framed by variations of cross potents.22 The meaning of the
five symbols is, thus far, unclear but could point towards a magical component in the
invocation.23 On the side with the letters the cross potent variation on the left is immedi-
ately followed by two letters, on top of one another, in the shape of a capital ‘D’. These
could be the beginning of an appeal to God and thus stand for ‘Dominus Deus’ (‘Lord
God’).24 As for the remaining letters in the inscription, the Fyris sword group has inter-
preted it as being ‘SCSDXCEROXMATRCIIISSCSDXCERNISSCSDXMTOERISC’.
The style of lettering is thought to be late Romanic or early Gothic, i.e. twelfth or
thirteenth century. The main feature of this inscription is the reoccurring ‘SCSDX’
letter sequence. We have interpreted as ‘SCS’, marked with an abbreviation stroke,
meaning SANCTUS (‘holy’) and ‘DX’ as ‘DOMINUS XRISTUS’ (‘Lord Christ’).25
This sequence appears three times on the blade and probably marks three varying
sections of an invocation.26 The inscription has been interpreted as a Christian invo-
cation to Jesus Christ27 and possibly to the popular military saint, Matricius (St.
Maurice).28

The method and equipment: the touchstone method

The first method used to analyse the metallic contents of the inscriptions on 78 and
74 is known as the touchstone method.29 This technique is mainly used for the identi-
fication of noble metals such as those that are used in making jewellery.30 We utilized
this method to collect and analyse minute samples of the metal from the inscriptions
on both swords. The touchstone31 itself is a piece of obsidian, a naturally occurring
volcanic glass32 but quartz glass, i.e. fused quartz33 can also be used. These materials

figure 4 A piece of obsidian is being used to remove a minute sample from the inscription
on UMF/B 78. Museum Gustavianum. Photo J. Worley.
 THE CHEMISTRY OF SWORDS 59

figure 5 A piece of quartz glass is being used to remove a minute sample from the inscrip-
tion on UMF/B 74. Museum Gustavianum. Photo by J. Worley.

are used as they do not dissolve when placed in an acid solution.34 In order to remove
any impurities on the surface of the touchstone it was boiled for about an hour in
nitrohydrochloric acid or aqua regia.35 Nitrohydrochloric acid is a mixture of con-
centrated acids, one part nitric acid and three parts hydrochloric acid (NO3–HCl,
1:3). This mixture dissolves almost all elements and other impurities but leaves the
touchstone. After rinsing and drying the stone is ready for use.
The sterilized touchstone is then carefully scrapped against the metal of the inscrip-
tion and a minute sample is taken. The small amount of metal is barely visible on the
very edge of the stone. Only about 150 ng of metal is needed for the analysis36 and
at the most only a few micrograms are taken from the surface of the metal as shown
in Figures 4 and 5.37 The stone is then boiled again and the various components of
the metal are dissolved in the acid solution. The solution is then analysed and the
contents identified by way of inductively coupled plasma – atomic emission spectrom-
etry (ICP-AES) or inductively coupled plasma – mass spectrometry (ICP-MS),38 which
gives an exact breakdown of the elements found in the metal.39

The method and equipment: XRF spectrometric analysis

The second method applied to analyse the metallic contents of the inscriptions on 78
and 74 was X-ray fluorescence (XRF) spectrometry (Figure 6). As with the touchstone
method, XRF spectrometry is a technique used to find out which chemical elements

figure 6  Information about the XRF spectrometer used for the analysis.
60 JOHN WORLEY

are present on the surface of a material. Unlike the touchstone method, however,
XRF spectrometry is a completely non-destructive technique.40 The basic principles
behind the technique, in a somewhat simplified form, are as follows. An atom is made
up of a dense central nucleus surrounded by negatively charged electrons. Electrons
possess a set of stable energy levels or orbits, the level being inversely proportional
to the distance from the nucleus. When excited by an external energy source such as
X-rays or gamma rays atoms become ionized and the electrons change energy levels
i.e. they are ejected from their orbits. When this happens, other electrons from outer
shells fall into the now open slots closer to the nucleus and in doing so send out
characteristic X-ray photons. These photons have energy levels equal to the difference
between the two energy levels between which the electrons are travelling. This makes
it possible to quantitatively and qualitatively determine the elemental composition of
the sample.41

Results of the touchstone test: UMF/B 78

The elements that were found to be present in the sample taken from UMF/B 78 in
relatively high concentrations are as follows: Cu (copper) and Zn (zinc), in a proportion
of approximately three parts copper to one part zinc, Ca (calcium), Sr (strontium), Fe
(iron) and Mn (manganese).42 Most likely the calcium, strontium and manganese come
from dust or from the swords patina. If it is from the dust then it is most probable
that it is on account of the fact that the sword is stored in a room adjacent to where
a large amount of bone material is being stored and the dust could possibly have been
removed by wiping the sample area down with a soft cloth moistened with a bit of
isopropyl alcohol.43 A second possibility, however, is that the calcium and manganese
come from the patina of the sword in which case the reason for the presence of these
elements is the fact that Uppland has hard water which has high levels of calcium and
manganese.44 Seeing as how the sword was found on the banks of the Fyris River this
is certainly not impossible.
Although the reason for the presence of the iron was rather obvious, the presence
of the copper and zinc was a bit of a surprise. It was thought that the inscription was
made out of gold, but none was found to be present. The reason for this presumption
was that the inscription was in exceptional condition. There are no visible signs of
corrosion (see Figure 2). It was chiefly for this reason that it was believed the inscrip-
tion was done in gold. The analysis, however, showed that the inscription comprised
an alloy of copper and zinc, otherwise known as brass.

Results of the XRF analysis: UMF/B 78

We wanted to confirm the results from the touchstone analysis by way of XRF spec-
trometry. When the inscription was scanned it was found to contain an alloy of cop-
per and zinc with a ratio of about 7–8:1.45 Note the difference from the touchstone
analysis that showed a proportion of 3:1. Enquiries were made as to why there is
such a radical difference in the ratios from the two tests and I have been told that
to truly know the proportions of copper to zinc in the inscription more tests would
 THE CHEMISTRY OF SWORDS 61

be necessary.46 It should be noted that the level of zinc in the copper is of immense
importance as if there is more than 30% zinc in the copper then the brass was manu-
factured according to a method known as the ‘direct process’ which was not intro-
duced to Europe until after the seventeenth century.47 That having been said, neither
test result shows a zinc level of over 25%, but it would still be interesting to know
the exact ratio so as to gauge the skill of the brass smith in his attempt to imitate the
colour of gold. That is of course assuming that he was indeed attempting to imitate
gold.48 What is known conclusively however is that the inscription contains more
copper than zinc and thus is a type of brass (or latten as it was called in the Middle
Ages)49 and no trace of gold was found in the inscription at all. Thus the findings
from the touchstone analysis on this weapon were confirmed.

Results of the touchstone test: UMF/B 74

By the end of the initial investigation of 74 it was assumed that the inscription was
done in silver.50 The touchstone analysis confirmed this assumption. The results show
that the metal that makes up the inscription contained high concentrations of Ag (sil-
ver) and thus confirms the results of the XRF analysis. The inscription also contained
minute traces of Ca (calcium) and Fe (iron). The calcium may have come from the
sword’s patina and could indicate that the sword was found in water because the water
in the Uppsala area has high concentrations of calcium. More tests would have to be
conducted to confirm this theory. The calcium could also be the result of contamina-
tion. The iron, however, is far easier to explain given that the sword is made out of it.

Results of the XRF analysis: UMF/B 74

The XRF scan of UMF/B 74 was carried out on the same day as the XRF scan of 78
and thus before the touchstone test of 74. These results have now been confirmed
by the results of the touchstone analysis. The XRF scan shows that the inscription
contains Fe (iron), Co (cobalt) and Ag (silver).51

Discussion: contextualizing the sword and the results of the

chemical analysis of UMF/B 78
Today, this sword is in fairly good archaeological condition. A dark patina has
formed that covers the entire sword and its surface is covered with the pitting charac-
teristic of a weapon from an archaeological context. However, eight centuries ago the
sword would have looked very different. The gold-coloured lettering of the inscrip-
tions would have made a clear contrast against the bright silver-steel of the blade.
The crossguard and pommel would probably have been the same bright silver-steel
colour as the blade. The tang would have been covered with wood and wrapped in
leather. Swords such as this were not wielded by ordinary men-at-arms. A weapon of
this quality would have been either a gift from the wielders liege lord or a treasured
possession of the nobleman himself. Either way it is certain that this weapon was
intimately connected to the very highest levels of medieval society.
62 JOHN WORLEY

One inevitable result of the method of manufacture of medieval swords52 is that each
weapon is unique. There are numerous different factors inherent in each sword. All of
these factors are relative to one another and come together to define each sword’s special
set of characteristics. For example, each sword has its own set of weight distributions
and its own metallurgical structure.53 The handling characteristics of the sword depend
upon a relative relationship between the length, thickness and weight of the blade and
the counterbalancing weight of the pommel and crossguard. It is by manipulating each
of these relative factors that the wielder was able to achieve the characteristics that
best suited their own individual strengths, weaknesses and fighting styles. It must also
be borne in mind that a sword, because of the nature of its intended use, is engineered
to be in motion, i.e. all of its inherent characteristics are of most significance when the
sword is in motion and relative to the wielder and how he or she chooses to use it.
That having been said, as regards the usage, it would have been held in one hand,
used in connection with a shield and most likely from the back of a horse. The tip
of the blade is rounded rather than pointed which implies that it was most likely
used as a cutting weapon. Or if the opponent was wearing armour, which in the late
twelfth century would have largely consisted of a mail hauberk, coif and helmet, the
aim would have been to hit hard enough to break the links of the mail and/or cause
some sort of internal damage.
As regards the chemical analysis, the touchstone and XRF analyses of 78 confirmed
that the inscription was not done in gold but rather an alloy of copper and zinc (or brass
as we know it today, but latten as it was known in the medieval period). That means that
the inscription was probably done with a wire made out of this copper alloy and cold
hammered into place.54 The source of the copper alloy may have been brassware or sheet
metal that was made into a wire or it could have been bought as a wire with the express
purpose of making decorations as were often done on objects made for church services.
That the zinc was purposefully added to the copper is not in doubt. In fact, a
copper to zinc ratio of 8:1 is the combination used in modern times to best resemble
gold. It would therefore appear that it was the swordsmith’s deliberate intention to
imitate gold. The only real question remaining as regards the inscription, aside from
other possible interpretations of what it says, is why it shows no signs of corrosion.
Perhaps this is due to the amount of clay found in the mud of the Fyris River. That is
to say, the river mud, on account of its clay content, must have made a good oxygen
free (anaerobic) environment in which to preserve the inscription.

Contextualizing the sword and the results of the

chemical analysis of UMF/B 74
In Chrétien de Troyes’ medieval Arthurian romance The Knight and the Cart, at the
climax of the story, the two main protagonists, Lancelot and Meleagant, are locked
in their final battle to the death. They charge one another on horseback with couched
lance and shield as if in a jousting tournament. They crash into one another and are
both knocked from their horses by the mighty blows they inflict upon one another.
 THE CHEMISTRY OF SWORDS 63

Chrétien then tells us that both knights quickly leaped to their feet and ‘drew their
swords, which were engraved with chiselled lettering’.55 Chrétien is believed to have
written down this story some time during the late 1170s.56 Hence it is contemporane-
ous with the proposed date for 74.
The point here is that in Chrétien’s romance Meleagant was the son of King
Bademagu, Lord of the mystical land of Gorre and Lancelot was of course one of
King Arthur’s greatest champions and both of these men are described as having
wielded swords with inscriptions etched along the blade. As stated above during this
period such a sword was an expensive item that the common man would not have
been able to afford. What’s more, by the late twelfth century a sword had come to be
the very symbol of knighthood and all of the rights of power and status that accom-
pany such titles.57 The sword was even seen to be an obvious symbol of the Christian
cross when it was held with its blade pointing towards the ground.58 If, to this already
powerful symbol, you add the cross potents, invocations and benedictions that sword
inscriptions from this period usually contain and also that such inscriptions were
usually done in either brass (which was intended to look like gold) or silver one is
inevitably left with an object that has become so much more than a simple weapon.
As a consequence, such special pieces were, almost certainly exclusive to the elite
classes of society. Subsequently, if we were to find the original wielder of UMF/B 74
surely we must look among the noblemen who are either themselves at the highest
levels of medieval society or are in some way closely connected to that level of society.
In my experience, a good sword feels like a good sword. This is certainly the case
with this weapon. This is most evident if you look at the quality of workmanship that
went into this sword. By this I mean, the weapon’s intrinsic characteristics, i.e. its
measurements, weight distribution, metallurgy, its balance and overall mathematical
proportions and also how all of these features come together give the sword its highly
individual dynamic properties.59 The weapon looks as though it would feel heavy,
mostly on account of its seemingly large pommel and with a weight of just over 1600 g
it is relatively heavy compared with other medieval single handed swords. An interest-
ing point of reference here would be the Søborg sword60, also contemporaneous with
74, but only weighing 1107 grams.61 ‘In the hand’, however, 74 does not feel heavy
or clumsy but rather like an extension of one’s arm, i.e. it feels like a good sword.
When drawn from its scabbard the long silver inscription on 74 would have looked
dull and subtle in contrast to the bright silver-steel gleam of it finely wrought blade.
Like 78, the crossguard and pommel would probably have been the same silver-steel
colour as the blade. The tang would have been covered with wood and wrapped in
leather. This weapon was most definitely intended to be used from horseback, where
its weight and length could have been used to greatest effect, wielded in one hand and
used in connection with a shield. It would have proved devastating to an unprotected
enemy as it slashed and made deep wounds, which may even have left marks on the
bones.62 If the opponent was suited up in the mail characteristic of the period its 1600
plus grams would have been used to inflict powerful blows with wounds from blunt
force trauma possibly arising.
64 JOHN WORLEY

In summary, the fact that the inscription on 74 was done in silver is a further
indicator that this was a special weapon. All of its inherent qualities speak for a
sword that was made by a master swordsmith. Additionally, the inscription looks
as though it was done by a jeweller rather than a swordsmith. The sword may have
been a valuable reward for services rendered or perhaps girded on the wielder during
the dubbing ceremony.63

Acknowledgments
This article would not have been possible without the assistance and guidance of Dr
Roland Pettersson, Dr Jean Pettersson and Professor Jonas Bergquist at Analytical
Chemistry Department of Chemistry-BMC at the University of Uppsala, Sweden. I
would also like to thank Dr Thomas Wagner, Lecturer at the Department of Medieval
History and Historical Auxiliary Sciences of the University of Würzburg and, finally,
Dr Marika Hedin, Museum Director of the Uppsala University museum, Museum
Gustavianum.

Notes
1 13
Pollard, M., Batt, C. Stern, B., Young, S. 2007. Wagner et al, p. 20.
14
Analytical Chemistry in Archaeology; Cambridge, A speculative theory is put forward by Wagner et al,
p. 4. 2009, p. 20f.
2 15
For more information about the project see http:// Wagner et al, p. 22.
16
www.gustavianum.uu.se/en/collections/the-nordic- Wagner et al, p. 22.
17
archaeology-collection/the-fyris-swords-project/ Wagner et al, p. 22; I would also like to thank
3
We believed this inscription to have been done in Dr Wagner and Dr Holst-Blennow for their outstanding
gold in spite of the grand master of sword research’s work on both the interpretation and the dating of
warning, see Oakeshott, E. 1996. The Archaeology the inscription on both UMF/B 78 and UMF/B 74.
18
of weapons: Arms and Armour from Prehistory to For a more detailed discussion on the find context
the Age of Chivalry, New York, p. 205. of UMF/B 74 see: Wagner et al, p. 26f.
4 19
For examples and detailed discussion on this see Oakeshott, p. 31ff, 113, 95.
20
Wagner, T. Worley, J. Holst-Blennow, A. This idea was originally put forward by Peter
Beckholmen, G.’+INNOMINEDOMINI+ Medieval Johnsson during a conversation.
21
Christian invocation inscriptions on sword blades’, For a further discussion of the possible meaning
in: Waffen- und Kostümkunde, 51, 2009, p. 11–52. of the inscription on UMF/B 74 see Wagner et al,
5
Worley, J. and Wagner, T. ‘How to make swords p. 22ff.
22
talk: an interdisciplinary approach to understanding Wagner et al, p. 28.
23
medieval swords and their inscriptions’ in: Worley and Wagner, p. 119ff.
24
Waffenund Kostümkunde, Band 55, 2013, 113–132. Wagner et al, p. 29.
6 25
UMF/B 78 has been published prior to this article; Wagner et al, p. 30.
26
Wagner et al. 2009, p. 18–22. Wagner et al, p. 30.
7 27
Oakeshott, E. 1997, The Sword in the Age of Wagner et al, p. 38.
28
Chivalry, Woodridge. Wagner et al, p. 31.
8 29
Oakeshott, 1997, 31ff, 113, 80ff. The Swedish term used here is ‘proberingstekniken’.
9
Oakeshott, 1997. I would like to thank Peter For a discussion about a medieval version of the
Johnsson for help in dating this weapon. touchstone method see: Campbell, M. 1991, Gold,
10
For a further discussion of the possible meaning of Silver and Precious Stones, in ‘English Medieval
the inscription on UMF/B 78 see Wagner et al, p. 20ff. Industries: Craftsmen, Techniques, Products’ (eds)
11
Wagner et al, p. 20 and 22. Blair, J and Ramsay, N, London, p. 111f.
12 30
Post, W. 1964, Saints, Signs and Symbols, London, This information was taken from e-mail correspon-
p. 23; Cornwell, H., Cornwell, J. 2009, Saints, Signs dence between Dr Jean Pettersson and myself dated
and Symbols, New York, p. 11 & 133. 12 December 2013.

31 47
The Swedish term used here is ‘proberingssten’ or
‘prober-sten’.
32 48
For more details see: ‘volcanic glass’. Encyclopaedia
Britannica Online Academic Edition. Encyclopædia
Britannica Inc., 2015. Web. 02 Jan. 2015 http://aca
49
demic.eb.com/EBchecked/topic/632062/volcanic-
glass; Darvill, T. (2008). ‘obsidian’. In The Concise
Oxford Dictionary of Archaeology. : Oxford
University Press. Retrieved 2 January 2015, from
http://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/
acref/9780199534043.001.0001/acref-9780199534043-
e-2815.
33
‘industrial glass’. Encyclopaedia Britannica Online
Academic Edition. Encyclopædia Britannica Inc.,
2015. Retrieved 2 January 2015. <http://academic.
50
eb.com/EBchecked/topic/234890/properties-
composition-and-industrial-production>.
34 51
A piece of obsidian was used for the test on UMF/B
78 but for the test on UMF/B 74 we used a specially
52
formed piece of quartz glass.
35
The Swedish term used here is ‘kungsvatten’. The
information regarding the contents of the aqua regia
was taken from e-mail correspondence between
Dr Jean Pettersson and myself dated 12 December
2013.
36
As a comparison a crystal of table salt weighs about
35,000 ng.
37
The information regarding the weight of the sample
was taken from an e-mail correspondence between
Dr Jean Pettersson and myself dated 12 December
2013.
38 53
This information was taken from an e-mail corre-
spondence between Dr Jean Pettersson and myself
dated 12 December 2013.
39
I would like to thank Dr Roland Pettersson of the
54
Dept. of Analytical Chemistry at the University of
Uppsala for providing me with the information for
this section and helping me to understand it.
40
For more information on X-ray fluorescence spec-
trometry see Henderson, J. 2000, The Science and
Archaeology of Materials: An investigation of inor-
55
ganic materials; London, p. 14–17.
41
Skoog, F. Douglas A., Holler, F. James & Crouch,
56
Stanley R., Principles of instrumental analysis, 6.,
57
[rev. and updated] ed. Belmont, p. 309; I would also
like to thank Jakob Thyr of K-Analys AB for pro-
58
viding the information on the specific XRF machine
that was used.
42
This information was taken from e-mail correspon-
59
dence between Dr Jean Pettersson and myself dated
19 January 2011.
43
Skoog et al, p. 309.
44
Information from Dr Roland Pettersson in
conversation.
45
The test was carried out by Jakob Thyr from
K-analys AB, Uppsala Sweden
46
Information from Dr Roland Pettersson in
conversation.
THE CHEMISTRY OF SWORDS 65
Pollard, M., Batt, C., Stern, B., Young, S. 2007, Analytical
Chemistry in Archaeology; Cambridge, p. 17ff.
For more on this see: ‘Discussion: contextualizing
the sword and the results of the chemical analysis of
UMF/B 78’ below.
For a further discussion of the word ‘latten’ see Day,
J. 1990, ‘Brass and Zinc in Europe from the Middle
Ages’ by in 2000 years of zinc and brass (ed)
Craddock, Paul T. London, p. 129; For a further
discussion about other terms used for other alloys of
copper, including those using zinc, see Campbell, M.
1991, ‘Gold, Silver and Precious Stones’, in English
Medieval Industries: Craftsmen, Techniques,
Products (eds) Blair, J and Ramsay, N, London,
p. 81ff.
UMF/B 74 has been published twice prior to this article:
Wagner et al. and Worley and Wagner pp. 113–132.
The test was carried out by Jakob Thyr from
K-analys AB, Uppsala Sweden.
For more information about the manufacturing of
medieval swords see: Williams A. ‘Methods of
Manufacture of Swords in Medieval Europe:
Illustrated by the Metallography of Some Examples’.
in Gladius XIII, 1977, p. 75–101; Williams A, The
Sword and the Crucible: A History of the Metallurgy
of European Swords up to the 16th century, Brill:
Leiden, 2012; Peter Johnsson also has some very
interesting and illustrative information regarding the
construction of swords on his web page at: http://
www.peterjohnsson.com/the-making-of-a-long-
sword/
It should be noted here that the metallurgical struc-
ture of a sword not only affects the weight of the
weapon, but also many of the weapons other han-
dling characteristics.
Theophilus, On Divers Arts: The Foremost Medieval
Treatise on Painting, Glassmaking and Metalwork,
trans. Hawthorne, J. G. and Smith, C. S. p. 186 and
De Diversis Artibus On Various Arts, trans.
Dodwell, C. R. Thomas Nelson and Sons Ltd.,
London, 1961, p. 164.
Chrétien de Troyes, The Knight and the Cart, trans.
Comfort; London, 1914 p. 359, v. 7005–7119.
Chrétien de Troyes, p. 8.
Loades, M., Swords and Swordmen, 2010, p. 123;
Keen, M., Chivalry, 1984, p. 72f.
Jones, R. 2010, Bloodied Banners: Martial
Display on the Medieval Battlefield, Woodbridge,
p. 132.
This does not mean that an 800-year-old sword has
been swung around to see how it reacted. This infor-
mation can be gathered by analyzing very specific
points on the weapon. For more information on the
dynamic aspects of medieval swords, that is to say
pivot points, vibration nodes, balance points see
http://www.peterjohnsson.com/the-n4516-from-lju
bljanica-river/ or http://www.peterjohnsson.com/
the-soborg-sword/.
66 JOHN WORLEY

60
The Søborg sword currently in the care of the
National museum of Copenhagen and has been
published by Oakeshott in his Records of the
62
Medieval Sword, p. 55.
61
The weight of the sword was not listed by
Oakeshott, but Peter Johnsson has done extensive
studies of the weapon prior to the making of a
modern reproduction of the sword for Albion
63
swords. For this and further information on the
Søborg sword see http://www.peterjohnsson.com/
the-soborg-sword/ and to see the Peters reproduc-
tion see http://www.albion-europe.com/swords/swords-
by-productline/museum/model.aspx?model=160
For more information on this see Identifying sword
marks on bones: criteria for distinguishing between
cut marks made by different classes of bladed weap-
ons, by Lewis, J. in Journal of Archaeological
Science 35, 2008, p. 2001–2008.
For an in-depth discussion of the dubbing ceremony
see Keen M. 1984, Chivalry, London, p. 64–82.

Notes on contributor
John Worley is curator at the Uppsala University museum, Museum Gustavianum.
Correspondence to: John Worley via Email: john.worley@gustavianum.uu.se
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