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A protester holds a sign at a Trump campaign rally in Cedar Rapids, Iowa, in July 2016. (Carlo Allegri/Reuters)
Historically, the term apparently refers to the original European settlers who
came to the United States and later equated the protections of the U.S.
Constitution solely with their own majority ethnicity and race — a tribal and
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chauvinistic mindset that still governs politics and immigration the world
over, from China and Japan to most African and South American countries.
Yet given that immigration by the early 19th century was already bringing in
millions of so-called non-white immigrants, in addition to Native and African
Americans, America soon was at least evolving into a multiracial democratic
nation united under one shared culture — a radical idea and the first such
edgy experiment in human history.
During the civil-rights movement of the 1960s, the nation’s racial tensions
were mostly still defined as a binary of a dominant white majority and an
often discriminated-against African-American minority.
Years of past prejudice had sparked the idea of affirmative action, or federal
reparatory programs accorded to a historically discriminated-against black
minority.
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Unfortunately, “diversity” was never exactly defined — and perhaps could not
be. The ad hoc buzzword now referred to all white people on one side who
enjoyed supposedly innate skin-color-based privilege, set against almost
everyone else — at least sort of.
Once race rather than character became preeminent, stranger ideas followed.
In the racist past, a non-white or someone of mixed lineage sought to “pass”
as white to obtain parity; in our racist present, someone of mixed descent
seeks to pass as non-white to obtain advantage.
In some cases, the more desperate have invented minority pedigrees out of
whole cloth, like the false but self-serving and opportunistic claim of Senator
Elizabeth Warren (D., Mass.) that she was Native American (on the basis of
“high cheekbones” or family mythology), or Professor Ward Churchill’s
similar fake Native American get-up that got him hired as a minority at the
University of Colorado.
But even if we were all to wear DNA badges and could agree on a magical
non-white percentile that qualifies us for minority status, contradictions
would still surround the construct of “white privilege.”
Does the white Appalachian coal miner in West Virginia really have an innate
leg up on the Punjabi immigrant exec in Silicon Valley on the basis of his
appearance? Yet somewhere along the line in a supposed racist America,
being a white male in Fayette County, W. Va., did not innately trump being a
techie immigrant from Mumbai in Menlo Park. Does multibillionaire Oprah
Winfrey have less privilege and opportunity than a white cook in Provo,
Utah?
Does the recently arrived undocumented immigrant who has lived his entire
life in the Mexican state of Oaxaca become eligible for career and job
enhancement because he does not superficially look like the out-of-work lathe
worker in southern Ohio? Is the theory that the minute the immigrant crosses
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the border to the U.S. from his formerly racist society, his children will
become eligible for federally mandated advantages on the reasoning that from
now on, they will face racism as a non-white in the country to which he fled in
order to avoid racism in the country of his birth?
In terms of the most indigent counties in the United States, four of the five
poorest have overwhelmingly white populations. That might suggest not only
that the term “white” is increasingly undefinable, at least in terms of status,
class, and privilege, but that “white” includes a vast array of disparate
cultures and experiences that make impossible any conclusive idea of white-
privilege solidarity.
In many ways, the greatest polarization in the country today is along class,
not racial, lines, especially between lower- and middle-class whites and rich,
coastal-elite whites — as we were reminded by Hillary Clinton’s recent
disdain shown the “deplorables” and “irredeemables.”
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Donald Trump rode to victory in part on the furor of voters in the Midwest
and rural states who were derided for their privilege (though they did not
seem to have much) by those who most certainly did enjoy privilege.
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In sum, the terms “diversity” and “white privilege” have now been stretched
to denote so many things, and yet they encompass so many paradoxes and
contradictions, that they have become words that mean nothing much at all.
How odd that the current revolutionary mode is to keep these reactionary
Byzantine classifications and programs that no longer sync with reality, and
to damn as reactionary the truly revolutionary act — which would be to start
treating people as unique individuals whose appearance is a secondary
consideration.
VICTOR DAVIS HANSON — NRO contributor Victor Davis Hanson is a senior fellow
at the Hoover Institution and the author, most recently, of The Second World Wars:
How the First Global Con ict Was Fought and Won. @vdhanson
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