Roman Penetration Into The Southern Red PDF

Roman Penetration into the Southern Red Sea
and the Aksumite Campaign in West Arabia

(Reconsideration of the Latin Dedicatory Inscription
from the Farasa¯n Archipelago)
Part I
— Mikhail D. Bukharin*
In the middle of the 1st century CE, Rome had allies in Aksum and in the kingdom of Saba’ and
dhū-Raydān. However, the caravan trade of South Arabia with Mediterranean declined in the
beginning of the 2nd century CE; Rome could not bring the tribes of Western Arabia under direct
control. Aksum undertook a campaign in East Africa and Western Arabia in the end of the 2nd
century CE and restored peace on the caravan and sea routes there. The Aksumites could not
bypass the Farasān islands on their way back to Adulis, which points to direct Roman help for
crossing of the Red Sea. Here lays the necessity to establish a Roman port on the Farasān islands
in contrast to an earlier interpretation that Roman presence was established to protect maritime
traffic to India. A Latin Dedicatory Inscription from the Farasān Archipelago is reconsidered
in the light of the above historical context. This paper is being published in two parts. In the first
part of the paper the Latin Dedicatory inscription from Farasān is introduced together with other
interpretations proposed and the historical context is explored by the author. The second part of
the paper, to be published in the next issue of the JIOA, offers the author’s final conclusions.
T
he publication of a new Latin inscrip piracy in the presumed “Herculean sea” (the
tion from the Farasān archipelago Southern part of the Red Sea) in the middle
presents an interesting historical of the 2nd century A.D. to guarantee safety of
monument. The earliest of the proposed Roman sea-traders with India1. Subsequently,
interpretations connected the establishment an alternative view was proposed: the
of a port on the Farasān with the fight against dedication was made through a prefect of the
* Centre of the History of Ancient Orient, Institute of World History Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russia.
1. Villeneuve, Phillips, Facey 2004
86 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

Photo from Villeneuve, Phillips, facey 2004: Fig. 65-66
Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 87

port and pontifex Herculis. Rather than the of F.Villeneuve’s arguments given below
discovery of the “Herculean Sea”2 , it suggests is aimed at showing that the Classical texts
that the foundation of the port should be quoted to connect Heracles’ wanderings
considered in the context of West Arabian to the land of Hesperides in the Northwest
campaign of the Aksumite army as reflected of modern Africa, not to the Red Sea, that
in the Monumentum Adulitanum II (= RIÉ existence of pontiffs of single deities, contested
277; hereafter MA-II), which was carried out by F.Villeneuve, can be demonstrated by
to secure the “Incense Road” on its caravan large number of Latin and Greek inscriptions,
and sea branches.3 papyri and Latin legal texts – that is why
This interpretation was submitted there could not be any Pontus Herculis, but
with comments by F.Villeneuve. 4 While presence of pontifex Herculis during the
commenting, F.Villeneuve attributes dedicatio from the legal point of view was
quotations and arguments, which were necessary, and that historical context of the
never made5, and resorts to making personal inscription also requires revision.
comments. F.Villeneuve states: “MB needs The text and translation according to
to tell us more about that” (p. 296). Though F.Villeneuve’s editio princeps follows:
this appeal was addressed to a particular Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) Tito Ael(io)
question at the end of Villeneuve’s text, it Hadr(iano) Antonino Aug(usto) Pio
provides me with an opportunity to develop Pont(ifici) Maxim(o) trib(unicia)
further argumentation in favor of the my pot(estate) VII co(n)s(uli) III, P(atri)
point of view. (Patriae), vexill(atio) Leg(ionis)
This publication is arranged around II Tr(aianae) Fortis et auxil(ia) eius
the most important stumbling block of the castrenses q(ue) sub praef(ecto) Ferresani
discussion: presumed connection between portus et Pont(i? or Pontis?) Herculis
Heracles’ wanderings in Classical literature fec(erunt) er d[ed(icaverunt)].
and Arabia and consequent interpretation of “For the Emperor Caesar Titus Aelius
PONT HERCVL as “Herculean sea”, not as Hadrianus Antoninus, Augustus, Pious, Great
pontifex Herculis. Detailed reconsideration priest, in his 7th year of tribunal authority,
2. The middle part of the Red Sea seems to have been regarded as Northern frontier of Azanian Sea. Pliny the Elder described the Western
(African) shore of the Red Sea from Berenice till the islands near modern Bāb al-Mandab. He mentions Ptolemais epi Theron and
remarks: hinc Azanium mare… (Next comes the Azanian Sea) and then gives the list of place-names to the South of Ptolemais, including
oppidum Aduliton (NH. 6. 172). So, in the middle of the 1st century A.D. the central and southern parts of the Red Sea, including the
Farasān islands, could be regarded as a part of Azanian, not “Herculean” sea.
3. Bukharin 2005–2006.
4. Villeneuve 2005–2006. Further on, if not specially pointed out, I refer in the main body of the text only to the publication of F.Villeneuve
in Arabia 3, not to that of F.Villeneuve and his co-authors in Arabia 2.
5. Just one example: F.Villeneuve asserts that I remarked in the article: “one should connect the name of Farasān with prey,” and that
this connection, made by himself, has been overlooked (Villeneuve 2005–2006: 292, n. 12.). The original text, however, is: “one should
connect the meaning of name of Farasān to the word for bird of prey…” (Bukharin 2005–2006: 136). The footnotes 9–11 contain all
necessary references to the text of F.Villeneuve and his co-authors: p. 163, n. 93, ibid., n. 1, ibid.

Greek Place-names and their location are given according to Ptolemy’s “Geography”
The framework of the map by Dr. G.V. Trebeleva, Institute of Archaeology (Moscow)

Map 1
three times consul, Father of the Country, this once again:
detachment of the 2nd Legion Traiana Fortis “παριὼν δὲ ᾿Αραβίαν ᾿Ημαθίωνα κτείνει
and its auxiliary troops and the “people of παῖδα Τιθωνοῦ. καὶ διὰ τῆς Λιβύης πορευθεὶς
the camp” (?), under the prefect of the port ἐπὶ τὴν ἔξω θάλασσαν παρ’ ῾Ηλίου τὸ δέπας
of Ferresan and of the Sea (? or Bridge?) καταλαμβάνει. καὶ περαιωθεὶς ἐπὶ τὴν
of Hercules, have made and dedicated (this ἤπειρον τὴν ἀντικρὺ κατετόξευσεν ἐπὶ τοῦ
monument).”6 Καυκάσου τὸν ἐσθίοντα τὸ τοῦ Προμηθέως
G. Fiaccadori has proposed to read two ἧπαρ ἀετόν, ὄντα ᾿Εχίδνης καὶ Τυφῶνος·.”
first signs of the 7th line as FL instead of ET [And passing by Arabia he slew Emathion,
and to understand presumed FL PONT son of Tithonus, and journeying through Libya
HERCUL as reference to the personal name to the outer sea he received the goblet from
Fl(avius) Pont(ius) Hercul(ianus)7. Such an the Sun. And having crossed to the opposite
interpretation could make analysis of the mainland he shot on the Caucasus the eagle,
inscription in question much easier, however offspring of Echidna and Typhon, that was
it can not be accepted. The quality of the devouring the liver of Prometheus (2. 5. 11)
photo of the inscription8 is high enough to – translation from Frazer 1995: 229].
see the lower element of E and, even more As Apollodorus says earlier, “Arabia” is
clearly, — the higher element of T. This a former name for Egypt:
interpretation is to be discarded as based on “Δαναὸν μὲν οὖν Βῆλος ἐν Λιβύῃ
the wrong reading. κατῴκισεν, Αἴγυπτον δὲ ἐν ᾿Αραβίᾳ, ὃς καὶ
II. Searching for Hesperia in the Red Sea: καταστρεψάμενος τὴν Μελαμπόδων χώραν
Heracles’ wanderings in Classical mythology <ἀφ’ ἑαυτοῦ> ὠνόμασεν Αἴγυπτον”
and Arabia [Danaus was settled by Belus in Libya, and
F.Villeneuve finds the most important Egyptus in Arabia; but Egyptus subjugated
argument for connecting Heracles with the country of the Melampods and named it
the Red Sea in accounts of three writers Egypt <after himself> (2. 1. 4) – translation
– Apollodorus, Diodorus Siculus, and from Frazer 1995: 137].
Agatharchides. In F.Villeneuve’s interpretation of
II. 1. Heracles’ wanderings in Apollodorus’ Apollodorus’ account (2. 5. 11), Heracles
Bibliotheke and Arabia traveled “through “Libya ” (i.e., Africa),
The text of Apollodorus in question refers and crossed “through the Outer Sea toward
to the 11th Labour of Heracles: search for the the opposite continent (i.e., in my [that of
apples of Hesperides. It needs to be quoted Villeneuve – M.B.]) opinion, the Arabian
6. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 290–291.

7. Fiaccadori 2009:443.
8. Villeneuve, Phillips, Facey 2004: fig. 65

Peninsula.” F.Villeneuve considers my the extreme South and not with the West.
rejection of this interpretation – “by saying Unless F.Villeneuve is willing to prove these
that the Outer Sea was Atlantic Ocean” – not allegations, the only possible way to reach
serious and argues against any identification the Sun through Libya remains going to the
of the Western part of the Outer Sea, where West through modern North Africa towards
the land of Hesperides lied, with modern the modern Atlantic Ocean – a part of the
Atlantic Ocean, reminding that the Outer Sea ancient Outer Sea.
surrounded all three continents, and that the • Africa to the East of Nile as a part of
Indian Ocean was also a part of it.9 Since the Asia
fragment of Apollodorus’ text in question is Equating “Africa,” including East Africa
dedicated to Heracles’ voyage to Hesperia, near modern Bāb al-Mandab, with Libya of
this land, if one follows F.Villeneuve’s logic, Classical geography and mythology has led
must have lied in the Red Sea area, which F.Villeneuve in a wrong direction: the part of
would have been a novel idea for the entire modern Africa to the East of Nile was usually
Classical geographical and mythological ascribed until the middle of the 2nd century
tradition. A.D. to Asia, and that lying to the West of
In order to prove that as a result of such Nile – to Libya. Strabo firmly considers Nile
crossing Heracles appeared in modern South as a boundary between Libya and Asia (1. 2.
Arabia near Bāb al-Mandab, F.Villeneuve 25, 17. 3. 1 – here Strabo continues Nile as
would have to demonstrate that the land of a boundary to the Ocean). He also clearly
Hesperides lied in modern Red Sea, that separates Ethiopia from Libya10. This division
Libya by Apollodorus in fact meant Africa to is perfectly attested in numerous sources.11
the East of Nile, rather than its Northern and It looks like as if Strabo did not consider
Northwestern parts to the West of it, as well Ethiopia a part of Libya and that Ethiopia
as that the Sun in the tradition of Heracles’ belonged to none of the both continents
Labours, as rendered by Apollodorus and (Libya and Asia).12 “Asian” part of modern
other writers, has something to do with Africa was cut off from its “Libyan” part by
9. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 293.

10. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ἐστὶν ἡ Λιβύη συνεχὴς οὖσα τῇ τε Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ τῇ Αἰθιοπίᾳ [After Asia comes Libya, which is a continuation of
Egypt and Ethiopia) (2. 5. 33) - translation from Jones 1997: 499].
11. Vgl.: Africam Graeci Libyam appellavere et mare ante eam Libycum. Aegypto finitur [The Greeks give to Africa the name of Libya,
and they call the sea lying in front of it the Libyan Sea. It is bounded by Egypt (Plin. NH. 5. 1) – translation from Rackham 1989: 219];
Orbis terrarum quem nos colimus in tres partes dividitur, totidemque nomina: Asia, quae est inter Tanain et Nilum, Libya, quae est
inter Nilum et Gaditanum sinum, Europa, quae est inter fretum et Tanain [La terre que nous habitons est divisée en trois parties, et
autant de dénominations : l’Asie, qui est entre le Tanaïs et le Nil, la Lybie, qui est entre Nil et le Golfe de Gadès, l’Europe, qui est
entre le détroit et le Tanaïs (L. Amp. Lib. Mem. 6. 2) – translation from Arnaud-Lindet 1993: 7]; see also: “Λιβύη (Libya), Name des
heutigen Erdteils Afrika im Altertum. Er ist von dem der Völkerschaft Λίβυης abgeleitet, die als Nachbarn von Kyrene den Griechen
zuerst bekannt wurden. Als Ostgrenze des Erdteils bezw. des Teiles Asiens, als welcher L. vielfach angesehen wurde, galt noch bis in
nachchristliche Zeit der Nilauf und der westlichste Arm seines Deltas; Ägypten also und Aithiopien oder doch wenigstens die auf der
Ostseite des Stromes gelegene Hälfte dieser Länder wurden meist zu Asien gerechnet” (Honigmann 1926: 149); see also: Ruge 1896:
1534

the Nile, whose sources on Ptolemy’s map to be by the Red Sea.14
were located between the Cup of Aromatics • The “opposite continent” in Apollodorus’
(modern Cap Guardafui) and Rhapta Bibliotheke
(without certain localization, possibly, in Heracles crossed to the continent,
modern Tanzania).13 opposite to Libya, and proceeded to release
Also, interesting in this respect is Ptolemy’s Prometheus, who was enchained in the
remark about an expedition of Septimius Caucasus. It was river Phasis (modern
Flacchus: Σεπτίμιον μὲν Φλάκκον, τὸν ἐκ Rioni) that made a frontier between Asia
τῆς Λιβύης στρατευσάμενον, ἀφικέσθαι and Europe in the most ancient division
πρὸς τοὺς Αἰθίοπας (I. 8. 4). Though little is of the world. Thus, Prometheus was found
known about this traveller, the way Ptolemy by Heracles while still in Europe. Even if
described his adventures, based on the earlier Heracles appeared in Asia after crossing from
sources, is important in itself: Septimius Libya (this could be done, if Heracles crossed
Flacchus departed “from Libya” and reached Nile, not straits of Bāb al-Mandab), he would
“Ethiopians,” apparently residing in another have additionally to cross the entire Asia. The
ancient continent – ancient Asia. It was only text of Apollodorus presumes direct way from
Ptolemy in the middle of the 2nd century Libya to Europe in search for Prometheus.
A.D., who in his theoretical chapter of the Since Libya in pre-Ptolemaic tradition
“Introduction into Geography” clearly (i.e. in that of Apollodorus15) was a continent
identified a border between Asia and Libya opposite neither to modern Arabian Peninsula
12. See especially references to the frontiers of Libya and Ethiopia in Strabo’s “Geography” as to those of independent from the other
parts of the world: ...οὐδ’ ἂν ἔχοιμεν λέγειν τοὺς ὅρους οὔτε τῆς Αἰθιοπίας οὔτε τῆς Λιβύης, ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ τῆς πρὸς Αἰγύπτῳ τρανῶς [...
neither can we tell the boundaries either of Aethipoia or of Libya, nor yet accurately even those of the country next to Egypt (17. 3. 23)
– translation from Jones 1996: 209].
13. Διογένη μέν τινά φησι τῶν εἰς τὴν ᾿Ινδικὴν πλεόντων ὑποστρέφοντα τὸ δεύτερον, ὅτε ἐγένετο κατὰ τὰ ᾿Αρώματα, ἀπωσθῆναι ἀπαρκτίᾳ,
καὶ ἐν δεξιᾷ ἔχοντα τὴν Τρωγλοδυτικὴν ἐπὶ ἡμέρας εἴκοσι πέντε παραγενέσθαι εἰς τὰς λίμνας, ὅθεν ὁ Νεῖλος ῥεῖ, ὧν ἐστι τὸ τῶν
῾Ράπτων ἀκρωτήριον ὀλίγῳ νοτιώτερον [“Ein gewisser, ein Indien-Fahrer, bei seiner zweiten Rückfahrt, als er in die Gegend der
Aromata gelangte, vom Nordwind abgetrieben wurde und – das Land der Troglodyten zur Rechten – nach 25 Tagen zu den Quellseen
des Nils gelangt sei, welche etwas nördlicher liegen als das Kap Rhapton ” (Ptol. Geogr. 1. 9. 1 – translation from Stückelberger,
Graßhoff 2006: 77)].
14. Διόπερ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην προτάξομεν, χωρίζοντες αὐτὴν καὶ ἡμεῖς πρὸς μὲν τὴν Λιβύην τῷ ῾Ηρακλείῳ πορθμῷ, πρὸς δὲ τὴν
᾿Ασίαν μετὰ τὰ μεταξὺ πελάγη καὶ τὴν Μαιῶτιν λίμνην τῷ τε Τανάιδι ποταμῷ καὶ τῷ ἀπὸ τούτου πρὸς τὴν ἄγνωστον γῆν μεσημβρινῷ·
τούτοις δ’ ἐφεξῆς τὰ κατὰ τὴν Λιβύην, χωρίζοντες καὶ ταύτην ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Ασίας, μετὰ τὰς θαλάσσας τὰς ἀπὸ τοῦ περὶ τὸ Πράσον
ἀκρωτήριον τῆς Αἰθιοπίας μέχρι τοῦ ᾿Αραβίου κόλπου, τῷ ἀπὸ τοῦ καθ’ ῾Ηρῴων πόλιν μυχοῦ μέχρι τῆς καθ’ ἡμᾶς θαλάσσης ἰσθμῷ
διορίζοντι τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Αραβίας καὶ τῆς ᾿Ιουδαίας, ἵνα τε μὴ διασπῶμεν τὴν Αἴγυπτον τῷ Νείλῳ ποιούμενοι τὸν μερισμὸν, καὶ
ὅτι βέλτιον πελάγεσιν, ὅταν ἐνῇ, καὶ μὴ ποταμοῖς χωρίζειν τὰς ἠπείρους [“Deshalb werden wir die Länder Europas voranstellen. Dieses
grenzen auch wir ab gegen Libyen/Afrika durch die Meerenge des Herakles/Strasse von Gibraltar, gegen Asien durch die dazwischen
liegenden Meere, die Maiotis-See/das Asowsche Meer und den Fluss Tanaïs/Don sowie durch den von diesem ins unbekannte Land
verlaufenden Meridian. Anschliessend lassen wir die Länder Afrikas folgen, das wir ebenfalls von Asien abgrenzen, und zwar durch die
Meere, die zwischen dem Golf beim Kap Prason/Kap Delgado in Äthiopien und dem Arabischen Golf/Roten Meer liegen, und durch
die Landenge, welche vom Meereszipfel bei Heroonpolis/Tell el-Maskhuta bis zu Unserem Meer/Mittelmeer Ägypten von Arabien
und Judäa abgrenzt; wir folgen nämlich nicht durch eine Teilung entlang dem Nil Ägypten auseinander zu reissen, da es besser ist, die
Kontinente so weit wie möglich durch Meere und nicht durch Flüsse abzugrenzen” (2. 1. 6 – translation from Stückelberger, Graßhoff
2006: 139–141)].

in general, nor to South Arabia in particular, • The land of Hesperides, Sun and “Atlantic
both sides of modern Bāb al-Mandab, which, Sea”
according to F.Villeneuve, Heracles had to Critical remarks of F. Villeneuve would be
cross, lied in ancient Asia Crossing from Asia valuable if Hesperia lied in the South rather
to Asia (i.e. in our context at modern Bāb al- than in the West of the world. However,
Mandab) means that Heracles would have to all of the authors quoted by Villeneuve,
remain on the same continent, while crossing undoubtedly connect Heracles’ activity with
from Libya to the opposite continent from the Hesperia in the North and Northwest of
point of view of the Classical writers, quoted modern Africa.
by F.Villeneuve, was only possible at modern According to Pliny the Elder, Hesperia
straits of Gibraltar. It is not without reason could be located on the central part of North
that Classical geography knew namely the African shore to the Southwest of modern
modern straits of Gibraltar as ὁ ῾Ηρακλείου Crete: Berenice in Syrtis extimo cornu
πορθμός. Since Heracles reached the Sun est, quondam vocata Hesperidum supra
from Libya in Apollodorus’ account, the only dictarum, vagantibus Graeciae fabulis (NH.
possible way to do that lead to the land of 5. 31). This reflects quite an archaic location
Hesperides in the North and Northwest of of Hesperia.16
modern Africa. “Atlantic Sea” as western part of the
It follows from F.Villeneuve’s Outer Sea (according to Villeneuve, this
interpretation of Heracles’ travels (in identification was “not serious”), which
Apollodorus’ account) that Heracles is identical to modern Atlantic Ocean, is
crossed from Asia to Asia, not from Libya mentioned already by Herodotus17. This idea
to Europe, and could not possibly find was alive still in the Roman geography. Lucius
Prometheus in European Caucasus from Ampelius (1st quarter of the 3rd century A.D.)
Libyan Hesperia. This interpretation neither devoted De maris ambitu – the part of his
fits the understanding of the world’s division Liber Memorialis, to the structure of ancient
in Classical geography nor fits the context of Oceanum and Atlantic Sea makes its western
Apollodorus’ Bibliotheke. part.18 The same was earlier expressed by
15. See e.g. opposition of Libya and Egypt in 2. 5. 11.

16. Vgl.: “…so wußten auch die Griechen von einem Göttergarten im fernem Westen..., wo die Sonne ins Meer sinkt... auch in Libyen
nunmehr ein Fluß Lathon... und an seiner Mündung ... die nach der Überlieferung ... gegründete Stadt Euesperides. Die Tetradrachmen
von Kyrene aus dem Ende des 6. Jhdts. v. Chr. ... scheinen darauf zu weisen, daß den Kyrenäern die ältere Version der Sage geläufig
war, nach der Heracles selbst bis zum H[esperiden]-Garten vordringt... Andere, namentlich Schriftsteller des Westens, wohl schon von
Pherekydes ab... verlegen den Schauplatz noch weiter ... nach dem Atlantischen Meer zu.” (Sittig 1912: 1247).
17. ῾Η δὲ Κασπίη θάλασσά ἐστὶ ἐπ’ ἑωυτῆς, οὐ συμμίσγουσα τῇ ἑτέρῃ θαλάσσῃ· τὴν μὲν γὰρ ῞Ελληνες ναυτίλλονται πᾶσα καὶ ἡ ἔξω
στηλέων θάλασσα ἡ ᾿Ατλαντὶς καλεομένη καὶ ἡ ᾿Ερυθρὴ μία ἐοῦσα τυγχάνει [This is a sea by itself, not joined to the other sea. For
that whereon the Greeks sail, and the sea beyond the pillars of Heracles, which they call Atlantic, and the Red Sea, are all one (1. 203)
– translation from Godley 1990: 255, 257].

Pliny: mare Atlanticum is a part of the World from Erytheia lies ῾Ηρακλέους ἄκρον –
Ocean (NH. 5. 40). Ptolemy clearly identifies presumably modern Rās al-Hadīd; this Greek
ἡ ἐκτὸς θάλασση with ὁ δυτικὸς ᾿Ωκεανός name appeared in Classical geographical
(IV. 1. 1). So, “Atlantic Sea” is a usual notion tradition as sequence of Heracles’ activity,
in the Classical geography, which refers to the referred to by F.Villeneuve and searched for
Western part of the Outer Sea. in the Red Sea. A little to the North lies ῾Ηλίου
In F.Villeneuve’s views, the fragment in ὄρος – Mount of the Sun. It is noteworthy that
question reflects Heracles’ “crossing through the gulf itself, where according to Ptolemy
the Outer Sea toward the opposite continent” (IV. 6. 3) the island of Eytheia was to be
(p. 293). However, there is nothing similar searched, was called ὁ῾Εσπέριος κόλπος τῆς
found in the text of Apollodorus. Heracles ἐκτὸς θαλάσσης — Hesperian Gulf of the
could not reach an opposite continent Outer Sea.
“through the Outer Sea,” since the continents Location of these places near each other
were separated from each other by the gulfs reflects close connection of Heracles’ activity
(ὁ ῾Ηρακλείου πορθμός between Libya and in modern Northwest Africa with the Sun,
Europe) or rivers (Nile between Libya and referred to by Apollodorus (see also Ptol.
Asia, Tanais / Phasis between Asia and Geogr. 4. 1. 3–4, 16).
Europe), and not by the seas or Ocean. • “Oriental equivalents” of “Columns of
“Through the Outer Sea” Heracles wandered Heracles”
in his previous, 10th (in Apollodorus’ count), F.Villeneuve employs assistance of
Labour: Heracles had to bring the cattle J. Desanges, who drew his attention to
of Geryon from Erytheia (Ἐρύθεια) – an the following fragment from Strabo’s
island far in the West in the Ocean. Heracles “Geography” in order prove existence of
threatened Helios with his bow and Helios several “Columns” in different parts of the
gave him his golden cup for crossing the world (p. 293):
Ocean in order to reach the island (not the “οὐδὲ ἐν τῇ ᾿Ινδικῇ στήλας φασὶν ὁραθῆναι
opposite continent).19 Α little to the Northeast κειμένας οὔθ’ ῾Ηρακλέους οὔτε Διονύσου·
18. Mare quo cingimur universum vocatur Oceanum. Hoc quattuor regionibus inrumpit in terras: a septentrione vocatur Caspium, ab
oriente Persicum, a meridie Arabicum, idem Rubrum et Erythraeum, ad occasum magnum mare, idem Athlanticum [La mer qui nous
entoure est appelée, dans son ensemble, mer Océane. Elle pénètre les terres en quatre régions: au septentrion elle est appelée mer
Caspienne, à l’orient, mer Persique, au midi, mer Arabique, et aussi mer Rouge et mer Érythrée, à l’occident, la Grande mer, appelée
aussi Atlantique (L. Ampel. Lib. Memor. 7. 1) – translation from Arnaud-Lindet 1993: 10].
19. πορευόμενος οὖν ἐπὶ τὰς Γηρυόνου βόας διὰ τῆς Εὐρώπης, ἄγρια πολλὰ <ζῷα> ἀνελὼν Λιβύης ἐπέβαινε, καὶ παρελθὼν Ταρτησσὸν
ἔστησε σημεῖα τῆς πορείας ἐπὶ τῶν ὅρων Εὐρώπης καὶ Λιβύης ἀντιστοίχους δύο στήλας. θερόμενος δὲ ὑπὸ ῾Ηλίου κατὰ τὴν πορείαν,
τὸ τόξον ἐπὶ τὸν θεὸν ἐνέτεινεν· ὁ δὲ τὴν ἀνδρείαν αὐτοῦ θαυμάσας χρύσεον ἔδωκε δέπας, ἐν ᾧ τὸν ᾿Ωκεανὸν διεπέρασε. καὶ
παραγενόμενος εἰς ᾿Ερύθειαν ἐν ὄρει ῎Αβαντι αὐλίζεται [So journeying through Europe to fetch the kine of Geryon he destroyed
many wild beasts and set foot in Libya, and proceeding to Tartessus he erected as signs of his journey two pillars over against each other
at the boundaries of Europe and Libya. But being heated by the Sun on his journey, he bent his bow at the god, who in admiration of his
hardihood, gave him a golden goblet in which he crossed the Ocean. And having reached Erythia he lodged on Mount Abas (Apollod.
2. 5. 10 – translation. from Frazer 1995: 213)].

καὶ λεγομένων μέντοι καὶ δεικνυμένων τόπων où il tue Emathion, roi des Éthiopiens.
τινῶν οἱ Μακεδόνες ἐπίστευον τούτους εἶναι Puis il retourne à l’accomplissement du
στήλας, ἐν οἷς τι σημεῖον εὕρισκον ἢ τῶν περὶ dernier de ses traveaux, les pommes d’or des
τὸν Διόνυσον ἱστορουμένων ἢ τῶν περὶ τὸν Hespérides..., en s’attaquant, sur une plage
῾Ηρακλέα” (3. 5. 6). non localisé, aux pirates qui, sur l’ordre de
As Strabo says, “there is no, as is said, Bousiris, s’étaient emparé des jeunes filles,
visible columns neither of Heracles, nor of les Hespérides. Vue que l’ordre a été donné
Dionysios…”. As we read further in this par Bousiris l’Égyptien aux pirates, et vue
quotation, the Macedonians interpreted qu’Héraklès est parvenu en Éthiopie, nous
as such different places, if they found the devons supposer que l’enlèvement, comme
signs (of Heracles and Dionysos), known l’attaque d’Héraklès contre les pirates, a lieu
to them.20 This fragment in no way proves en mer Rouge.”21
existence of any “oriental equivalent” of the Let us re-read the account of Diodorus
Western “Columns of Heracles.” Different in question:
places on the Indian mainland (and not on κατὰ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν τὸν ῾Ηρακλέα
the sea-shore!) could be, according to Strabo, τελοῦντα τὸν ὕστατον ἆθλον ᾿Ανταῖον μὲν
mistaken for Columns by Macedonians. ἀνελεῖν ἐν τῇ Λιβύῃ τὸν συναναγκάζοντα
So, description of Heracles’ way through τοὺς ξένους διαπαλαίειν, Βούσιριν δὲ κατὰ
Libya, at least in Apollodorus’ account of the τὴν Αἴγυπτον τῷ Διὶ σφαγιάζοντα τοὺς
10th and 11th Labours, leads west, not south. παρεπιδημοῦντας ξένους τῆς προσηκούσης
F. Villeneuve’s interpretation results in the τιμωρίας καταξιῶσαι. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἀνὰ
following mistakes: localization of Hesperia τὸν Νεῖλον πλεύσαντα εἰς τὴν Αἰθιοπίαν
in the Red Sea, ascribing Africa to the East of τὸν βασιλεύοντα τῶν Αἰθιόπων ᾿Ημαθίωνα
Nile to Libya, ignoring of the composition of κατάρχοντα μάχης ἀποκτεῖναι, τὸ δ’ ὕστατον
the Ocean (Outer Sea) as consisting of four ἐπανελθεῖν πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸν ἆθλον. (4) τοὺς
seas with their own names. δὲ λῃστὰς ἐν κήπῳ τινὶ παιζούσας τὰς
II. 2. Heracles’ wanderings in Bibliotheke κόρας συναρπάσαι, καὶ ταχὺ φυγόντας
of Diodorus Siculus and the Red Sea εἰς τὰς ναῦς ἀποπλεῖν. τούτοις δ’ ἐπί τινος
F.Villeneuve argues in favor of Heracles’ ἀκτῆς δειπνοποιουμένοις ἐπιστάντα τὸν
presence in the Red Sea by referring to ῾Ηρακλέα, καὶ παρὰ τῶν παρθένων μαθόντα
the Bibliotheke of Diodorus Siculus (4. 27. τὸ συμβεβηκός[...]
3): “Héraclès châtie Bousiris en Égypte. [About this time Heracles, while engaged
Puis il remonte le Nil jusqu’à l’Éthiopie, in the performance of his last Labour, slew
20. See in details about the origin and development of the legends of the presence of Heracles and Dionysos in India: Bukharin 2004:
51–81.
21. Villeneuve, Phillips, Facey 2004: 166.

in Libya Antaeus, who was compelling all last Labour of Heracles for Diodorus.22
strangers to wrestle with him, and upon The Hesperides, as follows from
Busiris in Egypt, who was sacrificing to Zeus Diodorus’s account, were abducted from their
the strangers who visited his country, he own homeland Ἑσπερία, which F.Villeneuve
inflicted the punishment which he deserved. again considers to have been situated in the
After this Heracles sailed up the Nile into Red Sea region:
Ethiopia, where he slew Emathion, the king (1) κατὰ γὰρ τὴν ῾Εσπερῖτιν ὀνομαζομένην
of the Ethiopians, who had made battle with χώραν φασὶν ἀδελφοὺς δύο γενέσθαι δόξῃ
him unprovoked, and then returned to the διωνομασμένους, ῞Εσπερον καὶ ῎Ατλαντα.
completion of his last Labour. Meanwhile [...] (2) λέγουσι Βούσιριν τὸν βασιλέα
the pirates had seized the girls while they τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἐπιθυμῆσαι τῶν παρθένων
were playing in a certain garden and carried ἐγκρατῆ γενέσθαι· διὸ καὶ λῃστὰς κατὰ
them off, and fleeing swiftly to their ships θάλατταν ἀποστείλαντα διακελεύσασθαι
had sailed away with them. Heracles came τὰς κόρας ἁρπάσαι καὶ διακομίσαι πρὸς
upon the pirates as they were taking their ἑαυτόν.
meal on a certain strand, and learning from [In the country known as Hesperitis there
the maidens what had taken place […] (4. were two brothers whose fame was known
27. 3–4) – translation from Oldfather 1994: abroad, Hesperus and Atlas. […] Busiris the
429, 431)]. king of the Egyptians, the account says, was
It follows from this fragment that seized with the desire to get the maidens into
Hesperides were abducted from their his power; and consequently he dispatched
homeland near the mount Atlas at the time pirates by sea with orders to seize the girls
(κατὰ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν) as Heracles, first, and deliver them into his hands. (4. 27. 1–2 –
was in Ethiopia and then already returned to translation from Oldfather 1994: 429)].
his last (in Diodorus’s account) Labour (…τὸ Villeneuve’s location of Hesperia
δ’ ὕστατον ἐπανελθεῖν πάλιν ἐπὶ τὸν ἆθλον. contradicts to the foundations of Classical
τοὺς δὲ λῃστὰς ἐν κήπῳ τινὶ παιζούσας τὰς geography and mythology. The very name
κόρας συναρπάσαι…). It means that the of Ἑσπερία comes from the Greek ἑσπέρα
abduction of the Hesperides by the “pirates” – “sunset”, from which with a semantic
took place, when Heracles was already neither development — “West.” This land in the
in Egypt nor in Ethiopia, but again in Western Greek mythological tradition was located
Libya: the story of the golden apples was the to the West of Greece: in the westernmost
22 ὁ δ’ ῾Ηρακλῆς τὸν φύλακα τῶν μήλων ἀνελών, καὶ ταῦτα ἀποκομίσας πρὸς Εὐρυσθέα, καὶ τοὺς ἄθλους ἀποτετελεκώς, προσεδέχετο
τῆς ἀθανασίας τεύξεσθαι, καθάπερ ὁ ᾿Απόλλων ἔχρησεν [At any rate Heracles slew the guardian of the apples, and after he had duly
brought them to Eurystheus and had in this wise finished his Labours he waited to receive the gift of immortality, even as Apollo had
prophesied to him (4. 26. 4) – translation from Oldfather 1994: 427].

extremity of the known world, initially Promontory is located.26 Ethiopians in Pliny’s
near modern Italy and later in Central and account are not those from modern Ethiopia27
Western Libya, and not on the shores of the in the South as their location reflects an
Red Sea.23 The location of Hesperia at the archaic idea of Ethiopians – inhabitants of
mount Atlas – who was previously the king of the Eastern and Western extremities of the
Mauritania turned by Perseus into a mountain world28, not yet transferred from Ethiopia in
for his inhospitality – is also demonstrated by modern India into Ethiopia in modern East
the explicit account of Pausanias’s Graeciae Africa. Their location at the most western
Descriptio.24 part of the world in Classical geography is
Pomponius Mela points to the location also reflected in Strabo’s “Geography”29 and
of the land of Hesperides near that of the Liber Memorialis of Lucius Ampelius.
Pharusii.25 Pliny the Elder also mentions The latter lists peoples of Libya, following
Pharusi, when in the account of Polybius’s from the West to the East of modern North
voyage to the mount Atlas from Sicily, he Africa: Aethiopes, Mauri, Numidae, Poeni,
describes Mauritania where Hesperian Gaetuli, Garamantes, Nasamones, Aegyptii
23. “Hesperia, das Westland, eine Bezeichnung, welche Griechen auf Italien anwendeten und sich dann vorwiegend bei Dichtern findet
[...] Wohl mit der Ausbreitung der geographischen Kenntnisse wanderte der Name weiter nach Spanien, das auch zur Unterscheidung
H. Ultima genannt wird” (Weiss 1912: 1243).
24. ῾Ηρακλέα, ὅτ’ ἐκ Λιβύης ἀνεσώθη κομίζων τὰ μῆλα τὰ ῾Εσπερίδων καλούμενα..., [When Heracles came back safe from Libya, bringing
the apples of the Hesperides, as they were called (2. 13. 8) – translation from Jones 1992: 319]; … ῎Ατλας δὲ ἐπὶ μὲν τῶν ὤμων κατὰ τὰ
λεγόμενα οὐρανόν τε ἀνέχει καὶ γῆν, φέρει δὲ καὶ τὰ ῾Εσπερίδων μῆλα. ὅστις δέ ἐστιν ὁ ἀνὴρ ὁ ἔχων τὸ ξίφος καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν ῎Ατλαντα
ἐρχόμενος, ἰδίᾳ μὲν ἐπ‘ αὐτῷ γεγραμμένον ἐστὶν οὐδέν, δῆλα δὲ ἐς ἅπαντας ῾Ηρακλέα εἶναι [Atlas too is supporting, just as the story
has it, heaven and earth upon his shoulders; he is also carrying the apples of the Hesperides. A man holding a sword is coming towards
Atlas. This everybody can see is Heracles (5. 18. 4) – translation from Jones & Ormerod 1993: 487].
25. …Himantopodes […], dein Pharusii, aliquando tendente ad Hesperidas Hercule dites, nunc inculti [les Himantopodes […], puis les
Pharusiens, autrefois riches du temps de l’expédition d’Hercule chez les Hespérides, maintenant sauvages (3. 10. 103) – translation
from Silberman 1988: 94–95].
26. postea flumen Salsum, ultra quod Aethiopas Perorsos, quorum a tergo Pharusios. his iungi in mediterraneo Gaetulos Daras, at in ora
Aethiopas Daratitas, flumen Bambotum, crocodilis et hippopotamis refertum. ab eo montes perpetuos usque ad eum, quem Theon
Ochema dicemus. inde ad promunturium Hesperium navigatione dierum ac noctium decem. in medio eo spatio Atlantem locavit a
ceteris omnibus in extremis Mauretaniae proditum. [“After this the river Salsus, beyond which is the Aethiopian tribe of the Perorsi, at
the their rear the Pharusii. Adjoining these in the interior are the Gaetulian Darae, and on the coast the Aethiopian Daratitae and the
river Bambotus, which is full of crocodiles and hippopotamuses. From this river runs a line of mountains extending right to the peak of
which the Greek name is, as we shall state, the Chariot of the Gods. The distance from this peak to Hesperian Promontory he gives a
voyage of ten days and nights; and in the middle of this space he places Mount Atlas, which all other authorities give as situated at the
farthest point of Mauritania”(5. 10–11) – a corrected rendering of the Latin text based on Rackham’s translation from Rackham 1989:
225–227].
27. […] qui proximos inhabitent saltus refertos elephantorum ferarumque et serpentium omni genere Canarios appellari, quippe victum
eius animalis promiscuum his esse et dividua ferarum viscera. Lunctam Aethiopum gentem quos Perorsos vocant satis constat. [[…] He
states that the neighbouring forests swarm with every kind of elephant and snake, and are inhabited by a tribe called the Canarii, owing
to the fact that they have their diet in common with the canine race and share with it the flesh of wild animals. It is well ascertained that
the next people are the Aethiopian tribe called the Perorsi…(5. 15–16) – translation from Rackham 1989: 231].
28. ἀλλ’ ὁ μὲν Αἰθίοπας μετεκίαθε τηλόθ’ ἐόντας, Αἰθίοπας, τοὶ διχθὰ δεδαίαται, ἔσχατοι ἀνδρῶν, οἱ μὲν δυσομένου ῾Υπερίονος, οἱ δ’
ἀνιόντος [But now Poseidon had gone among the far–off Ethiopians - the Ethiopians who dwell divided in two, the farthermost of men,
some where Hyperion sets and some where he rises (Hom. Od. I. 22–24 – translation from Murray 1995: 15)]. About the Ethiopians of
the Far West (Aethiopes Hesperii) see: Fischer 1912: 1249.
29. ῾Υπὲρ ταύτης δ' ἐστὶν ἐπὶ τῇ ἔξω θαλάττῃ ἡ τῶν ἑσπερίων καλουμένων Αἰθιόπων χώρα [Above Maurusia, on the outside sea, lies the
country of the western Aethiopians (17. 3. 5) – translation from Jones 1996: 163].

(Lib. Mem. 6. 5). The Ethiopians from the “pirates” can also be in general deduced
fragment of Pliny’s Historia Naturalis and from the account of Diodorus and Ptolemy’s
those of L. Ampelius, the Pharusii, as well “Geography”. Ptolemy in 4. 4. 9–10 marks on
as from the land of Hesperides, could only his map the Garden of Hesperides (Κῆπος
be found in the westernmost part of modern τῶν Ἑσπερίδων) – place of their abduction.
North Africa (ancient Libya) near Canarii. A little to the south lie the Dunes of Heracles
Exact location of the land of the Hesperides (αἱ τοῦ ῾Ηρακλέους Θῖνες – marked in 4. 4.
near modern Gibraltar is given also by 10). Another place, called after Heracles’
Hyginus in his Fabulae: activity in Hesperia – The Tower of Heracles
Draconem immanem Typhonis filium, qui (῾Ηρακλέους πύργος) – lies a little to the
mala aurea Hesperidum seruare solitus erat, North (4. 4. 3). Concentration of the places,
ad montem Atlantem interfecit, et Eurystheo called after Heracles, near Κήπου τῶν
regi mala attulit [Le serpent monstrueux, fils Ἑσπερίδων shows that the story of abduction
de Typhon, qui gardait les pommes d’or des and liberation of the Hesperides took place
Hespérides, il le tua près du mont Atlas et namely in this region.
apporta les pommes au roi Eurysthée (Hygin. Diodorus Siculus points to a certain strand
Fab. 30. 12) – translation from Boriaud 1997: (ἐπί τινος ἀκτῆς) as a place of liberation of
38]. Hesperides (4. 27. 4). Ptolemy mentions
“Pirates” then had to sail along the Libyan Λευκὴ ἀκτή (4. 5. 6) in the middle of the
coast through the Central and Southeast Libyan shore of the modern Mediterranean
Mediterranean, not through the Red Sea, to sea – this is the only point called ἀκτή between
be able to bring the Hesperides to the court of Hesperia and Egypt on Ptolemy’s map. It
Busiris. The Hesperides could not be abducted seems that the Hesperides were set free on
from any other place than in the middle part this very place.
of modern North Africa: the account of Heracles’ visit to Emathion, as described
Diodorus of Sicily (4. 27. 4) contains the by Diodorus, also requires some more
reference to the fact that Heracles brought attention. As one could see in the account of
the Hesperides back to Atlas (τὰς δὲ κόρας Apollodorus (2. 5. 11), Emathion was a king
ἀποκομίσαι πρὸς ῎Ατλαντα τὸν πατέρα). It not in Ethiopia, but in “Arabia”, which in its
means that they were abducted from Atlas, turn was an ancient name of Egypt (see above
i.e. from the North of modern Africa, not II. 1). From the other side, Emathion, as king
from the Red Sea. Therefore, this account of Ethiopians, was mentioned by Hesiodus.
about Heracles’ Labours cannot be connected Of crucial importance is that his kingdom was
with the Red Sea. located at the most Eastern, not Southern,
The place of Heracles’ attack on the

extremity of the world.30 Account of Heracles’ Thus, initial location of Emathion’s
visit to Emathion in particular, and a general kingdom is not connected with modern East
description of his Labours, is not based on Africa or the Red Sea (even if it were, it
geographic knowledge, contemporary to could not serve as an argument for calling the
Diodorus. It reflects an archaic mythological southern part of the Red Sea “Herculean”:
tradition – opposing of West to East, and many other places in the Red Sea really bore
neither West to South, nor simple wanderings names of the Greek deities, see below), and
here and there. One may raise an objection Heracles could not set free the Hesperides
to the fact that notion “Ethiopia” was already after their abduction in any other place
transferred from the East of the world into the than between Ἑσπερία (modern North and
modern East Africa. However, Alexander the Northwestern Africa), to where he has already
Great was searching for springs of the Nile returned after his expedition to Ethiopia, and
in Ethiopia–India31, and Diodorus refers not Egypt. There is nothing in the account of
to the geographic experience of his time but Diodorus in question that could point to any
to the most ancient myths of Heracles, still activity of Heracles in the Red Sea.
perfectly kept in memory (see also above II. 3. Heracles’ wanderings in De mari
about Ethiopians in the Extreme West in Erythraeo of Agatharchides and Arabia
Classical geography). The epics of Heracles’ F.Villeneuve and his co-authors continue
Labours have been codified already in the to search for Heracles’ activity in the Red Sea:
6th century B.C., presumably by Peisandros “Au livre I d’Agatharchide, frgt. 7 (p. 47), il
of Kamiros, when Greeks could hardly have est question de la traversée par Héraklès,
any knowledge of the lands to the South dans la fameuse “coupe”, de la mer où ont
of Egypt.32 The core of these tales is even lieu les plus grands tempêtes…”33 One would
older and there could not be any principal argue that this reference is misplaced. Here,
developments in these tales such as a transfer F.Villeneuve and his co-authors return to
of the land of the Hesperides from West to Heracles’ journey to the island of Erytheia
South or that of the Ethiopians from East and in the Ocean in the western extremity of the
West into the modern East Africa.
30. Τιθωνῷ δ’ ᾿Ηὼς τέκε Μέμνονα χαλκοκορυστήν, Αἰθιόπων βασιλῆα, καὶ ᾿Ημαθίωνα ἄνακτα [And Eos bore to Tithonus brazen-crested
Memnon, king of the Ethiopians, and the Lord Emathion (Theog. 984–985) – translation from Evelyn-White 1995: 153].
31. καὶ [ὁ] ἀκούσας ὅτι ὁ ᾿Ακεσίνης ἐμβάλλει ἐς τὸν ᾿Ινδόν, ἔδοξεν ἐξευρηκέναι τοῦ Νείλου τὰς ἀρχάς, ὡς τὸν Νεῖλον ἐνθένδε ποθὲν ἐξ
᾿Ινδῶν ἀνίσχοντα [...] καὶ ταύτῃ ἀπολλύοντα τὸν ᾿Ινδὸν τὸ ὄνομα, ἔπειτα [...] Νεῖλον ἤδη πρὸς Αἰθιόπων τε τῶν ταύτῃ καὶ Αἰγυπτίων
καλούμενον <ἤ>, ὡς ῞Ομηρος ἐποίησεν, ἐπώνυμον τῆς Αἰγύπτου Αἴγυπτον, οὕτω δὴ ἐσδιδόναι ἐς τὴν ἐντὸς θάλασσαν [having heard
that the Acesines runs into the Indus, he thought he had found the origin of the Nile; (3) his idea was that the Nile rose somewhere
thereabouts in India, flowed through a great expanse of desert, and there lost the name of Indus and then […] got the name of Nile
from the Ethiopians in those parts and the Egyptians, or that of Aegyptus, which Homer gave in his poem, whence the name of the land
[Egypt], and that it then issued into the inner sea [Mediterranean] (Arr. Anab. 6. 1. 2–3; translation from Brunt 1996: 101)].
32. For details see: Keydell 1937: 144–145.
33. Villeneuve, Phillips, Facey 2004: 166, n. 121.

world.34 Following F.Villeneuve’s reasoning, “équivalent” identifié par les explorateurs
Atlas must have also been situated near Bāb grecs antiques…”37
al-Mandab or have any “southern equivalent.” The Δέβαι of Agatharchides and Strabo
However, this interpretation does not (16. 4. 18) seemingly correspond to the ethnic
match the meaning of the fragment under name Daw’at. Agatharchides does not allude
discussion35, and it does not reflect ancient to connections between the names of Δέβαι
concepts of geography and mythology. in Arabia and Θῆβαι in Boeotia. In search
F.Villeneuve and his co-authors find of support for “rapprochement fantaisiste
“par ailleurs une brève allusion à Héraklès, (Thébai/Débai)” F.Villeneuve could also
dès l’époque hellénistique, dans le traité mention Θῆβαι πόλις on Ptolemy’s map of
d’Agatharchide sur la mer Rouge: les Débai, Arabia Felix (24; 6. 7. 5) – modern Ḏahbān
habitants d’un secteur de la côte arabique situé (21°56’48”N; 39°04’55”E). 38 However,
environ 200 km au nord des Farasān, sont selon no “rapprochement” has been made by
Agatharchide particulièrement accueillants Agatharchides or Ptolemy, and transitions ḏ
pour les Béotiens et Péloponnésiens, en > δ and ḏ > θ reflect a way of rendering of
raison de relations de parenté qui sont narrés the Semitic phonemes into Greek.
dans un mythe relatif à Héraklès.”36 They The name of Βαιτίου ποταμοῦ ἐκβολαί
continue: “Bien entendu, cette tradition, and αἱ πηγαὶ τοῦ ποταμοῦ (Ptol. Geogr. 6. 7. 5;
qu’Agatharchide tire d’auteurs du IV e ou 25–27) can hardly be connected with the name
IIIe siècle av. J.-C., peut ne reposer que of Wādī Baiḍ, referred to by F.Villeneuve.
sur un rapprochement fantaisiste (Thébai/ Wādī Bayš flows into the Red Sea significantly
Débai; Boiôtios / Baitios – un fleuve côtier more to the South than Βαιτίου ποταμοῦ
qui coule au sud de leur territoir: wādī Baiḍ), ἐκβολαί are marked on Ptolemy’s map. Since
comme signalé par Wissmann...; il n’en reste this Wādī is a continuation of Wādī Bīšа,
pas moins que cette “parenté” mythique it seems logical that the initial name was
est étayé par un récours à Héraklès: le Bayš, rather than Bayḍ39. Moreover, small
héros thébain par excellence peut avoir un dimensions of Wādī Bayš in comparison
34. τὸν δ’ `Ηρακλέα καὶ τὰ πελάγη μὲν, οὗ μέγιστοι χειμῶνες, ἐν λέβητι διαπλεῖν, τὴν δὲ Λιβύην ἄσπορον, ἄνυδρον, ἀπορευτὸν
ὑπάρχουσαν μόνον διεξέρχεσθαι, τῷ δὲ ῎Ατλαντι τὸν τηλικοῦτον διαδέξασθαι κόσμον, πρόσταγμα μὲν οὐκ ἔχοντα, χάριν δὲ τιθέμενον
[Also Heracles sailed in a cup across the sea where the greatest storms occur and alone traversed Libya which was barren, waterless
and trackless and took from Atlas the great burden of the world, not because of an order but to do a favour (translation from Burstein
1989: 46–47)].
35. See e.g.: “Per Agatarchide, il giardino delle Esperidi, che ha già rammentato prima, si trovava in Libia” (Santoni 2001, pp. 53-54, n.
47)”.
36. Villeneuve, Phillips, Facey 2004: 166.
38. So already in von Wissmann 1957: 299–300, von Wissmann 1963.
39. Cf. the name of the island Basa in Pliny’s description of Sabaean possessions on the Red Sea (Plin. 6. 151) as well as that of the river
Phison, that flowed through the land of Ḥawila (Gen. 2. 11). Here Wādī Bayš and Ḫawlān are most possibly meant: ASA ḍ > would
have given ṣ in Hebrew and Aramaic.

to those of Βαιτίου ποταμοῦ, stretching of Δέβαι with worshippers of Heracles in
through the entire Arabia on Ptolemy’s map, Greece. The former is not tantamount to the
point against the identification of Βαιτίου latter. F.Villeneuve’s statement that Heracles
ποταμοῦ ἐκβολαί with Delta of Wādī Bayš. “peut avoir un “équivalent” identifié par
It seems that one should mean Wādī Bāṭin, les explorateurs grecs antiques” is hardly
which crossed under different names the relevant in this case as there are no findings
entire Arabian peninsula, under the name to point to identification of Heracles with any
of Βαιτίου ποταμοῦ ἐκβολαί. Wādī Bāṭin “is local hero or even about its possibility, as in
a major feature of Arabia and can be traced case of “Indian” Heracles, who according to
right across the peninsula. It appears beyond Megasthenes bore the club as Heracles from
the narrow belt of Dahana sands as the Wādī Thebes.42
Rumma (or Rima), which curves westwards As to the presumed presence of the
about latitude 26° as it passes through Nejd “Boeotians” in Arabia, it is important to
and leads easily into the Hejaz by the Wādī consult with another source – account of Pliny
Hamdh and its tributaries thus linking up the the Elder about the inner Arabian places
central Arabian towns both with the Red Sea and peoples (6. 157–159). Pliny mentions
and the head of Persian Gulf.”40 Graeca oppida Arethusa, Larisa, Chalcis,
The text of Agatharchides under discussion deleta variis bellis (6. 159). These places do
only seemingly connects Heracles with West not make part of Arabia, described by Pliny
Arabia: Heracles’ presence in Arabia cannot himself. They were introduced by Pliny with
be derived from it.41 The Δέβαι in this account reference to other writers (fuerunt) after he
identify themselves with those who came finishes description of the Transarabian way.43
from the places in Greece connected with Pliny refers to the names of the following real
Heracles as if they originated from Boeotia cities: ’Αρέθουσα in Macedonia, founded
and Peloponnesus themselves. This fragment by the emigrants from Chalcis in Euboia;
testifies not to the presence of Heracles in Λάρισα – center of Thessalia; Χαλκίς –
Arabia, but to the legendary connection city on the island of Euboia, lying in front
40. Mason, Sherwin-White, Hyamson 1987: 116–117.

41. Οἱ δὲ τὸν τόπον οἰκοῦντες τῆς μὲν ἐργασίας εἰσὶ τῆς τοιαύτης ἄπειροι, φιλόξενοι δὲ εἰς ὑπερβολὴν οὐ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις, ἀλλὰ τοῖς
ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου διεκβάλλουσι καὶ Βοιωτίας, διά τινα μυθικὴν ἀφ’ ῾Ηρακλέους ἱστορίαν [The inhabitants of this region are
unskilled in working this sort of metal. They are extremely hospital to strangers, not, however, to all men but to those who come from
the Peloponnesus and Boeotia because of some mythical tale about Heracles (Agath. De mari. 95 – translation from Burstein 1989:
157)].
42. τοῦτον τὸν ῾Ηρακλέα μάλιστα πρὸς Σουρασηνῶν γεραίρεσθαι, ‘Ινδικοῦ ἔθνεος, ἵνα δύο πόληες μεγάλαι, Μέθορά τε καὶ Κλεισόβορα·
καὶ ποταμὸς ᾿Ιωμάνης πλωτὸς διαρρεῖ τὴν χώρην αὐτῶν· τὴν σκευὴν δὲ οὗτος ὁ ῾Ηρακλέης ἥντινα ἐφόρεε Μεγασθένης λέγει ὅτι
ὁμοίην τῷ Θηβαίῳ ῾Ηρακλεῖ, ὡς αὐτοὶ ᾿Ινδοὶ ἀπηγέονται [This Heracles is chiefly honoured by the Surasenians, an Indian tribe, with
two great cities, Methora and Clisobora; the navigable river Iomanes flows through their country. Megasthenes says that the garb this
Heracles wore was like that of Theban Heracles by the account of the Indians themselves (Arr. Ind. 8. 6) – translation from Brunt 1996:
327–329].
43. Details see in: Bukharin 2007: 92–93.

of Boeotia. These “Greek” place-names 6. 159), which, if we follow F.Villeneuve’s logic,
could be compared with the following South must point to connections of the Greek deity
Arabian counterparts: Athena to South Arabia and to the wanderings
of Athena through Arabia. However, the way
Arethusa
of rendering of Semitic phonemes reveals
This Latin rendering of a local South Arabian neither real nor mythological connection of
name seems to consist of two parts: ar and these places with Greece.
ethusa. The first part is to be driven back to II. 3. 1. Greek deities, heroes and kings in
Ancient South Arabian (henceforth ASA) South Arabian ethnic and place-names
‘rr44, the second ethusa – to the name of the A number of other ethnic and place-names
mountain ’twtm (e.g. RES 4176/11). on the maps of South Arabia in the Naturalis
Historia of Pliny the Elder and Ptolemy’s
Larisa
“Geography” are directly connected with the
Considering this Latin rendering of a local names of Greek deities, heroes and kings.47
name, one should take into account that initial Unknown informant of Pliny reports in
Greek λ corresponds to ASA y in rendering his travel-guide:
of Arabian names.45 Then Larisa could be … Minaei. a rege Cretae Minoe, ut
compared with YRSM (e.g. Ja 616/22, Ry existimant, originem trahentes, quorum
538/4–5) or with Yrś (CIH 621/3). Carmei. oppidum XIV p. Maribba,
Paramalacum, et ipsum non spernendum,
Chalcis
item Canon. Rhadamaei – et horum origo
The identification of Chalcis with local names Rhadamanthus putatur, frater Minois […]
is problematic. It could be related to the name (Plin. NH. 6. 157–158).
Ḥlzwm (in Radmān).46 Here, he relates the name of Minaei
There are at least two names in this (Ma‘īn) to the name of Minos – legendary
account, whose Latin writing is perfectly king of Crete – and that of Rhadamaei 48 with
connected with real Boeotia. Let us not forget his brother Rhadamanthus (‘Ραδάμανθυς) –
about oppidum Athenae (= ‘Aden; Plin. NH. son of Zeus and Europe, who became one of
44. “Mountain”, “citadel”, “hill-town” (SD: 20). E.g.: Lysanitae (Plin. 6. 158) < YZ’N and places from the map of Arabia Felix by Ptolemy:
Λέες (49) < Yafī‘ > portus Laupas (Plin. NH. 6. 151); Λαθρίππα (207) < YṮRB, Λαβρίς (229) < YBRN < Yabrīn / Jabrīn, Λαχερή
(264) < YḤR; Λατέα / Λάθθα (230 and 234) < YṮL. The number of place-names are given according to Humbach, Ziegler 1998, 2002;
Stückelberger, Graßhoff 2006.
46. Alsekaf 1985: 270; al-Sheiba: 25.
47. Ptolemy gives several such names describing the African shore of the central part of the Red Sea (4. 7. 5–6) too: Διοσκόρων λιμήν,
Δήμητρος σκοπιᾶς (ἢ σκοπιὰς) ἄκρα, Σατύρων ὄρος, Θεῶν σωτήρων λιμήν. Perhaps some more names of the Greek deities and
heroes (some Egyptian deities are also mentioned) can be found in other sources. It is important to emphasize for our purpose that
none of them, far better attested, gave its name to any part of the Red Sea.
48. The ASA name Rhadamaei is possibly derived from the name of dhū-Radam from Bayt Radam to the Southwest from Ṣan‘ā’; for more
information see: Bukharin 2007: 82.

the judges in the subterranean world. Pliny’s legend about Heracles appeared in the
informant incorporates these two peoples in account of Agatharchides in the very same
the history of the Greek world, as was the case way of semantic likelihood, pointed out by
in India with Megasthenes, Mesopotamia the Greek author himself: pronunciation
with Berossos and Egypt with Hekataios (without any contamination!) of a local
from Abdera through deriving ethnic names Arabian place-name was similar to that of the
from the names of Greek deities or kings with Greek place-name, connected in the Greek
similar pronunciation.49 tradition with certain god or hero. These
Other names on the Southern and Eastern examples demonstrate that neither Heracles
shore of Arabia on the map of Ptolemy nor Apollo, Artemis or any other above
represent another way of Interpraetatio mentioned Greek mythological personalities
Graeca: were connected with Arabia in the Greek
Δίδυμα ὄρη (80 in 6. 7. 11)50 = Jabal mythology. A connection was set in the
al- Qarā’. The name of Δίδυμα ὄρη is opposite direction: similarly sounding ethnic
semantically connected with the fact that and geographic names or similarly looking
mountains Jabal al-Qarā’ are covered with landscapes were connected with the Greek
frankincense trees and this has produced an places (Baṭīn – Boeotia – Heracles; Qarā’
association with laurel trees in real Didymae – Didymae – Apollo; ῎Αβισσα – Ephesos –
in Ionian Asia Minor, where the temple of Artemis) – central for certain legends.
Apollo was situated. There existed also a different kind of the
Μαντεῖον ᾿Αρτέμιδος (82 in 6. 7. 11) = name-giving, when the Greek names that
Šuwayr (19°30’02”N; 57°43’00”E). Artemis sounded like the names of gods and heroes,
was Apollo’s sister. Though Artemis, in were born following the rules of Semitic
contrast with Apollo, was not goddess- phonetics without any semantic influence:
soothsayer51, meaning of arab. Šuwayr is Athenae (Plin. NH. 6. 159) < ‘Aden (with
identical to the Greek μαντεῖον.52 spirantisation d > *ḏ > th).
Information about the special connection Δαιμόνων [νῆσος] (277 in 6. 7. 43) =
of some inhabitants of West Arabia with νῆσοι Ἀλαλαίου λεγόμεναι (Peripl.M.Rubr.
Boeotia and Peloponnesus due to a certain 4. 2: 13–14) = insulae quae Aliaeu vocantur
49. For details see: Bukharin 2000: 88–100.

50. For the sake of space previous identifications are not discussed here.
51. ῎Αρτεμις μὲν οὖν τὰ περὶ θήραν ἀσκήσασα παρθένος ἔμεινεν, ᾿Απόλλων δὲ τὴν μαντικὴν μαθὼν παρὰ Πανὸς τοῦ Διὸς καὶ Ὕβρεως
ἧκεν εἰς Δελφούς, χρησμῳδούσης τότε Θέμιδος [Now Artemis devoted herself to the chase and remained a maid; but Apollo learned
the art of prophecy from Pan, the son of Zeus and Hybris, and came to Delphi, where Themis at that time used to deliver oracles
(Apollod. 1. 4. 1) – translation from Frazer 1995: 27].
52. Cf.: šār – “he exhibited or displayed”, šāwara – “he consulted”, ’ašāra – “he made sign”, tašawarū – “they consulted one another”,
mašwara – “consultation”, ’išāra – “indication”, šāra – sign, symbol (Lane 1968: 1616–1618).

(Plin. NH. 6. 173) = insulae Alaea (Plin. NH. ASA place-name Διοσκορίδους consists of
6. 150) = Ἐλαία (Strabo. 16. 4. 8) = Huwākil two parts: διο + σκορίδους. The first part
and Baka. All these ancient names come from reflects ASA relative pronoun ḏū, the second
’l (“god”), plur. – ’l’lt and Δαιμόνων is its – the name Śakrad itself. Some other East
translation into Greek. According to Periplus Arabian place-names by Ptolemy and Pliny
Maris Erythraei, the island of Ἀλαλαίου is the Elder also contain such additional vowel
located to the south of Adulis53 and thus can that seems to render interdental character
be identified with Huwākil and Baka. These of the preceding consonant: Θιαλήμαθ
two islands seem to correspond to the islands (Θιάληλλα) (69; 6. 7. 10) < ASA TLMYṮ
of Bachhias and Antibacchias (Plin. NH. 6. < Greek Πτολεμαΐς (Ṣalāla), Τιάγαρ (223;
173) / Βάκχου καὶ Ἀντιβάκχου (Ptol. Geogr. 6. 7. 34) < Fujayra (with interchange f/ṯ),
IV. 7. 38). The local name Baka is reminiscent Suelleni (Plin. NH. 6. 157) < Ṯu‘al. The name
of Latin Bacchus, which accompanied with of Σύαγρος < Rās Sāğir (4; 6. 7. 1) also seems
Huwākil / Antibacchias, could be compared to belong to such names.
with the Greek Δαιμόνων. Σαραπιάδος (293 in 6. 7. 46) <
Διοσκορίδους πόλις (288 in 6. 7. 45) < Maṣīra.56
ASA *ḏū-Śakrad. F.Villeneuve and his co- ᾿Ιχάρα (295 in 6. 7. 47) = Icarum (Plin.
authors explain appearance of this name NH. 6. 147) = ῎Ικαρος (Arr. Anab. 7. 20. 5;
by referencing Chr. Robin’s opinion about Strabo. 14. 1. 6, 16. 3. 2; Dion. Per. 608ff) <
the name of Διοσκορίδους (πόλις) as being Faylaka (?). The origin of this place-name is
“resultat d’interprétation-hellénisation still obscure. One may suppose that the Greek
mythologisante.”54 However, Διοσκορίδους ῎Ικαρος was not only identical to modern
(πόλις) comes from the name that was Faylaka geographically, but that ῎Ικαρος was
not contaminated. Διοσκορίδους (πόλις) Greek rendering of this local name. Some
on Ptolemy’s map of South Arabia (288; linguistic peculiarities must be taken then
6. 7. 45) [= Dioscuridu (Plin. NH. 6. 153; into consideration for analysis of possible
Peripl.M.Rubr. 30: 10. 3)] comes from ASA transition ᾿Ιχάρα < Faylaka: pronunciation
*Ḏ-ŚKRD55. The Greek rendering of a local of f like w; liquid character of laryngeals and
53. Πρόκεινται δὲ τοῦ ἐμπορίου καὶ κατὰ πέλαγος ἐκ δεξιῶν ἄλλαι νῆσοι μικραὶ ἄμμιναι πλείονες, Ἀλαλαίου λεγόμεναι [...] [In front
of the port of trade, that is, towards the open sea, on the right are a number of other islands, small and sandy, called Alalaiu [...]
(Peripl.M.Rubr. 4. 2: 13–14) – translation from Casson 1989: 53].
55. About this name see also: Müller 1978: 714.
56. The name ᾿Αμμωνίου ἀκρωτήριον (50 in 6. 7. 9) is not connected with the name of another Egyptian god Ammon. This as well other
related Greek and Latin ethnic and place-names – flumen Amnum (Plιn. NH. 6. 151) and Ammoni (Plin. NH. 6. 159) – were possibly
derived from the ASA ethnic name ‘MN (Ma‘īn 93(A)/28–29 (Gl 1240)).

their interchange with semi vocals w and y, handful of testimonies relating to a cult of
often rendered into Greek through π57, as Heracles in the South of Arabian peninsula.”62
well as interchange l > r, traceable in other These testimonies as indicated in the footnote
cases on Ptolemy’s map too58: flk > *wlḵ 107 of Villeneuve, Phillips, Facey 2004, are:
> *‘ḵr > ᾿Ιχάρα. Here interchange l > r is “petit relief d’Héraclès trouvé à Shabwa”
also accompanied with transposition of the and “un seul image d’Héraclès” from Qaryat
consonants. al-Fāw. These two objects come from places
The Greek gods venerated in the southern very remote from the coast of the Red Sea
part of Red Sea were Zeus, Ares, Poseidon.59 and they are not connected with Heracles’
The unknown Aksumite king – author of mythological presence (still unproven!)
MA-II makes offerings to these gods for in the Red Sea. One would be required to
the safe return of his army to Adulis from prove that the Classical tradition did connect
Arabian campaign (RIÉ 277/40, 43). Ares Heracles’ wanderings with the Southern Red
is traditionally compared with the Aksumite Sea, and only then to be able to use indirect
god Maḥrem. Whether Zeus and Poseidon sources suggested by F.Villeneuve. The
are simply Greek names of local deities or images mentioned by F.Villeneuve do not
they were incorporated into the Aksumite provide evidence of any cult or any trace of
pantheon as such remains speculative at this Heracles’ mythological presence in Arabia
time. However, none of these gods gave the in the Classical tradition. They must have
name to the Southern Red Sea.60 According been brought by the merchants from Roman
to Strabo, Heracles was venerated in Meroe.61 Egypt or from other parts of the Roman
However, Meroe lied quite far from the shore world, which came with their caravans for
to give a name to any part of the Red Sea. incenses to the capital of Ḥaḍramawt and/or
II. 4. “Handful of testimonies” relating to were in Central Arabia on the way to/from
the cult of Heracles in Arabia East Arabia. They reflect personal religious
F.Villeneuve states that I “forgot a preferences of the traders and have nothing
57. Cf. also Πολυβίου (278 in 6. 7. 43) < Halba (through *walba); *saphearina (ẒFR) ~ š‘r (Plin. NH. 6. 158). Here, as Pliny reports, the
name of the capital of Ḥimyar (ẒFR) was heard in the same way as the word for “barley” (ASA š‘r), i.e. ‘ was heard as *ph.
Even the name Caripeta, given by Pliny the Elder as the place of the deepest penetration of the army of Aelius Gallus in Arabia (VI.
160) can be regarded in this very context. It seems to have rendered the ASA name QRYT, modern Qaryat al-Fāw, where *y was also
rendered into Latin through p with interchange y/w. In the same way the name of the god SYN was rendered into Latin as Sabin (Plin.
NH. 12. 63) or Assabin in 12. 89 with b for y.
58. ῾Ραυνάθου κώμη (11 in 6. 7. 3) < *labanāt (Leuke Kome); Βανούβαροι (17 in 6. 7. 4) < Banū Ballī (?); Κρυπτὸς λιμήν (85 in 6. 7. 12)
< Kalba; ῎Αῤῥη (191 in 6. 7. 30) < Ḥā’il; Arabic salīḫa > Latin serichatum (Plin. NH. 12. 99).
59. Perhaps the name of Ποσείδιον ἄκρον (43 in 6. 7. 8), identified with Rās al-‘Āra is connected with the name of Poseidon.
60. There was a Pontarches (Lord of Pontus) in Classical mythology, as such Achileus, not Heracles, was considered in Northern Black Sea
region (see contributions in: Hupe 2006, passim).
61. οἱ δ’ ἐν Μερόῃ καὶ ῾Ηρακλέα καὶ Πᾶνα καὶ ῏Ισιν σέβονται πρὸς ἄλλῳ τινὶ βαρβαρικῷ θεῷ [The inhabitants of Meroê worship
Heracles, Pan, and Isis, in addition to some other, barbaric, god (17. 2. 3) – translation from Jones 1996: 147].
62. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 293.

in common with Arabia in the Classical that Romans have misheard the Greek
tradition. Moreover, F.Villeneuve admits that name so that it was heavily distorted. But
the find from Qaryat al-Fāw is not isolate, why should Romans on the Farasān islands
images of some more Greco-Egyptian deities resort to Ptolemy’s information (the name of
have been found there. Why shall we take the ἱεράκων-islands is known already in Strabo’s
only single image of Heracles from the Qaryat “Geography”66) without any special reason
al-Fāw, lying so far away from the shore of and call the Southern part of the Red Sea
the Red Sea63, in order to support “phonetic after the distorted islands’ name, especially
contamination”? if they knew and kept the local name of the
II. 5. “Phonetic contaminations” archipelago in their dedication?
F.Villeneuve argues that I did not Romans had to have then a serious
understand a possible phonetic contamination ground to apprehend the name Ἱεράκων as
Hierakon > * Herakleion . 64 The name *ἡρακλείων, i.e. they had to find any sign of
Ἱεράκων, in F.Villeneuve’s opinion, had to Heracles’ presence on the Farasān islands,
be misheard as ἡρακλείων and understood as as was the case with Alexander’s search for
reflective of the presence of Heracles in that Heracles’ and Dionysos’ presence in India.
region, which could give birth to the name Romans from the Farasān archipelago
*Pontus Herculis. The objection raised against could not simply mishear or misunderstand
these arguments is connected to the absence the name: they had to learn the distorted
of any reasons of this “contamination.”65 name “at home” and only then they must
F.Villeneuve does not explain why the name have misinterpreted it. Since there is neither
of Ἱεράκων was and had to be contaminated. connection of the name Ἱεράκων with
Those, who could contaminate it, were not Heracles67, nor that of Heracles to Arabia
Strabo’s and Ptolemy’s informants, who have in Classical tradition in general (see above),
perfectly understood and translated the local there could not be any contamination in a way
name of the Farasān islands. It remains then suggested by F.Villeneuve.
that this name must have been contaminated Reference to Ἱεράκων κώμη – “Falcons’
by the Romans themselves on the Farasān village” on Ptolemy’s map of Arabia Felix
islands. F.Villeneuve would assume then (231; 6. 7. 36) – was given in Bukharin 2005–
63. One could add to this “handful of testimonies” a bronze Eastern Arabian coin with image of Heracles on the avers found in Ḫawr Rūrī
(ancient Samārum) in Dhofār in 2003 (for publication see: Sedov 2005–2006: 237–241).
64. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 292.
65. The information of Ptolemy about ‘Ιεράκων islands must in this case predate the Latin inscription from Farasān. This is not impossible,
but needs to be proven.
66. τῶν δὲ νήσων τινὲς τρεῖς ἐφεξῆς κεῖνται, ἡ μὲν χελωνῶν ἡ δὲ φωκῶν ἡ δ’ ἱεράκων λεγομένη (16. 4. 14); the island ἡ χελωνῶν is identical
with Insulae Chelonitis (Plin. NH. 6. 151).
67. Hence is the reason of reference to the falcon (ἱέραξ) as not being a symbol of Heracles (Bukharin 2005–2006: 136), naturally, absent
in publication of F.Villeneuve and his co-authors.

2006 in order to show that, if F.Villeneuve name for ASA ĠSN on appearance of the
wishes “phonetic contamination” to work name of Jīzān (ĠSN > Κασσανίται > Jīzān)
in case of Farasān islands, it must then work is incorrect: the name Jīzān is attested in ASA
in other cases, at least on the same map. If as G’ZN71. If the local population wanted
the name of Ἱεράκων islands points to the to produce this place-name from ĠSN, it
presence of Hercales, why Ἱεράκων village would not need Greek intermediary. Second,
cannot? Why should not we look for any trace the rendering of the Greek κ as g in ASA
of Heracles’ presence in the East of Arabia? borrowings, as well as the rendering of the
If F.Villeneuve finds in the name Ἱεράκων local South Arabian place-names with initial
a key68 for appearance of “mer d’Hercule”, ASA ġ as κ into the Greek seems not to be
shall we then expect Heracles’ presence in attested. The only region, where the local
Ἱεράκων κώμη in East Arabia? place-names with initial g were rendered into
F.Villeneuve and his co-authors use the Greek with κ, is Southern Ḥijāz. Two
other “phonetic contaminations” to support following examples from Ptolemy’s map of
identifications of ethnic and place-names. Arabia Felix demonstrate this process:
They bring together the names of “Gāzān” Κόπαρ κώμη (20 in 6. 7. 5)72 = al-Jār. The
with Kassanitai / Casani / Kasandroi of Ḥijāzi dialect knew pronunciation of g as q73,
Classical sources.69 These ethnic names reflect consequently reflected in Greek as κ, while
ASA ĠSN / arab. Ġassān. The interchange π (Latin p) often reflects Semitic w74: Jār <
of consonants in Semitic languages is a well *Gawar > *Qawar > Κόπαρ. This kind of
known phenomenon: a certain consonant in shortening (Κόπαρ – Jār) can be illustrated
certain words in any Semitic language can on another example from Ptolemy’s map of
find its correspondence in another language Arabia: Ζύγαινα (276; 6. 7. 43) < Suakin
in another kindred phoneme. However, one (Sawākin) > beḍawyεt u-Sok.75
cannot justify a transition Ġassān > Jīzān Κέντος κώμη (23 in 6. 7. 5)76 = Judda,
from a linguistic point of view.70 according to local dialectal pronunciation –
Reference to the influence of the Greek Jidda (21°32’47”N; 39°09’50”E). The above
68. “[...]se pourrait-il que ‘ιεράκων ait été déformé en ἡρακλείων, ce qui donnerait une clé pour la mer d’Hercule” (Villeneuve, Phillips,
Facey 2004: 161).
69. Villeneuve, Phillips, Facey 2004: 144, n. 4, 159, n. 78.
Concerning this footnote of F.Villeneuve and his co-authors (p. 144, n. 4), I would also like to point out that Athrida oppidum of
Pliny the Elder (6. 159) in no way can be connected with the name of ‘Aththar; it corresponds to ASA place-name ’ṯrt. See for details:
Bukharin 2007: 89.
71. Publication of the relevant inscription see in ‘Abdallāh 2004: 2–5 (this reference is kindly given by Professor W.W. Müller, Marburg).
72. For the sake of space earlier identifications are not discussed here.
73. Kofler 1940: 115; Rabin 1951: 125–126.
74. Ναπηγοῦς (36; 6. 7. 7) < Mawšij; Θαπαύα (173; 6. 7. 27) < Tawba; ῎Ασπα also rendered as ῎Αππα (224; 6. 7. 34) < Nazwa; Capeus
(Plin. NH. 6. 147) < Kuwayt; Paramalacum <W‘RM (Plin. NH. 6. 157); Pallon (Plin. NH. 6. 159) < ASA W‘LN
75. Hofheinz 1998: 91.
76. Earlier quite numerous identifications are neither discussed.

pointed out Ḥijāzi dialectal pronunciation of III. 1. Dedicatio in the Roman law
g as q, consequently reflected in Greek as κ, as An inscription under discussion is a
well as a dissimilation dd > nd > ντ needs to dedication. Dedication was not a simple
be taken into consideration: Κέντος < *qnd action of offering – each dedicatio was a
< √GDD > Judda77. legal category. Precise understanding of the
F.Villeneuve wishes the following chain meaning of dedicatio from the point of view
to work ASA ġ > Greek κ > Arabic j. Even of Roman law allows proper understanding
if one presumes appearance of the name of the text of Latin dedication from the Farasān
Jīzān from the ASA name ĠSN (not from islands. At least necessity of presence of the
G’ZN), corrupted through Greek, this would pontiff during the dedication can be clearly
contradict to the rules of correspondence of seen from the fact that each dedicatio or
South Arabian consonants with the Greek consecratio had to be accompanied by
phonemes. supervision of a pontiff:80
F.Villeneuve and his co-authors use “Dedicatio ist technische Bezeichnung
dubious phonetic resemblances further on: des Actes, durch welchen sich jemand
Κιναιδοκολπῖται are connected with Kināna des Eigentums an einer beweglichen oder
and regio Canauna of Pliny the Elder (6. unbeweglichen Sache zu Gunsten der
150).78 There is no evidence, except for a Gottheit entäußert... Sie erfolgt durch
vaguely defined common territory, to prove ausdrückliche Willenserklärung, die außer
any connection between Κιναιδοκολπῖται dem Empfänger insbesondere den Geber, die
and Canauna / Kināna. F.Villeneuve neither Gabe und den Anlaß oder sonstige nähere
explains the disappearance of δ in equation Umstände der Weihung namhaft macht...
of Κιναιδοκολπῖται with Canauna / Kināna, und zur Beurkundung des Thatbestandes
nor provides any correlation of the names inschriftlich auf dem geweihten Gegenstande
of Canauna and Κιναιδοκολπῖται. Rather, angebracht zu werden pflegt”.81
these Κιναιδοκολπῖται can be connected As to the accomplishment of dedicatio,
with Kinda.79 “der Dedicationsact [here dedication of the
III. PONT HERCVL = pontifex Herculis, temple is given as example – M.B.] geht in
not pons or pontus Herculis der Weise vor sich, dass der vollziehende
77. For dissimilation cf. also gandal < *gndl < *gddl < √GDL; ASA MDBN (Ry 507/10; Ry 508/8; Ja 1028/4,8) > arab. al-Mandab.
78. “Leur nom est attesté comme tel…; en autre Pline, VI, 150…” (Villeneuve, Phillips, Facey 2004: 154, n. 52); “Kināna (Kinaidokolpitai
chez Ptolémé sans doute)…” (Villeneuve, Phillips, Facey 2004: 159, n. 78).
79. For details see: Bukharin 2009: 64-80, Bukharin 2010: 124. Cf.: “This bizarre appellation seems to denominate dwellers along the gulf
who were either perverts (if the Greek to understood literally) or adherents of Kinda, now known to be centered in Qaryat al-Fāw. It
is now time to ask whether the Kindite empire embraced parts of north-west Arabia after the decline of the Nabataeans” (Bowersock
1996: 563).
80. Szemler 1978: 359.
81. Wissowa 1901: 2356.

Magistrat in der Thür des Tempels stehend Traiana, it is quite natural to see pontifex
und mit beiden Händen die Thürpfosten Herculis presiding over such an achievement
anfassend[...] laut und deutlich ausspricht, as dedication after the establishment of a
wobei ihm einer der Pontifices, meist der port.
Pontifex maximus, die Formel vorspricht[...] The lines 6–7 of the text in question
und die Gesten vormacht[...] Seine Mitwirkung – q(ue) sub praef(ecto) Ferresani portus/
ist die eines sachverständigen Beirates, da et pont(ifice) Hercul(is) – must be read
sich die Aufzeichnung der Formeln und and understood to mean that both the
Ceremonien, deren genaue Beobachtung für prefect of the port and a pontiff of Hercules
die rechtliche Wirksamkeit der Handlung accomplished a dedication on the Farasān
unerläßlich ist, im Archiv der Pontifices islands.
befindet.”82 III. 2. Abbreviations PONT, MAXIM,
Pontiff neither carried out the dedication Q
itself, nor received or offered anything in the F.Villeneuve finds PONT to be an
name of deity. Pontiffs observed accuracy of unusual abbreviating PONTI / PONTIS >
the procedure, which followed the formula PONT and wishes to justify such type of
magistratus per pontificem dedicat (Cicero. abbreviations with the following reference:
De domo sua . 120, 122). They made by “the use of abreviations in this inscription
pronouncing sacred formulas the act of is quite fanciful, with MAXIM, line 3, used
dedication valid from religious and legal for abreviating maximo, and – see our new
points of view.83 reading supra – Q, line 6, for abreviating
To sum up, two persons were needed to –que ! ”.84
carry out a dedicatio: an authorized magistrate • PONT < PONTI
and a pontiff. It makes the only interpretation Contrary to F.Villeneuve’s argument,
of the inscription in question possible: there the abbreviation PONT for PONTI is not
must have been two persons on the Farasān unusual. Rather, it is unusual to abbreviate
islands responsible for the dedication – an PONTI (or other cases of pontus) as PONT
authorized magistrate (praefectus portus) meaning “sea.” Such cases seem to be not
and a pontifex (Herculis). Since Hercules attested.
was a patron and protector of the legio II Besides pontifex and its derivatives the
82. Wissowa 1901: 2358.

83. Wissowa 1901: 2358. See Cicero’s admission of his ignorance in pontiffs’ practices during the dedications: Nihil loquor de pontificio
iure, nihil de ipsius verbis dedicationis, nihil de religione, caerimoniis; non dissimulo me nescire ea quae, etiam si scirem, dissimularem,
ne aliis molestus, vobis etiam curiosus viderer; etsi effluunt multa ex vestra disciplina quae etiam ad nostras auris saepe permanant
[I say nothing about the prerogatives of pontiffs, or the forms of the actual ceremony of dedication, or of sanctity, and all the ritual
attached to it; I will not attempt to hide my ignorance of all this; indeed even were I not ignorant, I should conceal my knowledge, lest
I should seem to others pedantic, and to you even interfering; though it is true that there are many details of your lore, that often leak
out, and even penetrate in our ears (De domo sua. 121) – translation from Watts 1993: 277].
84. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 294, n. 22. Villeneuve’s spelling is retained.

abbreviation PONT occurs for several names “fanciful,” as F.Villeneuve finds them, they
and for pons (“bridge”). There are besides perfectly correspond to the standards of Latin
them proper-names and place-names, such epigraphy.
as PONTUS, PONTIUS, PONTIDIUS, III. 3. Pontus (“sea”) in Latin
PONTICUS, PONTIANUS, PONTUS inscriptions
(name of the province), PONTICUS, F.Villeneuve seeks for an explanation of
PONTICLANUS/ PONTICULANUS, reading PONT as ponti (genitive for pontus)
PONTIA.85 and finds “at least one comparable example,
The abbreviation PONT for the derivatives even for an inner sea: it is Pontus Euxinus (the
of pons also occurs in the inscriptions.86 PONT Black Sea)”.90 There are, however, some more
as the abbreviation of the derivate of pons in similar cases: πόντος ’Ικάριος, known from
the place names (Pons Augusti) occurs in a Homer (Il. 2. 145), or πόντος Αἱγαῖος (Herod.
single inscription CIL III 1351 = CIL III 7853 II. 97), but they all come from literary sources.
= ILS 1860 from Vetel / Micia (Dacia). Pontus Euxinus (Axinus) is not attested Latin
• MAXIM < MAXIMO inscriptions at all. These examples, however,
Abbreviation MAXIM < MAXIMO cannot be compared with PONT HERCVL
seems “quite fanciful” in “this inscription” from the Farasān inscription.
to F.Villeneuve. However, there are In the Latin literature of the late 2nd–3rd
other examples of such abbreviation. 87 centuries A.D., Greek πόντος was usually
More frequent are cases of MAXIM < rendered through mare: e.g. Aegaeo mari
MAXIMI.88 in Liber Memorialis of Lucius Ampelius
• Q < –QUE (7. 4); see also reference to the Black Sea
Abbreviation Q < –QUE continuing a as [mare] Ponticum (7. 5). Moreover, what
preceding line at the beginning of the next F.Villeneuve considers pontus Herculis to be
one is not an exception either. It is attested would make only a part (and a smaller part!)
in a number of other texts.89 So, abbreviations of mare Rubrum (or sinus Arabicus). We
in the dedication from Farasān are not should conclude then with F.Villeneuve that
85. For the sake of space references to the abbreviations in the inscriptions are omitted; see also relevant articles in PLRE for the period
260–641 A.D.
86. See e.g.: CIL II 4870; CIL III 4638; CIL III 4639 = CIL III 11343 = RIU-01, 0252; CIL III 4651 = AEA 2005, +00050; CIL III 5981 =
CIL III 11979; CIL IX 6011 = CIL IX 6078, 002 = CIL XI 6675, 2; CIL XIII 9072; CIL XIII 9068; AÉ 1996, 1247 etc. Here and below
references to places of provenance of the inscriptions are normally omitted for the sake of space.
87.E.g.: CIL VIII 22279, IRT 00927, AÉ 1937, 00062, CIL VI 10286 = CIL VI 10287 = AÉ 1938, 00066.
88. ILAlg-01, 02092; ILAlg-02-03, 08799, CIL VI 40621 = CIL VI 36970; CIL VI 0091 = ILS 00153, CIL VIII 25484; CIL VIII 9228; CIL
VIII 7973 = ILAlg-02-01, 00020; CIL X 6001; CIL XI 3083 = ILS 05373 etc.
89. AÉ 1954, 00142; AÉ 1966, 00025; AÉ 1988, 00204; CIL II-V, 1022 = CIL II 5439 = CIL II 5439a = CIL I 0594; CIL III 9623; CIL III
14292; CIL VI 1741; = ILS 01243; CIL VI 8746; CIL VI 13649; CIL VI 14186; CIL VI 18378 = ILS 8022; CIL VI 37200; CIL VIII
09052; CIL VIII 13134; CIL XII 2116; IPOstie-A, 00113; SupIt-09-A, 00034 = EAOR-03, 00047.
90. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 294.

pontus / πόντος means a part of mare or sinus, This corresponds to one of the foundations of
from the one side and a part of θάλασσα in Latin epigraphy – the nature of abbreviations:
Greek from the other. only a common, well known term that
The only comparable title with the required no further explanation and could
presumed praefectus ponti would be be easily understood in a correct way in
στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ τῆς [Ἐρυθρᾶς καὶ Ἰνδικ]ῆς abbreviated form could be abbreviated. Rare
θαλάσσης (Philae 52 – 62 B.C., SB V. 8036 and/or unusual words were written in full in
from Coptos). Though the dating of this order to avoid confusions. Abbreviations
inscription varies (it was dated 110/109, 74/73 followed very particular standards. That is
and 45/44 A.D.91), it comes from the Ptolemaic why Pontus as a proper name or a name of
times. However, if this presumed praefectus the province could be abbreviated and pontus
ponti were a continuation of στρατηγὸς τῆς as “poetic” or/and “Hellenizing” notion for
θαλάσσης (not πόντου!), it would appear as “sea” could not.
praefectus maris. In order to support his view, F.Villeneuve
F.Villeneuve proceeds to support his view would also require demonstrating that πόντος
with references that “poetic and Hellenizing was ever used in the Greek and pontus in the
use” of pontus instead of mare is to be Latin traditions in connection to Heracles’
explained through a mythological origin of Labours. As one can see, the texts quoted
the presumed pontus Herculis (p. 294, n. above in II. 1–3 used θάλασσα and πέλαγος92.
21). One may ask then: is πόντος taken from
Pontus as the “sea” occurs in AÉ 1989, another, non-Heraclean, poetic tradition
00091 (P]ontus), CIL II 4596 = AÉ 1995, and set in connection to Heracles? Then,
00976 ( po[ntum magnum]), CIL X 7583 F.Villeneuve would need to explain why a
and CIL X 7584 (also p. 792) = ILS 01359 dedication from the Farasān islands would be
(Pontum Mediterr[ane]um) and in CIL XIV the only such text – with pontus in connection
3565. In contrast with numerous cases of with “sea” and Heracles – not at all poetic in
using mare for “sea,” the use of pontus in this its nature and not at all Hellenizing.
sense is very limited. An important difference Such dedications, as the inscription in
between this very limited use of pontus and question, reflect not private but public legal
the use of PONT presumed by F.Villeneuve action, undertaken by the officials. “Poetic”
in a sense of “sea” is that pontus for “sea” tradition could apply to funerals (epitaphs)
was NEVER used in an abbreviated form. and some other kinds of inscriptions, but not
91. For details about the dating see: Sidebotham 1986: 8–11, Casson 1989: 224.
92. See also references to the Southern part of the Red Sea in the “Periplus of the Erythraean Sea” as πέλαγος (ἐν κόλπῳ τῷ τελευταιοτάτῳ
τῶν εὐωνύμων τούτου τοῦ πελάγους (21: 7. 18–19) and to the “Indian sea” as θάλαττα and πέλαγος in: Cosm. Ind. 2. 29, 2. 45–46, 2. 81,
3. 65 etc.

to legal documents. Moreover, if Romans forgets that we also mentioned a hypothesis
wanted to Hellenize place-names, they would connected with a 2 nd Legion Traiana ’s
not use Ferresanum – Latin transliteration special devotion to Hercules.”93 In fact, this
of a local name – and instead would use was referenced at the very beginning of my
its Greek (Hellenized) translation, e.g. publicaton: “This supposition bases on three
*Hieracon. F.Villeneuve wishes Romans to arguments: military cult of Heracles in the
Hellenize only presumed *pontus Herculis legion, stationed on the Farasān islands…
and leave Ferresanum (in Greek ἱεράκων), ”93 Moreover, I consider this fact as very
which in its “contaminated” form gave the important for the possibility to read PONT
key for appearance of “Hellenized” pontus HERCVL as pontifex Herculis.95
Herculis, in its non-Hellenized form rendered In the very beginning of his publication,
in Latin. Moreover, Herculis – the second F.Villeneuve ascribes arguments to me that
part of “pontus Herculis” remains neither I never made either in Arabia or in any
Hellenized. This would break any logic in the other publication: “MB writes that the man
inscription. honoured in this text [inscription from Formia
So, an abbreviation PONT < PONTI – M.B.], who was a consularis of Bithynia,
is not as unusual as F.Villeneuve thinks. then of Campania, was a “former consul
However, it is not attested in the sense of of two provinces.” 96 Then, F.Villeneuve
“sea”. MAXIM for MAXIMO and Q for – explains how this could not be possible. The
QUE are neither “fanciful”, since they are fact remains though: I have never published
(as well as MAXIM < MAXIMI) perfectly anything similar. Instead, an inscription from
attested in Latin inscriptions. The Latin Formia was cited but was not accompanied by
text from the Farasān islands fits well with any comments.97 F.Villeneuve (p. 295) makes
the standards of Latin epigraphy, including references to a quotation of an inscription
the use of abbreviations. To that end, the from Cuicul in Numidia (referred to in n. 29
so-called peculiarities are in fact normal for as AÉ 1914, p. 236) in Bukharin 2005–2006
Latin epigraphy and do not support reading and to an idea of “priest of Hercules” put
PONT as PONTI or PONTIS. forward “without any proof.” Yet again, no
III. 4. Pontiffs of single deities in Latin such quotes or arguments were made in my
and Greek inscriptions; pontiffs without article.
cursus honorum and city-names F.Villeneuve accuses me in not following
F.Villeneuve states: “he [me – M.B.]
93. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 293.

94. Bukharin 2005–2006: 135.
95. Bukharin 2005–2006: 136.
96. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 291.
97. Bukharin 2005–2006: 137.

the only possible scholarly way (p. 293), of one might point out that the pontiffs of
not having read the note 41 (p. 294, n. 23)98, Hercules are attested in the inscriptions.100
where an interpretation that I find correct was One meets a pontiff of Hercules without any
“firmly discarded,” and of being unfamiliar cursus honorum who bore, however, at the
with Roman history and institutions (p. same time an additional function of rector
294). F.Villeneuve states: “Briefly, there decuriae Herculeae. Here is an example
are no pontifices of a particular deity” (p. of sacerdotes municipales in a well known
294). Then, F.Villeneuve discards an idea publication that refers to pontiffs of single
of pontiffs of particular deities existing deities:
before the Tetrarchy: “It must be definitely “Die häufigste Bezeichnung munizipaler
dismissed for the pontiffs in Rome before the Priester ist S[acerdos][...] Sie waren jedoch
Tetrarchy” (p. 295). F.Villeneuve refers to the nur Priester einzelner Gottheiten, deren
“colonial” pontiffs. However, F.Villeneuve Namen oft hinzugefügt werden[...]101Die
finds that if a Roman “colonial” pontiff was flamines gehören dem Kaiserkulte an[...]
mentioned in any inscription, this would So finden wir in Gallien den Kult einzelner
have been accompanied with a city-name Götter von flamines versehen. Auch pontifices
and cursus honorum: “Since there is no city- finden wir mit dem Kulte einzelner Götter
name and no cursus honorum in the Farasān beauftragt, so den p. Flavialis (CIL VI
inscription, the prefect cannot be a pontifex” 1690f), den p. Palatualis (CIL VIII 10500,
(p. 295). In the previous explanation of the XI 5021) und den p. Herculis (CIL VI
reasons why being a priest (pontiff) of a single 30893)[...] Im Kaiserkult findet sich die
deity was not possible, F.Villeneuve says that Bezeichnung sacerdos fast nur für die
such a prefect could administer religious Priesterinnen[...] Für Priester gibt es neben
functions.99 F.Villeneuve states that “pontiffs flamen noch die Bezeichnung pontifex[...] Die
were generally, one might almost say “always” Munizipalpriester scheinen ihr Amt nicht, wie
pontiffs, no more” and asks: “What about real die römischen, auf Lebenszeit, sondern nur
occurrences of pontiffs of a deity?” (p. 295). auf ein Jahr bekommen zu haben[...]”.102
• Pontiffs of single deities in Latin literature Pontiffs of single deities are known from
and inscriptions Latin inscriptions dated at least from the
Answering the question of F.Villeneuve, beginning of the 2 century A.D. onwards: one
98. I draw F.Villeneuve’s attention once again to my quotation of the note 41 on pages 136–137.
99. Villeneuve, Phillips, Facey 2004: 152, n. 41
100. “P(ublius) Egn[atius 3]s v(ir) c(larissimus) / pon[tifex] Herculis / et rector decuriae / Herculeae curavit (CIL VI 30893 = AÉ 1892,
00070; 4th cent. A.D. ; Aureliani. / Iulio Aureliano, / u(iro) c(larissimo), X[V]v(iro) sacris faci/undis pontifici dei / Herculis pontifici dei
/ Solis consulari Bithy/niae consulari Cam(paniae) (AÉ 1969/70, 0116; 334–335 A.D.).
101. Riewald 1920: 1651.
102. Riewald 1920: 1652.

of these inscriptions referring to the pontiff was not a revolution in Roman cult at all, but
of Vulcanus (AÉ 1945, 00034) is perfectly rather a continuation and development of the
dated in the period of Trayan (98–117), earlier practice – activity of the pontiffs of
adopted by Nerva long before the creation single deities. Only members of a pontifical
of the Tetrarchy. References to the pontiffs college from this time onward107 were called
of Vulcanus seem to be the most numerous pontifices maiores – in contrast with new
among similar texts.103 F.Villeneuve resorts to pontifices dei Solis and not to pontifices
help of Fr. Bérard, who pointed to a pontiff of minores 107 – or pontifices Vestae.109 Also
Vulcanus, “perhaps attested in Ostia.”104 With pontiffs of Dea are known.110
all due respect to Fr.Bérard, “Magister dixit!” • Pontiffs of single deities in the Greek
is not a valid argument in the discussion, inscriptions
whereupon one such inscription from Ostia Latin inscriptions and Latin literature
was already cited with reference to two is not the only source for history of pontiffs
possible readings in relevant literature.105 of single deities. The Greek ἀρχιερεύς was
Emperor Aurelianus introduced the cult analogues to Latin pontifex. This follows
of deus Sol invictus. Several inscriptions refer from direct identification of both notions by
to the pontiffs of pontifex dei Solis.106 This Plutarchus111: the title of ἀρχιερεὺς μέγιστος
103. Pontifex Volcani/ Volkani is referred to in the following inscriptions: AÉ 1914, 00163; AÉ 1968, 00081; AÉ 1954, 00221; AÉ 1955,
00169; AÉ 1988, 00216); CIL XIV 0072, CIL XIV 4445, CIL XIV 0132, CIL XIV 0325, CIL XIV 4145, CIL XIV 4443, CIL XIV 4533,
CIL XIV 4535 = AÉ 1917/18, 00122, CIL XIV 4445; all the texts come from Ostia.
Here the real functions of the pontiffs of single deities are not to be analyzed; cf.: “Der ostiensische pontifex Volcani et aedium sacrarum
bestätigt nur die Regel, dass alle Tempel von Rechtswegen unter dem Pontifex standen; der des Vulcanus ist nur hervorgehoben als der
in Ostia vornehmste” (Mommsen 1952: 23, fn. 3).
104. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 295.
105. Bukharin 2005–2006: 137.
106. CIL VI 0501; CIL VI 0846; CIL VI 1397; CIL VI 32040; CIL VI 1418, 1673, 1741, 2151, X 5061, AÉ 1918, 00119.
107. One can understand in Villeneuve 2005–2006: 294 that the designation pontifices maiores was in use from the very beginning of
the history of collegium of the pontiffs. On the same place F.Villeneuve writes: “pontifices maiores were not only senators but also
patricians”. However for the period 244–44 at least 7 plebei (and 6 patricians) bore the title of pontifex maximus (Szemler 1978:
347).
108. The origin of the pontifices minores is unknown. They are attested to the time of Titus Livius as members of the pontifical college and
were possibly assistants of the pontiffs (Szemler 1978: 338).
109. Riewald 1920: 1639, Szemler 1978: col. 339.
Here again the real functions of the pontiffs are not considered; vgl. “Dass der Cult des Gemeindeheerdes, der Vesta in dem eigenen
Haus des Oberpontifex und unter seiner besonderen Aufsicht stattfand, macht ihn noch keineswegs zum Priester der Vesta im
strengen Sinn des Wortes” (Mommsen 1952: 23, fn. 3). Inscription with pontifices Vestae are discussed in Szemler 1978: 339.
Pontifex / Vestalis maior is referred to in CIL VI 0503 from Rome, pontifex of Vestae matris – in CIL X 1125 (For the last time quoted
in Saquete 2000: 283.), p[o]ntifex Vestae / pontifex Sol[is] – in CIL VI 1742, CIL VI 1778 and in CIL VI 1779.
110. … flamini d[ivi Aug(usti)] / pontif(ici) deae …(CIL XII 1371 from Vaison-la-Romaine / Vasio Vaison-la-Romaine / Vasio (Gallia
Narbonensis)).
111. Vgl. Plutarchus’ account about the introduction of pontificate, ascribed to Numa: “Νομᾷ δὲ καὶ τὴν τῶν ἀρχιερέων, οὓς Ποντίφικας
καλοῦσι, διάταξιν καὶ κατάστασιν ἀποδιδόασι, καί φασιν αὐτὸν ἕνα τούτων τὸν πρῶτον γεγονέναι.” [To Numa is also ascribed the
institution of that order of high priests who are called pontifices, and he himself is said to have been the first of them (Plut. Vitae.
Numa. 9. 1) – translation from Perrin 1993: 337].

was identical to pontifex maximus and – those of pontifices and flamines, at least
ἀρχιερεὺς of a certain single deity – to the in some cases, were carried out at the same
pontifex of it.112 time.115 All the cases of flamen dei, if this
Some of the above quoted inscriptions flamen was also a pontifex116, are connected
refer to the priests of single gods and those with the cult of Emperors. Flamines in the
of Emperors. Flamines113 must be normally time of the Roman Empire were mostly
understood under the “prêtres de tel ou concerned with the cult of an Imperial family,
tel dieu” and the priests of the Emperors, whereas pontifices in many cases, as one
referred to in the relevant literature.114 It is could see, were concerned with the cult of
noteworthy to point out, that both functions single deities. It is also interesting to note
112. See the following references in the inscriptions: ἀρχιερεὺς τῆς Ῥώμης is mentioned in I.Kourion 76 from Cyprus (ca. 30–1 B.C.?)
and in Iscr. di Cos EV 218 from the period of Claudius, ἀρχιερεὺς διὰ [βί]ου τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου καὶ τῶν Σεβαστῶν – Salamine
XIII 101 from Cyprus (49 A.D.) (the title of ἀρχιερεὺς τῶν Σεβαστῶν occurs in the inscriptions too often to quote the examples),
ἀρχιερεὺς θεᾶς Ῥώμης – in Sardis 7, 1 8 from Sardeis (Asia Minor; 5–1 B.C.), ἀρχιερεὺς θεᾶς Ῥώμης καὶ θεοῦ Σεβαστοῦ Καίσαρος
in SEG IV 209 from Bargylia (Asia Minor; 79–81 A.D.) and in Inscr. di Cos EV 219 from the period of Claudius, ἀ[ρχιερέως τ]οῦ
Ἀπόλλ[ωνος – in IGRom I.5 1096 from Kom el-Khanziri (161–180 A.D.) and in SEG 6: 391 from Rome (date unknown), ἀρχιερέα
τοῦ [με]/γάλου θεοῦ Διονύσο[υ] – in IG IX 1 218 from Amphikleia (Phokis) (193–217 A.D.); ἀρχιερεὺς [Τι]θοήους καὶ Ἄμμωνος
θεῶ[ν] – in Portes du désert 81 from Koptos (Qift; Egypt) (210 A.D.), ἀρχιερείας τῆς Μητρὸς [τῶν θεῶν] / Βοιωτίας – in IG II2 3646
from Athens (end of the 2nd cent. A.D.), ἀρχιερεὺς / θεῶν μεγάλων Καβίρων in TAM II 550/551 from Lycia – Tlos (Asia Minor) (end
of the 1st cent. B.C.), reading [ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς Ἀφρο]δίτης is restored in SEG 40 1365 from Cyprus from the period of Antoninus Pius.
113. Cf. e.g.: Diuisque aliis alii sacerdotes, omnibus pontifices, singulis flamines sunto [For the different gods are different priests: for all –
pontiffs, for the single ones – flamines (Cicero. De legibus. 2. 20).
Sacerdotes of single deities are also known: s. Saturni – from AÈ 1905, 00109 and AÉ 1908, 00020, s. Dianae – from AÉ 1907, 00064,
s. Dei Liberis Patris – from AÉ 1910, 00103 and AÉ 1899, 00142, s. Genii – from AÉ 1913, 00189, s. Imperatoris Caesaris / Vespasiani
Augusti – from AÉ 1914, 00131, s. Matri deum – from AÉ 1914, 00158, s. Cereris – from AÉ 1915, 00022, s. Aesculapii – from AÉ 1918,
00023, s. Cereris – from AÉ 1900, 00085, s. Dei Mercuri – from AÉ 1915, 00040, AÉ 1901, 00057, s. Victoriae / Britannicae – from AÉ
1918, 00001, AÉ 1917/18, 00002, s. Martis – from AÉ 1905, 00056, s. Mercurii – from AÉ 1899, 00116.
114. Jaques, Scheid 1990: 125. For more details see below.
115. Here are given some examples. For the sake of space places of provenance are omitted; all the texts come from outside of the city of
Rome: pontifex and flamen without further specifications in are referred to in CIL II-XIV 0356, CIL III 5630, CIL V 8661, IRT 00601a,
CIL XI 6123, CIL XII 0411, CIL XIV 4242 from Tivoli / Tibur; pontifex quinquennalis and flamen – in CIL III 2028 = CIL III 8753;
pontifex quinquennalis and flamen pontifex quinquennalis – in CIL XI 5992 (here the functions of flamen and pontifex quinquennalis
were clearly carried out at the same time); flamen perpetuus and pontifex – in CIL VIII 1888 and CIL II 5523; sacerdos dei, pontifex
and flamen munerarius – in IGLS-06, 2791; flamen of certain civitas sacerdotalis and pontifex of certain civitas – in CIL X 7917 =
AÉ 1997, 00753; pontifex and flamen of certain provincia in CIL 12, 03184; flamen dei, pontifex and flamen of certain provincia – in
CartNova 00054 = AÉ 1908, 00149 and CartNova 00055 = HEp-01, 00480 = HEp-04, 00564; pontifex and flamen of certain colonia –
in CIL XII 0408; pontifex and flamen dei – in CIL III 14387h = IGLS-06, 02787, CIL III 14712, CIL V 4368, CIL V 5126, CIL V 7021,
CIL V 8660, CIL XI 0385–0386, CIL XI 6010, CIL XI 6505, CIL XI 7978, CIL XII 0147, CIL XII 1368, CIL XII 1373, AÉ 1902, 00060,
IRConcor 00027, SupIt-03-Co, 00008 = EAOR-03, 00040 = AÉ 1961, 00109; pontifex perpetuus and flamen dei of certain provicia –
in CILA-02-02, 00587 = AÉ 1974, 00376; pontifex and flamen dei perpetuus – in CIL X 5393, CIL XI 4371; flamen dei, pontifex and
sodalis dei – in CIL V 3223; pontifex, sacerdos dei and flamen dei – in CIL XI 4373; pontifex and flamen naviculari(orum) marin(orum)
– in CIL XII 0692; flamen dei and pontifex deae – in CIL XII 1371; fla[me]n Augustalis and pontif(ex) minor publicorum p(opuli)
R(omani) sacrorum – in CIL XI 1421.
116. Originally, there were three flamines in the pontifical college: f. Quirinalis, f. Martialis and f. Dialis. They are rarely but mentioned in
the inscriptions. Besides them, there were 12 minor flamines of single deities. The flamines of Roma, Pax Iuliae, Victoria, Virtus and
Felicitas are known only in connection with cult of Imperial family. Exceptions are CIL IX 3609 = ILS 02707a, CIL X 0688, HEp-
01, 00329 (flamen Romae without Emperor). References to flamines of singe deities, apart of those of Imperial families and deities
connected with them, are rare in the inscriptions: flamin[e deae Diae] occurs in CIL VI 2028 (p 864, 3261) = CIL VI 32344, flamen
Carmentalis in CIL VI 3720 = CIL VI 31032 = ILS 01418 and CIL VI 41272 = CIL VI 31863 = ILS 09011 = AÉ 1893, 00120, flamini
Vulc[anali in CIL VI 41294 = CIL VI 1628 = ILS 01456, flamen / templi domini Aescu/lapi in CIL VIII 1267 = ILS 5461, [flamonii
templum] Apollinis et / Dianae in CIL VIII 12413, flamini Virbiali in CIL X 1493 = ILS 06457 = AÉ 2003, 00330, CIL XI 05028 = ILS
01447 (flamini Ceriali / Romae), CIL XI 5711 = ILS 06641 and CIL XI 5712, (flam(ini) Feron(iae)), ILTun 00099 = AÉ 1928, 00034
(flamen Neptuni).

the existence of such magistrate as flamen such god,” – states F.Villeneuve (p. 295).
sacrorum publicorum 117 what was more However, a situation where pontiffs of single
expectable for a pontifex.118 Pontiffs could deities were common in the Roman Empire
also assume normal functions of the flamines was not invented, but rather logically deduced
and be pontiffs of the Emperors.119 Thus, it from Latin and Greek inscriptions, Greek
is not surprising at all to see a pontifex dei papyri and Latin literature: pontiffs of single
instead of flamen dei in the Latin inscription deities were known in the Roman world from
from Farasān. at least the 1st century B.C. and are attested
• Pontiffs of single deities in the papyri even for Ptolemaic Egypt. On the other side,
Pontiffs of single deities and those of I never wrote that pontiffs in the Roman
Heracles in particular are mentioned in the Empire were generally “priests of such and
Greek papyri as well. The eldest case seems such god”.
to be an official memorandum concerning Surely, the presence of a member of the
the settlement of a petition (BGU VIII. Roman pontifical college on the Farasān
1795), dated at 48–47 B.C., where certain islands is hardly expected and our pontifex
pontiff of Heracles figures (... καὶ ἀρχιερεὺς Herculis must have been one of the sacerdotes
τοῦ ἐν Σώβθ(ει)/ἱεροῦ
. Ἡρακλέ[ου]ς θεοῦ municipales (F.Villeneuve’s “colonial
με(γίστου)…). Pontiff of another single pontiffs”). There are numerous examples of
deity – Apollo – is mentioned in P.Eleph. such pontiffs without cursus honorum and
25/7 (αρχιερευς τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος) from B.C. city-name.120
223–222 – this is the eldest occurrence of the So, the aforementioned sources
pontiff of a single deity in general, though at demonstrate a more complex reality than
that time Egypt was not yet Roman) and in outlined by F.Villeneuve: pontiffs of single
P.Mil. Congr. XIV pg 120/6 (2nd–3rd cent. A.D.; deities occurred at least from the 1st century
provenance unknown; = SB14.11305). B.C. as Greek inscriptions attest, pontiffs
“We are extremely far away from the could be mentioned without any cursus
situation that MB invents, where pontiffs honorum or city-name. Abbreviation of
(like ordinary priests) would be common in PONT for ponti in the sense of “sea” are
the cities of the Roman Empire, and where unknown (that of PONT < PONTIS seems
they would generally be priests of such and to be attested only once and makes no good
117. CIL 02-05, 00330 = HEp-11, 00250 from Cabra / Igabrum (Baetica).
118. See e.g.: CIL II 1534 = HEp-II 0410 and CIL 02-05, 00497 = AÉ 1961, 00343, CIL X 7518 = ILS 6764 (p 188) and CIL X 7519, fla[me]
n Augustalis pontif(ex) minor publicorum p(opuli) R(omani) sacrorum CIL XI 1421.
119. “CIL II 1663 (p 703) = ILS 5080, CIL II 2105 (p LXXIX) = ILS 06910, CIL II 1570 = HEp - 10, 00162 = AÉ 2000, 00729.”
120. Let us limit ourselves to the texts, in which pontiffs appear only as such: D(is) M(anibus) / M(arcus) [Iu]nius Asclepiades / [po]ntifex
fili(i)s feci(t) (CIL VIII 9399); L(ucius) Seius C(ai) f(ilius) / Ste(llatina) Mensor / pontifex (CIL XI 6066) from Urbino. See similar
cases: CIL IX 4623 = CIL I 1893 from Cascia, CIL XI 3117 and CIL XI 3125, CIL XI 4172, AÉ 1919, 00003, AE 1924, 00038 = AE
1925, 00074, CIL V 4305 = CIL I 794 = AÉ 2000, 00625 = AÉ 2001, +01065

sense in the text under consideration), while F.Villeneuve interprets this objection in the
an interpretation of PONT HERCVL as following way: “Now hazardous assumptions.
pontifex Herculis can be traced as such MB states that the peak of the (Roman) trade
and as particular case of pontifex dei in in the Red Sea was in the first half of the 1st
inscriptions and cannot be discarded without century A.D. This is simply an idée reçue,
any consideration, as F.Villeneuve does. I which is based only upon the existence of
was claimed to be making any discovery in important literary evidence for that period,
this respect.121 Rather, I endeavored to argue the Periplus and Pliny. In Arabia 2004 we
against the unsubstantiated discovery of a tried to collect some of the evidence (and new
new pantomimic place-name, Pontus (Pons) evidence have become available since then)
Herculis, and also to argue against related that may show that this peak could continue
interpretations proposed by F.Villeneuve. in the 2nd century A.D.”123
IV. The background F.Villeneuve’s interpretation of what was
IV. 1. Piracy in the Southern Red Sea in really meant in Bukharin 2005–2006, p. 138
the 2nd century A.D. is not based on the text of the publication
Concerning the alternative propositions in question. One may read in the original
for the background of Roman activity on fragment: “Why would operations against
the Farasān islands, F.Villeneuve finds me the pirates in the Southern Red Sea region be
to follow idées reçues (p. 292); not give pursued only in the middle of the 2nd century
any argument or proof (p. 293, 295); to A.D., if the peak of trading activity between
“extrapolate whatever I want and make the Mediterranean and Indian Ocean via Red
massive assumptions,” “which is not science” Sea happened in the first half of the 1st century
(p. 293), to “directly discard” F.Villeneuve’s A.D.” There is a big difference between
ideas, because I consider them “simply” what was published and what was inferred:
impossible, since what F.Villeneuve discovers F.Villeneuve refers to Rome’s trade in the
was not previously attested. Red Sea, whereas I meant the trade between
An objection was raised against the Mediterranean and Indian Ocean,
connections between the establishment of a referring to F.Villeneuve’s idea of connection
port on the Farasān islands in the middle of between the establishment of a port on the
the 2 century A.D. and fight against piracy in Farasān islands and Rome’s Indian trade.
order to protect sea-traders with India with Roman Trade in the Red Sea does not
reference to the peak of the Roman trade necessarily refer to trade with India.
with India in the 1st half of 1 century A.D.122 Another difference: Roman trade activity
121. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 292

122. Bukharin 2005–2006: 138.
123. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 292.

in the Red Sea has had its peak in the 1st much more intensive.125 What was the reason
century A.D. (in my words), and it was not to establish a port like that in that particular
disputed by F.Villeneuve, while, according location and at that particular time? Pliny
to F.Villeneuve, the sources may show described the struggle against the pirates:
that this peak could continue in the 2 nd quippe omnibus annis navigatur
century A.D.” In fact, I already had an sagittariorum cohortibus inpositis; etenim
opportunity to question the wide-spread idea piratae maxime infestabant [indeed, the
of the chronological development of Rome’s voyage is made every year, with companies of
trade activity with India and South Arabia. archers on board, because these seas used to
Literary and archaeological sources do not be very greatly infested by pirates (NH. 6. 101)
demonstrate any crisis in Rome’s trade with – translation from Rackham 1989: 415].
the Orient in the 2nd century A.D. and also Hence, the ships had to protect themselves.
in a more problematic 3rd century.124 The One could assume the existence of a safe
reason of my objection against F.Villeneuve’s haven for Roman ships if the traders stopped
supposition is in another domain: if Roman taking archers with them. However, there is
traders with India from the 20s of the 1st no information in this regard.
century B.C. until the middle of the 2 nd To the contrary, Periplus Maris Erythraei
century A.D. could dispense with a Roman mentions difficulties for Roman traders in
port on the Farasān islands as check-point West India – the port of Kalliena was blocked
against the pirate attacks on their way to and those who accidentally came to Kalliena
India, what has changed in the mid-2nd century had to be accompanied under guard to
that they could not do it any longer while Barygaza.126 This situation was not connected
there was no mention of the pirates in the with the pirates, referred to by Pliny the Elder
Red Sea throughout the entire 2nd century? as acting near Indian port Muziris:
Already Strabo says that from his time …inde vento hippalo navigant diebus
onwards Roman trade with India has become XL ad primum emporium Indiae Muzirim.
124. Bukharin 2003: 36–43.

125. ὅτε γοῦν Γάλλος ἐπῆρχε τῆς Αἰγύπτου, συνόντες αὐτῷ καὶ συναναβάντες μέχρι Συήνης καὶ τῶν Αἰθιοπικῶν ὅρων ἱστοροῦμεν, ὅτι
καὶ ἑκατὸν καὶ εἴκοσι νῆες πλέοιεν ἐκ Μυὸς ὅρμου πρὸς τὴν ᾿Ινδικήν, πρότερον ἐπὶ τῶν Πτολεμαϊκῶν βασιλέων ὀλίγων παντάπασι
θαρρούντων πλεῖν καὶ τὸν ᾿Ινδικὸν ἐμπορεύεσθαι φόρτον [When Gallus was prefect of Egypt, I accompanied him and ascended the
Nile as far as Syene and the frontiers of Ethiopia, and I learned that as many as one hundred and twenty vessels were sailing from Myos
Hormos to India, whereas formerly, under the Ptolemies, only a very few ventured to undertake the voyage and to carry on traffic in
Indian merchandise (2. 5. 12) – translation from Jones 1997: 455].
126. …Καλλίενα πόλις, ἐπὶ τῶν Σαραγάνου τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου χρόνων ἐμπόριον ἔνθεσμον γενόμενον· μετὰ γὰρ τὸ κατασχεῖν αὐτὴν
Σανδάνην ἐκωλύθη ἐπὶ πολὺ, καὶ γὰρ τὰ ἐκ τύχης εἰς τούτους τοὺς τόπους εἰσβάλλοντα πλοῖα ῾Ελληνικὰ μετὰ φυλακῆς εἰς Βαρύγαζα
εἰσάγεται […the city of Kalliena; the last, in the time of elder Saraganos, was a port of trade where everything went according to law
[Sc. It is no longer] for, after Sandanês occupied it, there has been much hindrance [sc. to trade]. For the Greek ships that by chance
come into these places are brought under guard to Barygaza (52: 17. 17–21) – translation from Casson 1989: 83].
This fragment is debated for the long time and is not easy for interpretation. To avoid unnecessary discussions it seems enough to say
here that the name Σαραγάνος goes back to dynastic name of the Āndhra (Sātavāhāna) kings Śātakarṇi (Prakr. Sālāhaṇa) and that the
name of Σαραγάνου τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου means that both the kings were Σαραγάνοι (Śātakarṇi), i.e. Āndhra, whereas τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου
means “previous”; Σανδάνης renders the name Sātavāhāna.

non expetendum propter vicinos piratas, qui such a check-point namely in the middle
optinent locum nomine Nitrias, neque est of the 2nd century A.D. Another peculiarity
abundans mercibus […from that port it is a is the absence of connections between the
40 days’ voyage, if the Hippalus is blowing, text of the inscription in question with the
to the first trading station in India, Muziris – Roman navy: if a kind of bellum piraticum
not a desirable port of call, on account of the were really waged in the Southern Red Sea,
neighbouring pirates, who occupy the place one had to expect presence of praefectus
called Nitrias, not it is specially rich in articles classis, not only that of praefectus portus or
of merchandise (6. 104) – translation from any kind of presence of Roman navy on the
Rackham 1989: 419 with corrections]. islands. Legionnaires could be transported by
This account is connected with the common trade ships.
struggle between dynasties of the Āndhras Let us follow F.Villeneuve’s methodology:
and Śakas in Western India. However, the “The struggle against the piracy, mentioned
presence of armed guards on board would by Pliny in the 1st century, appears in his book
seem quite normal in such cases. A century as chronic: there is no reason to think that it
later, Ptolemy mentions six ports and two stopped in the 2nd century.”127 What is that, if
mainland cities of the same Āndhras the not a pure assumption? Pliny the Elder wrote
pirates (ἀνδρῶν Πειρατῶν) on the Western nothing about the pirates in the Southern Red
Indian shore to the north of Limyrike, which Sea. Surely, datable sources do not give any
was one of the main goals of Roman traders in information about the pirates in the Red Sea
India (Geogr. 7. 1. 7, 84). So, protracted in the for the entire 2nd century. This is definitely not
1–2 centuries A.D. Āndhra presented danger a decisive argument for saying that there were
for the Roman sea-traders in West India. It no pirates at that time at all: there could be.
would be more logical to have archers on However, they are not mentioned – a posse
board for the duration of sailing from Egypt ad esse non valet consequentia!
to India, especially if there was danger at the F.Villeneuve asks: “what were the
beginning and at the end of the trip. There is Kamraitai wreckers mentioned in the Periplus
no precise information about that either. and by MB if not the pirates.” The Periplus
The change of the guard on the Farasān mentions Κανραῗαι – at least Kanraitai in
islands in not impossible. However, this Latin rendering. They have nothing to do with
would presume some kind of continuous the Southern Red Sea! This ethnic name must
and organized life on the islands, which be derived from Ghamr dhī-Kinda and the
then must be demonstrated. Also, one then Kanraitai can be localised in modern Southen
needs to explain the necessity to arrange Ḥijāz.128 They are mentioned immediately
127. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 292.

128. For details see Bukharin 2009: 64-80.

after the description of Leuke Kome (modern a port to check the pirates on the Farasān
al-Wajh). The kings and tyrants of “Arabia” islands would be meaningless since the really
waged wars against them, which points to the dangerous parts of the Red Sea could not be
region around modern Mecca – Medina. The controlled from there and the attacks could
Kanraitai rob those who went astray close not be prevented.
to the shore. There was no danger, at least, The importance of MA-II for proper
according to Periplus, for those, who follow understanding of the Latin inscription from
normal “middle course” (20: 7. 9–10). One the Farasān islands lies in the fact that this is
may observe that the more to the south of the the only source with any information about
Red Sea leads Periplus, the more peaceful the presumed pirates in the Red Sea, at least
region it describes. for the end of the 2nd century A.D. However,
The southern border of a dangerous route the struggle for a possibility to “sail in peace”,
is the so called Burnt Island (Κατακεκαυμένη) as is mentioned in MA-II (RIÉ/30), was
(20: 7. 15). F.Villeneuve and his co-authors carried out not by Rome, but by Aksum,
give double identification of this place: and only on the coastal part of the Arabian
volcano island Jabal aṭ-Ṭā’ir129 and Ḥanīš.130 mainland, since only two peoples – the inland
There are two volcanoes in the Southern ᾿Αραβίται and the coastal Κιναιδοκολπῖται
Red Sea: Jabal aṭ-Ṭā’ir (17°70’N, 41°74’E) – were conquered by the Aksumites. The
and Jabal Zubayr. According to ad-Dimašqī latter occupied large parts of West Arabian
(K.Nuḫbat. 163) and al-Qazwīnī (K. ‛ajā’ib. shore and represented a direct threat for
120), the name “Burnt” ( muḥtaraqa ) is the cabotage-traders. The author of MA-II
connected with the comet which flew over the says that he has sent “στράτευμα ναυτικὸν
island and burnt it. These accounts connect καὶ πεζικόν” (RIÉ 277/28) – navy and land
the name of Κατακεκαυμένη with the name detachments; however nothing is said about
of (Jabal) aṭ-Ṭā’ir (“flying”). Jabal Zubayr combat actions on the sea. So, the Romans
can be then identified with the volcano island could only serve as auxiliary troops, e.g.
Jazirat Ṭaysān, mentioned by ad-Dimašqī for organizing the crossing of the Red Sea
(K.Nuḫbat. 163). Thus, the closer sailors through the Farasān islands. Earlier and
were coming to the Farasān islands, the less afterwards, the Aksumites used to cross the
dangerous their sailing was, at least in the Red Sea at Bāb al-Mandab, where the sea is
times of Periplus. If the peaceful part of narrow and the assistance is not necessary.
sailing in the Red Sea begins from the “Burnt” IV. 2. Zoskales – king of Aksum
island and the Kanraitai were active in a far F.Villeneuve argues that my interpretation
more northern region, the establishment of of Periplus Maris Erythraei is flawed:


“Zoskales in not the “king of Aksum” as χώρας”). Both Barbarias are located on the
erroneously stated by MB, but the king of same, Eastern, shore of Africa (Western
Adulis, we know nothing of Aksum in the shore of the Red Sea), however, the second
time of Periplus (1st cent. A.D.).”131 one lies in front (on the opposite shore =
Let us review the text: πέραν) of the kingdom of Saba’ and dhū-
“Βασιλεύει δὲ τῶν τόπων τούτων ἀπὸ τῶν Raydān (25: 8. 14–15).
Μοσχοφάγων μέχρι τῆς ἄλλης Βαρβαρίας One may find the same definition – “from
Ζωσκάλης, ἀκριβὴς μὲν τοῦ βίου καὶ τοῦ another side” (περατικός) – concerning
πλείονος ἐξεχόμενος, γενναῖος δὲ περὶ τὰ incense in the following fragments of Periplus:
λοιπὰ καὶ γραμμάτων ῾Ελληνικῶν ἔμπειρος” 8: 3. 10; 10: 4. 12; 11: 4. 18. It seems to
(5: 2. 19–22). originate from ASA ‘br (“another side”) and
As it follows from this fragment, Zoskales such notions as περατικὸς could be given only
was the king of all of the places between the in South-West Arabia in relation to what was
Moskhophages and “another Barbaria”. on the opposite shore of Bāb al-Mandab and
The author of the Periplus lists these places: further to the Southeast. The “first” Barbaria
Πτολεμαῒς ἡ τῶν θηρῶν, ᾿Αδουλὶ, νῆσος was not located “in front of” the kingdom of
᾿Ορεινὴ, Κολόη, Ἀξομίτη, Κυηνείον, ἐκεῖθεν Saba’ and dhū-Raydān, and could not be said
δὲ εἰς ᾿Αδουλί, νῆσοι ᾿Αλαλαίου. Possessions to be πέραν.
of Zoskales begin to the South of Πτολεμαῒς Thus, the territory under Zoskales’ control
ἡ τῶν θηρῶν – a place without definite stretched approximately from Southern
identification, perhaps somewhere in modern Sudan until Assab. Ἀξομίτη is called capital
Southern Sudan.132 The Southern border of – μητρόπολις – of Zoskales’ possessions (4:
the “first” Βαρβαρία seems to be the market 2. 8). What we know from the Periplus about
Αὐαλίτης 133 : beginning from this place a territory (not state), described in Periplus
follow “ἄλλα ἐμπόρια Βαρβαρικὰ, τὰ πέραν and traditionally called Aksum, is that it was
λεγόμενα” (7: 3. 10–11) – “other” Barbarian united under the rule of one king (Zoskales),
markets, “said to lye on the other side”; the who seems to have enjoyed good relations with
land itself is distinguished from the “first” Rome.134 We can deduce that from Zoskales’s
Barbaria as “lying on the other side” (“…καὶ excellent education in Greek literature – he
τῆς πέραν κατὰ τὸν Αὐαλίτην Βαρβαρικῆς was “γραμμάτων ῾Ελληνικῶν ἔμπειρος” (5: 2.
131. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 292.

132. Admitted in Villeneuve, Phillips, Facey 2004: 155, n. 55. For details see e.g.: Desanges 1984: 250, Burstein 1996: 800.
133. No definite identification can be proposed, the most probable seems to be Assab (Kirwan 1981: 83), for identification with Dira see:
Desanges 1978: 83–111.
134. Cf.: conclusion, made on the basis of information of the Periplus and ASA inscriptions: “The consequence … is that Axum is an
organized political entity with a king who perfectly knows Greek by A.D. 50/60… It becomes a real possibility that the kingdom of
Axum was already at least an intermittently powerful force in this region in the first century B.C.” (Raschke 1978: 659).

21–22). Zoskales could receive this education serves as port for those merchants who deliver
nowhere else but in the Roman Empire, most goods from Arabia on smaller ships.140 No one
likely in Egypt. else than merchants from Muza and Okelis
To that end, there is no mistake in calling could be meant under these ἐξαρτιζομένοι
Zoskales the king of Aksum135, and valuable (see esp. 21: 7. 21–22). The author of Periplus
information of what was Aksum in the time of does not give a list of goods traded in Leuke
Periplus can also be gathered from this source. Kome, and he indicates distances to this port
Periplus mentions no “king of Adulis” 136, in stages, not in stadia, which means that he
which is pure invention of F.Villeneuve. The and apparently other Roman sea-traders did
title of “negus of Gabaz” (Gabaz was a port not sail there themselves.
of Adulis, which was located about 4 km in Another question is: who could send high
the mainland) is known from the Aksumite officials to collect taxes and protect merchants
inscriptions (RIÉ 186/10), but it (or its bearer) from South Arabia on the territory of another
was never mentioned in Periplus. kingdom (let us leave the question of the level
IV. 3. The Aksumites in Leuke Kome of real independence of Nabataean kings
F.Villeneuve is correct in saying that a from Rome in the middle of the 1st century
presence of παραπλήτης and ἑκατοντάρχης A.D. open). Roman traders knew only an
in Leuke Kome “is widely known.” 137 approximate location of Leuke Kome, but did
F.Villeneuve states that they “could be Roman not sail themselves there, at least in the time
officials.” This argument is known since the of Periplus. This fact allows us to assume that
early works of M.I. Rostovtzeff.138 Another these could be the Aksumites who used the
point of view – that of their Nabataean trade route from Berenice to Leuke Kome
origin – is also represented in the relevant for their own purposes.
literature.139 If these officials were Romans, F.Villeneuve finds an “unsupported
we would have to admit that they have been speculation” in the words that “the army
sent into the most important Nabataean port of the Aksumite king had to start from the
by Rome in order to protect Arabian sailors Roman port of Berenice.”141 The supporting
and collect taxes instead of the Nabataeans: argumentation was in fact provided: the
the author of Periplus says that Leuke Kome Aksumites reach “borders of Egypt” and
135. The “Aksumite king Zoskales” is being mentioned since long ago in almost each study, related to Aksum and the Periplus Maris
Eryrthraei, e.g.: Kennedy 1918: 108.
136. One may find the parallel in ἄρχων Ἀδούλεως, mentioned by Cosmas Indicopleustes (2. 56).
137. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 292.
138. The earliest reference seems to be in: Rostovtzew 1908: 307.
139. Bowersock 1983: 70-71, Millar 1998: 124”.
140. …τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Αραβίας ἐξαρτιζομένοις εἰς αὐτὴν πλοίοις οὐ μεγάλοις [...for the craft, non large, that come to it, loaded with freight
from Arabia (19: 6. 30–31) – translation from Casson 1989: 61].
141. Bukharin 2005–2006: 138.

wage war on the opposite shore starting F.Villeneuve proceeds then to ask how and
from Leuke Kome. The port of Berenice why the Farasān garrison could be involved
lies approximately on the southern border in Roman interference in the Aksumite and
of Egypt. How can one reach Leuke Kome if Arabian affairs; how could Romans use the
not from Berenice (on the border of Egypt)? Aksumite help, and what kind of deterioration
Further to the North begins Roman territory could take place on the sea and caravan routes
itself. This territory must have been well so that “peace on the caravan and sea routes
known to the Aksumites, since the northern through and along West Arabia” must have
frontier of their possessions, according to been re-established.142 I provide the same
the Periplus, was somewhere in Southern dating for the text – 2–3 centuries A.D. – as
Sudan (see in IV. 2). How, if not with the F.Villeneuve does143, and make no mention
Roman help, could the Aksumites cross of a Roman alliance with Adulis, even
the Red Sea if they came to the borders of though F.Villeneuve claims I have done so.
Egypt by land? How, if not with external However, good levels of Zoskales’s education
help, could they come back, having reached in Greek literature (see IV. 2) presupposes
borders of Saba’ – this follows from the text allied relations of Aksum with Rome. The
of MA-II itself: … ἀπό τε Λευκῆς κώμης ἕως foundation of the Roman port on the Farasān
τῶν Σαβαίων χώρας ἐπολέμησα … (31)? islands could hardly be possible, if relations
The islands of Farasān are a comfortable between Rome and Saba’ were not friendly.
location for a crossing from Jīzān to Adulis. Rome was an important consumer of
The author of MA-II says that his army comes South Arabian, East African and Indian
back to Adulis: κατῆλθον εἰς τὴν ᾿Αδούλι species, incenses, etc. The Periplus mentions
(RIÉ 277/39). It is natural to cross the Red gifts and/or tribute of the kings of Saba’ and
Sea from the “borders of Saba’” in order to Ḥimyar to Rome, owing to which they were
reach Adulis, namely from Jīzān via Farasān considered friends of Roman emperors (23:
archipelago. The reason for establishing 7. 28–30). Here is to search for the reason of
a Roman port on the Farasān islands was Roman interest in “these distant barbarian
to provide assistance to the Aksumites for matters,” in F.Villeneuve’s words. As follows
crossing the Red Sea. Other motivations from text of MA-II, neither sea nor overland
also provide us with points for an additional routes through West Arabia functioned
discussion. properly by the time of its composition.
IV. 4. Rome and the Aksumite campaign As I intended to show above (IV. 3), the
in West Arabia Aksumite campaign in Arabia was possible
142. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 296.

143. It is rather to be placed at the very end of the 2nd cent. A.D. See for details: Bukharin 2009: 64-80.

only with Roman support. The fact that the apparently through Western Arabia and
Aksumites waged war in Arabia starting from along its shores.
Leuke Kome, a former Nabataean and later a The Digestae (3rd century A.D.) provides
Roman port, also points to the allied relations a long list of Arabian, African, Indian, and
between Rome and Aksum and, consequently, Far Eastern spices that must have been
Rome’s interest in a successful outcome of the taxed.145 This list shows how rich was a range
Aksumite campaign. The establishment of a of Oriental goods, consumed in Rome, and
Roman port on the Farasān islands is to be these goods were delivered into Roman
connected with this kind of crossing through markets in the 3rd century A.D. It means
the Red Sea. that the Aksumite campaign in Arabia had
The aim of this campaign was to suppress reached its goal: the sea-ways and overland
a robbery activity of ᾿Αραβίται 144 and caravan roads have been freed and supplies
Κιναιδοκολπῖται, who blocked the caravan have been restored.
routes along the West Arabian shore. If a route The caravan ways in the 3 rd century
that was used for some time stops to function A.D. in Arabia were not “almost certainly
because of robbers, then an intervention to abandoned,” as F.Villeneuve assumes.146 The
restore peace is warranted. This has been Sabaean inscription Ja 635/36–37 account
accomplished by the Aksumites. Rome, of the campaign of Šā‘ir ’Awtar against
having lost supply of the tribute (i.e., precious ṮML. The ancient ṮML must be identical
goods earlier delivered from South Arabia to Thomala of Pliny the Elder (NH. 6. 154)
through the caravan or the sea ways), makes – an important place of concentration of
alliance with Aksum and re-establishes peace trade in perfumes (“et, quo merces odorum
on the trade-routes with the Aksumite help. deferunt, Thomala”). Thomala is normally
In other words, the Aksumites re-established identified with modern Bīša (20°00’12”N,
peace on these routes in the Roman interest. 42°44’49”E) – an oasis, lying on the way from
Here, I repeat the text of MA-II, where its Saba’ to Ḥijāz147. Šā‘ir ’Awtar fights with bnw/
author – an unnamed Aksumite king – says yw[n]m/wqrytm in the land of ṮML. The
that he wanted to guarantee a possibility YWNM is known from Ma‘īn 93(A)/45 = M
ὁδεύεσθαι μετ’ εἰρήνης καὶ πλέεσθαι (30), 392 as Ionia, Greece in general. “The sons
144. F.Villeneuve asks: “which Arabians?” (Villeneuve 2005–2006: 296). I meant only those “Arabians”, whom the author of MA-II could
mean – the inhabitants of Western Arabia, and not necessarily only the Arabs (Ἄραβες of the Classical tradition), – met on the way of
his army and mentioned in the text of inscription.
145. Species pertinentes ad vectigal, cinnamomum, piper longum, piper album, folium pentasphaerum, folium barbaricum, costum,
costamomum, nardi stachys, cassia turiana, xylocassia, smurna, amomum, zingiberi, malabathrum, aroma indicum, chalbane, laser,
alche, lucia, sargogalla, onyx arabicus, cardamomum, xylocinnamomum, opus byssicum, pelles babylonicae, pelles parthicae, ebur,
ferrum indicum, carpasum, lapis universus, margarita, sardonyx, ceraunium, hyacinthus, smaragdus, adamas, saffirinus, callainus,
beryllus, chelyniae, opia indica vel adserta, metaxa, vestis serica vel subserica, vela tincta carbasea, nema sericum, spadones indici,
leones, leaenae, pardi, leopardi, pantherae, purpura, item marocorum lana, fucus, capilli indici (39. 4. 16. 7).
146. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 296.
147. For the last time in: de Maigret 1997: 318; Maigret 1999: 222.

of QRYTM” – apparently the Kinda, keep veneration of Heracles on the shores of the
under their control one of the most important Red Sea, which can be seen in the image of
trade centers of West Arabia (ṮML) and Heracles, together with Hermes depicted on
Central Arabia – QRYTM. The biography of the throne, found by Cosmas Indikopleustes
Macrinus lets us reveal who could be meant at the beginning of the way from Adulis to
under the bnw/ywnm: he pugnavit tamen et Axum (2. 57). Though Cosmas writes that this
contra Parthos et contra Armenios et contra throne belonged to one of the Ptolemies (2.
Arabas, quos Eudaemones vocant, non 54), he must have been wrong here. Another
minus fortiter quam feliciter (Script. Hist. monument – murmur stele, also referred to as
Aug. Vita Macrini. 12. 6): Macrinus waged bearing Greek inscription (2. 55) – belonged
war against South Arabians. As his reign to Ptolemy, while the throne bears the Greek
(217–218) chronologically coincides with the inscription of one of local kings. The text
presumed dates of Šā‘ir ’Awtar, Sabaeans inscribed on the throne (known as MA-II
can be supposed to have fought in ṮML with or RIÉ 277) dates to later period that the
Kinda (bnw/qrytm) and Romans bnw/ywnm. Latin inscription from the Farasān islands.
Romans could be named “Greeks,” since Moreover, the unknown Aksumite king refers
the Greek remained spoken language of the to Ares as his preferred personal deity (2.
Roman East and Egypt: former Ionia was only 63), whereas images of Heracles and Hermes
a small part of the Roman Empire. were found on the back of the throne: this
The find of a Roman coin of Gallienus could point to superior position of Ares in
(257–258) has been also made in Ḥijāz.148 comparison to that of Heracles and Hermes.
The accounts of Byzantine authors are of If the supposition of interference of the Legio
considerable interest in this respect as well. II Traiana in the Aksumite affairs looks very
Theophanos the Confessor149 and Johannes probable, quite an attractive seems possibility
Malala 150demonstrate that Romans were to consider appearance of Heracles’ image on
present on the caravan routes in West and the back of the Aksumite throne under direct
Southwest Arabia in Late Antiquity, though influence of such interference, since Heracles
these two accounts do not necesserily point was divine protector of this namely legion.
to the 3rd century A.D.
It seems worthy to pay some more
attention to the only reference to the real
148. Potts 1994: 218.

149. οἱ δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων πραγματευταὶ διὰ τοῦ Ὁμηρίτου εἰσέρχονται ἐπὶ τὸν Αὐξουμίτην καὶ τὰ ἐνδότερα μέρη τῶν Ἰνδῶν καὶ Αἰθιόπων
[Romans trade through Omiritia untill Aksum and the inner parts of India and Ethiopia (18. 15: 81–83)].
150. οἱ δὲ πραγματευταὶ Ῥωμαίων διὰ τῶν Ὁμηριτῶν εἰσέρχονται εἰς τὴν Αὐξούμην καὶ ἐπὶ τὰ ἐνδότερα βασίλεια τῶν Ἰνδῶν… [Romans
trader travel across Homerite [territory] to the Aksumite and the inland areas of the Indians and Ethiopians (223) – translation from
Mango & Scott 1997: 323)].

Conclusion army (presumably with the Roman help, and
at least with Roman permission) crossed the
The course of events in the 1 st –3 rd
Red Sea from Berenice to modern al-Wajh
centuries concerning the relations between
(ancient Leuke Kome), proceeded with
Rome, South Arabia, and Aksum can be
military operations in Western Arabia and
hypothetically reconstructed in the following
restored peace on the caravan and sea routes
way: as it follows from the Periplus, in the
there.
middle of the 1st century A.D., Rome has allies
The Aksumites could not bypass the port
in Aksum (Zoskales) and in the kingdom of
on the Farasān islands on their way back to
Saba’ and dhū-Raydān. The king of Saba’ und
Adulis, which point to direct Roman help
dhū-Raydān was considered “legitimate king”
for crossing of the Red Sea. Roman traders
(ἔνθεσμος βασιλεύς) in Rome, he was “friend
came back onto the “Incense Road.” At
of the Emperors” (φίλος τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων)
the end of the 3rd century A.D., Rome and
due to the “constant embassies and gifts”
Aksum were still closely allied. This follows
(συνεχέσι πρεσβείαις καὶ δώροις) (23: 7.
from the biography of Aurelianus (270–275),
29–30). All this points to the dependency
whom the Aksumites among other peoples
(surely, only declarative) of the kings of Saba’
venerated as an ‘almost incarnated god:
and dhū-Raydān from Rome.
“ illum Saraceni, Blemmyes, Exomitae,
However, the caravan trade of South
Bractrani, Seres, Hiberi, Albani, Armenii,
Arabia with Mediterranean declines and
populi etiam Indorum veluti praesentem
Rome, even having annexed Nabataea in 106
paene venerati sunt deum” (Script. Hist. Aug.
A.D., could not bring the tribes of Western
Aurel. 41. 10).
Arabia under its direct control. As follows
As to the dedicatory inscription from the
from the Ruwwāfa inscription (167–169)151
Fasasān islands, F.Villeneuve’s conclusions
the Thamūdic tribes of Northwestern Arabia
seem to misinterpret primary foundations
had allied relations with Rome: Marcus
of Classical historical geography (e.g.,
Aurelius and Lucius Verus managed to secure
location of Hesperia on the Southern shores
peace on this part of the Arabian Peninsula.
of the modern Red Sea, ignoring of the
This is confirmed by the recently found Latin
division of the Ocean – Outer Sea into
inscription of 175-177 A.D. from Madā’in
the parts with their own names and their
Ṣālih152 , where the peaceful relations of the
location and frontiers between ancient
Romans with the Arab nomads are declared.
continents). Similar misinterpretations
It remained to pacify West Arabia. Aksum
concern mythology (Heracles’ voyage to
undertook a campaign in East Africa to the
Emathion – king of Ethiopians as if it
south of Roman frontiers, then the Aksumite
151. For publication see: Bowersock 1975: 516.

152. Nehmé, Al-Talhi, Villeneuve 2010: 304.

took place at the East of Africa, i.e. in the literature, do indicate to the existence of
South, not in the Eastern extremity of the pontiffs of various single deities, including
world), and Roman law (non-taking into those of Hercules, at least from the 1st century
consideration of legal nature of dedicatio), B.C. throughout the Roman Empire. There
as well as Latin epigraphy (misunderstanding are numerous references to pontiffs without
of nature of abbreviations), linguistics (wide any cursus honorum or city-name in the
use of “contaminations” instead of rules of inscriptions. Pontus Herculis as a place name
historical phonetics in equations of ethnic was never attested, an abbreviation PONT <
and place-names) and history of Roman PONTI in the sense of “sea” is not known and
institutions (presumed non-existence of the was impossible; PONT < PONTIS (“bridge”)
pontiffs of single deities, presumed absence of is very rarely attested and makes no real sense
references to them in the inscriptions without in the Farasān inscription. As a result, one
reference to their cursus honorum and place could confidently conclude that there was no
of provenance). Mistakes were also made Pontus or Pons Herculis in the analyzed text
by F.Villeneuve in references to the ancient from Farasān, but rather pontifex Herculis.
sources: consideration of Zoskales as the king This pontiff oversaw accomplishment of the
of Adulis and that of Heracles’ crossing to the discussed dedication by the prefect of the
“opposite continent” in the golden cup. port and made it valid from religious point
In fact, no Greek or Roman text under of view.
discussion connect Heracles with Arabia: As the only source, which can be related
Heracles’ voyages to the land of Hesperides to the struggle against pirates in the Southern
and to Ethiopia refer to the archaic opposition Red Sea overall and in the 2nd–3rd centuries
East–West, still alive at the time of the A.D. is MA-II (RIÉ 277), the construction
informants of Diodorus, Apollodorus and other of a Roman port on the Farasān islands
mythographs. Information of Agatharchides, can hardly be connected with any general
misinterpreted by F.Villeneuve as well, is bellum piraticum initiated for protection of
insufficient to imagine any kind of Hercales’s Roman sea-traders with India in the Red Sea.
presence in Arabia in Classical mythology. There are more reasons to regard this text as
Dedications required presence of both referring to a single action in light of the West
a magistrate and a pontiff. Latin and Greek Arabian campaign of an unknown Aksumite
inscriptions, as well as papyri and Latin king, as reflected in MA-II.

References
‘Abdallāh (Yū.M.) century A.D.” (in Russian with English summary)]

2004 “Naqš ğadīd min al-‘aṣr as-saba’ī al-qadīm”, Al- 2004 “Early Royal Dynasties in the Purāṇas, Epics and
Musnad 2, P. 2–5 Classical Tradition”, Indologica Taurinensia. XXX.
Proceedings of the XIth World Sanskrit Conference
AEA Annona Epigraphica Austriaca, 1980–
(Turin, April 3rd – 8th, 2000). Pt. 2, P. 51–81
AÉ L’année épigraphique, Paris Alsekaf (A.A.-R.)
2005–2006 “Romans in the Southern Red Sea”, Arabia 3,
1985 La géographie tribale du Yémen antique. Thèse pour P. 135–140
le doctorat de l’Université de la Sorbonne Nouvelle.
2007 “Drevneishiy putevoditel’ po Aravii (Plin. NH.
Paris
VI. 157–159)”, Vestnik drevney istorii 1, p. 76–99
[Arnaud-Lindet (M.-P.)] [“The Eldest Guide through Arabia” (Plin. NH. VI.
1993 L. Ampelius. Aide-Mémoire (Liber memorialis), 157–159) (in Russian with English summary)]
Paris
2009 “Towards the Early History of Kinda”, AAE 20, P.
Beeston (A.F.L.) 64-80
1984 Sabaic Grammar. Manchester (Journal of Semitic
2010 “Mecca on the Caravan Routes in pre-Islamic
Studies Monograph. 6)
Antiquity”, The Qur’ān in Context. Historical and
Ben Hassen (H.) & Maurin (L.) Literary Investigations into the Qur’ānic Milieu.
1998 Oudhna (Uthina). La redécouverte d‘une ville Leiden‒Boston, P. 115–134
antique de Tunisie, Bordeaux
Burstein (S.M.)
BGU VIII 1989 Agatharchides of Knides. On the Erythraean Sea
[Schubart (W.) & Schäfer (D).] / Translated and Edited by Stanley M. Burstein,
1933 Aegyptische Urkunden aus den Königlichen Museen London
zu Berlin, Griechische Urkunden. Berlin. Bd. VIII:
1996 “Ivory and Ptolemaic Exploration of the Red Sea
Spätptolemäische Papyri aus amtlichen Büros des
The Missing Factor”, Topoi. Orient-Occident 6/2,
Herakleopolites
P. 799–807
[Boriaud (J.-Y.)]
CartNova
1997 Hygin. Fables. Paris
La ciudad de Carthago Nova 3: La documentación
Bowersock (G.W.) epigráfica / Ed. J.M. Abascal Palazón, S.F. Ramallo
1975 “The Greek-Nabataean Biligual Inscription Asensio, Murcia 1997
at Ruwwafa, Saudi Arabia”, Le monde grec:
Casson (L.)
Hommages à Claire Préaux. Bruxelles, P. 513–522
1989 The Periplus Maris Erythraei. Text with Introduction,
1983 Roman Arabia.1st ed. Cambridge Translation and Commentary. Princeton
1996 “Exploration in North-West Arabia after Jaussen- CIH
Savignac”, TOPOI 6/2, P. 553–563 Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum ab Academia
Inscriptionum et litterarum humanorum conditum
[Brunt P.A.]
atque digestum. Pars quarta. Inscriptiones
1996 Arrian. Anabasis of Alexander. Books V–VII. Indica.
himyariticas et sabæas continens, Paris, 1887-
Cambridge–London (The Loeb Classical Library.
269). CIL
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Consilio et
Bukharin (M.D.)
auctoritate Academiae litterarum regiae Borussicae
2000 “Ranneellenisticheskie khorography: Megasfen,
editum
Gekatey Abderskiy i Berross ”, Vestnik drevney
istorii 2, p. 88–100 [“Early Hellenistic Chorographs: CILA
Megasthenes, Hekataios of Abderra and Berossos” Corpus de Inscripciones Latinas de Andalucia,
(in Russian with English summary)] Sevilla 1991– Desanges (J.)
2003 Sredizemnomorsko-yuzhnoaziatskaya torgovlya v 1978 “Le littoral africain du Bab-el-Mandeb d’après les
III v. n.e., Vestnik drevney istorii 1, p. 36–43 [“Trade sources grecques et latines”, Annales d’Ethiopie 11,
between Mediterranean and South Asia in the 3rd P. 83–111

1984 “Rome et les riveraines de la Mer Rouge au IIIe ILAlg
siècle de notre ère. Aperçus récents et nouveaux Inscriptions latines d’Algérie (v. 1. Inscriptions
problèmes”, Ktema 9, P. 249–260 de la Proconsulaire; v. 2, pt. 1-3. Inscriptions de la
Confédération cirtéenne, de Cuicul et de la tribu des
EAOR
Suburbures) / Ed. S. Gsell, Paris 1922–
Epigrafia anfiteatrale dell’Occidente Romano, Roma
1988– ILS
Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae / Ed. H. Dessau,
[Evelyn-White (H.G.)]
Berlin 1892-1916
1995 Hesiod. Homeric Hymns, Epic Cycle, Homerica,
Cambridge–London (The Loeb Classical Library. Jacques (F.) & Scheid (J.)
57) 1990 Rome et l’intégration de l’Empire. 44 av. J.-C. – 260
ap. J.-C. Tome 1. Les structures de l’Empire romain,
Fiaccadori (G.)
Paris
2009 “Un’iscrizione Latina dale isole Farasān (Arabia
Saudita)”, Parola del Passato 362, P. 439–449 [Humbach (H.) & Ziegler (S.)]
1998 Ptolemy. Geography, Book 6. Middle East, Central
Fischer (A.)
and North Asia, China. Part 1, Wiesbaden
1912 “Hesperium promonturium”, RE Hbd. 15, col.
1248–1249 2002 Ptolemy. Geography, Book 6. Middle East, Central
and North Asia, China. Part 2 in Collaboration with
[Frazer (J.G.)]
Klaus Faiss. Maps in Simplified Reconstruction,
1995 Apollodorus. The Library: in two Volumes . I.
Notes and Indices with a Supplement NW and W
India, Wiesbaden
121)
IGRom
[Godley (A.D.)]
Inscriptiones Graecae ad res Romanas pertinentes.
1990 Herodotus. In Four Volumes. I. Books I and II. I–IV / Ed. R. Cagnat et al., París 1901 – 1927
I.Kourion
117)
The Inscriptions of Kourion / Ed. T.B. Mitford,
HEp
Philadelphia 1971
Hispania Epigraphica, Madrid 1989–
ILTun
[Hohl (E.)]
Inscriptions Latines de la Tunisie, Paris 1944
1955 Scriptores Historiae Augustae / Ed. E. Hohl. Vol.
I–II, Lipsiae IPOstie
Inscriptions du port d’Ostie / Ed. H. Thylander, Lund
Hofheinz (A.)
1952
1998 “Sawākin”, Encyclopédie de l’Islam 9, P. 91-93.
IRConcor
Honigmann (E.)
Iscrizioni romane di Iulia Concordia / Ed. G. Lettich,
1926 “Libye”, RE (13/1), 1926, Col. 149–202
Triest 1994
[Hupe, J.]
IRT
2006 Der Achilleus-Kult im nördlichen Schwarzmeerraum
The Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania / Ed. J.M.
vom Beginn der griechischen Kolonisation bis
Reynolds, J.B. Ward-Perkins, Rome 1952
in die römische Kaiserzeit. Beiträge zur
Akkulturationsforschung / Unter Mitarbeit von Iscr. di Cos
Claudia von Behren. Mit Beiträgen von S.B. Iscrizioni di Cos / Ed. M. Segre, Roma 1994
Bujskich, J. Hupe, S. Okhotnikov, A.S. Rusjaeva
Ja 616
und I. Tunkina (Internationale Archäologie. Bd.
Jamme (A.)
94), Rahden/Westf.
1962 Sabaean Inscriptions from Mahram Bilqīs (Māreb).
IGLS Baltimore, P. 113-117
Inscriptions Grecques et Latines de la Syrie, Paris
1929–

[Jones, H.L.] les manuscrits de St.Pétersbourg, de Paris, de Leyde
1996 Strabo. The Geography. Book XVII. General Index. et de Copenhague. SPb
Millar (F.)
267).
1998 “Caravan Cities: The Roman Near East and Long-
1997 Strabo. The Geography. Books 1–2. Cambridge– Distance Trade by Land”, Modus Operandi. Essays
London (The Loeb Classical Library. 49). in Honour of Geoffrey Rickman / Ed. by M. Austin,
J. Harris, C. Smith, Oxford, P. 119–137
[Jones, W.H.S.]
1992 Pausanias. Description of Greece. Books I and II. Mommsen (Th.)
Cambridge–London (The Loeb Classical Library. 1952 Römisches Staatsrecht. II/1. 4. Auflage, Tübingen
93)
Müller (W.W.)
[Jones, W.H.S. & Ormerod H.A.] 1978 “Weihrauch”, RE, Splbd 15, Col. 700–777.
1993 Pausanias. Description of Greece. Books III–V.
[Murray (A.T.)]
1995 Homer. The Odyssey. Books 1–12. Cambridge–
188)
London (The Loeb Classical Library. 104)
Kennedy (J.)
1988–1993 Homer. The Iliad. I–II. London–Cambridge
1918 “Eastern Kings Contemporary with the
(The Loeb Classical Lirary. 170–171) Nehmé (L.),
Periplus”, JRAS, P. 106–114
Al-Talhi (D.), Villeneuve (F.)
Keydell (R.)
2010 Hégra d’Arabie Heureuse, Routes d’Arabie.
1937 “Peisandros. 11”, RE, Hbd. 37, Col. 144–145
Archéologie et Histoire du Royaume d’Arabie
Kirwan (L.P.) Saoudite. Paris, P. 286-307 [Oldfather (C.H.)]
1981 “A Roman Shipmaster’s Handbook. Rev.:
1994 Diodorus Siculus. Library of History Books II. 35
Huntingford 1980”, The Geographical Journal 147/1,
– IV. 58. Cambridge–London (The Loeb Classical
P. 80–85
Library. 303)
Kofler (H.)
P.Eleph.
1940 “Reste altarabischer Dialekte”, WZKM 47/1-2, S.
[Rubensohn (O.)]
61–130; 233–262
1907 Aegyptische Urkunden aus den Königlichen Museen
Lane (E.W.) in Berlin: Griechische Urkunden , Sonderheft.
1968 An Arabic-English Lexicon. Part 2, Beirut de Maigret Elephantine-Papyri, Berlin
(A.)
P.Mil.Congr.XIV
1997 “The Frankincense Road from Najrān to Ma‘ān: a 1974 Papyri documentari dell’Università Cattolica
Hypothetical Itinerary”, Profumi d’Arabia. Atti del di Milano. Milan, 1974 (= Aegyptus 54 [1974]
Convegno / A cura di A. Avanzini (Saggi di Storia 1—140).
Antica. 11), Roma, P. 315–332
Philae
1999 “The Arab Nomadic People and the Cultural Les inscriptions grecques de Philae, t. I: Bernand A.
Interface between the «Fertile Crescent» and Époque ptolémaique, Paris 1969, t. II: Bernand É.
«Arabia Felix»”, AAE 10/2, P. 220–224 Haut et bas Empire, Paris 1969
[Mango (C.A.), Scott (R.)] [Perrin (B.)]
1997 The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor: Byzantine 1993 Plutarch. Lives. Theseus and Romulus. Licurgus and
and Near Eastern history, A.D. 284 – 813 / Translated Numa. Solon and Publicola, Cambridge–London,
with introduction and commentary by Cyril Mango 1993 (The Loeb Classical Library. 46)
and Roger Scott, Oxford
[Plinval G. de)]
Mason (K.), Sherwin-White (A.N.), Hyamson A.M. 1958 Cicéron. Traité des lois / Texte établie et traduit
1987 Iraq and the Persian Gulf, London (The Middle East par G. de Plinval (Collection Budé), Paris
Intelligence Handbooks [1943-1946]. Vol. 1).
PLRE
[Mehren (A.F.)] The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire /
1866 Cosmographie de Chems-ed-din Abou Abdallah Ed. by A.H.M. Jones, J.R. Martindale, J. Morris.
Mohammed ed-Dimichqui / Texte arabe, publié Vol. I–III. Cambridge 1971–1992
d’après l’édition commencée par M. Fraehn d’après

Portes du désert Santoni (A.)
Les portes du désert. Recueil des inscriptions 2001 La storia senza miti di Agatarchide di Cnido, Pisa
grecques d’Antinooupolis, Tentyris, Koptos,
Saquete (J.C.)
Apollonopolis Parva et Apollonopolis Magna / Ed.
2000 “Septimius Acindynus, Corrector Tusciae et
A. Bernand, París 1984
Umbriae. Notes on a New Inscription from Augusta
Potts (D.T.) Emerida (Mérida, Spain)”, ZPE, 129, S. 281–286
1994 “Augustus, Aelius Gallus and the Periplus: A Re-
SB
interpretation of the Coinage of Sana‘ā’ Class B”,
Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Aegypten
in: Arabia Felix. Beiträge zur Sprache und Kultur
/ Hrsg. F. Bilabel, E. Kiessling, H.-A. Rupprecht, J.
des vorislamischen Arabien. Festschrift Walter W.
Hengstl. Bd. V, Heidelberg–Wiesbaden 1934–1955
Müller zum 60. Geburtstag / Hrsg. Norbert Nebes,
Wiesbaden, S. 212–222 Scott (H.), Mason (K.), Marshall (M.)
1987 Western Arabia and the Red Sea, London (The
Rabin (Сh.)
Middle East Intelligence Handbooks [1943-1946].
1951 Ancient West-Arabian, London
Vol. 2)
[Rackham (H.)]
SD
1989 Pliny. Natural History in Ten Volumes. II. Libri
Beeston (A.F.L.), Ghul (M.A.), Müller (W.W.),
III–IV. Cambridge–London (The Loeb Classical
Ryckmans (J.) Sabaic Dictionary (English-
Library. 352).
French-Arabic). Louvain-la-Neuve–Beiruth, 1982
[Rahlfs (A.)] (Publication of the University of Sanaa. YAR).
1979 Septuaginta. Id est Vetus Testamentum graece iuxta
Sedov (A.V.)
LXX interpretes. Duo volumina in uno. Stuttgart
2005–2006 “Eastern Arabian Coinage in South Arabia”,
Raschke (M.G.) Arabia, 3, P. 237–241
1978 “New Studies in Roman Commerce with the East“,
SEG
Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt, 9/2,
Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum: I–XXV /
S. 604–1361
Ed. J.J.E. Hondius, A.G. Woodhead et al., Leiden
RIÉ 1923-71; XXVI-XXVII / Ed. H.W. Pleket, R.S.
Recueil des inscriptions de l’Ethiopie des périodes Stroud, Alphen 1978-79; XXVIII-XLII, Amsterdam
pré-axoumite et axoumite. T. 1. Les documents / Ed. 1980-98
Bernand E., Drewes A.J., Schneider R., Paris
al-Sheiba (A.H.)
RIU Die römischen Inschriften Ungarns, Budapest 1987 “Die Ortsnamen in den altsüdarabischen Inschriften
1972– (Mit dem Versuch ihrer Identifizierung und
Lokalisierung)”, ABADY 4, S. 1–62.
Riewald (P.)
1920 “Sacerdotes”, RE 2, Reihe, Bd. 1, Col. Sidebotham (S.E.)
1631–1653 1986 Roman Economic Policy in the Erythra Thalassa,
30 B.C.-A.D. 217 , Leiden 1986 (Mnemosyne.
Rostovtzew (M.I.)
Bibliotheca Classica Batava. Supplementum
1908 “Zur Geschichte des Ost- und Südhandels im
Nonagesimum Primum)
ptolemäisch-römischen Ägypten”, APF 4, S. 298–
315 [Silbermann (A.)]
1988 Pomponius Mela. Chorographie / Texte établi,
Ruge (S.)
traduit et annoté par A. Silbermann, Paris
1896 “Asia. 1”. RE 4, col. 1533–1537
Sittig (E.)
Ry 538
1912 “Hesperiden”, RE. Hbd. 15, col. 1243–1248
Ryckmans (G.)
1956 “Inscriptions sud-arabes. Treizième série”, Le Stein (P.)
Muséon 69, P. 372-381
2003 Untersuchungen zur Phonologie und Morphologie
Salamine XIII des Sabäischen. Rahden/Westf. (Epigraphische
Salamine de Chipre. XIII. Testimonia Salaminia 2. Forschungen auf der Arabischen Halbinsel. 3).
Corpus épigraphique / Ed. J. Pouilloux, P. Roesch,
J. Marcillet-Jaubert, París 1987

[Stückelberger (A.), Graßhoff (G.)] [Watts (N.H.)]
2006 Klaudios Ptolemaios. Handbuch der Geographie. 1993 Cicero. XI. Pro Archia Poeta. Post Reditum in
Griechisch–Deutsch unter Mitarbeit von Florian Senatu. Post Reditum ad Quirites. De Domo Sua. De
Mittenhuber, Renate Burri, Klaus Geus, Gerhard Haruspicum. Responsis. Pro Plancio, Cambridge–
Winkler, Susanne Ziegler, Judith Hindermann, Lutz London (The Loeb Classical Library. 158)
Koch, Kurt Keller. 2 Bde, Basel 2006
Weisgerber (G.)
SupIt-03 1986 “Dilmun – A Trading Entrepôt: Evidence from
Supplementa Italica 3, Rome 1987: L(ocri), Historical and Archaeological Sources”, Bahrain
C(osilinum), A(tina), V(olcei), Co(rfinium), through the Ages. The Archaeology / Ed. by Shaikha
G(enua) Haya Ali Al Khalifa, M. Rice, London, P. 135–142
Szemler (G.J.) Weiss (J.)
1978 “Pontifex”, RE, Splbd. 15, col. 332–396 1912 “Hesperia”, RE. Hbd. 15, col. 1243
TAM II 550/551 von Wissmann (H.)
1957 “De Mari Erythraeo”, Hermann Lautensach-
1930 Tituli Lyciae linguis Graeca et Latina conscripti, Ed.
Festschrift / Hrsg. von H.Wilhelmy. Stuttgart, 1957
Ernst Kalinka. 3 fasc. Vienna 1920–1944. fasc. 2, nos.
(Stuttgarter Geographische Studien. Bd. 69), S.
396–717, Regio quae ad Xanthum flumen pertinet
289–325
praeter Xanthum oppidum
1963 Faltkarte. Grohmann A. Arabien (Kulturgeschichte
[Thurn (I.)]
des alten Orients. III. 1. 1. 3. 4). München, 1963
2000 Ioannis Malalae Chronographia / Rec. Ioannes
Thurn. Berolini [u.a.] (Corpus fontium historiae Wissowa (G.)
Byzantinae; 35: Ser. Berolinensis) 1901 “Dedicatio”, RE 8, col. 2356–2359
Villeneuve (F.) [Wolska-Conus (W.)]
2005–2006 “Réponse aux propositions de Mikhaïl Bukharin 1968–1973 Cosmas Indicopleustès. Topographia Christiana.
– (dans cette même livraison). Farasān inscription 3 vols. Paris (Sources chrétiennes 141, 159, 197)
and Bukharin’s ideas: no pontifex Herculis! and
[Wüstenfeld (F.)]
other comments”, Arabia 3, P. 289–296
1849 Zakarija Ben Mahmud el-Cazwini’s Kosmographie.
Villeneuve (F.), Phillips (C.), Facey (W.) 2004 Erster Teil. Die Wunder der Schöpfung / Hrsg. von
2004 “Une inscription latine de l’archipel Farasān (sud F. Wüstenfeld. Göttingen
de la mer Rouge) et son contexte archéologique et
historique”, Arabia, 2, P. 143–192

Roman Penetration Into The Southern Red PDF

Hochgeladen von

Dokumentinformationen

Originaltitel

Copyright

Verfügbare Formate

Dieses Dokument teilen

Dokument teilen oder einbetten

Freigabeoptionen

Stufen Sie dieses Dokument als nützlich ein?

Sind diese Inhalte unangemessen?

Copyright:

Verfügbare Formate

Roman Penetration Into The Southern Red PDF

Hochgeladen von

Copyright:

Verfügbare Formate

Roman Penetration into the Southern Red Sea

and the Aksumite Campaign in West Arabia

86 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 87

88 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 89

6. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 290–291.

90 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

9. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 293.

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 91

92 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

15. See e.g. opposition of Libya and Egypt in 2. 5. 11.

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 93

94 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 95

96 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 97

98 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 99

100 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

40. Mason, Sherwin-White, Hyamson 1987: 116–117.

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 101

102 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

49. For details see: Bukharin 2000: 88–100.

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 103

104 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 105

106 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 107

108 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

82. Wissowa 1901: 2358.

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 109

110 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 111

93. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 293.

112 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 113

114 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 115

116 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

121. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 292

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 117

124. Bukharin 2003: 36–43.

118 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

127. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 292.

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 119

129. Villeneuve, Phillips, Facey 2004: 145, n. 12.

120 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

131. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 292.

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 121

122 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

142. Villeneuve 2005–2006: 296.

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 123

124 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

148. Potts 1994: 218.

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 125

151. For publication see: Bowersock 1975: 516.

126 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 127

‘Abdallāh (Yū.M.) century A.D.” (in Russian with English summary)]

128 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10

Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10 | 129

130 | Journal of Indian Ocean Archaeology No.6 & 7, 2009-10