GEORGE OLUSOLA AJIBADE

New Wine in Old Cups:

Postcolonial Performance of
Christian Music in Yorùba Land

INTRODUCTION
The Christianity that reached sub-Saharan Africa during the age of colonial
missions had already experienced a long history of phased enculturation
and reform. The early missionaries came to Yorùba land with their own
language and culture and they attempted, with varying degrees of success,
to impose these thought forms and ideas on the Yorùba. This history
remains discernible even today in the music that is produced and used for
various religious rituals.
Music has been defined as art concerned with combining vocal or
instrumental sounds for beauty of form or emotional expression, usually
in accord with cultural standards of rhythm, melody, and, in most Western
music, harmony.1 Musical ensemble cannot be separated from song (a
musical composition with words) especially among the Yorùba. The role
of music as an accessory to words is nowhere more clearly illustrated than
in the history of Christianity.2 Music and religion in Yorùba land function
as a unified activity Within these interconnected elements, there is no
ultimate separation between sacred, secular, music, vocals, or instruments.
Music stimulates the culture and reflects the beliefs of the community.
Music is one of the means towards self-fulfilment, integration, self-
actualisation, and aesthetics. Music demonstrates its potential in the way
it facilitates the incongruent worldview of the people. This trait accounts
for the adaptability of Yorùba traditional music to suit the purpose of
Christianity as one of the prominent religions in contemporary society.
The 'power to move men has always been attributed to music; its ecstatic
possibilities have been recognised in all cultures and have usually been
106 STUDIES IN WORLD CHRISTIANITY

admitted in practice under particular conditions, sometimes stringent

ones.'3
Songs are an important component of the folklore of many African
groups including the Yorùba, and there is no mood that the Yorùba people
cannot express through song. Music is important in the traditional Yorùba
society and it forms a basic anchor in their religious practice prior the
incursion of Islam and Christianity as domesticated religions. To the
Yorùba, music is an emotive and creative force and act.
This accounts for various types of songs that are present in their society.
According to Euba (1993: 1) music can be divided into the following:
Popular music, Music theatre, Christian religious music, Islamic religious
music, Neo-traditional music (in which traditional elements are used to
create new idioms with little or no Western influence), and Art music
(which has greater or lesser degrees of Western influence). This classifica-
tion is very broad and helpful but it cannot be regarded as all-embracing
because it is difficult to distinguish the first three categories from the last
two. Elements that could be found in one of these songs could be found in
others. But his classification is informative in that it helps to know that
there are elements of pluralism in the performance of Christian music.
Prior to the advent of Christianity in Nigerian communities, there were
a number of traditional religious cults and each cult has its own rituals,
music, oral literature (orature) and dances through which such a Deity was
worshipped. Each traditional Deity has specific musical ensembles that
accompany the orature used during the worship. For example, Bata
drum is used for Sàngó and Dùndùn is used for Egúngún among the Yorùba
(Adeoye 1979: 123-7). At the dawn of colonialism, Africa was seen as a
dark continent requiring illumination with European culture, and the oral
literature of African people suffered greatly at the hands of the early eth-
nologists and linguists. They were mainly concerned with the presentation
of texts that correlated with Christian ethics, as technology and Christian-
ity were the two major arms of colonialism. The scholars and researchers
in that period 'took the liberty to edit the texts so as to get rid of materials
they considered 'unclean' by European standards' (Okpewo 1992: 8-9).
The missionaries frowned upon music that was voluptuous or effeminate.
In practice, this meant that aspects of traditional literature (culture in a
broader sense) that the missionaries deemed as being backward, archaic,
noxious, and unclean had to be abolished. That was the situation during
the colonial period. At that time, the mission-churches forbade the use of
Yorùba traditional oratature in their worship and services. The foreign
missionaries declared most of these oral literatures of the people demonic.
 New Wine in Old Cups 107

All the musical ensembles that the people were using for the worship of
their Deities were disallowed in church.
The ordination of Bishop Ajayi Crowther, the first African Bishop,
marked a turning point in the history of Christianity in the African con-
tinent, which in part connotes that blackness is not a trait of inferiority and
uncleanness. Later on there were evidences of cravings for the indigents-
ation of Christianity in Africa that resulted in the breaking away of many
people from the mission-churches; and the formation of African Initiated
Churches (AICs). Many of these AICs could be regarded as the propa-
gandists of this tradition. But there is a great deal of overlap of theology
and practice between AICs and the mission-churches, especially among
the Yorùba people as reflected in their music. Besides hymns, they also sing
choruses and various types of songs composed in the Yorùba language.
These choruses were sung in many different denominations, and formed
part of a common Christian culture that crosses denominational bound-
aries and the boundaries between the AICs and the mission-churches.
Catholics, Protestants and new religious movements are using various
Yorùba traditional musical ensembles in their services, worship, and enter-
tainment, showing that there is no total departure from the traditional
practices. The traditions of the Yorùba form the root for most of their prac-
tices. There is a certain adaptation of the Christian religion to the cultural
values of Yorùba, making it more appealing and giving the people a sense
of belonging in the religious practices. Many of their worship songs take
after the traditional songs and religious literature. For example, ijdld,
which is the genre of Ogún worshippers, ìyèrè that is the tonal poetry of
I/d, Èsà that is the literature of Masqueraders, and Rara, which is the tonal
poetry of Sàngó are now adapted either to praise God or as songs of praises
in their worship.
While writing about the Yorùba people in contemporary society, Eades
(1980: 105) proves that the new religious movements share organisational
similarities with the old cults, and cultural rites of passage have been
adapted to fit the new beliefs to a large extent. Many contemporary
Christian singers in Nigerian communities at the moment basically make
use of the indigenous languages and traditional songs in their compo-
sitions. There are three basic reasons for this practice, firstly, there is the
resilience of traditional practices. Secondly, they have to make their songs
acceptable to the local people by using orature that they are familiar with.
Thirdly, most of the singers who are members of the indigenous New
Christian Religious Movements (NCRMs) are in one way or another
contributing to shifting the focus of the centre of Christianity from the
108 STUDIES IN WORLD CHRISTIANITY

Western to the non-Western world by contextualisation. Most of them

even claim that they are independent of foreign origin or control in organ-
isation, administration, liturgy, and doctrine. This is especially so in the
NCRMs that are mainly of African origin. Hence they are given various
appellations that show their 'Africaness'.4
Though indigenisation of Christianity is common among the NCRMs,
the mission churches are also contributing to it in one form or the other
especially through songs. The next division of this paper discusses the
context of these songs among the Yorùba Christians in South-western
Nigeria.

CONTEXT OF PERFORMANCE OF POSTCOLONIAL CHRISTIAN SONGS

AMONG YORÙBA PEOPLE5
Yorùba orature could be regarded as contextual genre. In virtually all cases,
it is the context that determines the production of a particular genre. The
Yorùba regard everything happening in both the physical and celestial
realms as the context of a genre. The dressing of the poets, attitude of the
audience, the locale of the performance, time of the performance, nature
of the performance, attitude of the poets (genuflection), materials used for
the performance such as drums, guns, ritual materials etc; and the climatic
condition during the time of performance are all regarded as context in
Yorùba imagination of their orature.
This is in consonance with Fowler (1971: 34) that 'context comprises
all relevant things outside language'. As a matter of fact, context of
performance has to do with the milieu of the performer, his/her attitude
within and without, and the experience and knowledge that instigate
production and creativity of the literature. From observation, the majority
of either the solo or group performers of Yorùba Christian songs/music are
female. This, I know stems from the traditional roles of Yorùba women in
the orchestration of the plethora of orature in the society prior to, during
and after colonial epochs. It indicates that the Yorùba women are both the
vectors and transmitters of traditional heritage in the society. Almost every
one of them bears the title of Evangelist. That is to say, they are using
their music to preach the gospel to the people. But it is observed that they
perform in many cases because they have been invited to participate in
rituals such as marriage, naming, graduation and funeral ceremonies. At
some times their performances complement other forms of Yorùba tra-
ditional performance, while at other it is used as substitute. This means
that the contexts of performance of Yorùba Christian songs include vari-
ous church rituals and worship ceremonies such as naming, marriage,
 New Wine in Old Cups 109

funeral, graduation, media production (CD/VCD/DVD and all forms of

Audio and Audiovisuals) and personal entertainment.

THEMES IN POSTCOLONIAL CHRISTIAN SONGS AMONG

YORÙBA PEOPLE
There are various themes in these Christian songs that are performed in
the postcolonial era. Thematic features should be one of the determining
factors of the utility of the various songs produced. Invariably, many of the
commercial Christian singers in the contemporary Yorùba society produce
nothing more than cacophonies of organs, guitars and jazz bands that give
immediate gratification that does not last. Most of them employ the Yorùba
orature in their compositions, though they know little about their appli-
cations by the proponents of these genres.

Evangelical or Vituperative?
Christians, especially the Charismatic and Pentecostals, are creatively
adapting societal norms and cultural practices. For example, some are
using Yorùba orature such as Èsà (Masquerade's poetry), Ijálá (Hunters'
poetry) and Rara (Sàngó's chant) to advertise their various evangelical
programmes.
In the course of evangelisation, various resistances to Christianity
among the Yorùba led to the creation of fear in the hearts of supposedly
new converts. In order to create confidence in the new converts, they were
assured that the powers in the Bible are superior to those of the Yorùba
traditional medicine, with which they were familiar prior to their new
experience in Christianity. One such song created by the Christian
converts goes thus:
Ma yanga sí olóogún I will boast to the medicine men
Ma yanga sí olóogún I will boast to the medicine men
Bówó mi ha te Saàmù If I lay my hands on the Psalms
Ma yanga sí olóogún I will boast to the medicine men.
In this context the medicine man is portrayed negatively by the Christians
to show that as dreaded as the Yorùba traditional medicine man is in the
community his power is useless when they take hold of their Bible ('the
Psalms'). A hermeneutical appraisal of the song above reveals that the
Christians who sing this kind of song see the Psalms in the Bible func-
tioning in the way traditional medicine (incantation, to be specific) would
function. Hence, it is the residual knowledge they possess in the traditional
medicine that makes them compare Psalms in their new faith to the power
110 STUDIES IN WORLD CHRISTIANITY

of traditional medicine. This is in consonance with a Yorùba adage that,

'Kií tan nínú igbá osùn ká má ri fi pa omo lára - the cam wood powder
container is never empty; we will still get the remnant with which we can
rub the baby's body'
As a matter of fact, many Yorùba Christians cannot separate Psalms in
the Bible from the traditional incantations they were using before the
advent of Christianity. Many use the Psalms in the way they were using
Yorùba incantations. Besides, many biblical events are even turned into the
structure oí Ay ajó - the Yorùba incantations that do not need any medical
ingredients; it is based on the scientific understanding of events and
nature. Events including Moses' use of the rod to part the Red Sea, or the
command that Joshua gave to the moon and sun when fighting with the
Gibeonites, are variously incorporated. For example, during the time of
praise and worship in most of the Christian churches, the following song
will frequently be sung.

Away in O We praise you

Olorun wa Our Lord
Awa njéwó Re We are confessing you
Pé ìwo VOlúwa That you are the Lord
Àwon mìiràn njéwó Some are confessing
Wí pé §àngó VOlorun won That §àngó is their god
Àwon mìiràn njéwó Some are confessing
Wi pé Oya VOlorun won That Oya is their god
§ùgbón awa njéwó re But, we are confessing you
Pé ìwo YOlúwal That you are the Lord!
The above Christian song is a way of relegating these Yorùba deities.
At times, they form songs to downgrade the Yorùba traditional deities
and also instil confidence into the hearts of the Christian converts. This is
nothing more than verbal attack that could result in religious violence if it
is not properly managed. Another example of such songs follows.

Onigbàgbó, e má beni Christians, do not fear

Wón ká§o Ièri They put clothes on their heads
Wón légúngún dé They said that Masquerade has come
E má beni Do not fear
Egúngún má kó o éníyán ni It is not masquerade but human beings
E má beni Do not fear
E wo pelé ojú rè métèèta Look at the pelé tribal marks on his face
E má beni Do not fear
 New Wine in Old Cups 111

E wo abaja ojú rè méjèèjq Look at the àbàjà tribal marks on his face
E má berti Do not fear
Òrifà oko àkunlèbo The Deity in the bush that you must
kneel before you worship,
E má beni Do not fear
Kènfèri6 oemákú ègbin The heathens, what a big shame!
E má beni Do not fear.
This and a host of other derogatory songs were invented by the Chris-
tians to show contempt for and condemn the Yorùba traditional religion
while trying to secure a place in Yorùba communities. To the Christians,
Egúngún worship is a big shame and they consider it as a form of deceit and
lie. A song like this reveals the conflict between the Traditionalists and
Christian Missionaries in the attempt at evangelising by the latter. As seen
in the above song, non-Christians among the Yorùba, as non-Jews in the
Bible, were considered as pagans whose 'gods are idols, silver and gold, the
work of human hands. They have mouths, but they speak not; they have
eyes, but they see not; they have ears, but they hear not; nor is there any
breath in their mouths. Like them be those who make them! Yea, every one
who trusts in them!'7 The goal of the Christians is to obliterate what they
consider paganism, demonic and barbaric. To them such a song and others
are tools of evangelical outreach, but it is regarded as obnoxious and
opprobrious to the traditional people in the Yorùba society. All these terms
in the songs rendered by the Christians reveal the interpretation given to
the religious expressions of the Yorùba traditional religionists. Here are
other examples of the songs that Christians sing to prove that their Jesus
is what the people should accept and worship. This is seen in two of the
songs recorded in Ekosin, Osun State, Nigeria in 2000 during the joint
evangelical outreach by the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) Ekosin
Branch:

(a) Bé ó gba bé ò gba Whether you will accept or not

A gbéjésù délé e yin o We have brought Jesus to your house
Bé ó gba bé ò gba Whether you will accept or not.
(b) E wáfedjp sin Come, let us worship together
Abogi-bòpè The one who worships trees and palm trees
Ma bo Sángó mó o Do not worship Sàngó again
E wá kájo sin Come, let us worship together.

Many songs similar to the above are very common among Christians
as they seek to undermine the Yorùba traditional religion, socio-political
112 STUDIES IN WORLD CHRISTIANITY

organisations, and a host of other inherited traditions. They believe that in

this way the people will be led to abandon their religions and be converted
to Christianity. This has happened in the case of many people who love
change, but the reality even today is that many are still found very loyal
to these traditional religions. Evangelist Akinade in one of her songs
disdained the Yorùba traditional religion and socio-political organisations
(Ògbóni/Òsùgbó) that used to be the most respected and trusted tra-
itional political society among the Yorùba in the pre-colonial era.
(a) Lead: Àwa ni Baba We have a father,
Chorus: Àwa ni Baba We have a father
Lead: Baba tí ò le kú o! The father that is immutable to death,
Chorus: Àwa ni Baba We have a father.
Paganism (Kènfèri) is one of the many derogatory terms that were used
by the early missionaries to describe the traditional religion of the people.
It was borrowed from Islam since Islam was the first foreign religion to
become domesticated among the Yorùba people. Peel (2000: 194) has
shown that Christianity adopted the strategy of taking full advantage of the
semantic ground prepared by Islam while at the same preserving both the
fittingness and (where possible) the distinctiveness of the Yorùba rendition
of its own system of concepts. The song below shows the Christians'
idea of accommodating rudiments of Yorùba traditional religion into
Christianity.
Mo le kálelúyá leti ókun I can shout Hallelujah at the shore of
the sea
Mo le kálelúyá leti òsa I can shout Hallelujah at the shore of
the ocean
Bènbé8Jésù ni mo fé jó It is the bénbé of Jesus I want to
dance to
Aleluya, Aleluya ni e lùfun mi Beat Hallelujah, Hallelujah for me.
In the traditional Yorùba setting, the bènbé drum is peculiar to y a, a river
goddess. Therefore, the mention of that drum in the song contains a
hidden meaning. In essence, it proclaims that they are no longer wor-
shipping ya, but they are happy to dance to Jesus, anywhere, anytime.
Also, ókun (sea) and òsa (ocean) are the precincts of Ifd, the Yorùba god
of prognostication and wisdom. They use the materials and systems that
the people are familiar with to appeal to them. In reality they are not
canvassing for total obliteration of the Yorùba traditional religion, but for
its transformation.
 New Wine in Old Cups 113

In a bid to contest with the Muslims on the teaching of Monotheism the

Christians sing a song like this:
Wón ni o wá gbàgb ó You were told to become a Believer/
Christian
O kárí bonú9 You are bowing down
O kárí bonú You are bowing down
O Vólórun ò bímo You said that God did not give birth
to a child
Òjò èsin re ή bò wá lójó ìkeyìn o You will face the consequence on
the last day
Wón ni o wá gbàgbó You were told to become a Believer/
Christian
O kárí bonú You are bowing down.
This is just one of the many songs created by Yorùba Christians out of
their new religious orientation in an attempt to negotiate their space and
create their identity in the society. The paradoxical stance of this lyric is
that the bowing down and sitting posture of Muslims during their prayers
is what the poet refers to in the song. Christianity was translated as èsìn
ìgbàgbó - religion of faith - among the Yorùba. This is because the core of
their teachings is faith. To this end, a believer {Οηίφάφό) is synonymous
with a Christian among the Yorùba.

The Gospel oj Prosperity and Materialism in a Globalised Community

Many Christians in the contemporary society do not compose songs that
really reflect Christian creeds and ethics. More often, Christian musicians
sing for commercial purposes and to excite the senses. They compose
songs to appeal to the masses, especially in this era of material prosperity
that looms before society, demonstrating the resilience of colonial im-
perialism. Many songs fall into this category as shall be seen below.
Gbóri mi sókè Lift my head up,
Gbé mi dide Promote me,
Fá mí lówó soke Lift my hands up,
Κί η gaju ay è lo Lift me up more than the world,
Ögo ay è mi jé kó yo jade Let my life's glory burst out,
Tètè se é o Jesu Jesus, do it quickly
Má màjé kó pé Don't let it be delayed.
This is one of the songs of prayer that reveal the outbursts of Christian
hearts towards material possessions. They opine that it is God who can
114 STUDIES IN WORLD CHRISTIANITY

make them prosper; that is why they urge God in their songs to do so
quickly. Ori (head), mentioned in the first line of the song, has to do with
the Yorùba idea of a personal head as crucial to the vitality of a person in
the world. Johnson Samuel (1976: 27) affirms the importance of the head
in Yorùba philosophy:
The ori (head) is the universal household deity worshipped by both
sexes as the god of fate. It is believed that good or ill fortune attends one,
according to the will or decree of this god; and hence it is propitiated in
order that good luck might be the share of its votary.
Praying through song that God should lift up their heads is not out of place
since they are Yorùba, because it is a clear manifestation of the Yorùba
belief in the significance of one's personal head. In a similar vein they sing
another song, as seen below, to show that when they are helped and
supported by people to become prosperous such people can in turn fly
their own kite. Hence, they believe that it is Jesus alone that blesses.
Ayò Re ή wù mi lokàn My heart craves for your joy,
Ayò Re mo ή fé It is your joy that I want,
Ayò Re ή wù mí lokàn My heart craves for your joy,
Ayò Re mo ή fé It is your joy that I want,
Báyéfúnni lóro When the people give wealth to you,
Won a wíjó They will boast,
Béèyàn soni dolorò When human beings make someone rich,
Won a búni ò They will abuse the person,
Jesu VAfúnni-má-siregún Jesus is the one that gives without boasting
Ayò Re ή wù mi lokàn My heart craves for your joy,
Ayò Re mo ή fé It is your joy that I want.
Their craving for prosperity and material possessions makes them sing
vehemently in most of their prayer revivals, that God should remove from
them garments of poverty and affliction, as seen in the song below.
Baba Mimó gbaso ìyà lára mi Holy Father remove the garment of
poverty from me,
Aso ìyà! Garment of poverty!
Emi ò tún faso ìyà bora mó I will no longer wear the garment of
poverty,
Aso ìyà! Garment of poverty!
In the Yorùba traditional society and even up to the present time, vitality
connotes that one is blessed with money, children and sound health (ire
 New Wine in Old Cups 115

owó, ire omo, ire àlàafià). It is their belief that these three-fold blessings
makes one enjoy life and helps in preparing for the life beyond. The advent
of mission-churches in Yorùba land did not change this philosophy of the
Yorùba people much in regards to blessings that was based on patience,
contentment, industriousness, and godliness. But the advent of a new
generation of churches (AICs and NCRMs) marks a difference. Craving
for money and material possessions forms one of their gospel messages
that emanates in their preaching and music. The songs below were sung at
the naming ceremony of a member of Gospel Faith Mission, a brand of the
NCRMs in Ile-Ife in 2000. The Minister that preached on that day raised
the songs and was echoed by the people who were in attendance.
(a) Olórun o mofowó nlá Oh God I want big money/2x,
Olórun ò mofowó dólá répète Oh God, I want plenty of dollars,
pound sterling,
owó dola ajo moa na an ni We will spend pounds sterling
and dollars together,
Bilionù, Milionù ajo maa na an ni We will spend billions and
millions together.
(b) Òsi ò ye mi Olórun ayò Poverty does not fit me oh God
of joy,
Òsi ò ye mi Olórun ayò Poverty does not fit me oh God
of joy,
Serántí pé àwò tó ofún mi kìi se tìyà Remember that you did not give
me poverty colour,
Òsi ò ye mi Olórun ayò Poverty does not fit me oh God
of joy.
One might be surprised to hear songs like the first coming from
Christian ministers who presumably ought to be leading their flocks to live
a life of contentment. They apparently have a different interpretation of the
biblical injunction that says:
Godliness with contentment is great gain. For we brought nothing into
the world and we can take nothing out of it. But if we have food and
clothing, we will be content with that. People who want to get rich fall
into temptation and a trap and into many foolish and harmful desires
that plunge men into ruin and destruction. For the love of money is the
root of all kinds of evil.10
Today, many of the NCRMs are in search of greener pastures in the
Western world. Many Christian Ministers even support and encourage
116 STUDIES IN WORLD CHRISTIANITY

their members to participate in the lottery visa programme, in their yearn-

ing for material possession. In most cases they hide under the umbrella
of evangelising the whole world, but the truth is that most of them use it
as a means of improving their economic condition. Many of the NCRMs
founders and ministers have become apostles of the 'prosperity gospel'.
This being the case, many become captivated by the message of
prosperity in all its forms. Yielding to this lofty and lusty appeal is made
all the more attractive by the political instability and economic problems
in the country, whereby the masses are in search of identity and vitality.
Also, the first song above reveals the Christians' imagination of the global
world and universality that develop as a consequence of trans-local and
trans-cultural encounters. Anderson (2004: 280) has this to say about
them that, 'Some of its flamboyant representatives have been guilty of the
grossest forms of corruption and exploitation ... some of its ambassadors
jet around the world with their message of success and prosperity for all
who will believe and support their organisations.'11 The offer of an
improved and more prosperous life often gives optimism to people
struggling in poverty and despondency, and leads them to embrace the
NCRMs. The irony of it is that many of the prosperity preachers emphasise
giving as the surest means of becoming prosperous. A prosperity minister
once said,
Cornelius added giving to his prayers; he got a divine visitation. Hannah
added giving to her request; she became a mother. The Widow of
Zarephath added giving to her prayer; she got a miracle. If you have a
desperate need then add giving to your prayer and your need shall be
met.12
This is one of the messages of prosperity that are visible in music and
preaching.

The Yorùba Life Cycle in Christian Music

Birthing is highly regarded among the Yorùba people. The value that the
Yorùba place on child bearing and child bearing is great. A childless
marriage is regarded as a curse and it is prayed against and many pre-
autions are taken to forestall such a fate. Not only childlessness is frowned
upon, even if a woman has several children in succession who die in child-
birth, infancy, or childhood, the children are believed to be àbito, literally
born to die: it is a repeated punishment of the family. At the same time
it is a thing of shame and disgrace to the mother of a wayward and incor-
rigible child. In most cases, due to the patriarchal structure of the Yorùba
 New Wine in Old Cups 117

society, aspersion is cast on the mother of such children. To this end, all
forms of prayers and traditional measures are taken to obviate this unpalat-
able scenario. These ideas are therefore reinforced in the gospel music of
the Yorùba people as seen in the examples below.
(a) Omo omo o o o o , Children! Children!
Omo omo o o o o Children! Children!
Oluòrun fún wa lomo tí ó gbéyin dé wá o God, give us the children
that will take after us
Omo omo o o o o Children! Children!
Help me nurse the child
(b) Bá mi wò ó lawòyè- unto survival
That s/he will not spoil my
Kó má se bá mí lórúko jé-so name,
A useless and child of
Dàdàndidi, íbánújé orno sorrow,
Will not come into my
Kó má se y à sínú ilé mi house,
Help me nurse the child
Bá mi wò ó láwoye unto survival
So that s/he will not
Kó má se y à íbánújé orno become a child of sorrow.
It is evident from the first song above that continuity of a clan or lineage
depends largely upon the role of women. Olúorun fún wa lomo tí ó gbéyin
dé wá o - 'God, give us the children that will take after us', shows the
Yorùba thought about children clearly. Besides calling upon God for the
blessing of children it is the Yorùba belief that homage should be paid to
an ancestress that had passed through the same process of procreation.
And this is also seen in the Christian music. A notable example is that of
Evangelist Akinade Bukola.
Abiyamo ayé o! The Mothers in the world,
Abiyamo òrun o! The Mothers in heaven (the spirit world),
E se mí lálábiíye Make me a good mother,
Κί η má sokún omo So that I will not weep over my children.
The above song also reveals the Yorùba philosophy that death is tran-
sitional. That is why this Christian song is a form of homage to the cult of
motherhood that involves the living and the ancestress. Other examples
of songs that reinforce the belief in ancestors and ancestresses are seen
below.
118 STUDIES IN WORLD CHRISTIANITY

Ile lo lo tààràrà S/he has gone home directly

Iyá/Babá relé o Mother/father has gone home,
lié ló lo tààràrà S/he has gone home directly.
In Yorùba traditional thought ancestors are a crucial link in a hierarchy
of powers that spread out from this world to the spirit world: the cult
of the ancestors is an essential activity in words and deeds. Severing
relationships with one's ancestors results in an end to being a complete
person. When Christianity came into the Yorùba society a harsh stance was
taken against this traditional belief in ancestors and ancestresses. From
observations, regardless of the many strident actions and preaching against
the cult of ancestors in the Christian circles, many Christians still embrace
and adapt traditional beliefs about ancestors. This is visible in the
Christian songs composed in the contemporary society.
Such songs portray the Yorùba belief in the ancestors and ancestresses
as an integral part of their existence, without which the living cannot
succeed. They offer support and watch over the family from where they
had departed. These beliefs are such that they cannot be given up
and cannot but rear their heads again even after significant repression.
These songs and many others are pointing to the belief of many Yorùba
Christians that the essence of traditional ideas about the spirit world
does not really clash with Christianity. Even the Baptist Hymnal that was
composed by the Western Missionaries and translated into the Yorùba
language reveals the same belief in the ancestors.
Christians seek not yet repose,
Hear what your Angels says,
You are in the midst of the foes,
Be watchful.
Those who have fought before us (ancestor/ancestress),
They are watching us as we fight,
They are saying in accord 'be watchful'.
Many Yorùba Christians even opine that sharing the body of Christ in the
Eucharist is a form of declaration of their corporate existence in the body
of Christ, so that the all-sufficient sacrifice of Christ may be effective in
their case also.

Ritual Time
The Yorùba people habitually celebrate repetitive practices, regular events
or ceremonies. At each of these occasions they pray for a better future of
 New Wine in Old Cups 119

celebration, and they bring all their requests to their object of worship. At
the same time everyday activities are usually committed into God's hands
for a successful enterprise. The song below is an example of the typical
Yorùba worshipper of Deities such as Òsun, Ifá etc., which the Christians
have incorporated into their early morning prayers:
(a) Ojúmó Baba It is already dawn father,
Gbà mí lówó asebi Deliver me from evil people,
Gbà mí lówó aláróká ò Deliver me from talebearers,
Aseniwòròkò The-one-who-harms-i
indiscriminately.
(b) Odún titun dé A New Year has come,
Jesu mobèóo Jesus I beg you,
Prevent me from unending
Ekún àsunrìn ma màjé óbámio weeping.
This year shall be fruitful, it
Odún yií á y abo kó ni le koko mó mi shall not be difficult for me
This year shall be fruitful, it
(c) Odún yií à y abo kó ni le koko mó mi shall not be difficult for me,
Whatever I lay my hands on
Ohun tí mo dáwó léáyorí shall prosper,
Whatever I pray for shall be
Ohun tí mo bèèrè ni Jésù yóó se done by Jesus,
This year shall be fruitful; it
Odún yií á y abo kó ni le koko mó mi shall not be difficult for me.
Bitter kola produces fruit
(d) Odoodún là ή rórógbó annually,
Walnut produces fruit
Odoodún là ή ràwùsà annually,
May the year brings blessings
Kódún kó san wá sówo of money,
May the year bring blessings of
Kódún kó san wá sómo children
Whatever might cause us to
Ohun tí ó panilékún ò nínú odún weep in the year,
Prevent it from us good father.
Majé kó selè sí wa o Baba rere
The latter three songs are all restatements of Yorùba traditional prayers
Qwúré) said during the annual traditional festivals. In fact, many of the
prayers recorded at the shrine of Òsun in Òsogbo community, Òsun State,
Nigeria in 2000 contain similar themes and phrases. Celebration as one
120 STUDIES IN WORLD CHRISTIANITY

of the traits that mark Yorùba rituals of time is highly observable in the
Christians' rituals.
Sacrifice and Prayer
Sacrifice and prayer (ebo and iwúre) are not alien to Yorùba people. Their
place in Yorùba cosmology can never be underestimated, even in the face
of modernism. There are many forms of prayer, including prayers of praise,
supplication, propitiation, and repentance, as well as pleas for intercession.
For each Deity there are usually prescribed liturgical songs, chants, and
recitals that priests, priestesses or other adherents of a Deity must recite
during a ritual performance. Musical ensembles are also employed to call
upon the Deities. The typical times for prayer are early in the morning and
late in the evenings. A particular day of the week may also be dedicated to
prayers to a specific god. Sacrifice and offering of prayers to the Deities
go hand-in-hand. While the Christians denounce the offering of sacrifice
among the Yorùba they are, through their songs, educating people to
recourse to prayer as a replacement of sacrifice as seen in the songs below.
To me it is just a matter of taste, because the idea of sacrifice is still retained.
(a) Àdûrà lebo Prayer is sacrifice,
Àdurà lebo ò mi Prayer is my sacrifice,
Àdûrà lebo Prayer is sacrifice,
Àdurà lebo ò mi Prayer is my sacrifice,
Ojoojúmó ninórúu I will offer it daily,
Àdurà lebo ò mi Prayer is my sacrifice,
Ni kùtùkùtù nórúu I will offer it early in the morning,
Àdurà lebo ò mi Prayer is my sacrifice,
Lààrin ògànjó nórúu I will offer it at midnight,
Àdurà lebo ò mi Prayer is my sacrifice.
(b) Téwó gbebo wa Accept our sacrifice
Baba wa téwó Our Father, accept it,
Babà Olódùmarè Almighty Father,
ìwo la wá gbébofún o You are the one we have offered the
sacrifice for,
Téwó gbebo wa Accept our sacrifice
Baba wa téwó Our father, accept it.
From the songs above we can see the times of offering of sacrifice in the
Yorùba traditional society: morning, late in the evening and late in the
night. These times are very important to the Yorùba priests and priestesses
who are in charge of sacrifices. It is the time that they believe the spiritual
forces are ready for the sacrifices.
 New Wine in Old Cups 121

TONAL AND STRUCTURAL PATTERNING OF THE YORÙBA

TRADITIONAL POETRY
It is important at this juncture to say that many elements of Yorùba
traditional religion are being incorporated into the poetic repertoire of the
transplanted religions, especially Christianity. At times they may just use
the tonal pattern of the traditional poetry to create their own song; indeed,
the Ijálá, Èsà and Ifá patterns are appropriated in many churches today. For
example, the traditional ìyèrè Ifá13 has a tonal pattern that makes it like a
song with a slow bata beat. It has a chorus answer - En-en or Hin-in - that
invites 'yes' to the lead sentence. There is a familiar worship song among
Yorùba Christians that is patterned after ìyèrè Ifá.
Lile: E ba mi gbéjésù yìi ga Solo: Lift up this Jesus for me
Ègbè: En-en ha En-en AH: Yes
Lílé: Òun loba nlá tó sayé ró Solo: He is the great King who
holds the world
Ègbè: En-en ha En-en All: Yes
Lílé: Òun loba nlá tó dá gbogbo wa Solo: He is the great king that
created all of us
Ègbè: En-en ha En-en All: Yes
This song takes its pattern and structure from Ifá tonal poetry (ìyèrè Ifá)
that is a vital part of Yorùba religious poetry. This indicates the resilience
of Yorùba orature, displayed in the face of religious and socio-political
change. It is not only the Ifá tonal poetry that the Christians have appro-
priated; they use other types of Yorùba poetry as well. This is very common
with many Christian denominations, especially the Africa indigenous
brands of Christians, either in their prayers or in their songs. Below are
other examples of the Yorùba traditional poetry that they have created in
the form of incantations (Àyajó):1*
(a) Yiyo yiyo làà bójó The day cannot but show forth
Yiyo yiyo làà bósù The moon cannot but spring forth
(b) Àfàxlà ojo Unless the day does not shine
(Twice)
Bójó bá là màâ là If the day shines I will shine
(Twice)
(c) Ô dá mi lójú I am convinced
Béyin báfori so apata If an egg hits the rock
Ojó ito rè lo pé Its day of death has come
(d) Eni tó bá roto rò mí Anyone thinking that I will die
122 STUDIES IN WORLD CHRISTIANITY

À forno rópò His/her child will die instead of me

Ènìyàn ò le roto rò mi No one can plan death for me
Kó mú unjegbé o And get away with it.
(e) Báyé gbógun dé If the world brings their problems15
Ν óto babà lo I will go to the father
Ma nn ma y an bi oba I will walk majestically like a king
Béníyán dite ma súré pe Jésù When people conspire I will call on
Jesus
Ma rìn mayan bí oba I will walk majestically like a king
Àugi àtòpè16 tó ni kérinl7má wodò Both the trees and the palm trees
saying that the elephant will not get
to the river,
Erin ni ó §e wón ló§é layé The elephant will destroy them in
this world,
Me ra dèyin léyinjésù I will never go back from following
Jesus.
The above Christian songs show the kind of orientations that the Yorùba
converts have and the effects of the residual philosophy of their former
religious and cultural practices. In essence, there is no total departure from
their indigenous religious thought and beliefs. They make use of nature
(in their cosmogony) in their prayers: that is a prominent attribute of the
Yorùba incantations. One basic feature that reveals an affinity and con-
tinuity between Aladura (white garment church) and Yorùba cosmologies
is the belief in spiritual forces (Adogame 2004: 503). The Yorùba imagin-
ation of enemies (Ota) and sadistic spirits (Ajogun) is also present with
them in their songs. Two reasons could account for this. One, it could be
a way to make the new religion attractive to the masses since everyone likes
to overcome his or her enemies in order to succeed in life. The Christian
converts cannot depart totally from their indigenous knowledge and prac-
tices. Abimbola even notes that 'many Christians and Muslims consult Ifá
during all important events of their lives' (Abimbola 1994: 101). Most of
the cited songs take the form of Èpe (curses) and Ofò ibi (evil incantation),
which the Yorùba were using during the era of internecine wars.
Another example is the one that was improvised from the Yorùba
lullaby (orin aremo).
Jesu ή be kò má sifòyà There is no fear for Jesus is alive/2x
Àyà mió já ó ó ee\ I am not afraid at all,
Àyà mi òjà bésù ή halé I am not afraid if Satan is harassing me,
Jesu ή be kò má sifòyà there is no fear for Jesus is alive.
 New Wine in Old Cups 123

Etiyeri is one of the notable forms of poetry among the Yorùba and many
Christian songs were patterned according to this genre. It has the structure
of question and answer in which the lead and the chorus ask and answer
the questions in a repetitive form. The essence is to stimulate the hearers
to the message therein. An example of this is taken from Beulah (2003)
titled 'Ó ti se é\ Part of the song goes thus:
Lead: Bí wón bá ni 'ta leni tó se é? If they ask for the person
that did it,
Chorus: Bí wón bá ni 'ta leni tó se é? If they ask for the person
that did it;
Lead: Bí wón bá bèèré pé 'ta lo gbà mi làT If they ask for the person
that saved me,
Chorus: Bí wón bá bèèré pé 'ta lo gbà mí làT If they ask for the person
that saved me.

CONCLUSIONS
This paper has discussed the resilience of Yorùba cultural heritage that
is so poignantly displayed in contemporary Christian liturgy, seen in
the songs used in corporate worship and rituals as well those sung
individually. Appraisal of Christian songs has shed additional light on the
religious orientation of the people, and the kind of power relations that
exist among them due to their new religious orientations in relation to
their traditional worldview. This study demonstrates that the various
religious orientations of the people and power relations brought about the
production of different types of religious discourse with their thrust in the
traditional orature of the Yorùba people. Various socio-cultural beliefs and
practices of the Yorùba people as embedded in the domesticated religion,
Christianity to be precise, are discussed such as the concepts of prosperity,
ritual time, ancestral cult, motherhood, prayers and sacrifice. Though
many of the singers and the Christians who are using these songs, profess
to belong to this new religion the contents of their songs clearly reveal that
they are using their patent knowledge of the universe, the Yorùba language
and sociology as the base of their poetic creation and performances.
Despite scores of years of destructive 'propaganda' against the Yorùba
traditional religions by the Christians especially through songs that
could be regarded as a form of verbal assault, it is still alive and remains
the religious and cultural context from which most Christians in Yorùba
come, and in which many of them still live to a great extent in practice.
In conclusion, interpreting the discourse of postcolonial music among
124 STUDIES IN WORLD CHRISTIANITY

the Yorùba reveals their imaginations of the world, globality and univer-
sality that develop as a consequence of trans-local and trans-cultural
encounters. It reveals the mixing and pluralism of ideas and belief systems.

Dr George Olusola Ajibade is a Lecturer in the Department of African

Languages and Literatures at the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife,
Nigeria. He was a Research Fellow at the Institute for African Studies,
University of Bayreuth, Germany, under project titled imagination,
Aesthetic and the Global Art World (B4)' carried out under the Humani-
ties Collaborative Research Centre of University of Bayreuth, Germany,
2000-2004, where he is currently, as an Alexander von Humboldt Research
Fellow. His research interests are in African Cultural Studies, critical social
and literary theories and folklore. He is also author of a number of articles
on Yorùba cultural studies including 'Hearthstones: Religion, Ethics and
Medicine in the Healing Process in the Traditional Yorùba Society'. He is
currently preparing a book manuscript titled, Women's Voices in Women's
Lore.
NOTES
1. Music'. Encyclopaedia Brìtannica. 2006. Encyclopaedia Britannica Premium service.
Retrieved 10 January 2006, http://www.britanica.com/eb/article-64612.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.
4. There are two categories of New Christian Religious Movements (NCRMs). The first
group are those that separated themselves from the existing mission-oriented churches. The
second group are those that were founded by charismatic individuals independent of any
mother church. In any case they are given names such as African Indigenous Church,
African Initiated Church, and many other derogatory and obnoxious names either by the
public or the mission churches that see the NCRMs as schismatic, separatist, or spiritist.
For more on nomenclature and classification of the AICs, see Hayes (1992 and 2000),
Turner (1979).
5. I have argued the following point elsewhere (Ajibade 2005: 13).
6. This word, Kènfèri, means pagans or heathens.
7. Psalms 115: 1-4, 135: 15-18, and Isaiah 2: 8-9.
8. Allusion is made to Bènbè here simply because it is a traditional drum for many Yorùba
Deities such as Oya and Òsun. This drum is also called Lúkorígi among the ìjèsà people.
9. Kárí bonú is an obnoxious term that was used to describe a Muslim in the posture of
prayer as he or she bows down.
10. I Timothy 6: 6-10, Holy Bible, New International Version, Bangkok: International
Bible Society.
11. Anderson, Allan. 2004. An Introduction to Pentecostalism. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
12. Taken from the message of Rev. Adeniyi Amos, titled 'Reinforced Prayer\ Rest Inter-
national Church, Ibadan, Nigeria, on 15 January 2006.
 New Wine in Old Cups 125

13. This is Ifd tonal poetry. It has rhythm and sounds like a worship song. It has the
pattern of solo and chorus.
14. Ayájó, literally 'incantation', refers to words that have the power to become an event
in life by being uttered. The Hebrew equivalent is Dahbar and the Greek equivalent is Logos.
It has variants among the Yorùba people. There are: Ofo, Ase or Afose, Gbètugbètu, Ògédè or
ìgèdè, etc. depending on utility, production and the users.
15. Ayé, literally 'the world', here has metaphorical meanings. It refers to all people that
possess mystic or esoteric power to injure, afflict and jeopardise another person. Basically,
it is used to refer to the witches and wizards.
16. This is a metaphorical use of the word to stand for all and sundry.
17. It is also a metaphor that stands for the person singing the song. The river there
metaphorically stands for the person's destination or goals in this context.

REFERENCES
Video, CDs and Audio Tapes
Akinade, R., Olubukola, A.K.A. Sewele Jesu and The Living Voices International Gospel
Team, 2004. 'Ó Favour Mi\ High Waves Video Mart, Lagos, Nigeria, Video CD (GR 532).
Bola Are and Her Spiritual Covenant Gospel Singers International, 2005. 'Praises (ìyìn) and
Prayers (Àdurà)\ Remdel Optimum Communication, Lagos, Nigeria, Video CD, Volume
50 (OGLP 50).
Funbi Ayodele Makun, 2004. 'Ó Gbódò Dára Fun Mi', Remdel Video and Music Mart, Lagos,
Nigeria, Video CD.
Bisi Alawiye Aluko, 'Emi Mimo E se', Remdel Optimum Communication, Akure.
Tope Alabi, A.K.A. Àgbo Jésù 'Certi&cate-Iwe Eri\ Remdel Optimum Communication,
Lagos, Nigeria, Video CD.
Bosede, Beulah. 2003. 'Ma se Rere\ Alloy Productions International, Idumota-Lagos,
Nigeria, Video CD.
Folake, Umosen. 2003. 'The kings Praise', God's Strength Investment Ltd, Oshodi, Lagos
Nigeria, Video CD.

Books and Journal articles

Abimbola Wände, 1994. 'Ifá: A West African Cosmological System', in T.D. Blakely et al.
(eds), Religion in Africa: Experience and Expression. London: James Currey, pp. 101-16.
Adeoye, C.L. 1979. Asa Ati Ise Yoruba. London: Oxford University Press.
Akinjogbin, Adeagbo. 2002. Milestones and Social Systems in Yoruba History and Culture:
A Key to Understanding Yoruba History. Ibadan: Olu-Akin Publishers.
Adogame, Afe. 2004. 'Engaging the Rhetoric of Spiritual Warfare: The Public Face of
Aladura in Diaspora', in Journal of Religion in Africa, 34 (4): 493-522.
Ajibade, G. Olusola. 2005. 'Multifaces of Word in Yorùba', in Journal of Language and
Literature, 4 (1): 20-39.
Anderson, Allan. 2004. An Introduction to Pentecostalism. Cambridge University Press.
Eades, J.S. 1980. The Yoruba Today. Cambridge University Press.
Euba, Akin. 1993. Modern African Music, Germany: University of Bayreuth, Iwalewa Haus.
Fowler, Roger. 1971. The Languages of Literatures: Some Linguistic Contribution to Crìticism,
London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
Hayes, Stephen. 1992. 'The African Independent Churches: Judgment through ter-
minology?' Missionalia 20 (2): 139-46.
126 STUDIES IN WORLD CHRISTIANITY

Hayes, Stephen. 2000. 'More on AICs.' httpy/www.geocities.com/missionalia/aic. Retrieved

on 28 July 2004.
Hayes, Stephen. 2005. 'Sorting out the terminology.' ηίφνΑκ^^εοαίί^χοπι. Retrieved
on 19-07-2005.
Johnson, Samuel. The History of the Yorubas, Lagos: CSS 1976 (first published, 1921).
Mbiti, John S. 1975. Introduction to Afrìcan Religion. London: Heinemann.
Okpewo, Isidore. 1992. The Study of Afrìcan Oral Literature. Bloomington and Indianapolis:
Indiana University Press.
Peel, J.D.Y. 2000. Religious Encounter and the Making of the Yoruba, Bloomington and
Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.
Turner, W. Harold. 1979. Religious innovation in Africa. Boston: G.K. Hall.
 ^ s
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