Hannah Faith Monana

AS 298 final paper

Soft Masculinity in K-Pop Boy Bands

Introduction

Hallyu or Korean Wave is a term coined in China to refer to the popularity of Korean

dramas. According to Jang and Paik (2012), Hallyu comes in two waves. The first wave is called

the “original hallyu” which is characterized by the widespread popularity of South Korean

dramas. The second wave which is the “shin hallyu” (New Korean Wave) is characterized by the

widespread diffusion of K-pop music in Asia. Recently, K-pop girl and boy groups or commonly

just called idol groups are gaining popularity not just in Asia but also reaching America and

Europe.

One reason for the spread of Hallyu is attributed to the ‘star production of entertainment

houses’ (Shin and Kim, 2013). They argued that Korean Entertainment houses were at the center

of the development and success of K-pop as market intermediaries in facilitating market

processes by tying together the markets for production and demand. Production of kpop idols is

an industrial process that starts from selection and training of young artists with high potentials

to be commercially successful products until image-making and marketing after debut. Part of

this image-making for the idol groups is projecting an image that could be appealing for the

consumption of the fans.

K-pop boy groups are also often labelled as feminine-looking or androgynous. Jung

(2011) claims that this identity relies largely on the performance of a hybrid “manufactured

versatile masculinity” and is constructed through performances in different media outlets such as
TV, music programs, reality shows, and game shows, and closely managed by management

companies and the boy bands themselves (Manietta,2015). Jung (2011) refers to it as “soft South

Korean masculinity”. Terms such as ‘aegyo’ ‘flower boy’, ‘pretty boy’ is widely used to describe

idol boy groups that channels their soft masculinity. These young bodies of celebrity K-pop idol

groups, both boys and girls, are depicted as objects consumed by fans in fetishistic and

voyeuristic ways (Kim, 2010 and 2011; Lee, 2011).

This paper will only focus to K-pop boy groups and aims to explore how these boy

groups project an image of soft masculinity as part of their image-making. This paper also argues

that talent agencies are the primary producer these idols’ image and fans also take part in this

image-making through consumption of soft masculinity ideals.

Idol-Making Process in Korean Entertainment Houses

Korea’s star-making process is a long and expensive endeavour. The top 3 talent agencies

commonly called as the ‘Big Three’, SM Entertainment, YG Entertainment and JYP

Entertainment is known for producing top idol groups such as TVXQ, EXO, Big Bang, 2NE1,

and 2PM. The term cultural technology which refers to the factory system used by South Korean

music agencies to manufacture, disseminate, and promote Korean cultural products to local and

overseas consumers is usually credited to Lee Soo Man, the founder of SM Entertainment

(Chen,2016).

Each talent agencies has its owns way of training idols to become a celebrity from

audition until debut. Usually, aspiring singers auditions to these talents agencies at a very young

age of 8-10 years old. Training before debut could last for 6 months or could reach until 10 years
depending on the trainees’ readiness to debut assessed by the talent agency. Trainings include

classes in singing, dancing, acting, learning foreign languages such as English, Japanese, and

Chinese and public speech and communication skills.

Talent agencies also provided image management training and constructed long-term

image strategies to maximize the success of their talent (Chen, 2016). Trainings also include how

the idols should present themselves during interviews and variety shows. These companies

sometimes dictate what image should the idols project to the fans staging their behaviours on TV.

Soft Masculinity as a Mode of Survival

Fan culture in South Korea is also another phenomenon that should be considered.

Fanclubs for South Korean celebrities are officially recognized and regulated by the celebrity’s

talent agency. They have official platform where they meet online through fancafes. SM

Entertainment, even made to the point of involving the fans to co-produce SM trainees prior to

their debut by launching the application ‘SM Rookies’ where they can suggest concepts and

ideas for SM’s new project group (now debuted as NCT).

Most of the income of the talent agencies and idol groups came from album sales

concerts, and fan meetings. A group is only considered successful if it gains enough fans and is

usually acknowledged by the number of members registered in a fan cafe. These fancafes are

recognized by the idol’s agencies and have paid membership system. TVXQ held a Guinness

World record in 2008 for having the largest fan club recorded through their official fan cafe.
 Because of this huge participation of fans on the career advancement of idols, the fans

also developed sense of ownership to their idols and has indirect power to dictate how the idols

should act. I argue that the fans are involved in image-making and commodification of idol

images through consumption of soft masculinity ideals.

Categories of Soft Masculinity

According to Han (2016) aegyo is rooted in traditional South Korean culture, history and

politics, and has given rise to a unique and clearly identifiable aspect of the Korean identity,

exemplified by K-pop idols and their performances. The term aegyo refers to the behaviour of

‘acting cute’ that is articulated in Korean popular culture. The word is derived from the joining

of two Chinese characters: ‘love (ae)’ and ‘beautiful (gyo)’. For Puzar (2011), aegyo is usually

embodied in the adoption of childlike charm and innocence as a feminine trait. On the other hand

Han (2016) also adds that within K-pop, aegyo is also performed by boys in a remodelling of

traditional forms of masculinity. ‘Cute’ has become a way of negotiating the hypersexualised

world of Western pop without jeopardizing traditional South Korean values of propriety. It is

‘sexy’ without being ‘sexual’.

On the other hand, misonyun and kkotminam both indicate male beauty and male

prettiness and different in terms of age. The term misonyun is a combination of the word mi

(beauty) and sonyun (boy). Kkotminam came from words kkot(flower) nam(boy). The misonyun

is therefore a young teenage boy, and the concept highlights ‘cuteness’ more than beauty, as seen

in the effeminate and childlike characteristics while kkotminam refers to the period from the late

teens to the early 20s (Han,2016). Kkotminam also refers to men who are pretty looking and who

have smooth fair skin, silky hair, and a feminine manner (Jung,2009). Another category is
kkotjimseung which is a combination of the word kkot (flower) and jimseung (beast). Unlike the

kkotminam, kkotjimseung points to a mature, more overtly sexy maleness.

South Korea being a Confucian society, also follows strict order in terms of age and

seniority. In an idol group composed of several members, the oldest is usually the leader and the

youngest, called the maknae in Korean is often expected to be the cutest and innocent and

usually in-charged of doing the aegyo.

Performance of Aegyo

Aside from the basics of being able to sing and dance, it is also important for the idol to

be funny and entertaining. Variety shows are a good opportunity for these idols to present and

market themselves to gain more fans. Jung (2011) makes the observation that these variety

shows are “a site where the manufactured idol characters empowered by the capitalist desires of

major entertainment companies meet the individual desires of the general public, plus the

practical and economic needs of the cable television industry” (p. 169).

Manietta (2015) also noted that there is an indirect force from the fans for the members to

perform aegyo. In his observation of the famous variety show Weekly Idol, the host of the

program always frame requests of idols to perform aegyo ‘for the fans’. Idol members refusing to

perform could lead to the dissatisfaction of fans and could be seen as economic loss.

K-pop male idols are often seen wearing makeup and controlling their weight by dieting.

Use of cosmetics and dressing up are usually reserved for women but k-pop male idols are

slowly blurring gender roles in contemporary Korean society. Even though idols perform these

activities, they are not considered as gays or homosexuals.

 Kang Daniel the 1st place winner of Produce 101, a reality survival show in Korea, now

debuted in an idol group Wanna One is gaining huge popularity recently. The program shows the

training process to become an idol and has weekly assessment of their skills. The top 11 winner

of the show will form a group and perform activities as an idol group. One feature of this reality

show is that the winner is determined through text votes. Kang Daniel is also considered the

center of the group. He also has pale skin, feminine features androgynous look. In an online

community pann, an article was written ‘Why Kang Daniel is popular’. The top and repeating

comments says that he looks like a puppy offstage which signals cute and soft image while he

can be fierce and charismatic while dancing on stage.

The two contrasting image one that of being cute likened to a puppy and a charismatic

dancer on stage what appeals to the fans the most. Aside from being a good and strong dancer on

stage, it is also noteworthy that projecting a cute and soft image is also important. Projecting a

soft and cute image now becomes part of image-making and marketing strategy of idols by

performing aegyo.

Manietta (2015) also argue that the feminine aspects associated with South Korean soft

masculinity allow idol group members who are associated with this variety of masculinity to

perform aegyo more successfully than those who present other kinds of masculinity. Aegyo has

been examined as a form of performance from daily life, and performances of aegyo have been

presented as competitive - survival of the ‘cutest’ - or as behaviours deliberately manufactured

for commodification (Han,2016).

Fanfictions

Fans also participate in consuming feminine aesthetics of the idol groups by creating fan

fictions. Fan fictions in the context of K-pop refers to the stories written by fans using the idols

as characters. It is said to be based on Japanese yaoi subgenre of manga that features homosexual

themes and kkotminam masculinity. In Korea, the yaoi subculture draws most of its membership

from young females in their late teens to early thirties (Bak, 2008; cited in Jung,2011 ). Such fan

fiction is frequently based on the sexual fantasies of teenage girls who evidently prefer that these

idols desire each other rather than other girls (Kim Cheong-hwan 2008; cited in Jung,2011).

Idols being in a heterosexual relationship or publicly confirming their dating status is considered

a scandal in Korean society. It could ruin an idol’s image and could result to fans getting angry

and stop supporting the idols. The talent agencies managing the idols are also strict to include

‘no dating’ in the contract of the idols. Being involved in a dating scandal results to losing fans

and could incur economic loss to the company.

Even though the fans picture the members as homosexual couple in fan fictions, they still

not consider them as real gays or homosexuals. It is also interesting that idols responds to the fan

fictions created by fans. Jung (2010) in his observation of fan fictions written for male idol group

Shinhwa noted that they often pair up like gay couples in interviews and concert clips, kissing

and touching their partners in accordance with the various couple combinations that the fans

create. He noted three stages in the construction of these gay kkonminam couples. First, the fans

create yaoi stories that employ the two as kkonminam characters. So far, the coupling of

members Eric and Hye-sung has been the most in demand and in much fan fiction this

combination has been described as the best couple. Second, members of the band seemingly

respond to this fan interest: Eric and Hye-sung act like a couple in front of the media and are
often seen kissing and biting each other or holding hands and touching each other’s buttocks.

Third, the fans put together collages of such images as tributes, further fuelling the imagining of

the two as a couple.

It is also noteworthy that fanfictions follow gender roles set by community of fans. The

naming of the couple also has a meaning attached to it. The name of the member fist mentioned

is usually the ‘top’ and the second member mentioned in the couple name is usually attributed

the ‘bottom’. The most famous couple in the male idol group TVXQ is YunJae, a combination of

the names of two members Yunho and Jaejoong. Yunho is usually seen as the manliest member

of the group and the best dancer showing strong and charismatic self during performances.

Jaejoong on the other hand, is often described as the most handsome member with a pretty face

coming out straight from a manga. Writing fan fictions of the members can also be creative up to

the point of one member being pregnant. In the case of YunJae couple, it is usually Jaejoong who

gets pregnant because he is the one who takes the ‘female’ role in the relationship.

Within the genre of k-pop fan fictions, fans create a space to satisfy their sexual fantasies

with their idols. Idols’ image of soft masculinity are being consumed by fans to create another

arena where male idol groups perform gender based on the desires of fans.
Conclusion

South Korean K-pop industry offers a new definition of masculinity which is ‘soft

masculinity’. With hundreds of new idol groups debuting each year, this image of soft

masculinity is a way of Korean idols to survive the intense competition within the K-pop

industry. This image-making is manufactured in talent agencies and performed through acting

cute or aegyo.

The fans being the main consumers of idol groups, also take part in encouraging this soft

image projection from the idols. Fans specifically prefer feminine performance from male idol

groups forcing the idols to act in such a way to satisfy the desires of fans. Fans also create a

space in the genre of fan fictions further commodifying the feminine aesthetics projected by the

male idols.

Connell’s concept of multiple and hegemonic masculinity shows that there is not a single

concept of masculinity. There is an existing hegemonic Western masculinity and K-pop’s soft

masculinity could be another form of hegemonic masculinity that competes with it. As K-pop’s

popularity is spreading not just in Asia but reaching other parts of the world such as America and

Europe, Western fans of male idol groups also becomes a consumer of soft masculinity from

Korea that competes with Western idea of muscularity.

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