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GISELA SOLYMOS
In the context of a civil society characterized by recent autonomy from the state and the
Catholic Church, Brazil’s third sector is growing in an unprecedented manner. With a dramatic
increase in civil rights and environmental nonprofit organizations in the last forty years, pivotal
issues in society such as health, education, and research have taken a back seat. Fortunately,
there are social entrepreneurs and innovators working to correct this detriment. Gisela Maria
Bernades Solymos is a Brazilian social entrepreneur that is utilizing federal funding, a vast array
of social networks, and brand new innovations in nutrition and research, impacting the favelas
Civil society is a difficult term to define, no matter the country in question. Just as civil
society is a contested concept in the United States, so it is in Brazil. Helmut Anheier (2005)
defined civil society as a “sphere of ideas, values, institutions, organizations, networks, and
individuals located between the family, the state, and the market,” claiming it as a sort of
modern day “buffer zone”, keeping both government and business entities in check (p. 57).
Bruce Sievers (2010) similarly coined civil society the ability to balance private tendencies,
individualist ideas, and public propensities (p. xvi). Sievers along with other contemporary
theorists identified seven elements of historical development and ideas that compile what they
believe to be civil society: philanthropy, the common good, rule of law, private associations,
individual rights, a system of free expression and tolerance (pp. 4-7). Leilah Landim and Andrés
are “institutions shaped by the social, historical, and cultural backgrounds of their countries of
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origin” (Leilah, 1997, p. 337). For the purposes of this essay, I will be using the framework of
American civil society as put forth by both Anheier and Sievers to more fully understand civil
Brazil gained its independence from Portugal in September 1822. The country was
originally constituted based on a slave economy, as a centralized state with the Catholic Church
as a key legitimizing force. Therefore the state, above all else, was responsible for the
“creation” of society. Brazilian citizens were arranged into groups in an economic hierarchy and
federal interventions were swift to destroy attempts for autonomy and participatory society.
Though voluntary action has been a common theme through Latin American history since
colonial times, until the nineteenth century civil society in Brazil was ruled by the Catholic
Church (Landim, p. 339). The process of political independence began in 1822, however
freedom was not possible for all until the abolition of slavery in 1888. Even then, symbiosis
between the Catholic Church and the patriarchy existed until the end of the nineteenth
century. This partnership did not foster but discouraged the formation of voluntary
organizations and associations that could mobilize to make change (Landim, 1997). Finally, in
1989, the constitution gave municipals a critical role in delivering services and promoting
participatory democracy; today, the degree of responsibility, authority, and resources granted
to the Brazilian municipals is unsurpassed in the developing world (Baiocchi, 2008, p. 912).
In this sense, Brazil’s civil society is still quite young—at least quite a bit younger than
that of the United States. Like the United States, however, the concept of civil society is
contested and has been granted a many number of different names and designations within
society. In Brazil, civil societies or nonprofit organizations are private organizations that are
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non-commercial in behavior and objectives; this is the most neutral term for Brazilians (Landim,
p. 355). An association frequently suggests opposition to the state, with more formal
hand have no difficulty cooperating with the state and tend to be linked to the church with
values of neighborly love, charity, and generosity. These are oriented towards clients,
recipients, and third parties which require social assistance (Landim, p. 356). Non-government
organizations or NGOs have emerged in Brazil in the last forty years; they grew out of social
movements in the 1970s and share privileged relations with major institutions. Lastly,
foundations are those favored by corporate philanthropy, as they are legally constituted. Today,
As was mentioned before, Brazil’s civil society is young in comparison to the United
States and other developed countries; it is also considered much weaker. The cooperation of
the state and the Catholic Church for hundreds of years and the prolonged maintenance of a
centralized, authoritarian patriarchy produced a very weak civil society, one of which has only
come into full fruition within the last half-century (Salamon, 1999, p. 398). As a result, the
modern day nonprofit organization in Brazil is mostly small, with fewer than ten paid staff and
an annual budget of around $30,000 (Landim, 1997, p. 357). There are some larger and more
comprehensive, though this is not the norm. Much like the United States’, the sector in which
these organizations are located is heterogeneous and highly differentiated with leadership
ranging from a local level of involvement to broader international contacts; they may be highly
In the last forty years, Brazil has seen a significant increase in civil rights and
environmental organizations to the detriment of religion, health, education and research, and
sports and recreation associations. This increase in civil rights and environmental mobilization is
due to an outstanding role in democratization of Brazilian politics, bringing forth new issues,
subject matters, and forms of representation and political activity. This is not necessarily a bad
thing. Brazil is moving in the direction of authentic democracy and civil rights are key to this
endeavor; however, it is putting a strain on other important values in the reform of civil
society—requiring the action of the federal government to intervene and calling for innovation
In Brazil, one in every eight children suffers from malnutrition, with numbers
anonymous article in the Bulletin of the World Health Organization in 2003 stated Brazil’s high
about 10% for the country as a whole, in slums and other poor areas in the interior of north-
eastern Brazil it is between 40% and 60%” (Anonymous, p. 230). Here, it is important to
distinguish between hunger and malnutrition; the fact that a child is fed does not necessarily
mean that he/she is receiving the proper nutrients to grow properly and stay healthy through
adulthood. In fact, the roots of malnutrition stem from other factors such as parental
unemployment, inadequate social networks, poor education, pitiable housing and living
standards, limited access to healthcare, and unhealthy eating habits of the family. The entire
incomes or supplying nutrient-rich food (Ashoka.org). Gisela Solymos understood the deep
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roots of this complex issue, and being the social entrepreneur she is—decided to do something
about it.
Bill Drayton, founder of Ashoka, famously stated “social entrepreneurs are not content
to just give a fish, or teach how to fish. They will not rest until they have revolutionized the
fishing industry” (Hatcher, Week 15). Social entrepreneurship, according to Martin and Osberg
this unjust equilibrium, and forging a new, stable equilibrium ensuring a better future for
society at large (Hatcher, Week 15). Bill Drayton broke down the question of whether someone
quality, social impact of the idea, and ethical fiber (Bornstein, 2007, p. 121). Drayton must have
decided that Gisela Solymos fit his criteria; she became an Ashoka fellow in 2012 for her work in
Brazil as a social entrepreneur tackling poverty and malnutrition, though she was previously
Gisela Maria Bernades Solymos was born the daughter of a Hungarian father and
Brazilian mother. She has been quoted saying that she inherited her father’s desire for
“achieving the infinite” (Ashoka.org). Since she was a child she craved to learn about the world
around her and the people within it. As a teenager, she joined a group of young people working
in a favela and upon realizing the deplorable circumstances the impoverished faced, decided to
pursue psychology. She graduated with her bachelor’s degree in 1987 and obtained her
Masters in School Psychology and Human Development from the University of Sao Paolo. After
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graduation, Solymos became fascinated with children with learning disabilities; she gave private
lessons and eventually opened a private clinic to treat them. This was short-lived, however, due
to financial crisis and Solymos had to close her office and discontinue her work. She then
It was during her time as a field researcher in the Vila Mariana Favela, surveying the
socioeconomic and nutritional conditions of residents, that Solymos and the rest of her
community, Solymos and her research team went from house to house questioning families on
their healthcare needs. This ranged anywhere from emergency care to prenatal care to
everyday activities such as breastfeeding and nutrition. It was this service in the community and
her immense sensitivity to the conditions of those in the favelas and the issue of poverty that
inspired her to launch the Centre for Nutritional Recovery and Education (Ashoka.org). Since
then, she has acquired her doctorate in Psychiatry and Medical Psychology through the Federal
The Centre for Nutritional Recovery and Education (CREN) was established by Solymos
in 1992 (Schwabfound.org). The center has pioneered new methods for tackling malnutrition
and has become an international reference in nutritional education and the treatment of
primary nutritional disorders (CREN.org). Rather than approaching the problem of malnutrition
through hospitalization or strictly clinical services, CREN seeks to address the problem through
a holistic education method which entails conventional examinations, but then engages a
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child’s entire family in the treatment process through home visits and training workshops
(Schwabfound.org). Gisela Solymos understands through her many years of experience in the
favelas of Brazil and her work in psychology that the solution to an elaborate problem like
nutrition cannot be predicated solely on the increase of a family’s income or a family’s access to
care, and a semi-boarding day hospital with the assistance of the federal Family Health
Program. In fact, governmental partnerships made up 77% of CREN’s funding in 2015. This state
involvement is key in understanding where the need for nutritional education comes into
Brazil’s civil society and overall values as a nation on the macro level. Due to the increased
interest in civil rights and environmental issues, Brazilians as individuals are donating less to
organizations like Solymos’. Donations only make up another 8% of revenue, and special
projects constitute the last 15%. The organization also works through a partnership with the
Federal University of Sao Paolo, though it is considered an independent entity from Unifesp
(CREN.org).
Impact
“At CREN, the impact surpasses the reversal of clinical symptoms. The individual’s
condition changes, their surroundings and their attitude [towards] life are objects of
transformation” (CREN.org). Since its establishment in Sao Paolo in 1992, the Centre for
Nutritional Recovery and Education has had an impressive record of success and impact,
including but not limited to: 132,000 children treated, 1.445 million meals served, 33,000
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parents and professionals trained, 8,620 home visits, and a whopping 3.29 million people have
In January 2003, new Brazilian President Luís Inácio Lula de Silva announced his Zero
Hunger initiative which included Gisela Solymos’ work at the Centre for Nutritional Recovery
and Education (Anonymous). In the anonymous article, Solymos is quoted having identified
health problems caused or made more severe by child malnutrition and pointed out that lack of
appropriate treatment can lead to chronic degenerative diseases in adulthood (p. 230).
Knowing that the Brazilian President of the time was consulting with Solymos, among other
health professionals, speaks to her presence in the field of nutritional recovery research and
In conclusion, Brazil’s third sector, though initially stunted by a partnership between the
state and the Catholic Church, is growing in an unprecedented manner concerning many issues.
The greatest increase, however, has been in civil rights and environmental organizations most
recently, which is proving to the detriment of funding by individual donors of health, education,
and research. Fortunately, the state is stepping in and innovators within the social sector are
working to correct this injustice. Gisela Maria Bernades Solymos is one such social entrepreneur
that is using her creativity, entrepreneurial quality, and ethical fiber to impact Brazil and its
References
Anonymous. (2003). Brazil mobilizes for a war to save lives. Bulletin of the World Health
Baiocchi, G., Heller, P., & Silva, M. K. (2008). Making space for civil society: Institutional reforms
and local democracy in brazil. Social Forces, 86(3), 911-936. Retrieved from http://ulib.
iupui.edu/cgi-bin/proxy.pl?url=http://search-proquest-com.proxy.ulib.uits.iu.edu/
docview/229893056?accountid=7398
Bornstein, D. (2007). Are they possessed, really possessed, by an idea?. In D. Bornstein (Eds.),
How to change the world: Social entrepreneurs and the power of new ideas (pp. 120-
Landim, L. (1997). NGOs and philanthropy in Latin America: the Brazilian case. Voluntas. 8(4):
351-370. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02354208
Salamon, L. et al. (1999). Global Civil Society: Dimensions of the Nonprofit Sector (pp. 393-410).
Baltimore, Maryland: The Johns Hopkins Center for Civil Society Studies.
Sievers, B. R. (2010). Civil society, philanthropy, and the fate of the commons. Medford, MA:
Autonomy