Caste, Hindutva stantly kept ignited.

Statues of Shivaji and

Rana Pratap have been installed in all
cities during the last three decades incul-

and Hideousness cating poison of Hindutva against ‘others’

[Togadiya 2000].
Rioting is an act of mob. Pogrom and
genocide are not. But they cannot be carried
The Hindutva movement has made serious attempts to forge a unity out without mob support. The strength of
among Hindus, without disturbing the relative power relations the mob varies from hundred to five thou-
sands and few cases number is larger. All
among the castes. The Sangh parivar, for all its rhetoric on participants of the mobs do not indulge
upliftment of the dalits, hardly ever raises a voice against caste- in looting, destroying and burning prop-
based discrimination or atrocities against dalits. This ambivalent erty and killing. On the basis of my ob-
attitude has led to considerable disenchantment and confusion servations of 1969, 1973 and 1992 in
among the dalits which is exacerbated during times of tension. Gujarat I submit that mobs in such situ-
ation are of four types of actors. The
organisers who meticulously prepare plans
GHANSHYAM SHAH that they are apostles (‘upasak’) of ‘shakti’ and evolve strategies. Many of them are
– the worshippers of Maha-Shakti with not on the site. They also chart out route

D
alits and shudras, particularly other
backward castes (OBCs) consti-
tute the overwhelming majority of
the population in Gujarat. Nearly 70 per
cent of the workforce of these social groups
are casual labourers and ‘self-employed’;
and 20 per cent are white collar employees
in cities. This essay attempts to probe and
contextualise their role in the present
communal carnage and a response to press
coverage and observations of some scholar
activists regarding ‘large scale’ participa-
tion of dalits and OBCs in rioting, looting
and killing.
Soon after the ghastly communal car-
nage in Surat in 1992, a proportion of the
Hindus expressed intense ‘communal con-
sciousness’. They took positions of ‘we’
vs ‘they’ and considered their community
to be superior to others. But the majority
of them were not active participants in the
riots [Shah 1994].
Inter caste and community stereotypes
are widely prevalent in all societies. Gujarat
is no exception. The process of hardening
of stereotypes began with discourse on
religion-centred nationalism. What we are
witnessing now is its ugly face. This has
been intelligently built up and in Gujarat,
since the 1965 Indo-Pak war on the Kutch
border. It was coupled with the gau-raksha,
i e, anti-cow slaughter campaign. The first
major planned large-scale communal riots
followed. Since then the fear psychosis
and sense of injustice among the majority
community has been constantly whipped
up. The myth that Muslims were favoured
by the state has been systematically articu-
lated and spread. Time and again, Mus-
lims have been branded as anti-national,
fundamentalist, conservative and back-
ward, and so on. The Hindus are reminded
trisul in the hands of Shiva, sudarshan in
the hands of Krishna, bow and arrow in
the hands of Ram. Hindus are cajoled to
take arms against the enemies [Atmanand
1982]. They are reminded that weakness,
timidity, unmanliness are great sins and
bravery and masculinity are great punya,
i e, virtues. Such interpretation of Hindu-
ism have been systematically spread
through informal conversation, rumours,
public lectures, children’s comic books,
printed and audio-visual media by all units
of the parivar. Newspapers and journals,
‘kathas’ of the religious saints, booklets
and other forms of popular literature
orchestrated the same message. Violence
in the present riots has been publicly
applauded by VHP leaders [Bhatt 2002].
The testing of nuclear bombs by India and
Pakistan, the Kargil war, the September
11 holocaust in the US, and the December
attack on Indian Parliament, frequent
terrorist acts in Jammu and Kashmir and
constant live bomb of Ram Janmabhoomi
add fuel to fire. A carnage like the Godhra
one inflames passions. During the last
seven years the state has patronised and
institutionalised anti minority activities
by Sangh parivar.
On the other hand, overall traditional
ethical values of honesty, harmony,
tolerance and mutual dialogue in public
domain are getting eroded with rising
corruption in all fields of life and
criminalisation of politics. The proponents
of Hindutva were jubilant in 1969 riots
that it was their ‘victory over Muslims’.
They felt that the riots offered them an
opportunity to teach Muslims a lesson and
avenge the historical defeat of Prithviraj
at the hands of Mohamad Gauri [Shah
1970]. The past real or imaginary is con-
for the attacks in different localities. VHP
leaders had admitted that the list identi-
fying Muslims was prepared on the 28th
morning. The organisers are primarily the
top rank leaders. The majority of them
happen to be brahmins. And more impor-
tant, they subscribe to the brahminical
ideology of varna system. The second set
of actors are the skilled and experienced
personnel constituting brigade. They have
mastered the craft of breaking shutters and
doors, pulling down ceilings and walls,
using electrical devices for setting fire and
burning people, using swords and other
weapons. In the present riots gas cylinders
and other chemicals were used to destroy
property. They function in a group of 10
to 20 with all the necessary equipment.
The leaders of the group (more than one)
are committed ‘Hindutvavadis’ believing
that they are performing their dharma and
are trained like all terrorists, be they Mus-
lim or Christian fundamentalists. For them,
their caste or other identity is not impor-
tant, though it would seem that the ma-
jority of them belong to upper and middle
castes. The rest are the professional goons
routinely involved in criminal activities.
They are called and mobilised by the
organisers who provide patronage and
political protection. H who actively par-
ticipated in the 1969 and 1973 riots in
Ahmedabad told us, “By now I have done
all sorts of business. There is no red-light
area between Bombay and Ahmedabad
which I have not visited…I use to gamble
and live on it…I believe there is nothing
wrong in killing people.” At that time he
was 25 years of old and had passed his MA
with psychology. He was bania by caste
and son of stockbroker. He was closed to
Jan Sangh [Shah 1974]. The number of

Economic and Political Weekly April 13, 2002 1391

such hooligans has increased manyfold in
Gujarat with the rise of unemployment,
casualisation of labour and criminalisation
of politics. They are from all social groups:
upper and middle castes, dalits and OBCs
including Gujaratis and non-Gujaratis.
The third component comprises agent
provocateurs engaged in spreading
rumours, shouting slogans, instigating and
directing mobs. They are activists of the
various outfits of the Sangh parivar. They
are not more than five in the crowd of 50.
Their number multiplies with the size of
the mob. In many places they are accom-
panied with professionals like doctors and
advocates, social activists active members
of the parivar. The fourth segment consists
of ‘other’ participants who, in the charged
atmosphere loose individual identity and
submerge with mob. Their number increase
and their fear disappears when they find
that they were not prevented by law and
order machinery. During the present riots
they were encouraged by police for looting
at several places. They belong to all castes
depending upon locality. In the posh and
middle class neighbourhood they are from
upper and middle castes, local as well as
outsiders. The composition is different in
working class localities. Persons belong-
ing to OBCs, dalits and non-Gujarati
immigrant are found in large number. Some
also participate in looting, throwing stones,
burning property and sometimes assisting
in physical assaults. Their involvement in
hideous act however is rare. All the par-
ticipants are not necessarily anti-Muslims.
For instance, Sanjay 38 years old, from
OBC joined the mob in Naroda Patia,
Ahmedabad on the 28th noon. He went
there to see what was happening. People
were throwing stones on mosque and
Muslim bastis and shouting anti-Muslim
slogans. He too was angry about the
Godhara incident that “our people were
brutally burnt”. Out of anger he also joined
the mob throwing stones on the mosque.
The same person after three hours rescued
15 Muslims and sheltered them for three
days under great risk. He was helped by
his neighbours. Take another example.
Ramesh 18 years old, from an upper caste
in Baroda saw a crowd on the street. He
went there out of curiosity. His friends
were throwing patrol bombs (bottle filled
with patrol). He did not know who sup-
plied the bombs. His neighbour gave him
the bomb and asked him to throw it. He
did. He was upset when he came to know
that they were trying to kill Muslims of
adjoining locality. During the curfew he
1392
and his younger brother went to the tar-
geted Muslim locality to see Karim Chacha
for of whom they were very fond. A number
of persons told us that their Muslim friends
were nice and kind “but Muslims are bad
and cannot be trusted”. On the onslaught
of the propaganda, they are unable to
differentiate their personal experiences with
the rumours.
Dalits, OBCs and Hinduism
The major challenge for the proponents
of Hindutva is to build unity among all
Hindus without disturbing dominance of
the upper castes and class. The Bharat
Sevashram and Hindu Milan Mandir, outfit
of Hindu Mahasabha launched in 1920s
have been more active in Gujarat since
1970s. Besides undertaking activities to
unite various sects and organising reli-
gious festivals, they carry out welfare and
relief measures for the poor. The main
thrust of these organisations is to build
unity and harmony among the upper and
lower castes. They reject the notion that
Sudras occupy an inferior and degraded
position, though they do not reject the
caste system. Cooperation and unity of
upper and lower castes for the protection
of the Hindu dharma and Hindu samaj is
called for. Hindutva consciousness and
Hindu inspiration are the starting point for
the realisation of power necessary for the
self protection of Hindus. According to
these organisations, the low caste Hindus
is the most hardworking, strong and able
to bear much suffering. “Because of their
numerical strength, they are truly the spinal
code of Hindu ‘jati’ (race). Lakhs and
crores of these people are getting disas-
sociated from Hindu samaj because they
are humiliated and looked down upon. As
a result, Hindu jati is becoming weak and
powerless” [Atmanand op cit]. They are
the real kshatriyas who protected the Hindu
samaj in the ancient period against all
calamities, aggressions and shocks. The
Hindu jati can become strong only by
uplifting them in moral, good behaviour,
education and other fields. It is the respon-
sibility of the upper caste members to
‘reform’ them for their own protection and
protection of Hindu samaj. Vishawa Hindu
Parishad (VHP) also subscribes the above
theory. The Vishava Hindu Samachar, the
organ of VHP, edited by K K Shastry,
former president of Gujarati Sahitya Sabha
often exhorts its readers: “All Hindus
should unite against ‘vidharmis’ (people
of other religions)… ‘Savarna’ (upper castes)
Economic and Political Weekly
Hindus should now become alert and not
widen the gap between the castes. They
must compromise with the dalits…”
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh,
(RSS) emphasises unity and harmony
among all Hindus irrespective of castes.
Accordingly to them the caste system is
based on ‘scientific’ principles. The pre-
vailing discriminations are distortion.
Deendayal Upadhya argued in his widely
read book among the Sangh volunteers,
Integral Humanism, “In our concept of
four castes (Varna), they are thought of as
analogous to the different limbs of Virat-
Purush [the primeval man] […]. These
limbs are not only complementary to one
another, but even further, there is individu-
ality, unity. There is complete identity of
interests, identity of belonging […]”
[Jaffrelot 1998].
RSS has floated the organisation
‘Samajik Samrasata Manch’ (SSM), i e,
Social Assimilation Platform, to attract
Ambedkarists and other dalits for the
purpose of developing Hindu unity.
Hedgewar, SSM quotes did not support
caste and class divisions. The prevailing
divisions should be ignored. ‘We are one’.
He emphasised: “We are all Hindus, Where
is untouchability? Today we have only one
varna and jati that is Hindu.” According
to the proponents of the SSM, the central
thrust of Ambedkar’s ideology is dharma.
He was a strong critic of brahmin caste
who exploited society in the name of
religion. But that was, according to a RSS
leader the fault of brahmins and not of
religion. Ambedkar’s views on Pakistan
are twisted to show that he was against
Muslims. It has been argued that he adopted
Buddhism and not Islam or Christianity
because he feared those religions would
make people anti-national [Dhengadi
1993]. The RSS has recently published a
book by a dalit swayamsevak who asserts
that he had not experienced any discrimi-
nation in the organisation. The foreword
of the book is written by another dalit who
is the editor of Sadhana, mouth-organ of
Gujarat RSS. He observes by citing his
experiences, that Gandhians and Congress
leaders practice discrimination, but he had
no such experience within RSS in the last
20 years [Patange undated].
After the 1969 riots, RSS ‘shakhas’ (units)
increased from less than 30 to 45 in 1973.
Now they have reached to over 1,500 and
are aiming at a target of 2000 in the next
three years. Besides shakhas, RSS organises
health relief and income generation wel-
fare programmes on a regular basis in more
April 13, 2002
than 200 locations in the state. It has adopted
few villages for ‘total development’.
Though RSS claims that it does not en-
courage rituals various activities carried
out by the organisation are not free from
them. VHP and other outfits also under-
take several welfare programmes involving
upper caste professionals like doctors and
teachers for philanthropic work for the
poor. They also often coordinate their func-
tions with other sects like Swaminarayan,
Swadhayay, Gayatri Pariwar, Pustimargis
and also occasionally caste organisations.
Despite all efforts, in normal times Hindu
identity has not superseded caste identity
[Shah 1974]. The BJP like the Congress
distributes election tickets on caste lines
and reinforces caste-based divisions in the
election campaign. The Sangh parivar hardly
raises a voice against discrimination and
atrocities against OBCs and dalits in Gujarat.
Their journals do not report such incidents.
RSS believes that the true swayamsevak
refrains from finding fault with the samaj.
He has to remember constantly that “We
Hindus are one” [Shah 1974].
There are a number of sects or individual
saints which try to build unity among castes
within Hinduism. They came into existence
at different points of time. They are critical
of superstitions and ‘irrational’ rituals
practised by other sects. Though some of
them favour the caste system, they are
critical of untouchability. Sachchidanand,
one of the radical Hindu saints works for
the eradication of degraded status of back-
ward and dalit castes. Being the strong
critic of caste, the varna system and un-
touchability, he asks “How can Varna-
based Sanskriti, i e, culture and heritage,
be beneficial to all sudras, ati-sudras, un-
touchables and women?” [Sachchidanand
1988]. He has been acclaimed as Narmad,
the father of the Gujarati ‘renaissance’, for
his social reform and literary work. The
swadhyay opposes caste system. But at the
same time it supports the ‘chaturvana’
system. According to Athavale, the founder
of the sect, the ‘chaturvarna’ system cre-
ated by Shri Krishna has no hierarchical
differences of low and high. It is materi-
alist arrangement for distribution of occu-
pations so that people need not have to
worry about their bread and shelter. He
repeatedly emphasises that “no man born
on this earth is lowly and degraded”. The
sect highlights self dignity, dignity of
labour, individual identity, culture and
devotion. It has motivated persons from
upper castes to work for the lower castes.
The swadhayay has large following among
Economic and Political Weekly April 13, 2002
OBCs such as machchis, kharvas, kolis,
vagharis, dalits and adivasis. Though in
their routine discourse these sects do not
discuss Hindutva ideology and programmes
of the Sangh parivar, their reconstruction
of history is not substantially different than
the later [Shah 1994]. The Swaminarayan
Sect which started in the early 19th century
does not talk about nationalism and rastra.
All the above-mentioned sects keep a dis-
tance from electoral politics neither sup-
porting nor opposing the BJP or Congress.
They did not support Ram Janmabhoomi
campaign. However during the last 10 years
they have begun to praise and support the
activities of the RSS for raising Hindu
consciousness (various issues of Sadhana).
None of them expressed even grief for the
large-scale killing in the present riots.
Gujarat does not have significant number
of radical groups – Hindu Left, Gandhians,
liberals, socialists, etc. It has not witnessed
an anti-brahmin or backward caste move-
ment. Some religious sects mobilised
backward castes with a view to sanskritise
social customs. Since the early 20th century
several OBCs have followed the path of
sanskritisation for their upward mobility.
A section of the kolis of central and north
Gujarat claim for kshatriya status. In course
of time they began to don the scared thread
at the Vedic rite of Upanayana. Mytholo-
gies for honour and insult are created and
religious rituals of the rajput are imitated.1
In the 1950s and 1960s the Gujarat
Kshatriya Sabha reinforced and legitimised
their sentiments of being kashatriya. Caste
as well as Hindu consciousness was in-
voked. Symbols like the sword, trisul, and
swastika are deployed to really members
not only around caste but simultaneously
around Hinduism. They perceive these as
emblematic of their identity.
Some sections of dalits also followed the
sanskritisation path. Under the influence
of Gandhi they kept distance from
Ambedkar’s struggles. However with
growth of urban middle class and rising
atrocities against dalits influence of
Ambedkar’s ideology began to attract
younger generation of dalits in the seven-
ties. The movement of Dalit Panther grew.
Though conversion to Buddhism has not
spread, assertion for rights and dignity
increased. Occasionally they joined hands
with other oppressed groups. But during
the last 10 years the movement is at low
ebb. Middle class dalits do assert for
individual rights but collective actions are
absent. They do not link their problems
with those of the rural dalits who are often
victims of atrocities and blatant discrimi-
nation. Several dalit leaders have tried to
intervene in the present riots and provided
protection to some Muslims. But this has
remained on a small scale with localised
impact in few localities. Valjibhai Patel,
the leader of Dalit Panther who lead sev-
eral dalit struggles, in the mid-1960s feels
lonely and deserted. He laments that, “With
this new generation it seems everything
has changed. They have forgotten resis-
tance against injustice and atrocities…In
order to increase the capacity for assertion
Babasaheb taught us to get educated. But
now its outcome is opposite. Education
has come and it has created huge battalions
of armed-chair intellectuals. Their capac-
ity for retaliation and assertion has de-
clined. Sensitivity is replaced by thick skin.
Careerist approach, selfishness and mindset
for compromise and adjustment have
destroyed the dalit movement. So called
dalit leaders and organisations have almost
become captive of political leaders...” [Patel
1999]. Many secular minded individuals
share this agony. -29
Note
1 Caste Association and Political Process in
Gujarat by Ghanshyam Shah, Popular
Prakashan, Bombay. Also, Gietel Steed, ‘Notes
To an Approach to a Study of Personality
Formation in Hindu Village in Gujarat’,
American Anthropologist 57 (3) June 1955.
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